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Mufti

A mufti (مفتي, ) is an Islamic jurist qualified to issue a nonbinding opinion (fatwa) on a point of Islamic law (sharia). The act of issuing fatwas is called iftāʾ. Muftis and their fatwas played an important role throughout Islamic history, taking on new roles in the modern era.

Tracing its origins to the Quran and early Islamic communities, the practice of ifta crystallized with the emergence of the traditional legal theory and schools of Islamic jurisprudence (madhahib). In the classical legal system, fatwas issued by muftis in response to private queries served to inform Muslim populations about Islam, advise courts on difficult points of Islamic law, and elaborate substantive law. In later times, muftis also issued public and political fatwas that took a stand on doctrinal controversies, legitimized government policies or articulated grievances of the population.

Traditionally, a mufti was seen as a scholar of upright character who possessed a thorough knowledge of the Quran, hadith and legal literature. Muftis acted as independent scholars in the classical legal system. Over the centuries, Sunni muftis were gradually incorporated into state bureaucracies, while Shia jurists in Iran progressively asserted an autonomous authority starting from the early modern era.

With the spread of codified state laws and Western-style legal education in the modern Muslim world, muftis generally no longer play their traditional role of clarifying and elaborating the laws applied in courts. However, muftis have continued to advise the general public on other aspects of sharia, particularly questions regarding religious rituals and everyday life. Some modern muftis are appointed by the state to issue fatwas, while others serve on advisory religious councils. Still others issue fatwas in response to private queries on television or over the internet. Modern public fatwas have addressed and sometimes sparked controversies in the Muslim world and beyond.

The legal methodology of modern ifta often diverges from pre-modern practice. While the proliferation of contemporary fatwas attests to the importance of Islamic authenticity to many Muslims, little research has been done to determine to what extent the Muslim public continues to acknowledge the religious authority of muftis or heeds their advice.

Terminology
The word mufti comes from the Arabic root f-t-y, whose meanings include "youth, newness, clarification, explanation." A number of related terms derive from the same root. A mufti's response is called a fatwa. The person who asks a mufti for a fatwa is known as mustafti. The act of issuing fatwas is called iftāʾ. The term futyā refers to soliciting and issuing fatwas.

Origins
The origins of muftis and the fatwa can be traced back to the Quran. On a number of occasions, the Quranic text instructs the Islamic prophet Muhammad how to respond to questions from his followers regarding religious and social practices. Several of these verses begin with the phrase "When they ask you concerning ..., say ..." In two cases (4:127, 4:176) this is expressed with verbal forms of the root f-t-y, which signify asking for or giving an authoritative answer. In the hadith literature, this three-way relationship between God, Muhammad, and believers, is typically replaced by a two-way consultation, in which Muhammad replies directly to queries from his Companions (sahaba).

According to Islamic doctrine, with Muhammad's death in 632, God ceased to communicate with mankind through revelation and prophets. At that point, the rapidly expanding Muslim community turned to Muhammad's Companions, as the most authoritative voices among them, for religious guidance, and some of them are reported to have issued pronouncements on a wide range of subjects. The generation of Companions was in turn replaced in that role by the generation of Successors (tabi'un). The institution of ifta thus developed in Islamic communities under a question-and-answer format for communicating religious knowledge, and took on its definitive form with development of the classical theory of Islamic law. By the 8th century CE, muftis became recognized as legal experts who elaborated Islamic law and clarified its application to practical issues arising in the Islamic community.

Mufti's activity (iftāʾ)

The legal theory of the ifta was formulated in the classical texts of usul al-fiqh (principles of jurisprudence), while more practical guidelines for muftis were found in manuals called adab al-mufti or adab al-fatwa (etiquette of the mufti/fatwa).

A mufti's fatwa is issued in response to a query. Fatwas can range from a simple yes/no answer to a book-length treatise. A short fatwa may state a well-known point of law in response to a question from a lay person, while a "major" fatwa may give a judgment on an unprecedented case, detailing the legal reasoning behind the decision. Queries to muftis were supposed to address real and not hypothetical situations and be formulated in general terms, leaving out names of places and people. Since a mufti was not supposed to inquire into the situation beyond the information included in the query, queries regarding contentious matters were often carefully constructed to elicit the desired response. A mufti's understanding of the query commonly depended on their grasp of local customs and colloquial expressions. In theory, if the query was unclear or not sufficiently detailed for a ruling, the mufti was supposed to state these caveats in their response. Muftis often consulted another mufti on difficult cases, though this practice was not foreseen by legal theory, which saw futya as a transaction between one qualified jurist and one "unqualified" petitioner.

In theory, a mufti was expected to issue fatwas free of charge. In practice, muftis commonly received support from the public treasury, public endowments or private donations. Taking of bribes was forbidden. Until the 11th or 12th century, the vast majority of jurists held other jobs to support themselves. These were generally lower- and middle-class professions such as tanning, manuscript copying or small trade.

Role of muftis
The classical institution of ifta is similar to jus respondendi in Roman law and the responsa in Jewish law.

Muftis have played three important roles in the classical legal system:
 * managing information about Islam by providing legal advice to Muslim populations as well as counseling them in matters of ritual and ethics;
 * advising courts of law on finer points of Islamic law, in response to queries from judges;
 * elaborating substantive Islamic law, particularly though a genre of legal literature developed by author-jurists who collected fatwas of prominent muftis and integrated them into books.

Islamic doctrine regards the practice of ifta as a collective obligation (farḍ al-kifāya), which must be discharged by some members of the community. Before the rise of modern schools, the study of law was a centerpiece of advanced education in the Islamic world. A relatively small class of legal scholars controlled the interpretation of sharia on a wide range of questions essential to the society, ranging from ritual to finance. It was considered a requirement for qualified jurists to communicate their knowledge through teaching or issuing fatwas. The ideal mufti was conceived as an individual of scholarly accomplishments and exemplary morals, and muftis were generally approached with the respect and deference corresponding to these expectations.

Judges generally sought an opinion from a mufti with higher scholarly authority than themselves for difficult cases or potentially controversial verdicts. Fatwas were routinely upheld in courts, and if a fatwa was disregarded, it was usually because another fatwa supporting a different position was judged to be more convincing. If a party in a dispute was not able to obtain a fatwa supporting their position, they would be unlikely to pursue their case in court, opting for informal mediation instead, or abandoning their claim altogether. Sometimes muftis could be petitioned for a fatwa relating to a court judgement that has already been passed, acting as an informal appeals process, but the extent of this practice and its mechanism varied across history. While in most of the Islamic world judges were not required to consult muftis by any political authority, in Muslim Spain this practice was mandatory, so that a judicial decision was considered invalid without prior approval by a legal specialist.

Author-jurists collected fatwas by muftis of high scholarly reputation and abstracted them into concise formulations of legal norms for the benefit of judges, giving a summary of jurisprudence for a particular madhhab (legal school). Author-jurists sought out fatwas that reflected the social conditions of their time and place, often opting for later legal opinions which were at variance with the doctrine of early authorities. Research by Wael Hallaq and Baber Johansen has shown that the rulings of muftis collected in these volumes could, and sometimes did, have a significant impact on the development of Islamic law.

During the early centuries of Islam, the roles of mufti, author-jurist and judge were not mutually exclusive. A jurist could lead a teaching circle, conduct a fatwa session, and adjudicate court cases in a single day, devoting his night hours to writing a legal treatise. Those who were able to act in all four capacities were regarded as the most accomplished jurists.

Qualifications of a mufti

The basic prerequisite for issuing fatwas under the classical legal theory was religious knowledge and piety. According to the adab al-mufti manuals, a mufti must be an adult, Muslim, trusted and reliable, of good character and sound mind, an alert and rigorous thinker, trained as a jurist, and not a sinner. On a practical level, the stature of muftis derived from their reputation for scholarly expertise and upright character. Issuing of fatwas was among the most demanding occupations in medieval Islam and muftis were among the best educated religious scholars of their time.

According to legal theory, it was up to each mufti to decide when he was ready to practice. In practice, an aspiring jurist would normally study for several years with one or several recognized scholars, following a curriculum that included Arabic grammar, hadith, law and other religious sciences. The teacher would decide when the student was ready to issue fatwas by giving him a certificate (ijaza).

During the first centuries of Islam, it was assumed that a mufti was a mujtahid, i.e., a jurist who is capable of deriving legal rulings directly from the scriptural sources through independent reasoning (ijtihad), evaluating the reliability of hadith and applying or even developing the appropriate legal methodologies. Starting from around 1200 CE, legal theorists began to accept that muftis of their time may not possess the knowledge and legal skill to perform this activity. In addition, it was felt that the major question of jurisprudence had already been addressed by master jurists of earlier times, so that later muftis only had to follow the legal opinions established within their legal school (taqlid). At that point, the notions of mufti and mujtahid became distinguished, and legal theorists classified jurists into three or more levels of competence.

Unlike the post of qadi, which is reserved for men in the classical sharia system, fatwas could be issued by qualified women as well as men. In practice, the vast majority of jurists who completed the lengthy curriculum in linguistic and religious sciences required to obtain the qualification to issue fatwas were men. Slaves and persons who were blind or mute were likewise theoretically barred from the post of a judge, but not that of mufti.

Mufti vs. judge
The mufti and the judge play different roles in the classical sharia system, with corresponding differences between a fatwa and a qada (court decision):

 * A fatwa is nonbinding, while a court decision is binding and enforceable.
 * A fatwa may deal with rituals, ethical questions, religious doctrines and sometimes even philosophical issues, while court cases dealt with legal matters in the narrow sense.
 * The authority of a court judgment applies only to the specific court case, while a fatwa applies to all cases that fit the premises of the query.
 * A fatwa is made on the basis of information provided in the request, while a judge actively investigates the facts of the case.
 * A judge evaluates rival claims of two parties in a dispute in order to reach a verdict, while a fatwa is made on the basis of information provided by a single petitioner.
 * Fatwas by prominent jurists were collected in books as sources of precedent, while court decisions were entered into court registers, but not otherwise disseminated.
 * While both muftis and judges were interpreters of sharia, judicial interpretation centered on evaluating evidence such as testimony and oath, while a mufti investigated textual sources of law (scripture and legal literature).
 * In the classical legal system, judges were civil servants appointed by the ruler, while muftis were private scholars and not appointed officials.

Institutions

Before the 11th century CE, anyone who possessed scholarly recognition as an Islamic jurist could issue fatwas. Starting around that time, however, the public office of mufti began to appear alongside the private issuing of fatwas. In Khurasan, the rulers appointed a head of the local ulama, called shaykh al-Islam, who also functioned as the chief mufti. The Mamluks appointed four muftis, one for each of the four Sunni madhhabs, to the appeals courts of provincial capitals. The Ottomans organized muftis into a hierarchical bureaucracy with a chief mufti of the empire called shaykh al-islam at the top. The Ottoman shaykh al-Islam (Turkish: şeyhülislam), was among the most powerful state officials. Scribes reviewed queries directed to Ottoman muftis and rewrote them to facilitate issuing of fatwas. In Mughal India and Safavid Iran the chief mufti had the title of sadr.

For the first few centuries of Islam, muftis were educated in informal study circles, but beginning in the 11th and 12th centuries, the ruling elites began to establish institutions of higher religious learning known as madrasas in an effort to secure support and cooperation of the ulema (religious scholars). Madrasas, which were primarily devoted to the study of law, soon multiplied throughout the Islamic world, helping to spread Islamic learning beyond urban centers and to unite diverse Islamic communities in a shared cultural project.

In some states, such as Muslim Spain, muftis were assigned to courts in advisory roles. In Muslim Spain jurists also sat on a shura (council) advising the ruler. Muftis were additionally appointed to other public functions, such as market inspectors.

In Shia Islam
While the office of the mufti was gradually subsumed into the state bureaucracy in much of the Sunni Muslim world, Shia religious establishment followed a different path in Iran starting from the early modern era. During Safavid rule, independent Islamic jurists (mujtahids) claimed the authority to represent the hidden imam. Under the usuli doctrine that prevailed among Twelver Shias in the 18th century and under the Qajar dynasty, the mujtahids further claimed to act collectively as deputies of the imam. According to this doctrine, all Muslims are supposed to follow a high-ranking living mujtahid bearing the title of marja' al-taqlid, whose fatwas are considered binding, unlike fatwas in Sunni Islam. Thus, in contrast to Sunni muftis, Shia mujtahids gradually achieved increasing independence from the state.

Public and political fatwas
While most fatwas were delivered to an individual or a judge, some fatwas that were public or political in nature played an important role in religious legitimation, doctrinal disputes, political criticism, or political mobilization. As muftis were progressively incorporated into government bureaucracies in the course of Islamic history, they were often expected to support government policies. Ottoman sultans regularly sought fatwas from the chief mufti for administrative and military initiatives, including fatwas sanctioning jihad against Mamluk Egypt and Safavid Iran. Fatwas by the Ottoman chief mufti were also solicited by the rulers to legitimize new social and economic practices, such as financial and penal laws enacted outside of sharia, printing of nonreligious books (1727) and vaccination (1845).

At other times muftis wielded their influence independently of the ruler, and several Ottoman and Moroccan sultans were deposed by a fatwa. This happened, for example, to the Ottoman sultan Murad V on the grounds of his insanity. Public fatwas were also used to dispute doctrinal matters, and in some case to proclaim that certain groups or individuals who professed to be Muslim were to be excluded from the Islamic community (a practice known as takfir). In both political and scholarly sphere, doctrinal controversies between different states, denominations or centers of learning were accompanied by dueling fatwas. Muftis also acted to counteract the influence of judges and secular functionaries. By articulating grievances and legal rights of the population, public fatwas often prompted an otherwise unresponsive court system to provide redress.

Modern institutions

Under European colonial rule, the institution of dar al-ifta was established in a number of madrasas (law colleges) as a centralized place for issuing of fatwas, and these organizations to a considerable extent replaced independent muftis as religious guides for the general population. Following independence, most Muslim states established national organizations devoted to issuing fatwas. One example is the Egyptian Dar al-Ifta, founded in 1895, which has served to articulate a national vision of Islam through fatwas issued in response to government and private queries. National governments in Muslim-majority countries also instituted councils of senior religious scholars to advise the government on religious matters and issue fatwas. These councils generally form part of the ministry for religious affairs, rather than the justice department, which may have a more assertive attitude toward the executive branch.

While chief muftis of earlier times oversaw a hierarchy of muftis and judges applying traditional jurisprudence, most modern states have adopted European-influenced legal codes and no longer employ traditional judicial procedures or traditionally trained judges. State muftis generally promote a vision of Islam that is compatible with state law of their country.

Although some early theorists argued that muftis should not respond to questions on certain subjects, such as theology, muftis have in practice handled queries relating to a wide range of subjects. This trend continued in modern times, and contemporary state-appointed muftis and institutions for ifta respond to government and private queries on varied issues, including political conflicts, Islamic finance, and medical ethics, contributing to shaping a national Islamic identity.

Muftis in modern times have increasingly relied on the process of ijtihad, i.e. deriving legal rulings based on an independent analysis rather than conformity with the opinions of earlier legal authorities (taqlid). While in the past muftis were associated with a particular school of law (madhhab), in the 20th century many muftis began to assert their intellectual independence from traditional schools of jurisprudence.

Modern media have facilitated cooperative forms to ifta. Networks of muftis are commonly engaged by fatwa websites, so that queries are distributed among the muftis in the network, who still act as individual jurisconsults. In other cases, Islamic jurists of different nationalities, schools of law, and sometimes even denominations (Sunni and Shia), coordinate to issue a joint fatwa, which is expected to command greater authority with the public than individual fatwas. The collective fatwa (sometimes called ijtihād jamāʿī, "collective legal interpretation") is a new historical development, and it is found in such settings as boards of Islamic financial institutions and international fatwa councils.

There exists no international Islamic authority to settle differences in interpretation of Islamic law. An International Islamic Fiqh Academy was created by the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, but its legal opinions are not binding.

Role in politics
In the modern era, public "fatwa wars" have reflected political controversies in the Muslim world, from anti-colonial struggles to the Gulf War of the 1990s, when muftis in some countries issued fatwas supporting collaboration with the US-led coalition, while muftis from other countries endorsed the Iraqi call for jihad against the US and its collaborators.

During the era of Western colonialism, some muftis issued fatwas seeking to mobilize popular resistance to foreign domination, while others were induced by colonial authorities to issue fatwas supporting accommodation with colonial rule. Muftis also intervened in the political process on many other occasions during the colonial era. For example, in 1904 a fatwa by Moroccan ulema achieved the dismissal of European experts hired by the state, while in 1907 another Moroccan fatwa succeeded in deposing the sultan for failing to defend the state against French aggression. The 1891 tobacco protest fatwa by the Iranian mujtahid Mirza Shirazi, which prohibited smoking as long as the British tobacco monopoly was in effect, also achieved its goals.

Some muftis in the modern era, like the mufti of the Lebanese republic in the mid-20th century and the Grand Mufti of the Sultanate of Oman, were important political leaders. In Iran, Ayatollah Khomeini used proclamations and fatwas to introduce and legitimize a number of institutions, including the Council of the Islamic Revolution and the Iranian Parliament. Khomeini's most publicized fatwa was the proclamation condemning Salman Rushdie to death for his novel The Satanic Verses.

Many militant and reform movements in modern times have disseminated fatwas issued by individuals who do not possess the qualifications traditionally required of a mufti. A famous example is the fatwa issued in 1998 by Osama bin Laden and four of his associates, proclaiming "jihad against Jews and Crusaders" and calling for killing of American civilians. In addition to denouncing its content, many Islamic jurists stressed that bin Laden was not qualified to either issue a fatwa or declare a jihad.

The Amman Message was a statement, signed in 2005 in Jordan by nearly 200 prominent Islamic jurists, which served as a "counter-fatwa" against a widespread use of takfir (excommunication) by jihadist groups to justify jihad against rulers of Muslim-majority countries. The Amman Message recognized eight legitimate schools of Islamic law and prohibited declarations of apostasy against them. The statement also asserted that fatwas can be issued only by properly trained muftis, thereby seeking to delegitimize fatwas issued by militants who lack the requisite qualifications.

Erroneous and sometimes bizarre fatwas issued by unqualified or eccentric individuals acting as muftis has at times given rise to complaints about a "chaos" in the modern practice of ifta.

Role in society

Advances in print media and the rise of the internet have changed the role played by muftis in modern society. In the pre-modern era, most fatwas issued in response to private queries were read only by the petitioner. Early in the 20th century, the Salafi reformist Shafi'i jurist Rashid Rida responded to thousands of queries from around the Muslim world on a variety of social and political topics in the regular fatwa section of his Cairo-based journal Al-Manar. In the late 20th century, when the Grand Mufti of Egypt Sayyid Tantawy issued a fatwa allowing interest banking, the ruling was vigorously debated in the Egyptian press by both religious scholars and lay intellectuals.

In the internet age, a large number of websites have appeared offering fatwas to readers around the world. For example, IslamOnline publishes an archive of "live fatwa" sessions, whose number approached a thousand by 2007, along with biographies of the muftis. Together muftis who issue call-in fatwas during radio shows and satellite television programs, these sites have contributed to the rise of new forms of contemporary ifta. Unlike the concise or technical pre-modern fatwas, fatwas delivered through modern mass media often seek to be more expansive and accessible to the wide public.

As the influence of muftis in the courtroom has declined in modern times, there has been a relative increase in the proportion of fatwas dealing with rituals and further expansion in purely religious areas like Quranic exegesis, creed, and Sufism. Modern muftis issue fatwas on topics as diverse as insurance, sex-change operations, Moon exploration, and beer drinking. In the private sphere, some muftis have begun to resemble social workers, giving advice on various personal issues encountered in everyday life. The vast amount of fatwas produced in the modern world attests to the importance of Islamic authenticity to many Muslims. However, there is little research available to indicate to what extent Muslims acknowledge the authority of muftis and heed their rulings in real life.

title: Mufti


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Peter Gay

 * Move to memorial wiki. RickK 03:41, 10 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Agree with RickK. PMC 03:44, 10 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Memorial and delete -- Cyrius|&#9998 03:47, May 10, 2004 (UTC)
 * Agree, move to memorial and delete. --Stormie 04:14, May 10, 2004 (UTC)
 * Transwiki and delete, and you might like to have a look at whether you agree with Anthony's edits to the policy while you are voting on this one (note that there has also been a major rewrite after these, not by me). Andrewa 06:57, 10 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Move to 9/11 memorial and delete. Wile E. Heresiarch 16:45, 10 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Agree. (RIP Peter) Alcarillo 19:57, 10 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. anthony (see warning)
 * Transwiki and delete. Do we really have to go through this in each and every individual case? Bearcat 02:54, 14 May 2004 (UTC)
 * But please salvage its talk page, which has turned into a useful article on a much more important Peter Gay, holder of the Sterling Chair of History at Yale University. Jmabel 09:26, 14 May 2004 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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Talk:Killer

Disambiquation
I want to make a link to the Finnish band Killer from the disambiquation page. How do I do that when there is already a band named Killer in the list of links? bbx 03:45, 10 May 2004 (UTC)
 * You'll have to decide on an appropriate name for the article (e.g. Killer (Finnish band) ). You don't want to link directly from a disambiguation page to an external page. -- Jmabel 03:48, 10 May 2004 (UTC)
 * No of course not, i meen a link to a wiki article of course. I checked the Disambiguation page but didn't find anything about this problem. But i guess thats a good solution. bbx 03:51, 10 May

Merge Killer and Killers

 * Disagree: Both articles are long for DAB pages, and mainly disambiguate titles of books, films, etc., with specific titles. Perhaps links at the top could be added:
 * "For "Killer" or "The Killer" see Killer (disambiguation)" — on Killers and
 * "For "Killers" or "The Killers" see Killers (disambiguation)" — on Killer. Does this seem like a reasonable compromise? + m t  04:05, 23 January 2009 (UTC)
 * Ok, enough time has gone by, I'm just going to go ahead and do this. + m t  04:51, 17 February 2009 (UTC)

title: Talk:Killer


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Talk:Peter Gay

old
There is a much more important Peter Gay, holder of the Sterling Chair of History at Yale University. -- Jmabel 03:45, 10 May 2004 (UTC)

I moved User:Nunh-huh's text from here to the article space. This article is currently an orphan though. --Jiang 08:39, 13 Jun 2004 (UTC)

If there is a much more important Peter Gay at Yale, please tell us exactly how much more important. Is he very, very much more important or just very much more important? Possibly, he is merely more important. Is there some objective scale of value by which we can measure this importance? There is a very slight possibility that this judgment of importance may be simply Jmabel's own person point of view, but I hardly think that this is the case.Lestrade 14:46, 13 January 2006 (UTC)Lestrade

It's the same Peter Gay, you doofuses.
 * Wake up, people

Training in psychoanalysis

 * formerly "Other Education". At the same time I have grouped obsolete old Talk as "old" -P64

Peter Gay also attended a school in Connecticut for the training of non-medically-educated persons in psychoanalysis after he became a history professor at Yale. I don't know the name of the institution, however. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 74.198.12.4 (talk) 17:04, 6 February 2011 (UTC)

 * Anyway we need a source for that. It seems to me the kind of thing that a publisher would put in "About the Author", at least for any psychoanalysis-related books such as Freud. --P64 (talk) 18:51, 2 April 2012 (UTC)

Judaism-related?
Hello - I would be grateful if someone could clarify this article's categorization. For all Peter Gay is Jewish, does that suffice for this article (and by extension his person and work) to be considered Judaism-related? I am extremely surprised to see it put this way. In good faith, K. 94.66.36.43 (talk) 23:15, 14 December 2011 (UTC)

 * My observation is that "there ain't no stoppin' us" proliferators of categories ethnic (Category: Jewish..., Irish-American...), regional (Category: People from...), scholastic(?) (Category: Mount Holyoke College alumni), and occupational (Category: United States Army soldiers), and combinatorial (Writers from...). --P64 (talk) 18:51, 2 April 2012 (UTC)

The Enlightenment revised
Here Peter Gay we list a 1995 revised edition of volume 1. Age of Enlightenment also lists a 1995 revised ed. of volume 2. Perhaps it was a second edition of all three volumes at once, a reissue of the trilogy.

Anyway it will be good to say a word about whether the work was revised substantially. --P64 (talk) 18:51, 2 April 2012 (UTC)

 * It is not a trilogy, there are only the two volumes. --Saddhiyama (talk) 18:53, 2 April 2012 (UTC)

Melcher Book Award
Gay got the award in 1967. At the moment, I see no better reference than this: http://www.encyclopedia.com/article-1G2-3482700064/gay-peter-1923.html. Perhaps someone with some time left can look for that. --13Peewit (talk) 21:32, 25 July 2012 (UTC)

Citation style
Just pointing out that the style for citations in this article is all over the place. It's not disruptive enough to place a Citation_style banner, but if anyone has the time & expertise to standardize the style to WP:CITE it would be appreciated. Mamyles (talk) 21:36, 13 May 2015 (UTC)

title: Talk:Peter Gay


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Sovkhoz

A sovkhoz (совхо́з, abbreviated from советское хозяйство, "sovetskoye khozyaystvo (sovkhoz)"; радгосп) was a form of state-owned farm in the Soviet Union.

It is usually contrasted with kolkhoz, which is a collective-owned farm. Just as the members of a kolkhoz were called "kolkhozniks" or "kolkhozniki" (колхозники), the workers of a sovkhoz were called "sovkhozniki" (совхозники).

History
Soviet state farms started to be created in 1918 as an ideological example of "socialist agriculture of the highest order".

Kolkhozes, or collective farms, were regarded for a long time as an intermediate stage in the transition to the ideal of state farming. While kolkhozy were typically created by combining small individual farms together in a cooperative structure, a sovkhoz would be organized by the state on land confiscated from former large estates (so-called "state reserve land" that was left over after distribution of land to individuals) and sovkhoz workers would be recruited from among landless rural residents. The sovkhoz employees would be paid regulated wages, whereas the remuneration system in a kolkhoz relied on cooperative-style distribution of farm earnings (in cash and in kind) among the members. In farms of both types, however, a system of internal passports prevented movement of employees and members from rural areas to urban areas.

In 1990, the Soviet Union had 23,500 sovkhozy, or 45% of the total number of large-scale collective and state farms. The average size of a sovkhoz was 15,300 hectares (153 km2), nearly three times the average kolkhoz (5,900 hectares or 59 km2 in 1990). Sovkhoz farms were more dominant in the Central Asian part of the Soviet Union.

During the transition era of the 1990s, many state farms were reorganized using joint stock arrangements, although the development of land markets remained constrained by opposition to private ownership of land.

In other countries

 * Angola
 * China
 * Czechoslovakia (státní statek)
 * East Germany (Volkseigenes Gut)
 * Ethiopia
 * Mongolia
 * Mozambique
 * Poland (państwowe gospodarstwo rolne, PGR)

title: Sovkhoz


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National League South

The National League South, formerly Conference South, is one of the two second divisions of the National League in England, immediately below the top division National League. Along with National League North, it is in the second level of the National League System, and is the sixth tier overall of the English football league system, and includes teams from the South East, London, and the South West, as well as teams from Essex.

The National League South was introduced in 2004 as part of a major restructuring of the National League System. Each year the champion of the league is automatically promoted to the National League. A second promotion place goes to the winner of a play-off involving the teams finishing in second to seventh place (expanded from four to six teams in the 2017–18 season). The three bottom clubs were relegated to Step 3 leagues.

For sponsorship reasons, it has been known as Blue Square South (2007–2010), Blue Square Bet South (2010–2013), Skrill South (2013–2014), the Vanarama Conference South (2014–2015), the Vanarama National League South (2015–2019) and the Motorama National League South following a three-year sponsorship deal announced in January 2019. Since the start of the 2015–16 season, the league is known as the National League South.

The National League South was reduced to 21 clubs for 2020–21 and was expected to expand to 24 teams in 2021–22. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic in England, the 2020–21 National League South season was curtailed and voided after written resolutions were put to a vote. No teams were relegated. Expansion would be implemented before the 2022–23 season, when the bottom club was relegated and four were promoted from Step 3. There are four relegations from the South since 2023.

Current member clubs, 2023–24
The current member clubs for the 2023–24 season are as follows:

Current league stadia 2023–24
The stadiums of all teams in the league for the 2023–24 season are listed below in capacity order:

Past winners

 * Not promoted. In 2004–05 only three promotion places were available to the Conference National. The third place was decided in a Playoff at Stoke City's Britannia Stadium, which Eastbourne lost 2–1 to the Conference North playoff winners, Altrincham.

Attendances
Since the 2015–16 season, the highest average National League South attendance was in the 2021–22 season with 1,002 per game, this was also the season for the highest average for a club with 2,712 for Dulwich Hamlet. The lowest average league attendance was in the 2017–18 season with an average of 551 per game. As of January 2024, the league average is at 1,154, with the highest average for Yeovil Town at 3,660.

{{legend|#D2FFD2|Attendance broke the previous National League South record}}
 * Average attendances

title: National League South


text:
United States Range

The United States Range is one of the northernmost mountain ranges of the Arctic Cordillera and in the world, surpassed only by the Challenger Mountains to the northwest. The range is located in the northeastern region of Ellesmere Island in Nunavut, Canada, and is part of the Innuitian Mountains. The highest mountain in the range is Mount Eugene with an elevation of 1860 m. The British Empire Range is immediately to the west of the United States Range.

The range was named in 1861 by American explorer Isaac Israel Hayes after his ship.

title: United States Range


text:
Redbridge F.C.

Redbridge Football Club is an English association football club based in Barkingside in the London Borough of Redbridge. Prior to July 2004 the club was known as Ford United F.C. The change of name was chosen to help associate the club within the local area and attract a larger support.

They should not be confused with the former Redbridge Forest, a predecessor of the current Dagenham & Redbridge, though both come from the borough of Redbridge in Greater London.

History
The club's roots lie in the car industry, which has long been a staple of the local economy in the surrounding part of East London and Essex.

The club was previously known as Ford United, which dated from a 1959 merger between two older clubs, Ford Sports (Dagenham), the football team of the workers at the huge local Ford Motors factory at Dagenham, and Briggs Sports, both of which were founded in 1934. Up until World War II, the latter actually began life as Briggs Motor Bodies and entered a team in the London League under that name between 1935 and 1951.

As Ford United, they performed well in the Aetolian League winning the title twice, and finishing runners up once. The club found itself in serious trouble at the start of 1995–96 season as sponsorship from the Ford Motor Company was ended and the disbanding of the club seemed highly likely, until then club vice-chairman, George Adams enlisted Sky Sports as sponsors, rescuing the club financially.

During the 2001–02 season Barkingside's lease at their Oakside ground was sold on to Ford United who needed to find a permanent home to allow their progression up the football pyramid. Considerable investment by Jimmy Chapman, the then Chairman saw Oakside developed to a grade 1 ground.

From the start of the 2004–05 season, Ford United were renamed to Redbridge, as the club sought to establish a local identity and improve its support base.

Redbridge played the 2005–06 season in the Isthmian League Premier Division, as they were relegated after finishing bottom of Conference South, and played in the Isthmian League Division One North in the 2006–07 season after being relegated once again. New manager, ex-Wimbledon and Bolton Wanderers striker Dean Holdsworth was appointed on 30 June 2007. In the 2007–08 season, they missed the opportunity to be promoted back to the Isthmian League Premier Division, losing 5–4 on penalties to Canvey Island in the playoff final, after finishing third in the Isthmian League Division One North. On 18 May 2008, Holdsworth left his post as manager of Redbridge to take up the manager's position at Newport County.

At the start of June 2008, former Dagenham & Redbridge reserve team coach, Jay Devereux was appointed the club's new manager. Devereux's first season was blighted by floodlight problems at Oakside, but the team still finished a respectable eighth in the division. The side had a disappointing start to the 2009–10 season and towards the end of September, it was announced that Devereux and his coaching staff had resigned from their jobs. First team coach Dave Ross took charge for Redbridge's game at Harlow Town, where they drew 3–3 after being 2–0 down and stayed as manager for the remainder of the season. Poor winter weather affected the side at the start of 2010, the team initially struggled with a fixture pile up but Ross managed to keep the side in the league avoiding relegation.

The 2010–11 season proved to be one of the most turbulent in the club's history. Manager Dave Ross brought in Kris Taylor to form a management team. After a bad start to the season, which saw the club sitting bottom of the league and Ross was eventually asked to step down. Kris Taylor was confirmed as first team manager on 1 October 2010, after talks broke down with Kevin Durrant who looked all set to join the club. Taylor's tenure ended in December 2010 when his work commitments affected the amount of time demanded to run a club of this stature meant he was unable to give 100% to the management of the team. First team coach Jody Brown was appointed manager on a short-term basis just before Christmas 2010 and he was able to bring some stability and stave off relegation with three games of the season still remaining.

Chairman Dan Holloway moved quickly at the end of the season to make the changes that will bring the structure and stability needed at a football club at this level. Terry Spillane was appointed first team manager after a highly successful spell with Stansted with Jody Brown reverting to a coaching role.

On 29 October 2011, Redbridge reached the First Round Proper of the FA Cup for the first time since 2003 after beating Conference National side Ebbsfleet United 2–0. In the First Round they drew 0–0 with Oxford City and won the replay 2–1 after extra time, thanks to goals by Nathan Gordon and Ben Bradbury. They played League Two leaders Crawley Town in the Second Round, where they were beaten 5–0, against a side four divisions and 106 places above Redbridge in the league pyramid. The team ended the season well finishing 6th place just 4 points off the play off positions. However, soon after the season finished, Chairman Dan Holloway resigned from the club for personal reasons and, with the playing budget due to be cut, manager Terry Spillane felt it was not possible to move the team any further and he and his footballing staff left to join fellow Division One North side Maldon & Tiptree.

A new joint management team made up of Del Robinson and ex Gravesend and Northfleet legend Steve Portway took charge for the 2012–13 season. After a poor start to the season, the team improved in the second half of the season and fought off survival on the last-day to finish 20th and secure another season in the Isthmian League. Former London Bari Chairman Imran Merchant took control of the club ahead of the 2013–14 season appointing Ricky Eaton alongside ex-Redbridge manager Dave Ross as joint managers of the club. After a steady season, Merchant stepped down with former Chairman Jimmy Chapman taking over again and although finished within the relegation positions were given a reprieve when Southern League side Clevedon Town lost a ground grading appeal. The following season saw no improvement on the pitch and although they performed well in the local cup competitions they finished bottom of Division One North resulting in relegation back to the Essex Senior League for the first time in 19 years.

Ricky Eaton took over from Jim Chapman in the boardroom combining the role of 1st team manager and chairman and an inconsistent debut season back in the Essex Senior League saw a 14th-place finish. The following season Dave Ross left the club to be replaced by ex Hornchurch and Canvey Island player Joey May and as a joint management team along with Ricky they assembled a strong side looking for promotion into the Isthmian League and although were in the top two promotion places for most of the season they eventually fell short finishing in 4th place.

The side were sitting in 8th position when the 2019–20 season was declared null and void due to the COVID-19 pandemic and although the 2020–21 season did commence in September Micky decided to step down from his position after just 5 matches for personal reasons. Chairman Ricky Eaton acted quickly in bringing former Aveley Reserves manager George Christou to the club however the season was severely disrupted due to the ongoing pandemic and government lockdowns resulting in the season being curtailed with him only managing the team for eight games.

After two seasons of disruption due to the pandemic the 2021/22 was fully completed and George led his side to a 3rd-place finish where they were still in contention with 2nd place and a potential play off place right up until the final day of the season. The following season we went one better securing the runners up position and therefore entering an Inter League Play off Final against Step Four side Haywards Heath Town which we won 3–2 to secure promotion back to the Isthmian League.

A first season back at Step Four saw a respectable 13th-place finish however the crowning glory was the winning of the Essex Senior Cup for the first ever time beating League Two side Colchester United in a thrilling penalty shoot-out.

Ground
Redbridge play their home games at the Oakside Stadium, Barkingside, Ilford, Essex, IG6 1NB.

Current squad
As of JUL 24

Honours
(includes Ford United)
 * Aetolian League
 * winners (1): 1959–60
 * Aetolian Division One
 * winners (1): 1961–62
 * Essex Senior League
 * winners (2): 1991–92, 1996–97
 * Greater London League A Section
 * winners (1): 1970–71
 * Isthmian League
 * Division One Champions 2001–02
 * Division Three Champions 1998–99
 * Division Two North Champions 1988–89
 * Inter-League Play Off Winners 2022/23

Cups
(includes Ford United)
 * Essex Senior Cup
 * winners (1): 2023–24
 * London Senior Cup
 * winners (3): 1993–94, 1997–98, 2000–01
 * Essex Senior League Cup
 * winners (1) 1985–86
 * Essex Thameside Trophy Winners
 * winners (2): 1998–99, 2003–04
 * Essex Senior Trophy
 * winners (2): 1990–91, 1991–92
 * Essex Elizabethan Trophy
 * winners (2): 1959–60, 1960–61
 * Aetolian League Cup
 * winners (1): 1960–61
 * Len Cordell Memorial Cup
 * winners (1): 2020–21
 * Peter Butcher Memorial Cup
 * winners (2): 2021–22, 2022–23

Club records

 * Record Home Attendance: 1374 v Port Vale, FA Cup 1st Round Replay 19.11.03
 * Record Victory: 10–0 v St Margaretsbury(a), Essex Senior League 27.04.19
 * Record Defeat: 0–11 v Heybridge Swifts(a), Isthmian League Division One North 29.12.12
 * Best league performance: 22nd in Conference South, 2004–05
 * Best FA Cup performance: 2nd Round Proper, 2011–12
 * Best FA Trophy performance: 3rd Round, 2003–04 and 2004–05
 * Best FA Vase performance: 5th Round, 1998–99

League history
As Redbridge F.C.

title: Redbridge F.C.


text:
Talk:EADS Phoenix

I am sorry to say that this article is quite out of touch with the realities of the space business. Phoenix is a nice and successful descent and landing demonstrator, but it is very far from a RLV precursor.

Furthermore, the Hopper concept is quite dead now in Europe, and it very unlikely that Europe will commit euros to the development of a RLV anytime soon, even during next decade, especially since it is extremely difficult to compete with the Russian launcher prices (Proton, Soyus).

What is more likely is that the next European launcher from 2010 to far later is Soyus launched from French Guiana, and that Ariane 5 will be quietly retired from service around 2009.

Future ESA launchers
From what I understand about current policy, you are quite wrong. The EU Commission decided it is important for the EU to retain native launch capability, see the Green Paper, and Soyuz would not allow that.

This sums up what I know about future ESA launchers (from several public papers):

Ariane 5 will not last forever. By the 2010s the design will be around 20 years old, so it will need a replacement. Ariane 5 also had the problem of having a bad size. Too big for a single regular satellite, too small for having two regular satellites. The Ariane 4 launch category was much missed. Soyuz will fill the void Ariane 4 left. Ariane 5 will get bigger to cope (Ariane 5 ECA, etc).

The Germans pushed a program called FESTIP in the 90s to investigate which new launcher architecture was most suitable for replacing Ariane 5. The results claimed that to obtain substancial launch cost reductions would require the use of advanced RLVs. Things like SSTO VTVL were dismissed allegedly because EU engine technology wasn't good enough, SSTO VTHL was dismissed because it was considered too risky to be possible, Shuttle like designs were dismissed because the non-reusable bits added to the cost and complexity of the vehicle to be economic. Two vehicle types were pushed as favourites: TSTO VTHL (like the early Shuttle proposals) and something which was basically Hopper. Basically a quasi SSTO HTHL vehicle which uses rail launch boost and a special kick stage to put the satellite into orbit.

Now the French will have none of that without having their own funded study first (they and the Germans will be putting most of the money into it I bet). They think it will be impossible to have a new RLV launcher without new engines, so the focus will be on the new engines first, as was done for Ariane 5. Two RLV engines are being planned for an Ariane 4 payload class reusable launch vehicle: LOX/Methane Volga and LOX/LH2 Veda. The engines are being jointly designed with the Russians since they have more experience with high performance reusable hydrocarbon burning staged combustion designs of the type desired (experience they got from designing the Energia engines). These new engines may be used for a TSTO VTHL (both engines), a reusable first stage vehicle with expendable second stage (Volga), or basically Hopper (Veda).

To better decide on which of the RLV designs are viable, testbeds for reentry, GNC, etc will be made. DLR pushed their Phoenix (which is shaped like a scaled down Hopper) as a demonstrator for automated horizontal landing GNC.

The dark horse in the race is a new expendable based on Ariane 5 and some new, cheaper to manufacture, Vulcain 3 engine.

What I think will likely happen:

The TSTO will be dismissed as too expensive or risky. Something else will win. I doubt it will be Hopper. I all depends on how the engine development goes on. Volga is probably the riskier engine, but it also has the highest possible payoff, so I think they will try to push that engine through thick and thin. By 2020 we should know.

Google this presentation for more info (it should be someplace in the EADS site):

Future Propulsion Systems – The Key to Reach the Stars Technologies for Next Generation Launcher Propulsion Systems by Dieter Preclik - link to PDF.

Quasarstrider 01:29, 31 May 2005 (UTC)

 * Thanks for the nice info ;-) --Bricktop 12:55, 31 May 2005 (UTC)

 * What I get from the recent European Ministerial conference in early December is that there will be no effort in the next four years on future reusable launchers for the successor of Ariane and that the successor of Ariane, if any, should be expendable. So could we remove all this nonsense about Hopper and stuff ? 83.157.224.36 20:40, 13 December 2005 (UTC)
 * I am somewhat out of touch with the latest developments, but last I heard some small funding was being made for basic R&D on advanced reusable engines, reentry and GNC. Namely, the Volga and Veda engines, EXPERT and PRE-X for reentry, EADS Phoenix for GNC. AFAIK there is no concrete plan for a reusable vehicle. Just a bunch of inexpensive paper studies and small technology demonstrators. A decade from now these will mature and *maybe* then a reusable design will be pushed and possibly funded. This old BBC article elaborates on it a bit, as does this ESA page. From what I understand this research is being done for the long term (i.e. decades, not next 4 years) and may not pan out. If anything, the latest developments point to a scaling down in investment due to the lackluster launch market, leading to an expendable replacement/upgrade for Ariane 5. Quasarstrider 17:18, 12 February 2006 (UTC)

First manned flight?
it will be the first manned European attempt at space operations

Vostok 1? ᚣᚷᚷᛞᚱᚫᛋᛁᛚ

for a given value of Europe... is there any information on propulsion yet, or is that still up in the air (pun not intended) -- sourcejedi (unregistered user)

Phoenix is more of a concept demonstrator vehicle than a prototype for Hopper. Like the DC-X was a demonstrator for DC-Y. From what I understand they are using this vehicle to develop the navigation and control systems. Read this: -- anonymous@home

Launching
An article in Interavia Business & Technology claims that the Hopper is solely intended for unmanned launches and that the idea is to launch the Hopper on a 4 km magnetic track. Can anyone actually find any sources that claim the Hopper could be launched on the Ariane 5?

German spelling?
From the Page History: "A German project should use German spelling." I don't think that because it is a German project we should use German spelling. After all, the article is in English as far as I can see. In this case, should we then use nationalised versions of the SI units in all cases? I can't see why, but I would very much like to know the reason behind it. Maver1ck 09:06, 22 May 2004 (UTC)

 * It was an act of courtesy on my part.

 * Darrien 16:01, 2004 May 22 (UTC)

 * Sorry, I can't see why that would be a reason to change the spelling of SI units to the German conventions, when the article is in English. I do believe that this is strange to say the least. What do they do over at the German Wikipedia in articles about American or British projects? Do they change spelling of the SI units to English conventions? Hopefully not. Should they? Hardly. I'm amazed that an English article shouldn't be in English.
 * Maver1ck 17:07, 22 May 2004 (UTC)

 * This issue is dealt with in various wiki references. They are "only" guidelines, but I think should be adhered to. If the article is scientific, SI should be used. To me this article at least aspires to being scientific, so should be SI. The issue of the German-ness of the article is neither here nor there, except to describe things like official names, where the language the organisation uses to describe itself prevails. User:Magicmike 23 May 2004.

 * Maverick, this user has been very active in going through Wikipedia and removing British spellings from many articles. See their contributions history.

Bremen or Torino - NGL Prime Co
As far as I know, development of future launchers in Europe, are not piloted from Bremen but from Torino, where the new joint NGL Prime Co company of EADS and Finmeccanica has been headquartered, the French and German teams have been transferred there.

Quote: "Based in Turin, the NGL Prime Co team includes specialists from France, Germany and Italy. A great share of the work will also be subcontracted to specialised industries in many European countries."

Pictures missing from article?
Howdy, Could someone add some pics from this craft? For example from here:

—Preceding unsigned comment added by 217.140.250.192 (talk) 09:23, 17 May 2008 (UTC)

Source Europe looks to the future

We should create a NGL Prime Co article.Hektor 05:16, 18 September 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:EADS Phoenix


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/How to learn a language

 * Transwiki to Wikibooks - How To's don't belong in the Wikipedia. PMC 03:56, 10 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Is this for all the How To's ? Why?  You should continue your discuss this with the How To section and not with this particular How to Learn a Language.These is not yet a complete book. Why should it belong in Wikibooks?--Jondel 07:34, 1 Jun 2004 (UTC)


text:
Len Beadell

Leonard Beadell OAM BEM FIEMS (21 April 1923 – 12 May 1995) was a surveyor, road builder, bushman, artist and author, responsible for constructing over 6000 km of roads and opening up isolated desert areas – some 2.5 e6km2 – of central Australia from 1947 to 1963. Born in West Pennant Hills, New South Wales, Beadell is sometimes called "the last true Australian explorer".

Early life
Beadell's paternal grandparents came from England in the mid-1870s. His father Fred Algernon Beadell, was born in Sydney and mother Viola Pearl Mackay was from Townsville. They were married in Townsville on 19 December 1914, and soon moved to the Sydney area.

A daughter Phyllis was born in 1917, followed by Len in April 1923. Beadell's primary education began at Gladesville Public School, Ryde in 1928 and continued at Burwood Public School in 1930, both suburbs of Sydney.

At the suggestion of a school friend, Beadell joined the 1st Burwood Scout Troop where he met the scoutmaster John Richmond, who was to have a major influence on Beadell's life. Richmond had served in the army during World War I, and was employed as a draughtsman and surveyor for the Metropolitan Water, Sewerage and Drainage Board in Sydney.

Between 1931 and 1941, Beadell spent most weekends on bush survey trips with other scouts and Richmond, camping and searching for old survey marks. He learnt about the technical aspects of astronomical sightings and how to use a theodolite. In 1938 with a group of six scouts, Richmond took Beadell to Lord Howe Island where they took star sightings and determined that the mapped position of the island was out by about 10 km in latitude.

Beadell finished his formal education at Sydney Grammar School in 1939. He went directly to a temporary surveying position with the water board in northern New South Wales, which had been arranged by Richmond.

War service
At the age of 18 in 1941, Beadell received his call up notice for the army, and was keen to enlist. The service period was specified as the length of the war, plus twelve months. His initial service in the Citizen Military Force was in the Australian Army Service Corps at Bathurst, New South Wales, where he spent most of the time driving three ton trucks. In February 1942, he was transferred to the 2nd Australian Field Survey Company, and carried out contour surveys for army maps.

In September 1942, he transferred to the Australian Imperial Force and was transferred to the 2 Aust Field Survey Section, the topographical survey and mapping unit of the New Guinea Force. In October he sailed for New Guinea serving with the survey section, renamed the 8 Aust Field Survey Section AIF in January 1943, for thirteen months. Most of 1943 was spent in the Milne Bay locality. It was here that Beadell developed his artistic skills by watching army topographical draughtsmen, whose job it was to draw maps from information supplied by surveyors. He was transferred to the 2 Section 6 Aust Topographical Survey Company AIF in Australia, returning to Sydney in November 1943 for a period of leave and further survey work in Queensland.

In January 1944 he was promoted to Corporal. In March 1945 he was back in New Guinea at Lae with the unit. The company moved by ship to Wewak where there was a large enemy presence. Their assigned tasks were to map the coastal area, and build a new airstrip. The strip was completed in August 1945, just as the war came to an end. On return to Australia in December 1945 he was posted to the 3 Aust Field Survey Company AIF in Melbourne.

Survey exploration
Len opted to stay in the Army at the end of the Second World War. He was promoted to Acting/Sergeant in May 1946. The 3 Aust Field Survey Company AIF was tasked to provide survey support to a new scientific exploration in the Darwin-Katherine region of the Northern Territory. Len volunteered to delay his discharge from the Army for twelve months to be able to participate in the task. When that assignment was completed in November, he was asked once more to waive his discharge, as another project was in the making. The British and Australian governments had decided to build a rocket testing range in outback South Australia. He volunteered to be part of an Army survey team for that project, being transferred to the 5 Aust Field Survey Company, a 4 Military District Detachment, in February 1947.

The initial survey reconnaissance for the project was conducted by the Director of Military Survey and Officer Commanding 5 Aust Field Survey Company AIF in 1946. The survey detachment of ten men, under the command of Major Lindsay Lockwood who had conducted a detailed survey reconnaissance in 1946, moved in March 1947 to 'The Pines' area in what became known as the Woomera area. There they started an Army program of topographic mapping which continued until 1953, when responsibility for such surveys was transferred to the Department of the Interior. Len was promoted to Temporary/Warrant Officer Class 2 in February 1948, and elected to discharge in December 1948.

Further work was required to select and survey launching pad sites, the centreline of fire for rockets, and the airfield. The site of the future village was chosen, allowing for approach paths of the runway and natural drainage. In November 1949, he was asked to rejoin the project and began further surveying as an employee of the Long Range Weapons Establishment in August 1950. A site for the secret testing of a British atomic bomb was selected by Beadell in 1952. A road from Mabel Creek to the test site Emu Field was built by him in March 1953, his first road.

Gunbarrel Highway
Beadell's best known road is the Gunbarrel Highway, named after the Gunbarrel Road Construction Party which was assembled by him. He said he tried whenever possible to make the road as straight as a gunbarrel. The road was built with initial reconnaissance and survey by Len (not the case in 1958 when the survey reconnaissance from Warburton to Carnegie was led by the Supervising Surveyor (Geodetic) Australian Division of National Mapping, Mr HA (Bill) Johnson MBE LS FIS Aust ), usually alone, pushing through raw scrub in a Land Rover.

He used a theodolite to observe the Sun or stars for latitude and longitude calculations. Once the line of the road had been decided, a bulldozer followed to cut a raw track, clearing away the spinifex and mulga scrub to form a basic level track. This was then graded using a standard road grader.

The Gunbarrel Highway was begun at Victory Downs homestead 316 km by road south of Alice Springs. It then pushed west to the Rawlinson Ranges, skirting south of the Gibson Desert, via the mission at Warburton, to connect to an existing road at Carnegie Station. The total distance was about 1400 km. Len's stories of the building of this road are told in the first of his numerous books Too Long in the Bush, a reading of which will give some insight into the incredible feat that building this road was. Len suffered near starvation, many mechanical breakdowns, countless punctures and other mishaps, all in searing desert heat, but seemingly took it all in his stride with good humour.

Later roads
Beadell's sense of humour was well known, and he referred to many of his roads as "highways". The description stuck, and maps show the subject roads as highways, despite the reality that they have degraded to single lane unsealed tracks through the remote arid areas of central Australia.

Following the Gunbarrel Highway, Len built further roads by the same method, naming most of them after his family. The Connie Sue Highway for his daughter, the Gary Highway and Gary Junction Road for his son, the Anne Beadell Highway for his wife and Jackie Junction for his youngest daughter. These roads further opened up the inhospitable country, for a variety of purposes. Beadell chose and surveyed the location for the Giles Meteorological Station and airstrip during construction of the Gunbarrel Highway.

Bush dentist
During a break from construction of the Gunbarrel Highway in June 1957, Beadell convinced a visiting dental surgeon at Woomera, Dr Bruce Dunstan, to give him a crash course on tooth extraction. Beadell had prior experience of the trouble that teeth could cause himself and his crew when days or weeks away from city facilities. This instruction and further assistance from an Alice Springs dentist, Ray Meldrum, equipped him with dental supplies and local anaesthetics sufficient for bush work. Beadell carried out his first extraction in March 1958 on Cyril Koch, a cook, during construction of the Gunbarrel Highway. By the time road building was completed in 1963, Len had pulled 29 teeth, joking that he had 29 notches on his forceps.

Legacy
Len Beadell marked "astrofixes" along his roads with aluminium plates on which latitude, longitude and other information was stamped. Many of these have sadly been taken as souvenirs; there is a program underway to replace these with replicas. Len's legacy is also to be seen on many standard Australian road maps of central desert areas, showing such things as "Len Beadell's Tree", and "Len Beadell's Burnt Out Truck". Mount Beadell in Western Australia was formally named after him by the Surveyor General of Western Australia in 1958. There is a stone cairn, memorial plaque, and a replica of his theodolite atop the mountain. (-25.53583°N, 125.27556°W)

In modern times a newer road, the Great Central Road, has superseded some of Beadell's original tracks by taking a more direct route, made possible with more modern heavy equipment. However, all of Len's original roads still exist, and are popular with hardcore four wheel drive enthusiasts. They may be difficult to negotiate and require a great deal of preparation. Almost all of them lie in aboriginal lands which require travel permits.

He was a good caricaturist and watercolour artist. He drew cartoons of staff working at Maralinga and paintings of Aboriginal people who came to the Maralinga camps.

The Beadell family sell books and memorabilia, and his daughter operates a bush tour business.

Beadell Resources, an Australian resources exploration company formed in 2007 and mostly active in remote Western Australia, named after "The Last Australian Explorer".

Honours

 * Len Beadell was awarded the British Empire Medal in 1957 for his work constructing the Gunbarrel Highway.
 * He was awarded the Order of Australia medal in 1988 in the Queen's Birthday honours list for his "service to the Public service and to literature".
 * He was a Fellow of the Institution of Engineering and Mining Surveyors, Australia, hence his postnominal, FIEMS (Aust.).
 * He has an asteroid 3161 Beadell named after him, an honour bestowed because his roads led to the discovery of several important meteorites in the Australian outback.
 * The Len Beadell Library, City of Salisbury, Adelaide was renamed in his honour.
 * In 1994, Len was named the Australian Geographic Society's Adventurer of the Year.

Books about Len Beadell

 * A Lifetime in the Bush: A biography of Len Beadell by Mark Shephard
 * Len Beadell's Legacy: Australia's Atomic Bomb and Rocket Roads by Ian Bayly

title: Len Beadell


text:
Talk:Cherry Grove, New York

Untitled
This is the other name for Cherry Grove according to this. -- Decumanus | Talk 03:58, 10 May 2004 (UTC)

Part of this article was written in blog-fashion; I re-wrote the relevent bits and included them under the heading "Activities". aliceinlampyland 22:03, 7 January 2006 (UTC).

Why gay?
Could we have some info on why this particular hamlet, and not others, became predominantly homosexual so long ago.

 * I think Cherry Grove and Fire Island Pines have a fascinating history and it should be added to this page and the associated page for the Pines.--Robapalooza 09:42, 11 September 2007 (UTC)

 * Cherry Grove was founded when the Vaudville folks would come out for the summer from New York City. Back when there was no air conditioning, the Broadway (14th street in those days) would close down.  No one wanted to be inside on those hot days.  So Cherry Grove was a great place to go.  Many theatre people were gay, so they all came to the same town.  Thus the town started as being predominently gay orientated.  It has stayed gay friendly ever since.  C. Williams (talk) 21:33, 2 May 2008 (UTC)

Map request
I have created and added a map. Enjoy.--Robapalooza 09:41, 11 September 2007 (UTC)

Transportation
AFAIK, the information about the water taxi and arriving by car is not correct. Drivers drive to the ferry dock in Sayville and park there.

The intra-island water taxi does not stop at 7 p.m. as printed.

The Sayville Ferry Service provides service to the island, but it varies depending upon the time of year. It goes from no boats during the weekdays in the middle of winter and only 2 on the weekends to a full schedule in the height of the season with hourly boats leaving Sayville. C. Williams (talk) 21:35, 2 May 2008 (UTC)

Proposed merger from Clam Pond
A merger with Clam Pond has been proposed. Please vote. --Emana 00:59, 16 December 2006 (UTC)
 * As the link to the Talk:Fire Island, New York page was redirected here, it was quite confusing. Also there were no votes for two weeks, so it is my sole and unanimous decision NOT to merge these articles because 1) the merge referred to the wrong article, and 2) because the article for Fire Island already list many coves and refers to their individual pages, as the article for Clam Pond does. The merge tag will be removed -- Emana 10:07, 6 January 2007 (UTC)
 * Clam Pond has nothing to do with Cherry Grove. Thanks for the decision. Americasroof 00:42, 3 November 2007 (UTC)
 * Clam Pond? I have leased/lived in Cherry Grove for 5 seasons now and have never heard of Clam Pond.  Has nothing to do with the town. C. Williams (talk) 21:30, 2 May 2008 (UTC)

Nuking demographics
I nuked the demographics section because it was a copy violation lifted word for word from another site. It's good information and could go back in if rewritten. Here is what i nuked Americasroof 00:42, 3 November 2007 (UTC)

need info
tring to find the local hardware store in Cherry Grove? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 96.232.115.228 (talk) 16:43, 9 October 2008 (UTC)
 * There is no hardware store at the present time. You have to go to the Pines or Sayville.  C. Williams (talk) 03:07, 13 October 2008 (UTC)
 * Note, there is a new hardware store about to open up in the shops below Top of the Bay on Ocean Walk at Bayview walk. C. Williams (talk) 01:06, 29 June 2009 (UTC)

Pros and cons
I wrote, "While the Grove has its charms, several residents in 2005 expressed concerns ..." in the history section. I'm not sure if it beolonsg there, or anywhere, for that matter. Bearian (talk) 23:36, 24 February 2014 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Cherry Grove, New York