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Brad Carson

Brad Rogers Carson (born March 11, 1967) is the 21st President of the University of Tulsa.

Prior to his presidency, Carson was an American lawyer and politician from the state of Oklahoma. A member of the Democratic Party, he served in the United States House of Representatives from 2001 to 2005.

He is the only person to have voted on the authorization of the Iraq War in Congress and to have subsequently fought in it. He served with the 84th EOD Battalion of the US Army in 2008–2009, earning a Bronze Star.

From 2015 to 2016, Carson was the Acting Under Secretary of Defense for Personnel and Readiness, where he initiated a number of notable reforms to include opening up all combat positions to women, open service by transgender service members, and new recruiting and retention practices. He served as Under Secretary of the Army from 2014 to 2015 and as General Counsel of the Army from 2012 to 2014.

From 2017 to 2021, Carson was a professor of public policy at the University of Virginia's Frank Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy.

On April 5, 2021, the University of Tulsa announced Carson had been selected to be the 21st president of the university, effective July 1, 2021.

In 2024, Carson launched Americans for Responsible Innovation, a new policy group dedicated to artificial intelligence. He currently serves as President of ARI, which is based in Washington, D.C, while remaining President of the University of Tulsa.

Early life and education
Carson was born in Winslow, Arizona. His father worked for the Bureau of Indian Affairs. During Carson's childhood the family relocated a number of times, resulting in Carson being raised in several different Native American communities, including reservations in Nevada, Arizona, and Kansas, as well as the Eastern Band Cherokee Reserve in North Carolina. As a teenager, Carson moved back to Oklahoma, where his family has roots in the Cherokee Nation, of which Carson is an enrolled member.

Carson studied at Jenks High School and Baylor University, where he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. He became the first student at Baylor in 55 years to be awarded a Rhodes Scholarship. As a Rhodes Scholar, Carson went to Trinity College, Oxford, and earned a second BA (which became an MA a few years later) in Politics, Philosophy, and Economics. He attended the University of Oklahoma College of Law, graduating at the top of his class in 1994.

According to The Almanac of American Politics, Carson had originally intended to attend Yale Law School, only to change his mind while at Oxford.

Career
After graduation from the University of Oklahoma, Carson took a job at a prestigious Oklahoma law firm, Crowe & Dunlevy. In 1996, his firm was awarded the Exceptional Contribution to Legal Services Award by Legal Services of Eastern Oklahoma. In 1997 Carson was selected as a White House Fellow, where he was assigned to The Pentagon as a Special Assistant to the Secretary of Defense.

Election to Congress

In 2000, he was elected as a Democrat to the United States House of Representatives from Oklahoma's 2nd Congressional District, located in the northeastern part of the state. In the primary, Carson defeated long-term state representative Bill Settle, who was chairman of the Appropriations Committee in the Oklahoma House of Representatives.

After redistricting changed the political composition of his district to be much more favorable to a Democratic candidate, Carson was reelected in 2002 with nearly 75 percent of the vote.

During his tenure in Congress, Carson was generally seen as a moderate Democrat. He was a member of the conservative Democratic Blue Dog Coalition. He served on the Transportation Committee, the Natural Resources Committee, and the Small Business Committee. On October 10, 2002, Brad Carson was among the 81 House Democrats who voted in favor of authorizing the invasion of Iraq.

2004 U.S. Senate election
In 2004, Carson did not seek reelection to the House, and ran for the open U.S. Senate seat that was being vacated by retiring Republican Don Nickles. He easily won the Democratic primary, and after a tough campaign, lost the election to Republican Tom Coburn, his predecessor in the House. Despite Carson's loss, election analyst Stuart Rothenberg called the Carson campaign the best-run campaign in the nation in 2004. The Weekly Standard called him "The Perfect Democrat" After the election, Carson wrote an article for The New Republic which was the subject of much discussion. He was succeeded in the House by fellow Democrat Dan Boren.

Post-Congressional work
After the 2004 Senate election, Carson's term in the United States Congress expired on January 3, 2005; Carson was succeeded by Dan Boren. Carson indicated that he had no immediate plans to seek political office, and, in January 2005, he accepted a semester-long teaching fellowship specializing in U.S. politics at Harvard University. Upon leaving Harvard, he returned to his hometown of Claremore, Oklahoma, and worked as chief executive officer of Cherokee Nation Businesses, which is owned by the Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma in Catoosa, Oklahoma.

As an expert in Indian law, Carson oversaw one of the largest businesses in the state, with thousands of employees, hundreds of millions of dollars in revenue, and more than a dozen in-house lawyers who specialized in Indian and corporate law. In December 2008, Carson left his post at Cherokee Nation Businesses to deploy to Iraq as an Intelligence Officer in the U.S. Navy. He was officer-in-charge of weapons intelligence teams embedded with the U.S. Army's 84th Explosive Ordnance Disposal Battalion in the nine southern provinces of Iraq; the teams worked with EOD teams at seven bases and investigated bomb sites, caches, smuggling routes, and other activities related to improvised explosive devices. For this work, Carson received, among other awards, the Bronze Star. On his return, he was elected to the board of Cherokee Nation Businesses.

In January 2010, Carson assumed a position as professor of business and law at the University of Tulsa, and as director of the National Energy Policy Institute, a non-profit energy policy organization funded by billionaire George Kaiser's family foundation. In his academic work, Carson has written extensively about the economics of renewable energy. He has also contributed journalism to The Weekly Standard, The New Republic, Blueprint, and Democracy: A Journal of Ideas. In 2010, Carson contributed to a symposium issue of Democracy: A Journal of Ideas, in which he was one of ten writers (including Martha Nussbaum, Michael Sandel, and others) discussing the future of progressive political thought and politics. He is the author of several other works, including a guide to federal appellate practice, a work co-authored with Judge Robert Bacharach (who was appointed by President Obama to the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals). More recently, he has been working on a long series of articles about military reform for the online journal War on the Rocks.

Carson had met Barack Obama in 2004 when they were both nominees of the Democratic Party for open seats in the United States Senate. Carson endorsed Obama in 2006 for the 2008 presidential election. Carson served as Obama's personal representative in the approval of candidates for delegates from Oklahoma to the 2008 Democratic National Convention. Oklahoma was the first state to name its complete delegation to the 2008 Democratic Convention.

Return to politics
In June 2011, U.S. Congressman Dan Boren announced that he would not seek another term. Carson announced shortly thereafter that he would seek to win back his former seat. Despite this announcement, he later announced that he would not seek his old seat after all.

Obama administration
On September 14, 2011, President Barack Obama nominated Carson to serve as the General Counsel of the United States Department of the Army. The United States Senate confirmed Carson by unanimous consent on December 17, 2011.

On January 6, 2014, President Obama nominated Carson to be Under Secretary of the Army, to replace Joseph W. Westphal, whom the president had nominated to be the United States Ambassador to Saudi Arabia. On February 12, 2014, Carson was confirmed by the United States Senate and he was sworn in as the 31st Under Secretary of the Army on March 27, 2014. Fellow Oklahoma Democrat, Principal Chief Bill John Baker of the Cherokee nation, praised Carson, saying, "I applaud President Obama for nominating Brad Carson to this post [...] Brad is a Cherokee citizen and has committed his life to one of our Cherokee values: serving people. As a U.S. Congressman he served the people of Oklahoma's second district, as a CEO he served Cherokee Nation Businesses and the Cherokee people [...] he will be a champion for our American military in his role as Army undersecretary."

As Chief Operating Officer of the Department of the Army, Carson led day-to-day-business operations of the global U.S. Army business enterprise, with over 490,000 active duty soldiers, 335,000 National Guard soldiers, 200,000 Army Reserve soldiers, and over 330,000 civilians. He supervised the development and submission of the Army's budget, which exceeded $150 billion. In a move lauded by veterans groups, Carson made national headlines when he formally apologized to veterans of the Iraq War for the Army's mishandling of chemical weapons exposures. Carson served as the acting undersecretary of defense for personnel and readiness from April 2015 until April 2016, resigning while still awaiting Senate formal approval. As undersecretary, Carson led a number of pioneering initiatives such as the Department of Defense's "Force of the Future" reforms, the largest personnel changes to the military and civilian workforce in nearly 50 years. Carson oversaw the historic opening of all combat positions to women. He assisted in the reformation of the military retirement system for the first time in 70 years and set new policy for transgender servicemembers.

The University of Tulsa
Carson was sworn in as President of the University of Tulsa in July 2021. He succeeded Gerard Clancy, who left office after a vote of no-confidence. In July 2023, Carson was president when the university launched a new Honors College, focusing on literature and philosophy. During Carson's tenure in 2022, the university had more National Merit Scholars per capita than other university in the nation. In 2023, Carson pushed for the organizing of more concerts at Chapman Stadium, seeing the university hold the first major concert in the venue since 1990 with the performance of Def Leppard, Mötley Crüe, and Alice Cooper. He also expanded the university's programs in Tulsa's arts district and led the university in taking over organizing responsibilities for Tulsa's Mayfest.

In 2023, TU was recognized as a "free speech" university and was the first university in Oklahoma to receive a "green light" rating by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression. This recognition was given after the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression aided Carson in revising the university's policies on speech and assembly.

Artificial Intelligence
In late 2023, Carson announced he would be the co-founder and President of a new policy group, Americans for Responsible Innovation, dedicated to artificial intelligence. Americans for Responsible Innovation advocates for responsible guardrails on AI, including accounting oversight, incident reporting, and export controls.

Personal life
Carson's wife, Julie, served on the Oklahoma State Regents for Higher Education. They live in Claremore, Oklahoma. They have one son, Jack. In 2017, Carson completed the Marathon des Sables, a 250-km ultramarathon in the Sahara Desert often called the world's toughest footrace. In 2018, he completed the Jungle Ultra, a similar race through the Amazon jungle.

title: Brad Carson


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Talk:Brad Carson

Untitled
Is Mr. Carson notable? You should include more information in the article; see Manual of style. Best wishes, Meelar 20:11, 2 Jun 2004 (UTC)

 * You ask if he is notable? Mr. Carson was a Congressman in the U.S. House of Rep. and he is currently the General Counsel for the U.S. Army, which is considered a key appointed job requiring Senate confirmation.  He was also a candidate for U.S. Senate.  Besides all that, he seems like a pretty nice guy - though that is not the reason he is notable, but certainly there is no doubt that Brad Carson is a notable person.    — Preceding unsigned comment added by 141.116.212.32 (talk) 18:49, 25 January 2012 (UTC)

I don't think he is notable... Reccomend deletion. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 204.154.114.160 (talk • contribs)

I have removed material from that does not comply with our policy on the biographies of living persons. Biographical material must always be referenced from reliable sources, especially negative material. Negative material that does not comply with that must be immediately removed. Note that the removal does not imply that the information is either true or false.

Please do not reinsert this material unless you can provide reliable citations, and can ensure it is written in a neutral tone. Please review the relevant policies before editing in this regard. Editors should note that failure to follow this policy may result in the removal of editing privileges.--Docg 17:34, 1 November 2007 (UTC)

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Michael Peroutka

Michael Anthony Peroutka (born 1952) is an American far-right politician, lawyer, and neo-Confederate activist from Maryland. He was the Republican nominee for Attorney General of Maryland in 2022, and was the Constitution Party candidate for president in 2004.

Peroutka is a former member of the League of the South, a white supremacist and white nationalist organization designated by the Southern Poverty Law Center as a hate group. Peroutka is known for his pro-secessionist views, and has said that he is "still angry" that Maryland did not join the Confederacy in the Civil War. Peroutka has voiced support for disproven conspiracy theories about the September 11 terrorist attacks, falsely claiming that the attacks were an "inside job" accomplished using explosives.

Peroutka attended Loyola University Maryland and the University of Baltimore School of Law. He was the chairman of the Constitution Party of Maryland and a member of the executive committee of the Constitution Party National Committee. In 2014, he became a Republican and won election to the County Council of Anne Arundel County, Maryland, representing District 5.

He is of Czech descent.

2004 presidential campaign
In the 2004 United States presidential election, he was the Constitution Party's candidate. His campaign slogan was "God, Family, Republic" and heavily featured Christian and socially conservative themes. His running mate was independent Baptist minister Chuck Baldwin. Peroutka gained support from many paleoconservatives, and was endorsed by the America First Party and Alaskan Independence Party. Peroutka was also endorsed by the League of the South and supported by a group called "Southerners for Peroutka". Peroutka accepted the endorsement from the League at their 2004 national convention. Far-right radio host and conspiracy theorist Alex Jones stated that he would be voting for Peroutka.

Peroutka appeared on the far-right radio show The Political Cesspool to promote his campaign, describing it as a "Christian/Constitutionalist radio program" and "a great blessing to our cause". Paleoconservative political commentator Pat Buchanan stated on the September 7, 2004, edition of Hardball with Chris Matthews that he was considering voting for Peroutka. The November 8, 2004, issue of The American Conservative contained endorsements by Taki Theodoracopulos and Howard Phillips (the latter having founded the party Peroutka represented). Peroutka received just over 0.01% of the national popular vote, finishing fifth nationally with almost 150,000 votes. This was a similar showing to previous Constitution Party candidacies of Howard Phillips, and made the party the only third party to increase its share of the vote in 2004. Kentucky Republican politician Matt Bevin's support for Peroutka's candidacy was used in a 2013 attack ad by opponent Mitch McConnell.

Political positions
Peroutka is a Christian nationalist who holds views outside the mainstream of U.S. political discourse, even within the modern Republican Party. He said that government officials must "take a biblical worldview and apply it to civil law and government" and referred to the principle of separation of church and state as a "great lie." Peroutka views public schools as a Communist plot; he supports homeschooling and opposes government funding for education, stating that it is "the 10th plank in the Communist Manifesto." He rejects laws and constitutional protections protecting abortion and same-sex marriage.

In 2006, he voted in favor of disaffiliating the Independent American Party of Nevada from the Constitution Party due to their allowance for abortion in certain circumstances. In 2012, the Montgomery Advertiser reported that Peroutka was the single-largest donor to Roy Moore's 2012 campaign for the Alabama Supreme Court, having contributed $50,000 of the total $78,000 received by Moore until December 31, 2011.

Peroutka is a former board member of the League of the South, a neo-Confederate organization that is classified by the Southern Poverty Law Center as a hate group. He was a member of the group's board of directors from 2012 to 2014. In 2012, the Human Rights Campaign called Peroutka an "active white supremacist and secessionist sympathizer" due to his ties to the League. Peroutka told The Baltimore Sun that he "continues to be a proud member of the League of the South," since it "has a belief that the central government is too large, too spend-thrift and too out-of-control," but he called HRC's characterization of him as a white-supremacist sympathizer "absurd" and "not at all true." In 2012, a video showed Peroutka asking a group to stand for the national anthem, and then leading them in the de facto Confederate anthem, "Dixie". In 2013, he stated that "all elevation or denigration of individuals or groups based on skin color is immoral and shameful." In October 2014, during his campaign for the Anne Arundel County Council, Peroutka announced that he had resigned from the League of the South board of directors and was no longer a member after discovering statements made by members that were "contrary to [his] beliefs". He declined to disavow the group during his 2022 campaign for Maryland attorney general.

Split from the National Constitution Party
In 2006, the Maryland Constitution Party disaffiliated from the national party along with other state parties following a schism at the national party's 2006 convention, in which it failed to disaffiliate the Nevada party despite its chairman and gubernatorial candidate's support for legal abortion in some cases. Peroutka stated, "At this point I could not, in good faith, represent the Constitution Party nor endorse any of its candidates. Unless serious changes occur, I could not run for President in 2008."

Peroutka's supporters, however, collected enough signatures to get his name approved as a write-in candidate in Georgia for the 2008 presidential election.

Election in 2014 to Anne Arundel County Council
In February 2014, Peroutka switched his voter registration from Constitution Party to Republican and filed to run for a seat on the Anne Arundel County Council as well as a seat on the county's Republican Central Committee. Peroutka won the seat on the Central Committee, becoming an official representative of the Republican Party in Anne Arundel County, Maryland. Peroutka also won the primary election for county council from District 5 on June 24, defeating a number of other Republican candidates, including the incumbent councilman Dick Ladd. He won by 38 votes over Maureen Carr-York to become the Republican nominee in the November 2014 general election. Peroutka won in the general election with 53 percent of the vote and a margin of victory of nearly 1,900 votes over his Democratic opponent. His district covered Severna Park, Millersville, Arnold, and Broadneck. Peroutka, along with the rest of the council, was sworn in on December 1, 2014.

Loss in 2018 re-election campaign
Running for reelection from District 5 in June 2018, Peroutka lost the Republican primary to candidate Amanda Fiedler, 53 percent to 47 percent.

2022 campaign for Attorney General of Maryland
In February 2022, Peroutka filed to run for Attorney General of Maryland. He ran on the slogan "Liberty forever, Mandates never!" and a platform of opposing COVID-19 restrictions, fear of crime and immigration, election integrity, and opposition to abortion. Peroutka ran on a platform in which he prioritize what he called "God-given, constitutionally-protected rights" over state and federal laws, specifically those on abortion and same-sex marriage. He also pledged to take legal action against Governor Larry Hogan and local health officers for actions they took to slow the spread of COVID-19. Peroutka won the Republican primary on July 19, 2022, with 55.0 percent of the vote over his challenger Jim Shalleck. Peroutka's victory made him one of several extremist candidates nominated by the Republican Party in 2022.

During the general election, he said that he would accept the results of the election if they "appear to be lawful and legal", but supported legal efforts by state delegate and Republican nominee for governor Dan Cox to block the counting of mail-in ballots ahead of Election Day. Peroutka was defeated by Democratic U.S. Representative Anthony Brown in the general election on November 8, 2022. On November 10, Peroutka said he would not concede the election to Brown, claiming without evidence that "many odd and suspicious incidents were reported by poll watchers, and more reports are being gathered today."

Support for creationism
In May 2014, Peroutka, acting on behalf of the Elizabeth Streb Peroutka foundation, a charity he and his brother Stephen established and named after their mother, donated an Allosaurus skeleton to the Creation Museum, a 70,000-square-foot museum in Petersburg, Kentucky, that promotes the pseudoscientific young Earth creationist explanation of the origins of the universe put forth in Biblical literalism.

title: Michael Peroutka


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Ernest Istook

Ernest James "Ernie" Istook Jr. (born February 11, 1950) is a retired American lawyer and politician who served as a Republican member of the United States House of Representatives from Oklahoma's 5th congressional district. He held his congressional seat for 14 years, completing seven terms in the House. Currently, Istook is a Distinguished Fellow at The Heritage Foundation in Washington, D.C., and also a talk radio host. In 2010, Istook became a Fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School leading a study on Propaganda in American Politics.

He was a member of the Appropriations and the Homeland Security committees. He was the Republican gubernatorial nominee in 2006, running against incumbent Democratic Governor Brad Henry. Istook lost the gubernatorial race by a very wide margin, getting only 33.5% of the vote to Henry's 66.5%.

Early life and career
Istook's grandparents immigrated to the U.S. from Hungary through Ellis Island and spoke Hungarian at home. He graduated from Castleberry High School in Fort Worth, Texas in 1967 and received a bachelor of arts degree from Baylor University in Waco, Texas in 1971. He eventually moved to Warr Acres, a suburb of Oklahoma City.

He worked full-time as a radio news reporter first at KOMA (now KOKC) and then at WKY in Oklahoma City while attending law school, receiving a law degree from Oklahoma City University School of Law in 1976. He was also a member of the Kappa Sigma fraternity. After graduation, he established his own law firm, and practiced law for 15 years.

Istook also was director of the Oklahoma State Alcoholic and Beverage Control Board (1977–1978), was legal counsel to popular Oklahoma Governor David L. Boren (1978), and was a member of the board of the Metropolitan Library System (1982–1986), chairman of the Warr Acres city council (1982–1986), director of the Warr Acres Chamber of Commerce, and an Oklahoma state representative 1987–1993.

1992 election
In the 1992 Republican primary, Istook challenged and defeated incumbent Deputy House Minority Whip Mickey Edwards in a three-way primary that also featured former federal prosecutor Bill Price. Both Istook and Price used Edwards' involvement in the House banking scandal to chip away at his support.

Istook narrowly defeated his Democratic challenger, Laurie Williams, in November, winning by only six points. He never faced another contest nearly that close, and was reelected six more times from what has long been considered the most Republican district in Oklahoma. The Democrats didn't even put up a candidate against him in 1994.

Although Istook lives in Warr Acres, he was listed on the House roll as "R-Oklahoma City".

Political views
As a member of Congress, Istook focused on issues surrounding national defense and homeland security, transportation, education, labor, social services and religious liberty. He is anti-abortion and supports the position that abortion should be prohibited except when the mother's life is in danger. He does not support federal funding of embryonic stem cell research. Istook opposes gay marriage and the adoption of children into same-sex homes. He has favored several constitutional amendments including an amendment banning same-sex marriage and an amendment to restrict burning the U.S. flag.

He introduced the Religious Freedom Amendment, a Constitutional Amendment to permit school prayer, in 1995 and (slightly modified) in 1997. On June 4, 1998, the House voted 224–203, with 7 abstentions, in favor of it, but it failed as a Constitutional amendment, needing a 2/3 majority to pass. He reintroduced it in 1999, and again with different text in 2001, renamed the Religious Speech Amendment, and in 2003. The other efforts did not make it out of the House Subcommittee on the Constitution.

On economics, Istook opposed more federal funds for health coverage and supported welfare and Social Security reform, including the creation of personal accounts within Social Security. He supported the Bush administration's tax cuts and wanted to make those permanent. He wrote a bill to relieve the tax burden for married couples, which was passed in February 2000 as the Marriage Tax Penalty Relief Act of 2000. He favors expansion of free trade; he voted in favor of CAFTA. He wants the U.S. to withdraw from the World Trade Organization, wants the end of the estate tax, and supported Normal Trade Relations with the People's Republic of China to be made permanent. In 2004 Istook travelled to Beijing to speak with Chinese leaders and expand trade between the U.S. and China. In particular his visit focused on the opportunities for Oklahoma to trade in China.

Istook voted to make the USA PATRIOT Act permanent and supports intelligence gathering by the military. Istook favors military recruiting on college campuses that receive federal aid. Istook endorsed the Bush administration and its handling of the War in Iraq and supports higher Defense Department funding.

Istook does not support a U.S. ratification of the Kyoto Protocol nor heavy taxpayer subsidies for alternative fuel sources. He supports drilling in ANWR.

Congressional committees
Istook served on several congressional committees during his time in the House. He was a member of the Appropriations Committee from the mid-1990s and chaired a number of its subcommittees including Treasury, Transportation, and Special Agencies. He also served on the Homeland Security Committee and was a founder of the re-established Republican Study Committee.

Transit funding controversies
Istook is against the current federal funding level for Amtrak. For several years, he chaired the subcommittee on Treasury, Transportation, and Special Agencies, which oversaw transportation funding. In 2004, Istook denied special transportation funding (earmarks) requests for districts of 21 Republican House members because the other Republicans had written a letter supporting of funding of $1.8 billion for Amtrak. Istook took the view that their request for major funding increases for Amtrak took precedence over their requests for their districts, and viewed those requests as trying to "double-dip" into the Treasury. Istook lost the chairmanship in 2005, in large part because others in the Republican party were still upset over his handling of this issue.

Istook introduced language into an FY2004 federal spending bill that would cut funding for transit authorities that sponsored advertisements contradicting current government policies and laws regarding marijuana. Judge Paul L. Friedman of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia later ruled that the "Istook Amendment", as it came to be known, was unconstitutional on grounds that it violated the First Amendment, stating "the government articulated no legitimate state interest in the suppression of this particular speech other than the fact that it disapproves of the message, an illegitimate and constitutionally impermissible reason".

Jack Abramoff
Istook received $29,000 in campaign contributions from Abramoff and some of his clients, and wrote letters urging the Bush administration to reject a casino proposal that Abramoff's clients opposed. On January 9, 2006, Istook announced he would give $23,000 in Abramoff-related money that was donated to his re-election campaign or his PAC to the Boy Scouts of America. This is in addition to $6,000 in Abramoff-related donations given to the Oklahoma Medical Research Foundation in December 2005. His congressional campaign paid back $5,126 to Abramoff's Sports Suites LLC, for the use in 2003 of skyboxes by the congressman for an American Idol concert and a Washington Redskins game. Istook has denied any connection between the donations and his activities, saying in 2006, "I barely knew the man."

Istook is identified in documents filed in June 2008 against his former chief of staff, John Albaugh, as "Representative 4". According to the documents, Istook called Abramoff in 2003 to thank him in advance for use of one of Abramoff's FedEx Field skyboxes for a fundraising event. Istook asked Abramoff which projects his clients wanted in the upcoming transportation bill. The government filing refers to an Abramoff e-mail saying Istook "had basically asked what we want in the transportation bill", and telling his colleagues at Greenberg Traurig to "make sure we load up our entire Christmas list". Four of Kevin A. Ring's clients later received at least $1 million each in the transportation bill. On June 2, 2008, Albaugh pleaded guilty to one count of corruption and conspiracy.

Ratings

 * 0% by NARAL
 * 92% by the Christian Coalition
 * 100% by the Federation for American Immigration Reform
 * 0% by SANE
 * 0% by League of Conservation Voters
 * 63% by National Taxpayers Union
 * "A" by NRA Political Victory Fund
 * 40% by Coalition on Urban Renewal and Education
 * 17% by National Education Association
 * 0% Oklahoma Passenger Rail Association

2006 gubernatorial race

On October 3, 2005, Istook announced he would run for governor of Oklahoma against Democratic incumbent Brad Henry. He was immediately the consensus frontrunner for the nomination, as a seven-term incumbent U.S. Representative whose district covered most of the Oklahoma City area, the state's largest media market.

In the July 2006 primary, he received 55% of the vote to become the Republican nominee. Oil businessman Bob Sullivan was second with 31%.

Henry and Istook faced each other in the November general election. After a heated campaign, Henry defeated Istook, gathering 66.5% of the total vote—the biggest landslide in an Oklahoma governor's race in almost half a century. Istook even lost his own congressional district, as well as a number of areas that normally vote Republican. He only carried the three Panhandle counties of Beaver, Cimarron and Texas.

Istook's campaign was managed by campaign manager Chip Englander, a political operative from California. National media attention was attracted when it turned out that Jordan Edmund, one of the campaign's workers from California, had been one of the congressional pages who received unwelcome attention in the Mark Foley scandal.

Post-congressional career
Ernest Istook was a distinguished fellow at The Heritage Foundation and host of the conservative think tank's radio show, "Istook Live". Istook contributed opinion columns to a variety of outlets including The Washington Times, Human Events The Huffington Post, and Newsmax. He has been a talk radio host. He has appeared frequently on national radio programs as a guest host and has filled-in for a number of talk radio hosts including Mark Levin, Jerry Doyle and on "America's Morning News". Istook has also been a guest analyst on national television including appearances on most major news programs.

He became a Fellow for the Institute of Politics at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government in early 2010, during which he taught a study group on Propaganda in American Politics. In 2014, Istook joined the Board of Advisors of the National Federation of Republican Assemblies. He is a member of the Council for National Policy.

He now teaches History and Political Sciences classes at Utah Valley University in Orem, UT and practices law.

Personal life
In 2008, Istook was appointed to the National Advisory Board for the national children's charity Operation Kids. He is also an active supporter of the Boy Scouts of America and served several years as a scoutmaster.

Istook and his wife Judy (whom he met through his radio job at KOKC and married in 1973) have five children, two sons and three daughters, and fifteen grandchildren. Istook, who comes from a Southern Baptist background, is now a member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church).

Electoral history
* Minor candidates notes: In 2000, Libertarian Robert T. Murphy received 2,658 votes (1%).

title: Ernest Istook


text:
File:Thundarr the Barbarian promotional image.jpg

Other
The art work in this image is believed to be by Jack Kirby.


text:
Istanbul University

Istanbul University, also known as University of Istanbul (İstanbul Üniversitesi), is a prominent public research university located in Istanbul, Turkey.

Founded by Mehmed II on May 30, 1453, a day after the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks, it was reformed in 1846 as the first Ottoman higher education institution based on European traditions. The successor institution, which has been operating under its current name since 1933, is the first university in modern Turkey. Some pre-1930 Western sources refer to it as the University of Constantinople after the previous name of the city (not to be confused with the Byzantine era University of Constantinople, which was founded in 425 AD by the East Roman emperor Theodosius II as the Pandidacterium and was by some accounts the world's first university), while one in French referred to it as the Université de Stamboul ("Stamboul" the name for the historic inner city).

Istanbul University is consistently ranked first in Turkey and among the top 500 universities in the world according to the recently published Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU 2023). At present, there are 64,032 undergraduate, graduate, and doctoral students studying in 33 academic units, including faculties, institutes, colleges, and vocational schools at 10 campuses. The main campus is adjacent to Beyazıt Square in Fatih, the capital district of the province, on the European side of the city.

Istanbul University alumni include 2 Nobel laureates, Aziz Sancar (in Chemistry) and Orhan Pamuk (in Literature), the longest-serving President of Israel Yitzhak Ben-Zvi, two Prime Ministers of Israel (David Ben-Gurion and Moshe Sharett), President of Turkey Abdullah Gül, six Prime Ministers of Turkey (Suat Hayri Ürgüplü, Sadi Irmak, Nihat Erim, Refik Saydam, Naim Talu, Yıldırım Akbulut), and the current Mayor of Istanbul Ekrem İmamoğlu.

History
Origins of Istanbul University go back to 1453, when it was founded by the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II "as a school of philosophy, medicine, law and letters". There was also the Byzantine era University of Constantinople, which was founded in 425 AD by the East Roman emperor Theodosius II as the Pandidacterium (it was later rebranded as the Phanar Greek Orthodox College after the Fall of Constantinople in 1453). Istanbul University functioned as a Medrese (Islamic theological school) as well. This madrasa is regarded as the precursor to the Darülfünûn (technical institute or university. Literally: House of Natural Sciences), which evolved into Istanbul University in 1933. Education in a number of sciences and fields (such as medicine, mathematics, astronomy, cartography, geography, history, philosophy, religion, literature, philology, law, etc.) became available, and, until the 19th century, they were instrumental in educating the ruling cadres of the Ottoman society. However, when the medreses were no longer able to meet the needs of the modern world, a restructuring process began, and as a result, the institutions of higher education called Darülfünûn, the core of Istanbul University, was established.

An institution of higher education named the Darülfünûn-u Osmanî (Ottoman Polytechnic Institute) was created in 1863, but suppressed in 1871. Its first rector was Hasan Tahsini, regarded as one of the most important Ottoman scholars of the 19th century. In 1874 the Imperial Polytechnic Institute (Darülfünûn-u Sultanî) (دار الفنون سلطاني) started classes in law in French, but was closed in 1881.

The Imperial University, now known as Darülfünûn-u Şahâne was refounded in 1900, with the departments of theology, arts, mathematics, science and philology. In 1924, the faculties of law, medicine, arts and sciences were established in Istanbul University (İstanbul Darülfünûnu), as the university was now called. Islamic theology was added in 1925, but in 1933 the university was reorganized without the latter.

The first modern Applied Physics courses were given at the Darülfünûn on 31 December 1863, which marked the beginning of a new period, and on 20 February 1870, the school was renamed as the Darülfünûn-u Osmanî (Ottoman House of Multiple Sciences) and reorganized to meet the needs of modern sciences and technologies. Starting from 1874, some classes of Literature, Law and Applied Sciences were given at the building of Galatasaray High School, which continued regularly until 1881. On 1 September 1900, the school was renamed and reorganized as the Darülfünûn-u Şahâne (Royal Polytechnic Institute) with courses on Mathematics, Literature and Theology. On 20 April 1912, the school was renamed as the İstanbul Darülfünûnu (Istanbul Polytechnic Institute) while the number of courses were increased and the curricula were modernized with the establishment of the Schools of Medicine, Law, Applied Sciences (Physics, Chemistry, Mathematics), Literature and Theology.

On 21 April 1924, the Republic of Turkey recognized the İstanbul Darülfünûnu as a state school, and on 7 October 1925, the administrative autonomy of İstanbul Darülfünûnu was recognized while the Schools (within the old Medrese system) became modern Faculties. The Darülfünûnu counted with five faculties: medicine, law, letters, theology and science. The professors of the Darülfünûnu had academic freedom as mentioned in Article 2 of Law 493

On 1 August 1933, İstanbul Darülfünûnu was reorganized as İstanbul Üniversitesi (Istanbul University) following the educational reforms of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Classes officially began on 1 November 1933.

Campus
The university has seventeen faculties on five campuses; the main campus being on Beyazıt Square, which was originally built by Constantine the Great as the Forum Tauri and was later enlarged by Theodosius the Great as the Forum of Theodosius during the Roman period.

The main campus building with its landmark gate was previously used as the headquarters of the Harbiye Nezareti (Ministry of War) by the Ottoman government. Located on the grounds is the Beyazıt Tower, an 85 m tall fire-watch tower. The grounds were previously the location of the Ottoman era Eski Saray (Old Palace). Some Roman and Byzantine ruins are still visible on the grounds.

The university has a teaching staff of 2,000 professors and associates and 4,000 assistants and younger staff. More than 60,000 undergraduate and 8,000 postgraduate students follow the courses offered by Istanbul University every year.

The main gate was depicted on the reverse of the Turkish 500 lira banknotes of 1971–1984.

International perspective and rankings
Istanbul University School of Business is the only AACSB-Accredited Business School among the public universities in Turkey.

In the QS World University Rankings 2024, Istanbul University is ranked at 711–720th globally. In the broad subject areas, it is ranked 281st in "Arts and Humanities", 309th in "Life Sciences and Medicine", 353th in "Social Sciences and Management", 451-500th in "Natural Sciences, and 451-500th in "Engineering & Technology".

In the Academic Ranking of World Universities 2019, Istanbul University is ranked at 401–500th worldwide (1st in Turkey). It is also ranked at 251–300th in "Veterinary Sciences", 401–500th in "Clinical Medicine", 101–150th in "Dentistry & Oral Sciences", 201–300th in "Nursing", and 301–400th in "Medical Technology".

In 2020, Times Higher Education ranked the university top 1000 in the world, 301–400th in "Clinical, pre-clinical and health", 401–500th in "Education", 501–600th in "Social Sciences", and 601–800th in "Life Sciences".

The Best Global Universities Ranking 2021 of the U.S. News & World Report ranks Istanbul University 714th in the world, 225th in "Surgery", 243rd in "Clinical Medicine", 195th in "Endocrinology and Metabolism", 255th in "Neuroscience and Behavior", 383rd in "Molecular Biology and Genetics", 442nd in "Plant and Animal Science", 446th in "Biology and Biochemistry", and 593rd in "Physics".

By CWTS Leiden Ranking 2019, Istanbul University is ranked 335th (overall), 196th in "Biomedical and Health Sciences", 374th in "Life and Earth Sciences", 669th in "Mathematics and Computer Science", 544th in "Physical Sciences and Engineering", and 570th in "Social Sciences and Humanities".

By Round University Ranking 2019, Istanbul University is ranked 529th in the world, 490th in "Humanities", 496th in "Life Sciences", 329th in "Medical Sciences", 556th in "Natural Sciences", 506th in "Social Sciences" and 600th in "Technical Sciences".

Notable faculty
See the page Academic staff of Istanbul University.

Notable alumni
See also Istanbul University alumni for a detailed list.
 * Turkish Presidents

 * Abdullah Gül

 * Foreign Presidents

 * David Ben-Gurion, Founder and the First Prime Minister of Israel
 * Yitzhak Ben-Zvi, the Longest-Serving President of Israel

 * Speakers of the Turkish parliament

 * Ferruh Bozbeyli
 * Fuat Sirmen

 * Turkish Prime Ministers

• Nihat Erim

• Refik Saydam

• Sadi Irmak

• Suad Hayri Ürgüplü

• Yıldırım Akbulut

 * Foreign Prime Ministers

 * David Ben-Gurion, Founder and the First Prime Minister of Israel
 * Moshe Sharett, Prime Minister of Israel

 * Turkish Ministers

 * Cemil Çiçek
 * Arif Demirer
 * Mehmet Ali Şahin

 * Politicians

 * Ali Tanrıyar – Former Minister of Interior
 * Cemil Çiçek – Former Speaker of the Parliament
 * Coşkun Kırca – Former Minister of Foreign Affairs
 * Ekrem İmamoğlu – Current Mayor of Istanbul
 * Erkan Mumcu – Former Minister of Culture and Tourism / Minister of Education / Minister of Tourism
 * Ertuğrul Mat – Former Bursa deputy
 * Hayati Yazıcı – Former Minister of Customs and Trade
 * İhsan Sabri Çağlayangil – Former Minister of Foreign Affairs
 * Kadir Topbaş – Former Mayor of Istanbul
 * Köksal Toptan – Former Speaker of the Parliament
 * Masud Sabri – Pharmacist and former Governor of Xinjiang province in China
 * Meral Akşener – Leader of Good Party
 * Murat Başesgioğlu – Former Minister of Labor and Social Security
 * Mustafa Bey Barmada – Former Governor General of the State of Aleppo
 * Naci Ağbal – Former Minister of Finance
 * Nimet Bas – Former Minister of Education

 * Journalists

• Abdi İpekçi

• Ahmet Şık

• Halit Kıvanç

• Fatih Altaylı

• Hrant Dink

• Metin Toker

• Murat Belge

• Nedim Şener

• Uğur Dündar

 * Scientists

• Ahmet Mete Işıkara

• Alp Ikizler

• Aykut Barka

• Aziz Sancar, Nobel Laureate in Chemistry

• Cavit Orhan Tütengil

• Engin Arık

• Fuat Sezgin

• Hulusi Behçet

• Nazim Terzioglu

• Muzafer Sherif

• Nüzhet Gökdoğan

• Paris Pişmiş

• Serdar Bulun

• Zeynel Mungan

 * Writers

• Ahmet Hamdi Tanpinar

• Ali Kurumahmut

• Bahadir Kaleagasi, international co-ordinator of TUSIAD

• Duygu Asena

• Mario Levi

• Mıgırdiç Margosyan

• Nihal Atsiz

• İlhan Selçuk

• Orhan Pamuk, Nobel Laureate in Literature

• Reşat Nuri Güntekin

 * Poets

 * Attila İlhan
 * Onat Kutlar
 * Orhan Veli

 * Musicians

• Arif Mardin

• Bülent Ortaçgil

• Candan Erçetin

• Ceza

• Mercan Dede

• Sadettin Kaynak

• Sagopa Kajmer

• Teoman (singer)

 * Other

• Burcu Esmersoy – Anchorwoman, Model

• Cansu Dere – Actress, Model

• Cüneyt Arkın — Actor, Director

• Çağatay Ulusoy – Actor

• Ayça Ayşin Turan - Actress

• Deniz Gezmiş – Political activist

• Metin Erksan – Film Director and Art Historian

• Okan Yalabık – Actor

• Özgü Namal – Actress, Singer

• Özgür Çevik – Singer, Actor

• Türkan Rado (1915–2007), first ever Turkish female professor of jurisprudence

• Tuncel Kurtiz – Actor

Notable expatriate academic staff

 * Fritz Arndt (1885–1969), German chemist (1915–1918)
 * Erich Auerbach (1892–1957), German philologist (1936–1947)
 * Helmuth Theodor Bossert (1889–1961), German philologist and art historian and archaeologist (1934–1959)
 * Max Clara (1899–1966), German anatomist
 * Georges Dumézil (1898–1986), French philologist, religion historian (1923–1931)
 * Erwin Finlay-Freundlich (1885–1964), German astronomer (1933–1937)
 * Albert Gabriel (1883–1972), French art historian (1926–1930)
 * Hilda Geiringer (1893–1973), Austrian mathematician (1934–1938)
 * C. W. M. Hart (1905–1976), Australian anthropologist (1959–1969)
 * C. H. E. Haspels (1894–1980), Dutch archaeologist
 * Felix Haurowitz (1896–1987), Czech physician and biochemist (1939–1948)
 * Baymirza Hayit (1917–2006), Uzbek historian and orientalist
 * Richard Honig 1890–1981), German penologist (1934–1939)
 * Günther Jacoby (1881–1969), German theologian and philosopher (1915–1918)
 * Curt Kosswig (1903–1982), German zoologist and geneticist (1937–1955)
 * Lotte Loewe 1900–unknown), German organic chemist (1934–1955)
 * Hans Marchand (1907–1978), German linguist
 * Richard von Mises (1883–1953), Austrian mathematician
 * Fritz Neumark (1900–1991), German economist (1934–1954)
 * Rudolph Nissen (1896–1981),German surgeon (1933–1949)
 * William Prager (1904–1980), German mathematician
 * Hans Reichenbach (1891–1953), German philosopher (1945–1938)
 * Oskar Rescher (1884–1972), German scholar in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish literature
 * Umberto Ricci (1879–1946), Italian economist (1942–1945)
 * Hellmut Ritter (1892–1971), German orientalist (1926–1949, 1956–1969)
 * Wilhelm Röpke (1899–1966), German economist
 * Hans Oswald Rosenberg (1879–1940), German astronomer (1938–1940)
 * Leo Spitzer (1887–1960), Austrian Romanist and Hispanist, philologist (1925–1930)
 * Andreas Tietze (1914–2003), Austrian scholar of Turkish lexicography and language (1938–1957)

title: Istanbul University


text:
Meadow Valley Wash

The Meadow Valley Wash is a southern Nevada stream draining the Meadow Watershed that is bordered on three sides by the Great Basin Divide. The wash's Lincoln County head point is in the Wilson Creek Range, and the wash includes two upper confluences (e.g., the Patterson Wash). Panaca is along the upper wash, and downstream of Caliente is the wash's confluence with its east fork. Just before the junction with the Muddy River, the wash flows from Lincoln County into northeastern Clark County. It flows into the Muddy in the Moapa Valley just west of Glendale adjacent to Interstate 15 approximately 40 mi northeast of Las Vegas.

In addition to the Wilson Creek Range, the watershed's drainage divide is in the Delamar Mountains (to the west) and the Meadow Valley Range (east). The northern tip of the watershed is a triple watershed point with two Great Basin subregions: the Central Nevada Desert Basins and the Escalante-Sevier subregion.

History
William Andrews Clark's 1903–1910 railroad that linked Pioche and Panaca operated through the wash until washed out by flooding.

title: Meadow Valley Wash


text: Category:Formula One

title: Category:Formula One


text:
Talk:Vatican roulette

I thought the term specifically meant the attempt to use natural birth control, by attempting to determine the infertile period of the woman's cycle via temperature measurements, etc. and limiting coitus to the infertile period. Dpbsmith 20:18, 2 Jun 2004 (UTC)

 * That's what I thought as well. Meelar 20:21, 2 Jun 2004 (UTC)

 * That seems backward, however. Russian roulette involves doing a dangerous thing for the thrill of it and hoping it won't hurt you - analogous to having unprotected sex if you don't want a child and hoping it won't hurt you (so to speak). The above description, on the other hand, is the opposite: Not doing a dangerous thing because it's more likely to hurt you. I am not familiar with the term in the wild, however. - DavidWBrooks

 * The similarity is that, if you're not shooting blanks, you're screwed. - Nunh-huh 19:18, 3 Jun 2004 (UTC)

Like Russian Roulette you do something and hope it doesn't harm you, by having unprotected sex with a woman, and pulling out at the last second, hoping that you did it in time to not concieve a child.

title: Talk:Vatican roulette


text: User:Elf/TempSong

title: User:Elf/TempSong


text:
Humana

Humana Inc. is a for-profit American health insurance company based in Louisville, Kentucky. In 2023, the company ranked 42 on the Fortune 500 list, which made it the highest ranked (by revenues) company based in Kentucky. It is the fourth largest health insurance provider in the U.S.

1961–1983: Nursing homes and hospitals
Lawyers David A. Jones Sr. and Wendell Cherry founded a nursing home company in 1961. The company, known in 1968 as Extendicare Inc., became the largest nursing home company in the United States. In 1972, Jones and Cherry sold the nursing home chain to purchase hospitals.

In 1974, the partners changed the corporate name to Humana Inc. The name was meant to change public perception from 'warehousing' or indifferently treating people to providing a higher level of human care and, by extension, more humane care. It grew in the following years, both by business and in 1978 through the takeover of American Medicorp Inc., which doubled the company's size, and grew into the world's largest hospital company in the 1980s. During this period, Humana developed the double corridor model for hospital construction. This design minimized the distance between patients and nurses by placing nursing support services in the interior of the building with patient rooms surrounding the perimeter.

1984–present
As the American health care system changed in the 1980s, "one of its hospitals in Arizona lost a contract with the largest health-maintenance organization in the area [and] Humana created its own health insurance plan."

In 1993, Humana had become the largest hospital operator in the country, owning 77 hospitals. Humana executives spun off hospital operations from health insurance operations to create Galen Health Care. The following year they sold the 73 hospitals of Galen Health Care Inc. to Nashville-based Columbia Hospital Corporation of America for $3.4 billion.

In 1998, one year after Jones had stepped aside as CEO, United Healthcare made an unsuccessful attempt to acquire Humana. Humana pulled out of the acquisition after United stock dropped $2.9 billion in value. In 2001, Humana was a cofounder of Avality.

In 2005, Humana entered into a business partnership with Virgin Group, offering financial incentives to members for healthy behavior, such as regular exercise.

On November 16, 2006, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and Humana Inc. partnered to expand on traditional private-sector approaches to population health management.

In 2010, Humana bought Texas-based Concentra Inc., which owns urgent-care and physical therapy centers, for $790 million, effectively returning to healthcare services. In May 2011, Humana announced it would be using mobileStorm to transmit protected health information to patients.

In March 2015, Humana announced the sale of Concentra to private equity firm Welsh, Carson, Anderson & Stowe and Select Medical Holdings Corporation for about $1 billion, with proceeds to fund a "$2 billion share buyback program and other corporate spending."

In July 2015, Aetna announced that it would acquire Humana for $37 billion in cash and stock (approximately $230 a share at that time). Aetna and Humana shareholders would own 74% and 26% of the new combined company, however the merger was blocked by a federal judge in January 2017. In February 2017, Aetna Inc. and Humana Inc. quashed a $34 billion merger agreement after judges ruled against the merger for a second time.

In July 2018, Humana joined two private equity firms in the acquisition of Kindred Healthcare. The deal provided Humana with a 40% stake in the company's home health, hospice and community care businesses, called "Kindred at Home," for approximately $800 million. In August 2018, Humana announced the creation of a digital health and analytics division called Humana Studio H.

In December 2019, the company announced it would acquire Enclara Healthcare from Consonance Capital Partners and Enclara management.

In 2021, Susan Diamond, formerly occupying an interim position, was announced to be the new permanent CFO. Her appointment to the position comes with the company's focus being turned towards the home healthcare business, acquiring in April of the same year a 60% stake in Kindred at Home, an in-home care and hospice business.

In April 2022, it was announced Humana would sell a 60% interest of its Kindred at Home division to the private investment company, Clayton, Dubilier & Rice, for US$2.8 billion.

In February 2023, Humana announced they were exiting the employer-based commercial group insurance market.

Sponsorship
Humana is the presenting sponsor of the Grand Ole Opry and the National Senior Games.

Since 1979, Humana has been a principal sponsor of the annual Humana Festival of New American Plays in Louisville, Kentucky.

LPGA player Nancy Scranton was a spokesperson for Humana. In the past, PGA Tour player David Toms' David Toms Foundation has partnered with the Humana Foundation to provide grants to several children's charities in New Orleans. Humana is the official health benefits provider of the PGA Tour and Champions Tour.

The Humana Distaff Handicap is a Grade 1 race for thoroughbred fillies and mares, four-years-old and up. The race is run each spring on Kentucky Derby day at Churchill Downs and set at a distance of 7 furlongs for a purse of $250,000.

Humana Military Healthcare Services
In 1993, Humana founded Humana Military Healthcare Services (HMHS) as a wholly owned subsidiary. They were awarded their first TRICARE contract in 1995, and began serving military beneficiaries in 1996. From 2004 to 2009, HMHS was the managed care contractor for the Department of Defense Military Health System TRICARE South Region.

In 2009, HMHS' Managed Care Support Contract was awarded to United Military and Veterans Services, a subsidiary of UnitedHealth Group. HMHS protested that decision and the Government Accountability Office upheld the protest in late 2009.

In 2011, HMHS regained the five-year contract to administer medical benefits to military members and families in the South region, a contract worth $23.5 billion. In 2018, this was moved to the new TRICARE East region during the TRICARE regional realignment.

On December 22, 2022, the Department of Defense announced the award of the managed care support contract for the TRICARE East Region to Humana Military.

Legal campaign against drug price fixing
Humana filed a lawsuit in August 2019, alleging that 37 defendants engaged in a “far-reaching conspiracy” to “blatantly fix the price” of generic drugs. This follows a similar smaller lawsuit from October 2018.

Controversy
In 1987, Humana sued NBC over a story line in the television medical drama St. Elsewhere in which the hospital was to be sold to a for-profit medical corporation and renamed "Ecumena", with subsequent changes to the hospital, both positive and negative, emanating from that change. The company claimed that the program infringed on the Humana trademark. Humana failed to block the airing of the show, but was successful at forcing NBC into showing a disclaimer at the beginning of the September 30 episode saying that the drama had no connection whatsoever with Humana.

On May 30, 1996, Linda Peeno, a physician who was contracted to work for Humana for nine months, testified before Congress as to the downside of managed care. Peeno said she was effectively rewarded by her employer for causing the death of a patient, because it saved the company a half-million dollars. Peeno stated that she felt the "managed care" model was inherently unethical.

In 1999, season one of Michael Moore's TV series The Awful Truth reported on Humana refusing to pay for a diabetic patient with pancreatic failure needing a transplant. The man's policy stated it covered all of his diabetes-related expenses, but another section of the policy stated that it did not cover organ transplants. Moore conducted a fake funeral on the front steps of the Humana building, and three days later Humana changed its policy and authorized the man's treatment.

Michael Moore's 2007 documentary Sicko used the video of Linda Peeno's testimony. On June 28, 2007, Humana declared that Peeno was never a Humana "associate" (permanent, full-time employee), but rather a "part-time contractor." Humana disputed portions of her Congressional testimony by saying that because the patient's healthcare plan did not cover heart transplants, denial of coverage was valid.

On September 21, 2009, the U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services opened an investigation into Humana for sending flyers to Medicare recipients that the AARP characterized as deceptive. The mail was made to appear to contain official information about Medicare Advantage and prescription drug benefit information, but instead alleged that core Medicare benefits could be cut by the Obama administration's healthcare reform, a claim refuted by John Rother, AARP's executive vice president. Douglas Elmendorf, the head of the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), supported the claim that Medicare benefits could be cut, but his comments were in reference to just one of several congressional bills. CBO estimates of another healthcare reform bill found that changes to premiums would vary. The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services instructed Humana to cease all such mailings to Medicare plan members pending an investigation. HHS Secretary Kathleen Sebelius, in a letter to the insurance industry, threatened that bad actors may be excluded from new health insurance markets that were to open in 2014. Senate Republicans pointed out in a letter to Sebelius that a 1997 directive from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services explicitly allowed HMOs to tell members about legislation and urge them to express opinions.

title: Humana


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ʻĀinahau

ʻĀinahau was the royal estate of Princess Victoria Kaʻiulani, heir to the throne of the Kingdom of Hawaiʻi.

History
ʻĀinahau was located at the ʻili (traditional subdivision) of ʻAuʻaukai, the ahupuaʻa of Waikīkī, on the island of Oʻahu. At the time, the site was four miles outside of the city of Honolulu. In 1872 the Scottish Archibald Scott Cleghorn purchased 6 acres at ʻAuʻaukai from two Hawaiians named Maʻaua and Koihala. Cleghorn's wife became Princess Likelike upon her brother's ascension as King Kalākaua in 1874.

After the 1875 birth of their daughter Kaʻiulani, her godmother Princess Ruth Keʻelikōlani gifted her 3.9 acres and later an additional 1.3 acres at a later date. These lands were inherited from Princess Ruth's father Kekūanaōʻa. Princess Likelike named the estate ʻĀinahau (cool land) after the cool winds blowing down from the Manoa Valley and composed a song about her new home. Hawaiian linguist Mary Kawena Pukui claimed that the name means "hau tree land" or "land of the hau tree", after the hau trees (Hibiscus tiliaceus) growing along the ʻĀpuakēhau Stream which gave shade to the estate. The confusion is due to the fact that hau means both cool and the hibiscus tree in Hawaiian.

ʻĀinahau was initially a country estate while family lived in a mansion on Emma Street in downtown Honolulu, where Kaʻiulani was born. Her father sold the Emma Street residence to Scots-Irish industrialist James Campbell in 1878 and relocated the family to the country estate.

Cleghorn built a two-story home on the estate. It was furnished with two grand pianos, elaborate brocade chairs, gold and glass cabinets and fixtures. Also, there were various art collections displayed on the walls and rooms. From ʻĀinahau, the Cleghorn family would entertain Hawaiʻi's prestigious social circles.

Cleghorn collected flowers and trees from all over the world, planted in various gardens on the estate. These included date palms, Washington palms, mango and teak trees, Monterey cypress, cinnamon and croton trees, and other types of trees. He also planted fourteen types of hibiscus, Princess Likelike's favorite gardenia flowers and Kaʻiulani's signature flower, the pikake or Jasmine flowers. A large banyan tree in front of the main house became known as the Kaʻiulani's banyan, which was the progenitor of all later banyan trees in Honolulu.

A stable was built for several horses, including quarters for Kaʻiulani's prized pony named Fairy. ʻĀinahau was made famous in later years for its many peacocks that roamed freely on its grounds. Kaʻiulani would be called the "Princess of Peacocks" in legend.

Kaʻiulani became mistress of ʻĀinahau at the age of 12, upon the death of her mother Princess Likelike. As mistress of ʻĀinahau, she grew fond of the company of the Scottish poet and author Robert Louis Stevenson, who stayed at ʻĀinahau over the course of Kaʻiualani's childhood.

The estate was sold in 1917 and subdivided after plans to turn it into a park fell through. The house burned down in 1921 due to what was thought to be a gas leak.

Later development
The site was later developed by the owners of the Moana Hotel, located across Kalākaua Avenue, which had been built towards the end of Kaʻiulani's life. In 1925, wood frame bungalows for the Moana were constructed on the site of ʻĀinahau. The bungalows were demolished in 1953 and the Matson Line constructed the Princess Kaiulani Hotel, which opened on 11 June 1955. The 11-story building was the tallest in Hawaii at the time.

In 1959, Matson sold their hotels to Sheraton Hotels. They added a second wing to the successful Princess Kaiulani Hotel in 1960, with 210 additional rooms. The hotel was sold to Kyo-Ya Company Limited in July 1963, though Sheraton continued to operate it. Kyo-Ya added a third wing, the 29-story Ainahau Tower, in 1970. Later in the 1970s, they renamed the hotel the Sheraton Princess Kaiulani Hotel.

title: ʻĀinahau


text:
Churches of Christ (non-institutional)

The label "non-institutional" refers to a distinct fellowship within the Churches of Christ who do not agree with the support of parachurch organizations (colleges, orphans' homes, organized mission efforts, etc.) by local congregations. They contend that the New Testament includes no authority for churches' support of such institutions. Instead they feel that it is a responsibility and duty of the individual members to assist those in need. Similarly, most non-institutional congregations also oppose the use of church facilities for non-church activities (such as fellowship dinners or recreation); as such, they oppose the construction of "fellowship halls", gymnasiums, and similar structures. The belief is that, although such activities may be beneficial, they are not a proper function of a local congregation.

These local churches became separated from "mainline" (pro-institutional) churches of Christ because of these viewpoints, developing into a distinct segment of congregations by the 1960s. Whether a congregation supports the "sponsoring church" custom is one way to distinguish between the "non-institutional" and "mainstream" congregations. The congregations that advocate financial support or the pooling of resources for the benefit of other entities or organized external evangelical efforts are sometimes called "sponsoring churches" and identified as "mainstream."

Membership
This fellowship of non-institutional congregations, which intentionally forgoes any para-congregational organizational structure, is estimated at 120,000 members, accounting for around 9% of the members of Churches of Christ in the United States and for about 15% of congregations.

Identification
These congregations generally accept the description "non-institutional", although they do not officially identify as such on signs, letterhead, or other official documents; some consider pejorative the epithet "anti" with which they have been called by some in the usually larger mainstream Churches of Christ since the 1950s and 1960s, and likewise the similar term, "non-cooperative". Both groups identify as belonging to the original church started by Christ. The 19th-century Restoration Movement resulted in an increase in the number of U.S. members.

While the one-cup, non-class, and mutual edification congregations are almost always non-institutional, they became independent from the mainstream well before the broader 1950s division among congregations over institutions.

Common beliefs
Individual churches of Christ are autonomous congregations (without hierarchical central governance, nondenominational), so doctrinal positions vary between congregations. Examples include whether or not to 'corporately' sponsor a youth outing or have auxiliary facilities like a study room or kitchen on church grounds. In general, these churches subscribe to the more conservative positions associated with churches of Christ in matters of authority, organization, and worship. Most congregations in this number can be differentiated from mainstream churches by a differentiation of the role of the individual Christian and the congregation.

As a result, they oppose the following practices that became widespread in other churches of Christ during the mid-twentieth century, namely:

 * Support from the church treasury for institutions such as Bible colleges or orphans' homes. Members of non-institutional churches note a distinction between the work assigned to the individual Christian and that assigned to the local congregation collectively (citing passages such as ). While individuals are charged to "do good to all men,", they believe that churches are explicitly assigned a limited number of duties (usually defined as evangelism, edification, and benevolence, the latter generally being limited to only members of a specific congregation, their family members, and/or missionaries supported by the congregation). They oppose a church giving its collective funds to an outside institution or setting up another under its control to do work which they believe the apostles assigned to the individual. For example, while they would refuse to give church funds to an orphans' home or soup kitchen, non-institutional churches would encourage individual members to help such causes.
 * Churches pooling resources to perform work under the oversight of a single congregation or outside institution. Critics opposed to this practice say such cooperation did not exist in the first century churches and violates the autonomy of the local congregation. They note that the New Testament writings recorded that congregations sometimes sent aid to each other, but they say this practice was always from a single congregation to a single congregation for the benefit of members of the latter. No other arrangement for transfer of funds between churches appears in the New Testament. Thus, members of a non-institutional church would not authorize giving church funds to a missionary society or undertake a "sponsoring church" arrangement. A non-institutional church may send money to an individual preacher, as there are New Testament examples of this.
 * Church relief for non-Christians (some members define this term as those persons outside the church of Christ), especially as an evangelism tool. Critics of such aid say that every New Testament example of support of needy individuals by churches was of support of fellow Christians. They encourage individual members to seek out and personally help any persons in need, but say the church should provide support only to those it recognizes as faithful and needy Christians, per the New Testament examples. They do not consider "the liberality of your contribution unto them and unto all" to be an example, believing that "all" means "all saints" as opposed to "all people".
 * A church kitchen or "fellowship hall," as well as other forms of church-sponsored social activity. Distinguishing between the work of the church and that of individuals, members of non-institutional churches hold that social activity was an individual practice. They believe there is no example in the New Testament of church funds being used to build a kitchen and eating facility, or to finance social activities. They encourage members to develop social activities with personal funds. In addition, they say the language of forbids the eating of a common meal as a work of the church.

History
The diversity among autonomous congregations makes it difficult to document their history, either individually or as a group of common interest. Most activity is either the action of an individual congregation (and thus local in scope) or the activity of individuals separate from churches (and thus technically not an act of the churches as institutions). Their activities have been noted through issues that bring about debate and division. Non-institutional churches have faced two major issues in the past century: institutionalism and marriage, divorce, and remarriage.

Division over institutionalism
The lack of denominational infrastructure leaves a vacuum for inter-congregational discourse among Churches of Christ, one that often has been filled by publications and extra-church institutions such as colleges. These organizations, though overseen and run by members of Churches of Christ, were usually considered the work of individual Christians separate from the churches themselves. Among "brotherhood papers" in the mid-twentieth century, the Gospel Advocate and Firm Foundation were the oldest and most influential. Among colleges, the largest were Abilene Christian College, Pepperdine, Freed-Hardeman College, David Lipscomb College, and Harding College.

Prior to World War II, the practice of local church support for outside institutions (mostly colleges) was uncommon in churches of Christ, but not unheard of. Such arrangements tended to be kept quiet, and the Bible colleges loosely associated with churches of Christ always denied they lobbied churches for money. These denials helped to defuse dissension over the issue, as most objectors were loath to interfere with church autonomy.

First rumblings
In the 1930s, however, some men began actively promoting church funding of Bible colleges. The most prominent of these was G. C. Brewer, who throughout the decade engaged in a running debate with various people on the issue. He had begun advancing his theories in a speech at the 1931 Abilene Christian College Lectures. In 1933, he had written a series of articles in the Gospel Advocate arguing that churches should support educational institutions and charities from their treasuries. He continued this line of argumentation throughout the decade.

Finally, Brewer's unscripted remarks in support of church funding for colleges at the 1938 Abilene Christian College lectures provoked great controversy. Several writers, such as Foy E. Wallace, Jr. and W. W. Otey, wrote and spoke in opposition to Brewer; Otey's 1938 article in Firm Foundation included statements from leaders of colleges that they "regretted" Brewer's statements. Publicly, Brewer's position received little support; privately, however, prominent men such as B. C. Goodpasture, N. B. Hardeman, and Robert M. Alexander agreed with the proposition, though most were noncommital when asked specifically about their position. World War II largely suspended the debate, as the question of pacifism took center stage in "brotherhood papers." However, division had not been prevented, only postponed.

The aftermath of World War II
After the conclusion of World War II, several factors worked together to bring the institutional question back to the foreground.

First, many of the previous generation of perceived leaders (such as Daniel Sommer, J. D. Tant, Joe Warlick, and F. B. Srygley) had died, leaving others with different beliefs and dispositions to take their place. The most notable of these was Goodpasture, who had ascended to be editor of the Gospel Advocate in 1939; he is generally regarded as the most influential figure among Churches of Christ at this time.

Also, the Depression and war had led to lower enrollment at many Bible colleges; this in turn caused many of the colleges to postpone expansion and even maintenance. However, the G.I. Bill brought with it an influx of enrollment at these colleges. Bible colleges thus found themselves in need of immediate funds to renovate and expand to meet a swelling demand.

Finally, evangelism in Europe became possible after the war. However, the expense involved was considerable. As a result, some congregations and individuals began experimenting with various methods of congregational cooperation. The most notable of these was the "sponsoring church" arrangement, where one congregation oversees a project using resources pooled from other congregations. The best-known of these efforts was the Herald of Truth, a nationwide radio program begun by the Highland Church of Christ in Abilene, Texas, in 1952.

Controversy and division erupt
The issue of church support for institutions arose anew quickly after the war. Many of those who had been silent before now saw much to gain by raising the issue. No longer was it a mere hypothetical question, but one where a strict interpretation of congregational independence and separation of the individual and the church would, in their estimation, lead to lost opportunities.

The pro-institutional camp learned from the experience of the 1930s and the tepid support for sending money to colleges from the church treasury. They tried a different tactic, tying church support of colleges with church support of other institutions, namely orphans' homes. As N. B. Hardeman wrote in Firm Foundation in 1947, "I have always believed that a church has the right to contribute to a school or an orphanage if it so desired... The same principle that permits one must also permit the other. They must stand or fall together." This statement serves as a summary statement of the "institutional" or "mainline" position.

The addition of the emotional element of "starving orphans" proved successful at persuading many who had been on the fence to the institutional side during the 1950s. However, it also led to rancor; what had previously been a largely civil debate erupted into name-calling and bitter dissension. Those who objected to churches funding private institutions were often referred to as "orphan haters", "Pharisees," and the like; for their part, non-institutionals such as Foy E. Wallace, Jr. returned (and at times initiated) the rhetorical fire. Well-known preachers with ties to the colleges became increasingly assertive in condemning anyone who disagreed. Accusations of coercion and intimidation swirled around the colleges. Those with outside businesses, particularly on the non-institutional side, often found themselves facing boycotts organized by those opposing their position.

The leading voices of the institutional movement were men such as G. C. Brewer, N. B. Hardeman, Robert M. Alexander, and B. C. Goodpasture. The non-institutional side of the debate was led by men such as Foy E. Wallace Jr., Roy Cogdill, and Fanning Yater Tant. From the beginning, the non-institutional side found itself outmaneuvered by the institutionals, who held the reins of power at all the large Bible colleges and the most popular of publications. It was not aided by infighting between the various proponents, climaxing in the 1951 split of the Fourth and Groesbeck Church of Christ in Lufkin, Texas, leading to two congregations, one with Cogdill as preacher, the other with Wallace's brother Cled preaching. Foy Wallace, the most polarizing figure in the debate, thereafter ceased arguing for a non-institutional position; indeed, by the mid-1960s, he associated himself exclusively with institutional churches.

Late 1954 provided two factors key to the developing split. First, in October, G. H. P. Showalter, the editor of Firm Foundation, died and was replaced by Reuel Lemmons. The paper had in previous years stood opposed to the colleges on many matters and had positioned itself under Showalter as a place for balanced debate. Under Lemmons, however, the paper took an increasingly pro-institutional position.

The second, and more important, action was publicized in the Gospel Advocate in December of that year. Goodpasture called for a "yellow tag of quarantine" to be imposed upon any who espoused the non-institutional position. The historian David Edwin Harrell contrasted B. C. Goodpasture with the "fighting style" of Foy Wallace: "Foy Wallace scorched heretics; Goodpasture warned them they would lose their position within the brotherhood." Goodpasture's political style led him "to cut his losses and to consolidate his assets," in the words of historian Richard Hughes. He recommended expelling non-institutional members from existing congregations, firing preachers who took this position and cancelling their meetings at institutional churches, and blackballing congregations that resisted conforming to institutionalism. The institutional movement turned from persuasion to isolation of its opponents.

Across the next decade, bitter division erupted in Churches of Christ throughout the nation. Debates were held over the issues, though usually positions had already hardened beyond persuasion. Preachers suspected of taking positions at odds with the leadership were ordered to publicly refute said position as a condition of employment; the Gospel Advocate became a forum for some better-known preachers to recant publicly previous positions opposing institutionalism. Some churches were forced to make token donations to institutions in order to avoid being called "anti's." Conflict sometimes ended in fistfights. Members who espoused a minority position in a congregation were expelled. Lawsuits over building ownership followed from some of these divisions. Exiles often banded together to form new congregations; some rural communities today are home to two or more small Churches of Christ as the legacy of this division.

By the end of the 1960s, the isolation of non-institutionals from the mainstream churches was concluded. Contact between churches and individuals across the divide essentially ended. Members of both branches practiced the beliefs which they held were the only correct ones.

Aftermath of the division
Most non-institutional churches had to rebuild in the 1960s and 1970s, as in most instances, they had lost buildings, positions, and jobs as a result of the division. They were united by their beliefs during this period. The most significant discussion of this time reflected the "unity in diversity" debate taking place in institutional churches; but it was little accepted in the more conservative non-institutional branch. Men such as Carl Ketcherside and Edward Fudge preached this message.

Most within non-institutional churches refer to themselves as "conservative" churches of Christ and refer to the Bible college-supporting, "mainstream" or "sponsoring church" congregations as "liberal," which leads to some confusion since the "mainline" churches use the terms "conservative" and "liberal" to refer to two separate strands within their own congregations. Many in the non-institutional congregations are not aware that institutional congregations have their own differences, and consider them all as "liberal." Many in the institutional congregations do not know the history or existence of the non-institutional groups.

In 2009, non-institutional churches of Christ comprised 113,656 members across 1,898 congregations.

Attempts at unity
Over the years, several attempts have been made to achieve unity between non-institutional congregations and those described as main-stream. A more recent reconciliation attempt involved a series of discussions that took place on November 15, 2019, in Dickson, Tennessee, at Freed-Hardeman University's Renaissance Center. Doug Burleson, Associate Professor in Bible at Freed-Hardeman University and Assistant Dean of the College of Biblical Studies, and Kyle Pope, who preaches for the Olsen Park Church of Christ in Amarillo, Texas, sat down for an informal series of living room conversations. During this event, both parties discussed their understanding of biblical principles regarding benevolence, treasuries, and institutions. Although no formal agreement was found, it showed the potential of unity for the first time since the 1950s. In October 2019 editions of both Truth Magazine and the Gospel Advocate included six articles discussing the underlying Biblical questions surrounding institutionalism; Burleson and Pope each contributed three articles.

Directories

 * Directory of Non-Institutional Churches – Collected by Truth Magazine

Publications

 * Truth Magazine's web site
 * Focus Magazine's web site

Miscellaneous links

 * Ferrell Jenkins' speech on non-institutional Churches – Delivered at Pepperdine University in 1998
 * What is a Non-Institutional Church? – An interview with Ferrell Jenkins from The Christian Chronicle
 * Restudying Issues Of The '50s And '60s – A Historical Perspective by Bill Hall (archived)
 * Statistics on the US decline of the church of Christ – data from a lectureship sermon video and book on congregational regression each year

title: Churches of Christ (non-institutional)