text:
Romanian Greek Catholic Church

The Romanian Greek Catholic Church or Romanian Church United with Rome is a sui iuris Eastern Catholic Church, in full union with the Catholic Church. It has the rank of a Major Archiepiscopal Church and it uses the Byzantine liturgical rite in the Romanian language. It is part of the Major Archiepiscopal Churches of the Catholic Church that are not distinguished with a patriarchal title.

Cardinal Lucian Mureșan, Archbishop of Făgăraș and Alba Iulia, has served as the head of the Romanian Greek-Catholic Church since 1994. On December 16, 2005, as the Romanian Church United with Rome, the Greek-Catholic church was elevated to the rank of a Major Archiepiscopal Church by Pope Benedict XVI, with Lucian Mureșan becoming its first major archbishop. Mureşan was made a cardinal, at the consistory of February 18, 2012.

Besides the Archeparchy of Făgăraș and Alba Iulia, there are five more Greek-Catholic eparchies in Romania (Eparchy of Oradea Mare, Eparchy of Cluj-Gherla, Eparchy of Lugoj, Eparchy of Maramureș, and Eparchy of Saint Basil the Great of Bucharest), as well as one eparchy overseas, the Romanian Catholic Eparchy of St George's in Canton, answering directly to the Major Archbishop and the Holy See, in the United States of America and Canada.

According to data published in the 2016 Annuario Pontificio, the Romanian Greek-Catholic Church had 504,280 members, 8 bishops, 1,225 parishes, some 835 diocesan priests and 235 seminarians of its own rite at the end of 2012. However, according to the 2011 Romanian government census, the number of its followers living in Romania was as low as 150,593, of which 124,563 are ethnic Romanians. In 2022, the church estimated their numbers at 488,000, noting that many citizens whose ancestors were forced to covert during the Communist regime had rediscovered their roots and joined the Greek Catholic Church.

The vast majority of the Romanian diocesan priests in Romania are married.

In addition, there are five other Catholic dioceses in Romania, belonging to the Latin Church, whose members are more numerous.

History
Following the Habsburg conquest of Transylvania in 1687, Metropolitan Atanasie Anghel entered into full communion with the See of Rome by the Act of Union of 1698, that was formalized by a synod of bishops on September 4, 1700. This was part of the process the unification of the Romanian Orthodox population to the Catholic Church (Rome's Church) newly created Greek Catholic Church, the former Orthodox Church of Romanians from Transylvania.

By entering into the Union, Atanasie and the other bishops, along with their respective dioceses, accepted the supreme authority of the Pope, while at the same time being granted the right to keep their own Greek Byzantine liturgical rite. A diploma issued by the Emperor Leopold I declared that Transylvania's Romanian Orthodox Church is one with the Catholic Church and Holy See. Transylvanian Romanians were therefore encouraged to convert to Catholicism and join to the Romanian Unified Church (Greek-Catholic Church), while being able to retain the Byzantine rite, if at the same time they accepted four doctrinal points promulgated by the Council of Florence (1431 and 1445): the supreme authority of the Pope over the entire church; the existence of Purgatory; the Filioque clause; and the validity of the use of unleavened bread in the celebration of the Eucharist in the Latin Church (Eastern Orthodox had contended that Latin Catholic use of unleavened bread was erroneous).

The step undertaken by Metropolitan Atanasie Anghel and his Holy Synod obtained for the ethnic Romanians of Transylvania (then part of the Habsburg monarchy) equal rights with those of the other Transylvanian nations, which were part of the Unio Trium Nationum: the Hungarian nobility, the Transylvanian Saxons, and the Székely. This event coincided with the arrival of the Jesuits in Transylvania (second time), who attempted to align this province more closely with Western Europe. However, Orthodox Serbian authority and Protestant Transylvanian nobility were not willing to accept Romanians Orthodox converts, and this in turn led to the formation of Romanian Orthodox movements that advocated for freedom of worship for the entire Transylvanian population – most notable the movements led by serbian monk Visarion Sarai, Nicolae Oprea Miclăuş, and the bosniac monk Sofronie of Cioara, under the influence of the dominant Serbian Orthodox Church.

In 1721, the Bishop's Residence was moved from Alba Iulia to Făgăraș, and eventually to Blaj (1737). Following this change, Blaj became a center of learning and national awakening for all Romanians..

In 1761, Petru Pavel Aron (1709–1764), the Bishop of Făgăraș and head of the Romanian Greek Catholic Church, translated Biblia Vulgata into Romanian. While the Romanian Orthodox kept Church Slavonic as the official liturgical language till 1863, the Romanian Church United with Rome has been using the Romanian vernacular ever since its inception. In the 19th century, during a time when the Hungarian government was pursuing a Magyarization policy in Transylvania, the Romanian Greek-Catholic Church, with the aid of the Transylvanian School (Școala Ardeleană) and the Transylvanian Memorandum, played a prominent role in resisting ethnic assimilation attempts. Moreover, many leading figures of the Romanian emancipation movement in Transylvania, such as Simion Bărnuțiu and Iuliu Maniu, began their careers as lay servants of the Greek-Catholic Church.

Additional Greek-Catholic Eparchies were eventually set up at Oradea (1777), as well as Gherla and Lugoj (1853); Blaj, under the title of Eparchy of Alba Iulia and Făgăraș, became the Metropolitan (i.e. Archiepiscopal) See. On December 16, 2005, the Romanian Greek-Catholic Church was elevated to the rank of Major Archiepiscopal Church.

Persecution under Communism
After assuming political power in 1948, the Communist regime, rooted in Marxist–Leninist atheism, deposed all 12 bishops of the Greek-Catholic Church on Stalin's orders. Moreover, on October 21, 1948, the 250th anniversary of the Romanian Greek Catholic Union with the Catholic Church, the regime arranged for the "voluntary" and "spontaneous" transfer of all members of the Greek-Catholic Church (decree 358/1948), that numbered more than 1,500,000 at the time, to the Romanian Orthodox Church; furthermore, the property rights over many of the Greek-Catholic Church's possessions, including its four cathedrals, were transferred to the Romanian Orthodox Church, while the remainder of those properties were confiscated by the Romanian State.

The Greek-Catholic bishops, along with many of their priests, were accused by the newly installed Communist authorities of "antidemocratic activity". After refusing to give up their ties with the "reactionary" Holy See, they were imprisoned. At about the same time, the Orthodox Church was being "purged" of priests hostile to the Communist regime. Following this purge, the Orthodox hierarchy enjoyed good and unforced relations with the Communist authorities for the remainder of the Communist Rule of Romania.

Iuliu Hossu, Bishop of Cluj, turned down a proposal of the Romanian Orthodox Patriarch, Iustinian Marina, to convert to Orthodoxy and be named Orthodox Archbishop of Iaşi and metropolitan of Moldavia, and thereby become the official successor of the Romanian Orthodox Patriarch himself. Consequently, Hossu remained under house arrest. Year after year, he sent Memorandums to the President of the Republic, requesting that the country's laws and international agreements be observed with regard to the Romanian Greek-Catholic Church. In 1969, Pope Paul VI asked Hossu to allow himself to be made a cardinal. As Hossu was reluctant to leave Romania, the pope made him a cardinal only "in pectore", i.e. without publishing the fact, and this was only revealed on March 5, 1973, three years after Hossu's death.

Another remarkable Romanian Greek-Catholic ecclesiastic of the time was Alexandru Todea (1912–2002). Secretly consecrated a bishop on November 19, 1950, he was arrested and the following year he was sentenced to life in prison. He was granted amnesty in 1964. On March 14, 1990, after the fall of the Communist regime, he was appointed Archbishop of Făgăraș and Alba Iulia, and was made a cardinal the following year.

After more than 40 years of clandestine existence, the Romanian Church United with Rome, Greek-Catholic re-emerged publicly, in the wake of the Romanian Revolution. Normative Act 9/31, passed on December 31, 1989, repealed Decree 358/1948 (that outlawed the Greek-Catholic Church) as repugnant and bringing grave prejudice upon the Romanian state.

Only after much struggle and considerable delays, some of the Church's properties, in particular the cathedrals of Cluj, Blaj, Lugoj, and Oradea, were restored to their rightful owner. However, much of the original property remains in Romanian Orthodox or government hands, as the persecution started in 1948 has led to a marked reduction in the numbers of Romanian Greek Catholic faithful. After 40 years of Communist rule and forced assimilation into the regime-approved Orthodox Church, numerous Romanian cradle Greek-Catholics remained in the Romanian Orthodox Church, at least on paper, and it is unclear how many of these nominal Orthodox members remain crypto-Catholic, especially in northern Transylvania where most Greek Catholics lived (as shown on the maps to the right). Other Greek Catholic Romanians switched to the Latin Church, and now account for the second-largest group in that denomination after Hungarians. The Romanian Church United with Rome is still undergoing a process of recovery from the wounds inflicted by the Communist rulers and the forced merger.

Property issues since the fall of Communism
Since the fall of Communism, Church leaders have claimed that the Romanian Greek-Catholic Community is facing a cultural and religious wipe-out: the Greek-Catholic churches are allegedly being destroyed by representatives of the Romanian Orthodox Church, whose actions allegedly enjoy not only the acceptance, but also the support of the Romanian authorities.

Hierarchy
Ecclesiastical Province of Fagaras and Alba Iulia Immediately subject to the Holy See
 * Romanian Catholic Archeparchy of Fagaraș and Alba Iulia
 * Romanian Catholic Eparchy of Oradea Mare
 * Romanian Catholic Eparchy of Cluj-Gherla
 * Romanian Catholic Eparchy of Lugoj
 * Romanian Catholic Eparchy of Maramureș
 * Romanian Catholic Eparchy of Saint Basil the Great of Bucharest
 * Romanian Catholic Eparchy of St George's in Canton

title: Romanian Greek Catholic Church


text:
Saint-Pierre

Saint-Pierre (French, 'Saint Peter', ) may refer to:

Buildings and churches

 * Fort Saint Pierre, Ontario, Canada
 * Church of Saint-Pierre, Caen, Normandy, France
 * Église Saint-Pierre le Vieux (Old Saint Peter's Church, Strasbourg), Strasbourg, France
 * Saint-Pierre, Firminy, France, designed by Le Corbusier
 * Saint-Pierre de Montrouge, Paris, France
 * Saint-Pierre-le-Jeune Protestant Church, Strasbourg, France
 * Church of SS Peter and Paul, Istanbul (Saint-Pierre Church), Beyoğlu]m, Istanbul, Turkey
 * Saint Pierre Han, Beyoğlu, Istanbul, Turkey

Manitoba

 * St-Pierre-Jolys, a village

Quebec

 * Saint-Pierre, Quebec, in Joliette Regional County Municipality
 * Saint-Pierre-Baptiste, Quebec
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Broughton, Quebec
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Lamy
 * Saint-Pierre-de-la-Rivière-du-Sud, Quebec
 * Saint-Pierre-de-l'Île-d'Orléans, known simply as Saint-Pierre until 1997
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Véronne-à-Pike-River, Quebec, now called Pike River
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Wakefield, part of Val-des-Monts
 * Saint-Pierre-les-Becquets, Quebec
 * Havre-Saint-Pierre
 * Lake Saint Pierre, a lake on the Saint Lawrence River below Montreal
 * Lac Saint-Pierre, now subsumed by Lachine Canal, Montreal
 * Mont-Saint-Pierre, Quebec
 * Ville Saint-Pierre, Montreal

Mainland France

 * Saint-Pierre, Alpes-de-Haute-Provence
 * Saint-Pierre, Cantal
 * Saint-Pierre, Haute-Garonne
 * Saint-Pierre, Jura
 * Saint-Pierre, Marne
 * Saint-Pierre, Bas-Rhin
 * Saint-Pierre-à-Arnes, in the Ardennes département
 * Saint-Pierre-Aigle, in the Aisne département
 * Saint-Pierre-Avez, in the Hautes-Alpes département
 * Saint-Pierre-Azif, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Pierre-Bellevue, in the Creuse département
 * Saint-Pierre-Bénouville, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-Bois, in the Bas-Rhin département
 * Saint-Pierre-Brouck, in the Nord département
 * Saint-Pierre-Canivet, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Pierre-Chérignat, in the Creuse département
 * Saint-Pierre-Colamine, in the Puy-de-Dôme département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Albigny, in the Savoie département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Allevard, in the Isère département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Alvey, in the Savoie département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Amilly, in the Charente-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Argençon, in the Hautes-Alpes département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Arthéglise, in the Manche département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Aubézies, in the Gers département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Aurillac, in the Gironde département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Autils, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Bailleul, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Bat, in the Gironde département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Belleville, in the Savoie département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Bœuf, in the Loire département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Bressieux, in the Isère département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Buzet, in the Lot-et-Garonne département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Cernières, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Chandieu, in the Rhône département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Chartreuse, in the Isère département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Chérennes, in the Isère département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Chevillé, in the Sarthe département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Chignac, in the Dordogne département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Clairac, in the Lot-et-Garonne département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Côle, in the Dordogne département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Colombier, in the Ardèche département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Cormeilles, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Coutances, in the Manche département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Curtille, in the Savoie département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Frugie, in the Dordogne département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Fursac, in the Creuse département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Genebroz, in the Savoie département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Jards, in the Indre département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Juillers, in the Charente-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-la-Fage, in the Hérault département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Lages, in the Haute-Garonne département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Lamps, in the Indre département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-l'Isle, in the Charente-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-dels-Forcats, in the Pyrénées-Orientales département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Maillé, in the Vienne département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Mailloc, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Manneville, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Méaroz, in the Isère département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Mésage, in the Isère département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Mézoargues, in the Bouches-du-Rhône département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Mons, in the Gironde département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Nogaret, in the Lozère département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Entremont, Isère, in the Isère département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Entremont, Orne, in the Orne département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Entremont, Savoie, in the Savoie département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Plesguen, in the Ille-et-Vilaine département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Rivière, in the Ariège département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Salerne, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Bois, in the Sarthe département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Champs, in the Aude département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Corps, in the Indre-et-Loire département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Échaubrognes, in the Deux-Sèvres département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Semilly, in the Manche département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Fleurs, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Ifs, Calvados, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Ifs, Eure, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Jonquières, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Landes, in the Mayenne département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Loges, in the Orne département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Nids, in the Mayenne département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Ormes, in the Sarthe département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Soucy, in the Savoie département
 * Saint-Pierre-des-Tripiers, in the Lozère département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Trivisy, in the Tarn département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Varengeville, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Varennes, in the Saône-et-Loire département
 * Saint-Pierre-de-Vassols, in the Vaucluse département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Exideuil, in the Vienne département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Eyraud, in the Dordogne département
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Irube, in the Pyrénées-Atlantiques département, near Bayonne
 * Saint-Pierre-d'Oléron, in the Charente-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Bosguérard, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Bû, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Champ, in the Haute-Loire département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Chemin, in the Vendée département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Fresne, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Jonquet, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Lorouër, in the Sarthe département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Mesnil, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Mont, Calvados, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Mont, Landes, in the Landes département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Mont, Nièvre, in the Nièvre département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Palais, in the Charente-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Perray, in the Essonne département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Regard, in the Orne département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Val, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Vauvray, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Pierre-Église, in the Manche département
 * Saint-Pierre-en-Faucigny, in the Haute-Savoie département
 * Saint-Pierre-en-Port, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-en-Val, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-en-Vaux, in the Côte-d'Or département
 * Saint-Pierre-es-Champs, in the Oise département
 * Saint-Pierre-Eynac, in the Haute-Loire département
 * Saint-Pierre-la-Bourlhonne, in the Puy-de-Dôme département
 * Saint-Pierre-la-Bruyère, in the Orne département
 * Saint-Pierre-la-Cour, in the Mayenne département
 * Saint-Pierre-Lafeuille, in the Lot département
 * Saint-Pierre-la-Garenne, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Pierre-Langers, in the Manche département
 * Saint-Pierre-la-Noaille, in the Loire département
 * Saint-Pierre-la-Palud, in the Rhône département
 * Saint-Pierre-la-Rivière, in the Orne département
 * Saint-Pierre-la-Roche, in the Ardèche département
 * Saint-Pierre-Laval, in the Allier département
 * Saint-Pierre-la-Vieille, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Pierre-Lavis, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-le-Bost, in the Creuse département
 * Saint-Pierre-le-Chastel, in the Puy-de-Dôme département
 * Saint-Pierre-le-Moûtier, in the Nièvre département
 * Saint-Pierre-lès-Bitry, in the Oise département
 * Saint-Pierre-les-Bois, in the Cher département
 * Saint-Pierre-lès-Elbeuf, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-les-Étieux, in the Cher département
 * Saint-Pierre-lès-Franqueville, in the Aisne département
 * Saint-Pierre-lès-Nemours, in the Seine-et-Marne département
 * Saint-Pierre-le-Vieux, Lozère, in the Lozère département
 * Saint-Pierre-le-Vieux, Saône-et-Loire, in the Saône-et-Loire département
 * Saint-Pierre-le-Vieux, Seine-Maritime, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-le-Vieux, Vendée, in the Vendée département
 * Saint-Pierre-le-Viger, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Pierre-Montlimart, in the Maine-et-Loire département
 * Saint-Pierre-Quiberon, in the Morbihan département
 * Saint-Pierre-Roche, in the Puy-de-Dôme département
 * Saint-Pierre-Saint-Jean, in the Ardèche département
 * Saint-Pierre-sur-Dives, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Pierre-sur-Doux, in the Ardèche département
 * Saint-Pierre-sur-Dropt, in the Lot-et-Garonne département
 * Saint-Pierre-sur-Erve, in the Mayenne département
 * Saint-Pierre-sur-Orthe, in the Mayenne département
 * Saint-Pierre-sur-Vence, in the Ardennes département
 * Saint-Pierre-Tarentaine, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Pierre-Toirac, in the Lot département

French overseas territories

 * Saint Pierre and Miquelon, an overseas collectivity of France in the north-western Atlantic Ocean
 * Saint Pierre Island
 * Saint-Pierre, Saint Pierre and Miquelon
 * Saint-Pierre, Martinique
 * Saint-Pierre, Réunion

Other countries

 * Saint-Pierre, Ouest, Haiti
 * Saint-Pierre, Aosta Valley, Italy
 * Saint Pierre, Mauritius
 * St. Pierre Island, Farquhar, Seychelles
 * St. Pierre Island, Praslin, Seychelles
 * St Pierre, Monmouthshire, Wales, UK
 * St. Pierre, Montana, US
 * Bourg-Saint-Pierre, Valais, Switzerland
 * Fort St. Pierre Site, Mississippi, United States
 * St. Peter's Island (Île Saint-Pierre), Lake Biel, Bern, Switzerland
 * Woluwe-Saint-Pierre, or Sint-Pieters-Woluwe, Belgium

Transportation

 * Air Saint-Pierre, an airline based in Saint Pierre and Miquelon
 * Saint-Pierre Airport, in Saint Pierre and Miquelon
 * Havre Saint-Pierre Airport, in Quebec, Canada
 * Saint-Pierre-du-Mont Airfield, in Calvados department, France
 * Saint-Pierre – Pierrefonds Airport, Réunion
 * MV St Pierre, formerly Empire Seagreen, a British ship

Sports

 * Saint Pierre and Miquelon national football team
 * US Saint-Pierre-des-Corps, a French football club

Other uses

 * Saint-Pierre (surname), including a list of people with the name Saint-Pierre or variants
 * Saint Pierre (grape), or Saint-Pierre Doré
 * John Dory, or Saint-Pierre, a fish
 * Canal de Saint-Pierre, in Toulousse, France
 * Château Saint-Pierre, a winery in the Bordeaux region of France
 * Battle of Saint-Pierre, in 1776, near Quebec City, Canada
 * Saint-Pierre (TV series), a Canadian police procedural television series

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Saint-Pierre


text:
Shiver and Shake

Shiver and Shake was a British comic magazine published every Monday by IPC Magazines Ltd. It ran from (issue dates) 10 March 1973 to 5 October 1974, when it merged with Whoopee! As often happens with British comics, many names of strips were a play on popular television programmes and films of the time. The theme of the strips were mainly horror (albeit of a comic nature); similar to the later Monster Fun; indeed, Frankie Stein appeared in both comics.

In an idea borrowed from the successful Whizzer and Chips, it was two comics in one; Shake being a pull-out section from Shiver. The main star of Shiver was a ghost of the same name, while the eponymous Shake was an elephant. Both had their own strips in their respective sections (The Duke's Spook and Shake). In 1973, the comic also featured a one-page strip starring stand-up comedian Charlie Williams.

Shiver and Shake ran for 79 issues. It also had eight specials, from 1973 to 1980, and 13 annuals, from 1974 to 1986.

Shiver strips

 * Adrian's Wall
 * Biddy's Beastly Bloomers
 * Creepy Car
 * Frankie Stein by Ken Reid (originally from Wham!)
 * The Ghost's Revenge
 * Ghoul Getters Ltd
 * Ghouldilocks
 * Grimly Feendish by Leo Baxendale (originally from Smash! — although the character first appeared in Wham! — the first eleven issues of Shiver and Shake reprinted stories from Smash! but then new adventures began, lasting until issue #77).
 * The Hand
 * Hire a Horror (from Cor!!)
 * Horrornation Street
 * Scream Inn
 * The Shiver Givers
 * Soggy the Sea Monster
 * Sweeny Toddler
 * Webster
 * Ye Haunted Lake

Shake strips

 * Blunder Puss
 * Damsel in Distress
 * The Desert Fox
 * Gal Capone
 * Jail Birds
 * Lolly Pop
 * Moana Lisa
 * Riddle Me Ray
 * Sample Simon
 * Sports School
 * Tough Nutt and Softy Centre

title: Shiver and Shake


text:
User:Itziar Moreno

Voice Analysis
Voice analysis studies the speech sounds. These studies, which include medical analysis of the voice, are not only made to study linguistics content. It's important to mention, related with this topic, stammering// stuttering, which is speech disorders and speech processing, where we can find Artificial Intelligence (AI) and linguistics.

title: User:Itziar Moreno


text:
Schauder fixed-point theorem

The Schauder fixed-point theorem is an extension of the Brouwer fixed-point theorem to topological vector spaces, which may be of infinite dimension. It asserts that if $$K$$ is a nonempty convex closed subset of a Hausdorff topological vector space $$V$$ and $$f$$ is a continuous mapping of $$K$$ into itself such that $$f(K)$$ is contained in a compact subset of $$K$$, then $$f$$ has a fixed point.

A consequence, called Schaefer's fixed-point theorem, is particularly useful for proving existence of solutions to nonlinear partial differential equations. Schaefer's theorem is in fact a special case of the far reaching Leray–Schauder theorem which was proved earlier by Juliusz Schauder and Jean Leray. The statement is as follows:

Let $$f$$ be a continuous and compact mapping of a Banach space $$X$$ into itself, such that the set

\{ x \in X : x = \lambda f(x) \mbox{ for some } 0 \leq \lambda \leq 1 \} $$

is bounded. Then $$f$$ has a fixed point. (A compact mapping in this context is one for which the image of every bounded set is relatively compact.)

History
The theorem was conjectured and proven for special cases, such as Banach spaces, by Juliusz Schauder in 1930. His conjecture for the general case was published in the Scottish book. In 1934, Tychonoff proved the theorem for the case when K is a compact convex subset of a locally convex space. This version is known as the Schauder–Tychonoff fixed-point theorem. B. V. Singbal proved the theorem for the more general case where K may be non-compact; the proof can be found in the appendix of Bonsall's book (see references).

title: Schauder fixed-point theorem


text:
User talk:Leticia Echevarría

Hi Leticia. I hope you like the place and choose to stay.

Some links that may be of use:
 * Welcome, newcomers
 * How to edit a page
 * Village pump - ask questions you may have here, or leave a message on my talk page

Check out the New user log, or here's some stuff you can do, if you want:

I have some tips for you: Wikipedia is not a dictionary firstly, so the Algorithms (definition) page you created is not appropriate for that reason, and secondly, you've copied that from some other site, so you don't own the copyrights and can't post that material. See Copyrights.

However, don't be discouraged from contributing... take a look at some of the other pages to see the gist of how things go around here. Thanks Dysprosia 08:42, 6 May 2004 (UTC)

Please do not reinsert material copied from other sites. If you do not own the copyrights to the material you cannot post that material. See Copyrights. Thanks Dysprosia 10:17, 6 May 2004 (UTC)

Also, Wikipedia is not a vehicle for advertising. Nuance looks very much like an advertisement. The page will probably end up being deleted or heavily edited. Again, don't let that stop you contributing. DJ Clayworth 16:02, 7 May 2004 (UTC)

Hi there. I've just been browsing through some of your newly created pages - for example Nuance, Speech Works and Free Speech (Philips). There's lots of information there, but I have to confess I found it hard to understand just what the things the article described were. Perhaps some sort of opening statement would help, for example:

 * Nuance is a commercial company who produce speech recognition software.

You could then go on to describe when they were formed, where they are based, and what they've done or produced that makes them notable enough to end up in an encyclopedia.

For a good example have a look at other pages describing companies: IBM, Ford Motor Company or GlaxoSmithKline.

- TB 16:41, 8 May 2004 (UTC)

Please stop spamming Wikipedia with your advertising. RickK 21:51, 8 May 2004 (UTC)

Please respect the Wikipedia format, check out Welcome newcomers. If you keep putting in copyrighted text (and improperly formated as well) you may be blocked from editing here. -- Infrogmation 18:06, 9 May 2004 (UTC)

What you did at Phillips is vandalism. If you do that again, you will be blocked from editing. RickK 20:31, 9 May 2004 (UTC)

This is your last warning. If you insert one more copyvio Wikispam article without discussing it here, you will be blocked from editing. RickK 21:58, 9 May 2004 (UTC)

authors: Template namespace initialisation script

title: User talk:Leticia Echevarría


text:
Joe Volpe

Giuseppe "Joe" Volpe (born September 21, 1947) is a Canadian politician. He represented the Ontario riding of Eglinton-Lawrence as a member of the Liberal Party in the House of Commons of Canada from 1988 until 2011, when he lost his seat to Conservative candidate Joe Oliver. Volpe held two senior positions in Prime Minister Paul Martin's Cabinet from 2003 to 2006, and served as transportation critic when his party became the Official Opposition. In 2006, he ran unsuccessfully for the Liberal Party leadership.

Background
Volpe was born in Monteleone di Puglia, in southern Italy, and migrated to Canada with his family in 1955. As a teacher, he taught in Stoney Creek from 1971 to 1974, headed the history department of a secondary school in Etobicoke from 1974 to 1979, and was head of multicultural studies in a college in Weston, Ontario between 1979 and 1982. He worked as a mortgage development officer in 1982–83, and was vice-principal of the James Cardinal McGuigan Catholic High School (which he helped found) between 1983 and 1988.

He is married to Mirella and they have four children.

Early political career
Volpe first became involved with the Liberal Party in the 1968 federal election, when he worked on Charles Caccia's campaign in Davenport. He ran for the North York Board of Education in the 1974 municipal election as a separate school representative, but was defeated. He later ran for the Ontario legislature in the 1981 provincial election and narrowly lost to New Democratic Party incumbent Odoardo Di Santo in Downsview. The following year, he supported David Peterson for the Ontario Liberal Party leadership.

Volpe subsequently chaired the sponsoring group of an immigrant counseling agency called Alliance Community Services, which received a controversial $500,000 grant from the federal government in January 1984. Local municipal politicians Howard Moscoe and Maria Rizzo charged that the ACS was a partisan organization and that the grant was political patronage; Volpe and others rejected this charge. Maria Minna, the president of COSTI-IIAS Immigrant Services, opposed the grant on the grounds that the new organization would duplicate the work of her organization. Employment and Immigration Minister John Roberts retracted the grant following criticism, but later reversed himself and allowed it to proceed. The ACS dissolved in early 1985.

Volpe increased his profile in the mid-1980s by recruiting many new Liberal Party members from Toronto's Italian community. He helped influence several party nomination contests, including John Nunziata's 1984 victory over Paul Hellyer in York South—Weston. Some questioned Volpe's methods and suggested that he was manipulating the system by signing up "instant party members", a charge that he denied. He endorsed John Roberts in the 1984 federal Liberal leadership convention, and threw his support to Jean Chrétien on the second ballot after Roberts withdrew from the contest. The winning candidate was John Turner, who led the Liberal Party to defeat in the 1984 federal election.

Volpe unsuccessfully campaigned for the presidency of the Ontario Liberal Party in 1985 and 1986, against media speculation that leading figures in the party opposed his candidacy. Despite Volpe's earlier support for Chrétien, he organized a pro-Turner slate for the Liberal Party's 1986 leadership review. Turner, who was faced with public and backroom challenges since 1984, received the necessary support to consolidate his leadership. Volpe spoke out against the Meech Lake Accord the following year, while most of the Liberal leadership supported it.

Nomination challenge
Volpe successfully challenged sitting Liberal Member of Parliament (MP) Rev. Roland de Corneille to win the party's nomination for Eglinton—Lawrence in the 1988 election. The contest was extremely divisive, with de Corneille alleging that Volpe was "trying to organize a group for his personal advantage" in recruiting new members from the riding's Italian community.

After losing the nomination, de Corneille endorsed Progressive Conservative candidate Tony Abbott, who was himself a former Liberal cabinet minister. Volpe defended his right to seek the nomination, arguing that Toronto's Italian residents were seeking to play a more active role in government. He also sought a reconciliation with de Corneille's supporters, many of whom were from the riding's Jewish community. Despite the divisions engendered by his nomination, Volpe won a convincing victory on election day.

Opposition member, 1988–1993
The Progressive Conservatives were re-elected with a majority government in the 1988 election and Volpe sat as a member of the official opposition for the next five years, serving as his party's revenue critic for part of this time. During the constitutional debates of the early 1990s, he suggested that the Parliament of Canada (as opposed to the executive branch of government) should assume responsibility for reformulating the terms of Canadian Confederation. He argued that parliament represented a strong cross-section of Canada's population, saying that parliamentary initiative on constitutional reform could save millions of dollars on "needless commissions".

Volpe supported Paul Martin in the 1990 federal Liberal leadership convention, which was won by Jean Chrétien. He subsequently opposed some of Chrétien's reforms to the Liberal Party constitution, including a change that allowed the leader to appoint candidates in selected ridings. Several Chrétien supporters defended this as necessary to prevent "instant party members" from taking over the party nomination process; many believe the change was directed against both Volpe and the Liberals for Life group affiliated with MP Tom Wappel.

Volpe remained one of Martin's most prominent Toronto-area supporters after 1990. Many political observers believe this association kept him out of cabinet during Chrétien's tenure as prime minister, from 1993 to 2003.

Government backbencher
The Liberals won a majority government in the 1993 election, and Volpe sat as a government backbencher in the parliament that followed. He was elected chair of the Ontario Liberal caucus following the election, but unexpectedly lost the position to a challenge from Sue Barnes in 1995. On 23 February 1996, he was appointed parliamentary secretary to the Minister of National Health and Welfare. The ministry was renamed on 12 July 1996, and Volpe's position was restyled as parliamentary secretary to the Minister of Health, a position he held until 15 July 1998.

Volpe was easily re-elected to parliament in the 1997 election. His closest opponent was Progressive Conservative candidate David Rotenberg, a former minister in the provincial government of Frank Miller. Volpe later endorsed Mel Lastman's bid to become Mayor of Toronto in 1997 municipal election.

Volpe served as chair of the all-party Commons Health Committee after the 1997 election. He brought forward a report in late 1998 encouraging the sale of herbal medicines in Canada, and advocating their regulation in a category separate from foods and drugs. The following year, his committee produced a series of recommendations for improving Canada's organ donation system.

Volpe was also given responsibility for overseeing Canada's investigation of a controversial vitamin-hormone cancer treatment run by Luigi di Bella in Italy. Some of Di Bella's supporters believed that his treatments actually cured cancer, and requested that their government investigate the possibility of assisting his research. Volpe led a delegation of Canadian doctors to Italy, arguing that they would either expose Di Bella as a fraud or establish the terms for assistance: they concluded there was no evidence to support the validity of his work. Volpe initially recommended that further research be conducted, arguing the doctor's treatment could lead to an improved quality of life for cancer patients even if it did not actually cure the disease.

In 1999, Volpe argued that the government's proposed Citizenship Act was too restrictive and arbitrary, saying that it could result in reduced immigration to Canada. He and fellow MP Andrew Telegdi were particularly critical of a section of the bill which allowed cabinet ministers to override the judicial system in rejecting applications from immigrants. He voted against the bill on its final reading in May 2000.

Volpe was not promoted to cabinet in the August 1999 cabinet shuffle. He served as chair of the Commons Standing Committee on Natural Resources in 2000, and developed a report for improving Canada's national highway system. He also collaborated with Toronto-area MPs Derek Lee and John McKay to create a job placement and training program for at-risk youth in Toronto, called Workplace Connections. He described as "unfortunate" Canada's decision to support a United Nations resolution critical of Israel in October 2000, and later argued that Canada should have abstained. During the 2000 campaign, Volpe advocated tax breaks for parents who send their children to private religious schools. He was re-elected without difficulty.

Volpe sought re-appointment as chair of the Natural Resources committee in 2001, but did not receive the position. He became increasingly critical of the Chrétien government during the next two years, and made no secret of his support for Paul Martin to replace Chrétien as party leader. Volpe criticized the Chrétien government for moving too slowly to replace Canada's aging Sea King helicopters, and encouraged the government to purchase the EH-101 Cormorant helicopters recommended by the previous Progressive Conservative government of Brian Mulroney. In November 2002, he called for the government to provide compensation for all victims of Hepatitis C who were infected through the national blood supply system, and criticized the Chrétien government's more restrictive settlement. He also expressed skepticism about the Chrétien government's plans to decriminalize cannabis, saying "I believe it's a gateway drug. [...] It's going to be a pretty convincing argument to get me to vote for it." He was an opponent of the government's plans to legalize same-sex marriage during this period, and voted to retain the traditional definition of marriage in 2003.

Volpe worked openly for Paul Martin's bid to replace Chrétien as Liberal Party leader after June 2002, when Martin left Chrétien's cabinet under disputed circumstances. In June 2002, Volpe became one of the first sixteen Liberal MPs to publicly call for Chrétien to resign as prime minister. During the same year, he became a founding member of the group Liberal Parliamentarians for Israel.

Minister of Human Resources and Skills Development
Paul Martin won an overwhelming victory in the 2003 federal Liberal leadership convention, and became Prime Minister of Canada on December 12, 2003. He appointed Volpe to cabinet as Minister of Human Resources and Skills Development, with responsibility for labour, homelessness, training, community economic development and federal student loans. He was also named as political minister for Ontario and the Greater Toronto Area, and was appointed to Martin's priorities and planning committee, known as the inner cabinet. Soon after his appointment, Volpe announced that he would revamp the federal job skills and training programs to better meet the needs of employers. He argued that Canada needed significant skill upgrading reforms in order to retain its long-term employment prospects.

Volpe announced a new "Compassionate Care" benefit in January 2004, providing paid leave for Canadians who were forced to leave work to care for seriously ill family members. In May of the same year, he introduced reforms to Canada's Employment Insurance laws making it easier for seasonal workers to apply for benefits. Volpe promised a number of spending initiatives during the 2004 federal election, including $1 billion over five years for research, development and innovation in the automotive industry.

The Liberals were reduced to a minority government in this election, although Volpe was re-elected by a comfortable margin in Eglinton—Lawrence. He was retained as Human Resources and Skills Development minister after the election.

In late 2004, Canadian Auditor General Sheila Fraser accused the federal government of violating the spirit of its laws by running a large surplus of Employment Insurance funds, arguing that the government was using money earmarked for the unemployed to fund separate programs. Volpe acknowledged there were problems with the EI system, but noted that rates were falling and would likely continue to fall in the future.

During the same period, federal Minister of Citizenship and Immigration Judy Sgro was criticized for granting a temporary residency permit to Romanian exotic dancer who had worked on her election campaign. Sgro denied she had done anything wrong, and argued that she granted the permit on compassionate grounds. In the aftermath of the controversy, the Martin government eliminated a federal program that allowed foreign-born exotic dancers to enter the country. Volpe was given credit for this decision and was quoted as saying, "I didn't feel in the slightest bit comfortable with the program and I didn't think there was any justification for it".

Minister of Citizenship and Immigration
Judy Sgro announced her resignation from cabinet on 14 January 2005, following accusations that she had offered to intervene in the immigration hearing of Harjit Singh in return for free food during the 2004 campaign (these accusations were later retracted and Sgro was cleared of any wrongdoing). Volpe was named as her successor. The Globe and Mail newspaper subsequently published an article which indicated that Sgro believed Volpe wanted her cabinet position, and further asserted that the two were rivals within the party. Volpe denied that he had anything to do with Sgro's resignation and cast doubt on the veracity of the report, saying that Sgro had told him directly that she did not make the statement attributed to her.

Two days after his appointment, Volpe pledged to tighten Canada's refugee system and to accelerate the processing time for individual claimants. He also promised to give illegal immigrant workers the means and opportunity to attain legal status in Canada, although rejecting the option of a blanket amnesty, and pledged to promote regional immigration outside of Canada's major cities. In mid-February 2005, he announced that spouses and common-law partners living in Canada without legal status would be eligible to apply under the family class sponsorship program. In the same period, Volpe asked his department to work on building cases to revoke the citizenship of five suspected Nazi war criminals living in Canada.

In April 2005, Volpe announced that the Martin government would fast-track the admission of 110,000 wage earning immigrants into Canada. He also announced that Canada would try to cut the waiting time for citizenship applications from 18 to 12 months, and that the Martin government would triple the number of parents and grandparents eligible to enter Canada.

In late 2005, Volpe announced that his government would seek a 35% increase in immigration over five years. He noted that there was a pressing need for more skilled immigrants throughout all parts of the country, and suggested that trade skills be emphasized over university education in determining the success of individual applications. Some within the Liberal Party criticized his proposal, arguing that it would be more appropriate to fix current backlogs in the immigration system. Volpe also proposed legislation to make foreign-born adopted children automatic citizens of Canada. After the 2005 Kashmir earthquake, Volpe announced that the Canadian government would take steps to expedite the reunification of families affected by the tragedy.

In November 2005, Volpe released a strategic plan for a national immigration policy following consultation with provincial and territorial leaders. The plan included improved recognition of immigrants with professional skills, such as doctors.

Also in November, the House of Commons Immigration Committee voted 6–5 along party lines to block $168 million in new money for immigration programs. Volpe criticized the opposition committee members for voting down the funding, arguing that their decision would jeopardize several previously announced reforms. Some opposition members argued that Volpe had not adequately justified his department's spending.

One of Volpe's last major acts as Immigration Minister was to announce a $920 million immigration settlement deal with the Government of Ontario on 21 November 2005. Under the terms of the deal, the money was to be earmarked to help immigrants settle, integrate, and become proficient in the English language. In the same week, Volpe also announced the creation of an "in-Canada" economic class of immigrants, making it easier for people on temporary work permits to apply for citizenship. Volpe's department argued that the change would match immigrants with skill shortages, which addressing backlogs in the immigration system.

Minister responsible for Ontario and for the Greater Toronto Area
In March 2004, Volpe announced the addition of nearly $8 million for existing crime prevention programs in Ontario. In May of the same year, he announced that the federal government would provide $1 billion in funding for GO Transit.

Also in May 2004, Volpe wrote an official letter to Toronto Mayor David Miller, promising that the federal government would not order the construction of a bridge to the Toronto City Centre Airport against the wishes of Toronto City Council. Miller had been elected in the 2003 municipal election on a promise to cancel the bridge, and had previously expressed concern that the federal Toronto Port Authority might authorize its construction even after the city withdrew support. Volpe later expressed concerns about the continued viability of the Toronto Waterfront Revitalization Corp., and emerged as a prominent critic of Miller's plans for waterfront management.

In May 2005, Volpe announced that the federal government would pay $35 million to the Toronto Port Authority to in compensation for the cancellation of the Toronto Island Airport Bridge. In September of the same year, he announced that a 1.4 acre piece of waterfront property at Yonge St. and Queen's Quay would remain in public hands. Many regard this property as essential for any future strategy involving comprehensive waterfront renewal.

Volpe remained active with issues of interest to the Italian community in Toronto, and was a prominent supporter of RAI International's bid to receive a television licence in Canada.

Views and controversies
Volpe reconsidered his position on same-sex marriage in 2004, and voted with the rest of cabinet to grant legal status to same-sex marriages in 2005. Critics accused him of opportunism for changing his position. Volpe responded by arguing that he had played a contributory role in creating balanced legislation that protects the rights of both minority groups and religious institutions.

In May 2005, two Conservative MPs were photographed posing with a poster from the Western Standard with the title "The Liberano$", comparing the Liberal Party to the mafia television show The Sopranos. The poster was sparked by accusations made against the Liberal Party during the federal sponsorship scandal of 2004–05. Volpe argued that the poster was offensive to Canadians of Italian heritage, and commented "These are the same Conservatives who think that every immigrant is a potential terrorist and criminal and everything else", and "Notwithstanding that they don't have their cowl and their cape, the Klan looks like they're still very much alive." The Conservative Party demanded an apology from Volpe, who acknowledged that his words "might have been a little intemperate" because of what he interpreted as a "racial slur".

In September 2005, it was reported that Volpe had claimed $10,891.15 in meal and transportation expenses over an eleven-month period. Opposition MPs argued that this figure was excessive, and noted that Volpe's meal expenses were more than three times higher than his predecessor as Immigration Minister, Judy Sgro, during the same period a year earlier. Volpe argued that his schedule was extremely busy, and that he had to meet with "many stakeholders" in the course of his ministerial duties. There was at least one instance of Volpe charging for two separate meals on the same night. His staff argued that he had made arrangements to meet with two groups of people on the same night, and could not cancel either meeting. In March 2006, the Canadian Taxpayers Federation awarded Volpe with its 8th annual "Teddy" award as the previous year's worst offender in federal government overspending.

Opposition member, 2006–2011
The three opposition parties united to bring down the Liberal government in late 2005, and a new election was called for January 2006. During the campaign, Volpe and Paul Martin announced that, if re-elected, their government would waive the $975 landing fee charged to immigrants. The Liberals were defeated, however, and the Conservative Party came to office with a minority government. Volpe was again re-elected without difficulty in his own riding. Following the election, he was named as official opposition critic to the President of the Treasury Board.

In early September 2006, Volpe announced that he would break with his party's official position and support a softwood lumber deal negotiated by the Conservative government with the United States of America. In November of the same year, Volpe was one of fifteen Liberal MPs who voted against a resolution from Prime Minister Stephen Harper that recognized the Québécois as a nation within Canada.

Leadership candidate
Paul Martin resigned the Liberal leadership after the election, and a new leadership contest was scheduled for late 2006. Volpe announced his candidacy on April 21, 2006. During his campaign launch, he said, "We don't need to re-invent the Party. We just need to give it back to the people who are its rightful owners. We need to take it back from the backroom players who hide behind new faces." He highlighted education and training issues, and said that Canada should be more accommodating to new immigrants. Volpe also argued that Canada should return to a peacekeeping ethos in foreign affairs, rather than primarily engaging in combat missions. After the party's first all-candidates debate, he accused frontrunner Michael Ignatieff of echoing the foreign policy vision of Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper.

At the start of his campaign, Volpe was supported by Liberal MPs Jim Karygiannis, Wajid Khan, Yasmin Ratansi, Joe Comuzzi, Sukh Dhaliwal, Massimo Pacetti, and Lui Temelkovski, and former MPs Nick Discepola and Bob Speller. Dhaliwal, Karygiannis and Ratansi later withdrew their support.

Apotex donations
Volpe's campaign was hindered by controversy. In May 2006, the Canadian media reported that he had received $108,000 in donations from current and former executives of the drug company Apotex Inc., and each of their spouses and children. All of the donations were for $5,400, the maximum allowed for individual donations under the law, while five cheques were in the names of children under eighteen years of age. Companies are banned from donating money to a federal leadership campaign and individuals are prohibited from donating money on behalf of someone else, although donations from minors are not illegal. Critics charged that the Apotex contributions may have been an attempt to sidestep Canada's laws on corporate donations. NDP MP Pat Martin accused Volpe of deliberately orchestrating fraudulent donations and asked the Elections Commissioner to investigate whether "individuals may be trying to circumvent campaign fundraising limits". After Volpe threatened a libel suit, Martin said that his initial accusation was an overstatement but maintained that his call for an investigation was justified. While other parties criticized the donations, Liberal national director Steven MacKinnon stated that the party would not launch an investigation, arguing that it was the responsibility of Elections Canada to regulate donations. The donations were parodied by a website called "YouthForVolpe.ca".

Volpe responded by promising to return any donations that contravened the letter or spirit of the law. He returned the five cheques from minors after extensive media criticism, and denied that any laws had been broken. The controversy nonetheless damaged his candidacy. Sukh Dhaliwal withdrew his support from Volpe after the controversy broke, saying "I think this thing should not happen in any campaign". Other Liberals requested that Volpe withdraw from the contest due to negative publicity, but he said that this was not an option he was considering. In July 2006, Volpe argued that the Federal Accountability Act should be amended to prevent persons under eighteen from contributing to political campaigns.

On December 5, 2006, Elections Canada stated that Volpe had not violated election financing law in accepting the contributions.

Other controversies
Jim Karygiannis, who had been Volpe's campaign chair, left the campaign on 21 July 2006 after disagreements over Volpe's staunch pro-Israel stance in the 2006 Israel-Lebanon conflict. Soon after his abrupt departure, Karygiannis called the police to prevent a Volpe official from removing computers at the campaign's Scarborough headquarters, which had been leased in Karygiannis's name. No charges were filed. There was speculation that Karygiannis's recruits were more loyal to him than to Volpe, and that his departure would create serious difficulties for Volpe's candidacy.

On October 15, 2006, the Toronto Star reported that the Career Foundation, a federally funded charity serving the unemployed, had paid seven of its clients to work on Volpe's leadership campaign. The Foundation is headquartered in Volpe's Eglinton—Lawrence riding and fell under his purview during his tenure as Minister of Human Resources and Skills Development. The Star article indicated that three Foundation managers objected to paying workers in a partisan political campaign, on the grounds that it was an inappropriate use of taxpayer funds and incompatible with the foundation's charitable status. The Foundation's executive director, Colin Morrison, was quoted as saying that the assignment of clients served a "higher purpose" of "help[ing] unemployed people." Volpe described the Star's report as "a total fiction", and the latest in a series of attempts to derail his campaign.

Fine, appeal and exoneration
On September 23, 2006, the Liberal Party investigated Volpe's campaign on suspicion of questionable recruitment tactics in Quebec. Volpe had signed up 4,000 new members in the province, more than any other candidate. Several new party members in Montreal were reported as having been improperly registered, and at least nine members were signed up by the Volpe camp without their knowledge or without paying the $10 fee. In two of the cases, the signed-up members were deceased. There was speculation that Volpe would withdraw from the contest after these allegations but he declined to do so, saying that his campaign was not aware of any wrongdoing. Some of Volpe's supporters suggested that Michael Ignatieff's team was running a smear campaign against him. Volpe also argued that his ethnicity may have been a factor in the accusations, suggesting that they came from those who believed he was "not Canadian enough". A similar sentiment was echoed by former Public Works minister Alfonso Gagliano, banned from the party for being implicated in the Sponsorship scandal, who urged Volpe to stay in the race and fight the allegations. Some prominent Liberals, including Scott Reid, were strongly critical of Volpe's response.

The Liberal Party imposed a $20,000 fine on Volpe's campaign in late September, having determined that it provided membership forms to cultural groups without ensuring that new members paid their own fees. Importantly, the panel found no that evidence Volpe or his senior officials knew about the problems. Volpe appealed the decision, arguing the fine was imposed "without due process" and was "designed to inflict as much damage as possible on my campaign immediately prior to the delegate selection meetings."

On October 31, a Liberal Party appeals committee exonerated Volpe of improper membership sales, and withdrew the fine imposed the previous month. He was found guilty of a minor breach of the leadership candidates' code of conduct, and given a nominal fine of $1,000. Volpe accepted the ruling as vindication, and repeated his charge that the previous ruling had a prejudicial effect on delegate selection. He told reporters, "I can't say I'm ecstatic because the damage has already been done". Volpe's reputation in the Liberal Party, damaged by earlier controversies, recovered to some extent after the appeal.

Results
Volpe fared poorly in the delegate selection meetings, and knew going into the convention that he could not win the leadership. He threw his support behind former Ontario Premier Bob Rae during the convention's "speech night", only moments after the final speech from Michael Ignatieff. This decision did not affect the first ballot of voting, which took place as the speeches were being delivered. Volpe received 156 votes from the convention delegates, finishing in seventh place.

Rae released his delegates after being eliminated on the third ballot. Volpe moved to the camp of Stéphane Dion, who defeated Michael Ignatieff on the fourth ballot to win the party leadership. Volpe and four other MPs who contested the Liberal leadership were named to the frontbench of the Official Opposition in parliament.

Electoral record
All federal electoral information is taken from Elections Canada. Italicized expenditures from elections after 1997 refer to submitted totals, and are presented when the final reviewed totals are not available. Expenditures from 1997 refer to submitted totals.

All provincial election information is taken from Elections Ontario.

The 1974 municipal result is taken from the Toronto Star, 3 December 1974, A11. The final official result was not significantly different.

Post politics
Since his election defeat Volpe became publisher of Corriere Canadese, an Italian-Canadian daily newspaper based in Toronto revived by Volpe and several other investors in 2013.

Volpe published an article in Corriere Canadese on January 8, 2021 questioning the decision of the Toronto Catholic District School Board to list YouthLine, an LGBTQ mental health resource, on its website, but YouthLine called his comments "homophobic, transphobic and anti-LGBTQ". In April 2021, Volpe filed a 30-million dollar defamation suit against Kristyn Wong-Tam and Paul Ainslie, as well as four Toronto Catholic District School Board Trustees and Yahoo Canada. In May 2022, Volpe's lawsuit was dismissed in the Ontario Superior Court of Justice after the defendants requested dismissal under the anti-SLAPP provisions of Ontario's Courts of Justice Act.

title: Joe Volpe


text:
Cremorne railway station

Cremorne railway station was an inner suburban station in Melbourne, Australia. It was on the Melbourne and Suburban Railway Company’s line from Princes Bridge station to Windsor station, and was located just north of Balmain Street on the Melbourne side of the Yarra River bridge, in a part of the suburb of Richmond which is now known as Cremorne.

The line was opened as far as Cremorne station in December 1859. One of the station's main functions was to encourage visitors to Melbourne's Cremorne Gardens. George Coppin, who was the proprietor of the attraction, lobbied the Melbourne and Suburban Railway Company, and then entered a financial arrangement with it, to expedite the building of the quarter-mile, four-minute extension from Richmond railway station. Often the price of admission to the gardens included free return rail ticket from the city to Cremorne station. Trains continued to stop at the station after the railway bridge over the Yarra from Cremorne to South Yarra was completed a year later.

The Cremorne Gardens closed in early 1863, and the last known train to stop at Cremorne station was on 23 November 1863, the day of the auction to dispose of the goods that remained in the Gardens. In 1890, Richmond residents lobbied the Victorian Railways Commissioners to reopen the station, but their request was refused as the station was deemed "unnecessary". There are no remains of the station and subsequent track expansion now covers the area where it once stood.

title: Cremorne railway station


text:
Salt Water River railway station

Saltwater River railway station was the first station at Flemington Racecourse, Melbourne. It opened on 1 October 1859, as a small station. However, over time it was expanded to include a double platform. The Saltwater River was a name early settlers gave the Maribyrnong River.

On race days, trains ran every few minutes, and it is estimated that the station carried over 12,000 passengers. According to records, it remained in regular service until approximately 1867. However, it is unclear what happened to the station in the period between the opening of Flemington Racecourse station opened in 1861, and its temporary closure several years later. The station remained in use in the mid-to-late 1860s, and itself closed when Flemington Racecourse station was reopened in 1867.

title: Salt Water River railway station


text:
Andy Mitchell (politician)

Andrew Mitchell, (born April 21, 1953) is a Canadian politician. He served in the House of Commons of Canada from 1993 to 2006, representing Parry Sound-Muskoka as a member of the Liberal Party. He was a minister in the government of Jean Chrétien and a cabinet minister in the government of Paul Martin.

Early life and career
Mitchell was born in Montreal, Quebec, and has a Bachelor of Arts degree in political science from Carleton University (1972). Before running for public office, he worked for the Bank of Nova Scotia in Ottawa, Toronto, Cornwall, Elliot Lake, and Gravenhurst. He was also active with several local Chamber of Commerce organizations. Mitchell joined the Liberal Party in 1991.

Government backbencher
Mitchell was first elected in the 1993 federal election, winning a seat that had been held by the Progressive Conservatives since 1957. At the time, he did not have a strong public profile outside of his riding. The Liberals won a majority government, and Mitchell entered parliament as a backbench supporter of Jean Chrétien's government.

He chaired a parliamentary task force that examined banking and small business policy in 1994. Its recommendations included a code of conduct for banks regarding small business loans, an ombudsman to oversee this code of conduct, and a provision allowing entrepreneurs to borrow up to twenty per cent from their registered retirement savings plans (RRSPs). The proposed code of conduct was intended to facilitate more bank loans to small businesses.

In 1996, Mitchell was appointed to another task force that examined the role of the federal government in relation to Canada's disability community. It recommended that the government cancel its plans to wind down assistance programs for disabled people and instead introduce new programs and tax credits. Mitchell argued this investment was necessary to ensure disabled Canadians could enjoy the full rights of citizenship.

In the same period, he chaired a standing committee on natural resources with a focus on economic development in rural Canada. He supported construction of Fenbrook Institution, a medium security prison in Gravenhurst, as a benefit to the local economy.

Minister
Mitchell was re-elected in the 1997 federal election against a strong challenge from former general Lewis MacKenzie, who was running for the Progressive Conservative Party. The Liberals were re-elected with a second majority government nationally, and Mitchell was appointed as secretary of state for parks in Chrétien's government. This was a ministerial position but not a full cabinet portfolio.
 * Secretary of State for Parks

Shortly after his appointment, Mitchell announced that Canada's national parks would not be privatized or commercialized apart from a small number of projects that had already been approved in the previous parliament. He following year, he introduced legislation to create a permanent agency for Parks Canada. The oversight of national parks had previously shifted among various ministries, and Mitchell argued that the new agency would allow for more and better-managed parks.

In April 1998, Mitchell said the Canadian government would block a salvage company's plans to dynamite the wreckage of the Empress of Ireland ocean liner to recover an estimated one million dollars' worth of nickel ingots. Over one thousand people were killed when ship sank in the Saint Lawrence River in 1914, and Mitchell argued the detonation would violate Canada's laws against interference with human remains. Many of the deceased were members of the Salvation Army, which strongly opposed the detonation plans.

Mitchell joined with environmental groups in late 1998 to oppose a bid by the government of the Northwest Territories, the Inuvialuit, and the Toronto-based company Falconbridge Ltd. to change a proposed boundary of the Tuktut Nogait National Park and permit nickel mining in the disputed area. Mitchell argued that the change would endanger the local caribou population and noted that eighty per cent of the nickel find was already located outside of the park's boundaries. A committee of the Senate of Canada decided against moving the boundary in December 1998. The following year, Mitchell introduced legislation to restrict future development in all national parks and announced the creation of an aboriginal affairs secretariat to assist Parks Canada in matters relating to First Nations communities.

Mitchell supported a private member's bill introduced by Liberal backbencher Albina Guarnieri in 1998 to reduce parole opportunities for criminals convicted of multiple murders. In October 1999, Mitchell was reassigned as secretary of state for rural development and secretary of state for the federal economic development initiative for Northern Ontario (FedNor). In early 2000, he hosted Canada's first national rural conference in Magog, Quebec. He also introduced thirty-seven million dollars for small and medium-sized businesses in Ontario and new money for advanced grain identification technology in Manitoba.
 * Secretary of State for Rural Development

Re-elected in the 2000 federal election, Mitchell helped formulate a federal loan to prevent bankruptcy at Algoma Steel in 2001. He later announced the creation of a sixteen-member advisory committee on rural issues at the second national rural conference in Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island.

In May 2002, Mitchell led a trade delegation to Atlanta, Georgia, to promote trade with Northern Ontario. Later in the same year, he promoted increased high-speed internet service for rural Canada and announced a fifteen million dollar plan to support co-operatives. In August 2003, he joined with Chrétien and Industry Minister Allan Rock to unveil Canada's Municipal Rural Infrastructure Fund, valued at one billion dollars. Mitchell supported Paul Martin's bid to succeed Jean Chrétien as Liberal Party leader in 2003. When Martin replaced Chrétien as prime minister, he promoted Mitchell to a full cabinet position as Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. Mitchell introduced new self-government legislation for Canadian indigenous communities in January 2004 and said that he would not re-introduce his predecessor's First Nations Governance Act, which had met with significant opposition from indigenous leaders.
 * Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development

Mitchell attended the Martin government's one-day summit with leaders of the Assembly of First Nations (AFN), the Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, the Métis National Council, the Congress of Aboriginal Peoples, and the Native Women's Association of Canada in April 2004. He indicated that he was willing to fund a housing secretariat that would be operated by the AFN.

In early 2004, Mitchell recognized embattled grand chief James Gabriel and the elected band council as the legitimate authority in Kanesatake, Quebec. The Kanesatake community was divided into rival factions, and Gabriel was forced to leave the community for his safety after his house was burned down. Mitchell was re-elected by a narrower margin in the 2004 federal election, as the Liberals were reduced to a minority government nationally. Following the election, he was reassigned as the Minister of Agriculture and Agri-food. He was also appointed as minister of state for the federal economic development initiative for Northern Ontario in June 2005, after Joe Comuzzi's resignation.
 * Minister of Agriculture

When Mitchell became agriculture minister, the American border was closed to Canadian cattle due to a case of bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) found in a single Canadian cow in 2003. Mitchell's initial efforts to lift the ban were unsuccessful, and he announced $488 million to aid the ailing sector in September 2004. When other instances of BSE were discovered in early 2005, Mitchell said that a "low level and a declining level" of the disease in older cattle was not surprising, that changes introduced in 1997 would ensure the safety of Canadian beef, and that an organized cull of older animals would be too extreme a reaction.

Mitchell announced one billion dollars in aid farm aid in March 2005, primarily in response to the border closure but also to grain harvests affected by frost, drought in the Prairies, and trade difficulties associated with the higher Canadian dollar relative to the American dollar. The border eventually reopened in July 2005. Mitchell subsequently established a beef and cattle advisory group to assist the government on export policy.

Mitchell withdrew the government's support for a conference promoting agricultural exports to Iran in April 2005, following revelations that Canadian journalist Zahra Kazemi had died from torture in an Iranian prison two years earlier.

In early 2005, the National Farmers Union (NFU) charged that proposed federal legislation would make it difficult for independent farmers to retain seeds from one year to the next and that the government was abandoning its commitment to public plant breeding by closing four experimental research farms. The NFU further argued that these changes would benefit large companies like Monsanto over Canadian farmers. A representative for Mitchell responded that the government would protect the right of farmers to save their seeds. In response to further criticism, Mitchell announced a moratorium on the farm closures in June 2005.

Mitchell spent part of the 2006 federal election participating in previously scheduled World Trade Organization talks in Hong Kong on agricultural subsidies. After extended negotiations, Mitchell and International Trade Minister Jim Peterson announced their support for a tentative deal that would end farm export subsidies while allowing the Canadian Wheat Board's operations to continue.

Mitchell lost to high-profile Conservative candidate Tony Clement by only twenty-eight votes in the 2006 election, as the Conservatives won a minority government nationally.

After career
Mitchell served as chief of staff for official opposition leader Bill Graham in 2006. He later became executive director and chair of the Greater Peterborough Economic Development Corporation (GPAEDC), led a non-profit organization called the Greater Peterborough Innovation Cluster, and became an adjunct professor at Trent University.

Mitchell was elected as deputy reeve of Selwyn in the 2010 municipal elections. By virtue of holding this position, he also served on the Peterborough County Council. Mitchell also served as a Senior Policy Advisor to the Hon. Jeff Leal, MPP and Minister of Agriculture and Rural Affairs. He served until 2014.

Mitchell also served as campaign manager to the Maryam Monsef campaign in 2015 federal election in which Monsef won. He also worked as a professor at Trent University in the Political Studies department following his leaving federal politics.

On October 22, 2018 he won election to become mayor of Selwyn, Ontario

Electoral record

 * Federal

 * Municipal

Source: Official results, Township of Smith-Ennismore-Lakefield.

title: Andy Mitchell (politician)


text:
User:Kahkonen

 This user edits mainly in fi-Wikipedia.

Kahkonen is a wikipedist. He started to edit Wikipedia in 2004, on April. His major article is Karelian question both in en-wiki and fi-wiki.

ru:Участник:Kahkonen fi:Käyttäjä:Kahkonen sv:Användare:Kahkonen

title: User:Kahkonen


text:
Cheeky Weekly

Cheeky Weekly was a British comic book magazine published every Monday by IPC Magazines Ltd. It ran for 117 issues from (issues dates) 22 October 1977 to 2 February 1980, failing to be published for 3 weeks in December 1978 due to an industrial dispute. It merged with stable-mate Whoopee!, initially as a 16-page pull-out section. The title character originated in an earlier comic called Krazy as a character in the strip The Krazy Gang and also the star of the 'Ello, It's Cheeky feature, and proved popular enough to get his own comic, which managed to outlive Krazy itself. The first issue came with a free "Red Jet Rattler" (a build-it-yourself model aeroplane). Its characters and strips included:

 * Cheeky's Week, a comic strip featuring the title character meeting various regular characters with much joke-telling. This strip was drawn by Frank McDiarmid.
 * Lily Pop
 * Posh Claude
 * Walter Wurx
 * Jogging Jeremy
 * Baby Burpo
 * Baker's Boy
 * Sid the Street Sweeper
 * Ursula the Usherette

Other Cheeky comic strips

 * Mustapha Million comic strip
 * Six Million Dollar Gran comic strip - This was a parody of The Six Million Dollar Man.
 * Skateboard Squad comic strip, later renamed "Speed Squad"
 * Tub - Tub was one of the characters from Cheeky's "Mystery Comic".
 * Disaster Des comic strip - Des's comic strip began in Cheeky issue dated 30 September 1978 and continued until the last issue.
 * Elephant On The Run - another of the characters from Cheeky's "Mystery Comic"
 * Calculator Kid
 * Paddywack
 * Stage School
 * Snail of the Century

For many of the later issues of Cheeky his unnamed pet snail had the back page and met other garden creatures to exchange jokes.

The lead character Cheeky was portrayed in a red and black striped sweater with a large C on the chest. At one point the comic gave away a free knitting pattern so readers could knit their own (or get their mums to knit one for them).

One unusual aspect of Cheeky Weekly compared to its contemporaries was that the title character appeared in more than one strip. A typical issue would follow Cheeky through the week from Sunday through to the following Saturday in a series of one- or two-page strips. Often not so much a narrative as a series of random gags each episode was designed to lead into the ‘support’ strip which followed.

Some notable examples include:
 * Cheeky racing home to watch his favourite TV Show, usually arriving with seconds to spare.
 * Cheeky trying to read the latest James Bold book in the bookshop – this would lead into a two-page ‘drama’ strip which would then end abruptly as the bookshop owner chased Cheeky from the store.

On Wednesdays, Cheeky babysat for Baby Burpo, a mischievous child similar to Whoopee!’s Sweeny Toddler. Cheeky would read him a tongue-in-cheek ghost story in the hope of scaring the kid but this invariably backfired and Cheeky would end up running home in terror as if pursued by whatever menace had featured in that week's story.

Initially on Saturdays, Cheeky attended a Saturday morning picture show at his local cinema where he saw a cartoon (often represented by a strip featuring Warner Brothers cartoon characters) followed by a drama serial, while exchanging jokes with his friends in the interval. After just over a year the cinema feature was dropped and subsequent issues showed Cheeky pursuing a variety of weekend activities instead.

"Cheeky Chit-Chat" was the readers' letter pages. Any reader who had their letter printed received £2 and a "Friend of Cheeky" badge.

The "Joke-Box Jury" page gave the readers a chance to send in jokes, with a prize of £2 if their joke was published.

Whoopee! comic merger
For the first Whoopee! merged issue, Cheeky had the middle 16 pages (half the comic). Cheeky himself had 4 pages. Six Million Dollar Gran, renamed "Robot Granny" had 2 pages. Calculator Kid had 1 page. Stage School also had 2 pages. Paddywack had half a page. The letters page was renamed "Whoopee Chit-Chat" and usually occupied one and a half pages (the prize was £2 plus a Whoopee! logo'd T-shirt. Mustapha Million had 2 pages, though in 1981 many of these were reprints. On the 16 February 1980 issue a brand new single page comic strip Chip began. The other pages had advertising.

The last issue of Whoopee! to feature the Cheeky logo on the cover was dated 25 July 1981. The Whoopee! dated 5 September 1981 was the last to feature a 4-page Cheeky story and hereafter the Cheeky's comic strips were distributed throughout the comic (rather than the 16 central pages).

title: Cheeky Weekly


text:
User talk:Itziar Moreno

Hello Itziar, welcome to Wikipedia! I hope you'll enjoy writing articles here. Please note that http://www.encyclopedia.thefreedictionary.com/ is a (GFDL compatible) mirror of Wikipedia, so it's no use copying their stuff into ours, because theirs is ours :-) We already have an article about John McCarthy...

Anyway, have fun! Lupo 09:16, 6 May 2004 (UTC)

Hello - you should know that upper case isn't usually used. For example if you create Speech Processing, there may already be a page speech processing.

Charles Matthews 09:23, 6 May 2004 (UTC)

title: User talk:Itziar Moreno


text:
Technical support

Technical support, also known as tech support, is a call centre type customer service provided by companies to advise and assist registered users with issues concerning their technical products. Traditionally done on the phone, technical support can now be conducted online or through chat. At present, most large and mid-size companies have outsourced their tech support operations. Many companies provide discussion boards for users of their products to interact; such forums allow companies to reduce their support costs without losing the benefit of customer feedback.

Outsourcing tech support
With the increasing use of technology in modern times, there is a growing requirement to provide technical support. Many organizations locate their technical support departments or call centers in countries or regions with lower costs. Dell was amongst the first companies to outsource their technical support and customer service departments to India in 2001. There has also been a growth in companies specializing in providing technical support to other organizations. These are often referred to as MSPs (Managed Service Providers).

For businesses needing to provide technical support, outsourcing allows them to maintain high availability of service. Such need may result from peaks in call volumes during the day, periods of high activity due to the introduction of new products or maintenance service packs, or the requirement to provide customers with a high level of service at a low cost to the business. For businesses needing technical support assets, outsourcing enables their core employees to focus more on their work in order to maintain productivity. It also enables them to utilize specialized personnel whose technical knowledge base and experience may exceed the scope of the business, thus providing a higher level of technical support to their employees.

Multi-level tech support
Technical support is often subdivided into tiers, or levels, in order to better serve a business or customer base. The number of levels a business uses to organize their technical support group is dependent on the business's needs regarding their ability to sufficiently serve their customers or users. The reason for providing a multi-tiered support system instead of one general support group is to provide the best possible service in the most efficient possible manner. Success of the organizational structure is dependent on the technicians' understanding of their level of responsibility and commitments, their customer response time commitments, and when to appropriately escalate an issue and to which level. A common support structure revolves around a three-tiered technical support system. Remote computer repair is a method for troubleshooting software related problems via remote desktop connections.

L1 Support
Tier I (or Level 1, abbreviated as T1 or L1) is the first technical support level. The first job of a Tier I specialist is to gather the customer's information and to determine the customer's issue by analyzing the symptoms and figuring out the underlying problem. When analyzing the symptoms, it is important for the technician to identify what the customer is trying to accomplish so that time is not wasted on "attempting to solve a symptom instead of a problem."

Once identification of the underlying problem is established, the specialist can begin sorting through the possible solutions available. Technical support specialists in this group typically handle straightforward and simple problems while "possibly using some kind of knowledge management tool." This includes troubleshooting methods such as verifying physical layer issues, resolving username and password problems, uninstalling/reinstalling basic software applications, verification of proper hardware and software set up, and assistance with navigating around application menus. Personnel at this level have a basic to general understanding of the product or service and may not always contain the competency required for solving complex issues. Nevertheless, the goal for this group is to handle 70–80% of the user problems before finding it necessary to escalate the issue to a higher level.

L2 Support
Tier II (or Level 2, abbreviated as T2 or L2) is a more in-depth technical support level than Tier I and therefore costs more as the technicians are more experienced and knowledgeable on a particular product or service. It is synonymous with level 2 support, support line 2, administrative level support, and various other headings denoting advanced technical troubleshooting and analysis methods. Technicians in this realm of knowledge are responsible for assisting Tier I personnel in solving basic technical problems and for investigating elevated issues by confirming the validity of the problem and seeking for known solutions related to these more complex issues. However, prior to the troubleshooting process, it is important that the technician review the work order to see what has already been accomplished by the Tier I technician and how long the technician has been working with the particular customer. This is a key element in meeting both the customer and business needs as it allows the technician to prioritize the troubleshooting process and properly manage their time.

If a problem is new and/or personnel from this group cannot determine a solution, they are responsible for elevating this issue to the Tier III technical support group. In addition, many companies may specify that certain troubleshooting solutions be performed by this group to help ensure the intricacies of a challenging issue are solved by providing experienced and knowledgeable technicians. This may include, but is not limited to, onsite installations or replacement of various hardware components, software repair, diagnostic testing, or the utilization of remote control tools to take over the user's machine for the sole purpose of troubleshooting and finding a solution to the problem.

L3 Support
Tier III (or Level 3, abbreviated as T3 or L3) is the highest level of support in a three-tiered technical support model responsible for handling the most difficult or advanced problems. It is synonymous with level 3 support, 3rd line support, back-end support, support line 3, high-end support, and various other headings denoting expert level troubleshooting and analysis methods. These individuals are experts in their fields and are responsible for not only assisting both Tier I and Tier II personnel, but with the research and development of solutions to new or unknown issues. Note that Tier III technicians have the same responsibility as Tier II technicians in reviewing the work order and assessing the time already spent with the customer so that the work is prioritized and time management is sufficiently utilized. If it is at all possible, the technician will work to solve the problem with the customer as it may become apparent that the Tier I and/or Tier II technicians simply failed to discover the proper solution. Upon encountering new problems, however, Tier III personnel must first determine whether or not to solve the problem and may require the customer's contact information so that the technician can have adequate time to troubleshoot the issue and find a solution. It is typical for a developer or someone who knows the code or backend of the product, to be the Tier 3 support person.

In some instances, an issue may be so problematic to the point where the product cannot be salvaged and must be replaced. Such extreme problems are also sent to the original developers for in-depth analysis. If it is determined that a problem can be solved, this group is responsible for designing and developing one or more courses of action, evaluating each of these courses in a test case environment, and implementing the best solution to the problem.

L4 Support
While not universally used, a fourth level often represents an escalation point beyond the organization. L4 support is generally a hardware or software vendor.

Scams
A common scam typically involves a cold caller claiming to be from a technical support department of a company like Microsoft. Such cold calls are often made from call centers based in India to users in English-speaking countries, although increasingly these scams operate within the same country. The scammer will instruct the user to download a remote desktop program and once connected, use social engineering techniques that typically involve Windows components to persuade the victim that they need to pay in order for the computer to be fixed and then proceeds to steal money from the victim's credit card.

title: Technical support