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We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes

We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes is the second studio album by American rock band Death Cab for Cutie. It was released on March 21, 2000, through Barsuk Records. The band, which originally included singer-songwriter Ben Gibbard, guitarist/producer Chris Walla, bassist Nick Harmer, and drummer Nathan Good, formed in Bellingham, Washington in 1997. Their debut studio album, Something About Airplanes, was released in 1998 through Barsuk, after which Good exited the band. Between the two albums, both Gibbard and Walla released music via side projects, ¡All-Time Quarterback! and Martin Youth Auxiliary, respectively.

The album was developed over a period of five months between the three, and recorded at the members' parents' homes. The recording came at a transitional time for the band, who were on the cusp of adulthood with little idea of what was to come. Gibbard infused these post-collegiate anxieties into his lyricism, with his songwriting melding narratives with abstract imagery for the first time. The album is sonically downbeat, with its despondent sound and spindly guitar work heavily influenced by slowcore.

We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes received acclaim from music critics, with praise directed towards Gibbard's songwriting. Death Cab for Cutie supported the album with their first full nationwide tour, with drummer Jayson Tolzdorf-Larson joining. No singles were released from the album, though the LP was followed by an extended play, The Forbidden Love EP, several months after its release.

Background and development
Death Cab for Cutie originated with singer-songwriter Ben Gibbard, formerly of the power pop outfit Pinwheel, while he attended Western Washington University in Bellingham, Washington. During a break from the group, Gibbard put together a demo of songs under the name Death Cab for Cutie, named after a song by the Bonzo Dog Doo-Dah Band. The demo tape was produced by guitarist/producer Christopher Walla, whom Gibbard had met at a concert. The cassette, You Can Play These Songs with Chords (1997), attracted significant local attention and prompted Gibbard to assemble a band lineup. Roommate Nick Harmer joined as the bassist, along with temporary drummer Nathan Good. Within a year, Death Cab for Cutie had signed to Seattle record label Barsuk Records, their debut studio album Something About Airplanes (1998) was released though.

Bellingham lacked employment opportunities or a real music scene, leading the band to relocate southbound to Seattle. Gibbard—an environmental chemistry major—had been working at a testing lab in Bellingham while Harmer and Walla were making ends meet at a coffee shop. The two of them moved back in with their parents, though Gibbard rented an apartment with his girlfriend. Good's situation was different, with him getting married, and he had accrued significant student debt. In addition to this, Good lacked the support of his musical interests from his parents that Gibbard, Walla, and Harmer shared. Good departed Death Cab for Cutie in early 1999, and the three-piece soldiered on with an interim drummer in his place from April to September of that year.

The trio struggled to find a suitable and "competent" percussionist who would agree to tour. Their lack of financial stability hindered matters; at the time, the band only made $50 per show, which mainly went towards fueling the Ford Econoline to drive to the next city. Gibbard has characterized this period in the history of Death Cab for Cutie as "interstitial", with them lacking assurance of what was to come: "It was made at a time when we didn’t have any sense of what the future held for us as individuals, let alone as a band," he recalled two decades later.

Recording and production
In 1999, We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes, like its predecessor, was recorded in a home environment rather than professional studio spaces, over a span of five months. Much of the former was tracked at the house of Harmer's mother's in Puyallup, Washington. She was working towards obtaining her doctoral degree at the time, spending her time in one half of the home. Death Cab for Cutie lived there for one month, working on the album at "all hours of the night." Recording for We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes was later relocated to Walla's parents' house in Bothell. To record the album, the band were loaned a 16-track half-inch tape recorder from fellow Northwest musicians and label-mates, Sunset Valley. They worked intently and with a unified purpose; Gibbard remembered the three were "in the zone" because there was not much else in their lives at the time. Like past releases by Death Cab for Cutie, Walla served as producer on We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes. He initially attempted to follow one of his idols, engineer Steve Albini, who holds a studio approach similar to realistic photography: this is simply documenting what is occurring with little intervention. Walla found the perspective unsatisfactory due to the constantly evolving nature of his recording locales and equipment. In the end, he viewed his job as to do what best serves the song, and letting production flourishes complement the songwriting rather than distract. The recording of drums proved to be somewhat difficult; the snare drum went out of tune two days into recording and with Gibbard possessing only mild skill with the instrument, none of the band members knew how to tune it. He played drums for the bulk of the album, having steadily spent time practicing for sufficiently improving his expertise. On We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes, Gibbard plays to a click track for ensuring his timing. Good contributed percussion to the tracks, "Company Calls Epilogue" and "The Employment Pages". Death Cab for Cutie decided to record the two songs the day before mastering was set to begin for the album. Good returned at the trio's insistence to record drums for the songs, both of which were fully tracked and mixed at the last minute.

We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes was finalized and mixed in Walla's bedroom. The liner notes for the album credit its recording and mixing to the Hall of Justice, a reference to the animated television series Super Friends. The Hall of Justice was simply Walla's name for "just a bunch of half-broken stuff that roves around from place to place at my direction." Later in 2000, Barsuk purchased Reciprocal Recording in Seattle, and let Walla manage the building; he subsequently renamed it Hall of Justice Recording. After We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes was completed, Tony Lash, an engineer from Portland, Oregon, mastered the album.

Music and composition
We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes is stylistically regarded as an indie rock album; Gibbard himself classified the band as indie pop. The bleak point of view in the lyrics and despondent tone led to many writers categorizing the album as emo; it has been called an "emo classic." Gibbard and Walla's guitar parts on We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes are different than those of later projects; with Gibbard later highlighting their "cool, spindly guitar-work." During his early 20s, Gibbard was influenced by the downbeat, slowcore music of Bedhead and Codeine. He felt inspired by Bedhead in particular, and incentivizing intricate guitar lines for the album that "weave" and "work through each other" over simpler chords. Gibbard also conceded that his longtime love for fellow Northwest rockers Built to Spill led to "flagrant" appropriation of their sound in early work by Death Cab for Cutie, while Jon Pareles of The New York Times also suggested We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes is aurally reminiscent of Pavement.

Walla mixed the album with an Allen & Heath MixWizard console, which is a 16-channel board that has an array of different EQ settings. Walla had fun adjusting the EQ to extreme ranges, "overloading the channel" and creating a "gritty, awful, brittle sound." The board also has built-in presets, and though Walla found them "cheesy," the band ended up utilizing a "cathedral" setting for bombastic effects. Otherwise, We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes mostly has an authentic room tone, with some delay effects on vocals that were produced via a delay pedal. Journalist Ian Cohen felt that Walla's nascent production skill displays "distinct sonic character, [with] everything obscured by a mid-fi mist, the pine scent of the Pacific Northwest and gin breath." Walla also utilized a portable sampler, Dr. Sample, to distort samples and re-incorporate them in a creative way. For example, the pulsating tone on "405" was sampled from a Yamaha keyboard, distorted into the sampler, set to repeat and ultimately lined up with the click track.

Theme and lyrics
Gibbard's songwriting on We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes differs from its predecessor, possessing a more novelistic approach and frequently utilizing full sentences. Much of the songwriting was informed by his "post-collegiate neuroses" and general uncertainty regarding his path in life. In a later interview, Gibbard acknowledged his privilege as a "middle-class college-educated white man in America," admitting that, "In reality, [nervousness is] not something one should garner too much sympathy about." Ian Cohen interpreted the album as a concept album that chronicles a decaying relationship. Gibbard saw this evaluation as a "complete misconception," noting that We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes is only conceptual in that it complies his feelings about entering adulthood. He cited Blake Schwarzenbach of Jawbreaker and fellow musician Elliott Smith as lyrical influences.

The first half of "Title Track" contains a softer, more lo-fi sound; Cohen assumed it was run through a low-pass filter, and likened the effect to "being heard through a thin apartment wall." After a minute and a half, the production abruptly adjusts to a higher-quality sound. In actuality, both parts of the first portion were recorded live together with one microphone, double-tracked, and mixed separately. The two pieces were put together during mastering; Tony Lash narrowed the stereo image for a more "drastic" effect. Walla had the idea to trick listeners into believing the album was no different to its predecessor, letting the lower-quality sound cycle for too long before improving. "Title Track" emulates the writing style of beat poet Jack Kerouac, one of Gibbard's favorite writers. The second track, "The Employment Pages", documents Gibbard's job hunting upon his moving to Seattle, from which he was routinely rejected. "I remember thinking, 'I have a degree in environmental chemistry, I worked in a lab and I can’t get a job stocking shelves?'", he said in an interview. Gibbard summarized the song as a "transition of going from idyllic, easy, college-town living, to trying to become an adult for some reason, but you're not quite sure why."

"Lowell, MA" was a holdover that was penned during the development of Something About Airplanes. The track touches on Gibbard's love for Kerouac, with its localized title being a reference to his hometown, Lowell, Massachusetts. The title of "405" stemmed from the several freeways that bypass Interstate 5, the major north–south Interstate Highway on the West Coast of the United States, though specifically references Interstate 405 in Seattle. In college, Gibbard saw a girl whose family lived off the 405; the song makes reference to a shared weekend smoking cigarettes and drinking red wine. The lyric "hide your bad habits underneath the patio" originated from the fact that the two of them hid the cigarette butts underneath the patio in order to fool her parents, who were religious and more straight-laced. "Little Fury Bugs" utilizes a demo that Gibbard recorded at home on a four-track recorder and ultimately gave to Walla, who contributed additional elements. In the song, Gibbard performs in an odd tuning; the result of an inexpensive toy guitar he was playing on.

Gibbard had a creative breakthrough upon writing "Company Calls Epilogue", which he has frequently labeled one of his favorite songs he ever wrote. Prior to its creation, Gibbard had viewed his lyricism on earlier works as too obtuse and emulative of R.E.M., who were a big influence. He considered "Epilogue" to be a proper marriage between this imperceptive imagery and storytelling, and a "benchmark" by which later songs would be judged. It has little in common with the predecessor, "Company Calls", besides incorporating unused lyrics meant for the original. This iteration of "Epilogue" was recorded only one day before mastering was set to begin; an alternate edition was later released on The Forbidden Love EP later in 2020. The album version contains an outro that was culled from a scratch demo, which featured solely Gibbard and his guitar. It was recorded with a microphone that cost only $4. "No Joy in Mudville" is a tribute to musician Lou Reed, while "Scientist Studies" stemmed from the home Death Cab for Cutie had previously inhabited in Bellingham, which had no heating. Gibbard titled it after his study material at the time.

Release and commercial performance
The title We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes came from musician Herbert Burgle, a Seattle contemporary who formed the band Rat Cat Hogan. At one of his concerts, Burgle wore a T-shirt emblazoned with the title phrase, which referenced a legislative initiative in Nebraska at the time.

Sales expectations were higher for We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes for Death Cab for Cutie. Barsuk issued the album on March 21, 2000, on CD and vinyl. Two vinyl variants were issued; a standard black edition, which was later re-issued in 2014, and a limited white-colored wax. Despite the band being largely outsiders to the music industry, the album was commercially successful, though muted in comparison to their later projects. We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes was supported by college radio stations, and debuted "strongly" on CMJ New Music Report Top 200 at number 51. It premiered 11 places higher on the magazine's Core Radio ranking, which measured airplay. Barsuk initially pressed 20,000 copies; the album had sold 32,000 by November 2001. The numbers were considered "staggering" for the record label, which was essentially a "one-man operation" ran by founder Josh Rosenfield.

Critical reception
We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes was met with positive reviews from music critics. Chris Parker of Indy Week wrote that like its predecessor, the album received "glowing critical accolades," while Kimberly Chun of the San Francisco Chronicle said that it received "effusive critical reception in the national music media." AllMusic reviewer Jack Rabid viewed the album as the band's "best and brightest LP" yet, calling it a "superb" effort which marks Gibbard's emergence as a "sublime" songwriter. Brent DiCrescenzo of the then-emerging website Pitchfork likened it to the work of an experienced, mid-career band, lauding its "warm, rich tone" and "delicate beauty." PopMatters critic Steve Lichtenstein praised the album for being "something you want to discover and cherish with no strings attached, and pass it on as eagerly." And editor of The Rolling Stone Album Guide found the melodies superior to prior releases, complimenting its "smattering of psychedelia."

Stephen Thompson of The A.V. Club called the album a marvelous improvement, opining that it "gets better the longer you listen to it, improving over its predecessor at every turn and revealing a surprising mastery of pop's many languages." A CMJ New Music Report editorialist branded the album an "impressive collection [...] In an otherwise flooded genre, DCFC stands out as one of the more innovative and skillful of the pack." Pareles included it in a listing for The New York Times "Worthwhile Albums Most People Missed" at the end of 2000, proposing that "[Gibbard's] wiry songs aren't as uncertain as their lyrics pretend to be."

Legacy
For its 20th anniversary, several publications published retrospective pieces celebrating We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes. Death Cab for Cutie has generally looked back at the album fondly; Gibbard ranked it as his second favorite album the band made, remarking, "[It was] by far the biggest point of entry for the OG fans. [...] Facts felt like we were a proper band in the world. [...] I just feel like that record represents the best of that era." Likewise, Walla has reminisced positively about the making of the album, doing so in 2011: That second record, especially, for years and years has been my favorite ... As I try to figure out what it is about that record that I react to so strongly – we started recording it like twelve years ago – dissecting all those elements and trying to reverse-engineer what happened, I've learned so much about what I value about songwriting and about performances."

We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes was ranked the 14th greatest indie rock album of all time by editors of Amazon.com. It was ranked 27th on Pitchfork's list of "The 50 Best Indie Rock Albums of the Pacific Northwest".

Personnel
Death Cab for Cutie
 * Ben Gibbard – vocals, electric and acoustic guitars, drums, percussion, Casiotone, organ
 * Nathan Good – drums on "The Employment Pages" and "Company Calls Epilogue"
 * Nick Harmer – bass guitar
 * Chris Walla – guitar, electric piano, backing vocals, percussion, glockenspiel, samples, production, mixing

Additional personnel
 * Tony Lash – mastering

title: We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes


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Sierra Madre

Sierra Madre (Spanish, 'mother mountain range') may refer to:

Mexico

 * Sierra Madre Occidental, a mountain range in northwestern Mexico and southern Arizona
 * Sierra Madre Oriental, a mountain range in northeastern Mexico
 * Sierra Madre de Oaxaca, a mountain range in south-central Mexico
 * Sierra Madre del Sur, a mountain range in southern Mexico
 * Sierra Madre de Chiapas, a mountain range which extends from southeastern Mexico

Central America

 * Sierra Madre de Chiapas, the continuation of this mountain range crossing southern Guatemala, northern El Salvador, and western Honduras

Philippines

 * Sierra Madre (Philippines), a mountain range on Luzon island

United States

 * Sierra Madre Mountains (California), a mountain range in the state of California
 * Sierra Madre Fault Zone, at the boundary to the San Gabriel Valley and San Fernando Valley
 * 1991 Sierra Madre earthquake
 * Sierra Madre, California, a town in Los Angeles County located at the foot of the San Gabriel Mountains
 * Sierra Madre Boulevard
 * Sierra Madre Villa station, Los Angeles Metro Rail A Line station.
 * Sierra Madre Line, a former railway line
 * Sierra Madre Range (Wyoming), a mountain range in the south central portion of the state

Other uses

 * Sierra Madre sparrow, Xenospiza baileyi, an endangered American bird
 * Sierra Madre ground squirrel, Callospermophilus madrensis, a species of rodent
 * Sierra Madre Casino, a fictional location in the Fallout: New Vegas video game
 * BRP Sierra Madre (LT-57), a Philippine navy ship formerly USS Harnett County (LST-821), deliberately run aground on the Second Thomas Shoal of the Spratly Islands

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Sierra Madre


text:
User:Sinistro

I am male, Greek and born in 1984. I live in Athens, the capital of Greece. I am a dentist.

Some pages I have started or contributed greatly to are:

 * Iga no Kabamaru
 * Professor Samuel Oak
 * Patrician of Ankh-Morpork
 * Deoxys
 * Samurai Pizza Cats
 * Momo
 * Epoch (Chrono Trigger)
 * Professor Sinistra
 * Patronus Charm
 * Gaspar (Chrono Trigger)
 * Professor Felina Ivy
 * Pokémon Abilities
 * Smeargle
 * Plawres Sanshiro

When I first signed in as a Wikipedian, I was most active in The Pokémon Adoption Centre, a project to turn the hundreds of stub articles about Pokémon species into decent articles with more (hopefully useful) information. In this way, we hoped to convince fellow Wikipedians that the subject is a bit more worthy of inclusion in Wikipedia than originally thought.

title: User:Sinistro


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Halo effect

The halo effect (sometimes called the halo error) is the proclivity for positive impressions of a person, company, country, brand, or product in one area to positively influence one's opinion or feelings. Halo effect is "the name given to the phenomenon whereby evaluators tend to be influenced by their previous judgments of performance or personality." The halo effect is a cognitive bias which can prevent someone from forming an image of a person, a product or a brand based on the sum of all objective circumstances at hand.

The term was coined by Edward Thorndike. A simplified example of the halo effect is a person, after noticing that an individual in a photograph is attractive, well groomed, and properly attired, then assuming, using a mental heuristic, that the person in the photograph is a good person based upon the rules of their own social concept. This constant error in judgment is reflective of the individual's preferences, prejudices, ideology, aspirations, and social perception.

Psychology
The halo effect is a perception distortion (or cognitive bias) that affects the way people interpret the information about someone with whom they have formed a positive gestalt. An example of the halo effect is when a person finds out someone they have formed a positive gestalt with has cheated on their taxes. Because of the positive gestalt, the person may dismiss the significance of this behavior. They may even think that the person simply made a mistake. The person would justify the behavior and connect it with the other person's positive gestalt. The halo effect refers to the tendency of evaluating an individual high on many traits because of a shared belief.

It is a type of immediate judgment discrepancy, or cognitive bias, where a person making an initial assessment of another person, place, or thing will assume ambiguous information based upon concrete information. The halo effect is an evaluation by an individual and can affect the perception of a decision, action, idea, business, person, group, entity, or other whenever concrete data is generalized or influences ambiguous information.

The halo effect can also be explained as the behavior (usually unconscious) of using evaluations based on things unrelated, to make judgments about something or someone. The halo effect is sometimes used to refer specifically to when this behavior has a positive correlation, such as viewing someone who is attractive as likely to be successful and popular. When this judgment has a negative connotation, such as someone unattractive being more readily blamed for a crime than someone attractive, it is sometimes referred to as the horn effect.

Marketing
The term halo effect is used in marketing to explain consumer bias toward certain products because of favorable experience with other products made by the same company. It is used in the part of brand marketing called "line extensions". One common halo effect is when the perceived positive features of a particular item extend to a broader brand. A notable example is a manner in which the popularity of Apple's iPod generated enthusiasm for the corporation's other products. Advertising often makes use of television shows, movies and those who star in them, to promote products via the halo effect.

In the automotive industry, exotic, limited production luxury models or low-volume sports cars made by a manufacturer's racing, motorsports, or in-house modification teams, are sometimes referred to as "halo cars" for the effect they are intended to produce on selling other vehicles within the make. To contrast this with the automotive terminology "flagship model", see here.

Advertising in one channel has been shown to have a halo effect on advertising in another channel. A halo effect with regard to health, dubbed a "health halo", is used in food marketing to increase sales of a product; it can result in increased consumption of the product in the halo which may be unhealthy.

The term "halo effect" has also been applied to human rights organizations that have used their status to move away from their stated goals. Political scientist Gerald Steinberg has claimed that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) take advantage of the halo effect and are "given the status of impartial moral watchdogs" by governments and the news media.

The Ronald McDonald House, a widely known NGO, openly celebrates the positive outcomes it receives from the halo effect. The web page for the Ronald McDonald House in Durham, North Carolina, states that 95% of survey participants were aware of Ronald McDonald House Charities. This awareness is attributed to the halo effect, as employees, customers, and stakeholders are more likely to be involved in a charity that they recognize and trust, with a name and logo that are familiar.

A brand's halo effect can protect its reputation in the event of a crisis. An event that is detrimental to a brand that is viewed favorably would not be as threatening or damaging to a brand that consumers view unfavorably.

Other uses
Non-psychology/business use of the term "halo effect" describes the monetary value of the spillover effect when an organization's marketing budget is subsequently reduced. This was first demonstrated to students via the 1966 version of a textbook and a software package named "The Marketing Game."

The halo effect can also be used in the case of institutions as one's favorable perceptions regarding an aspect of an organization could determine a positive view on its entire operations. For example, if a hospital is known for an excellent open heart and cardiac program, then the community would expect it to excel in other areas as well. This can also be demonstrated in the positive perceptions of financial institutions that gained favorable coverage in the media due to meteoric growth but eventually failed afterward.

The term "halo effect" is also used in metal detecting to denote the enhanced detectability of a metal item or coin when it's been left undisturbed for some period of time in wet soil. The object can leach some metallic properties into the soil, making it more detectable. The area surrounding the object is called its "halo."

History
The halo effect was originally identified in 1907 by the American psychologist Frederick L. Wells (1884–1964). However, it was only officially recognized in 1920 with empirical evidence provided by the psychologist Edward Thorndike (1874–1949). Edward Thorndike was the first to say the halo effect is a specific cognitive bias in which one aspect of the person, brand, product, or institution affects one's thoughts or judgment of the entity's other aspects or dimensions. Thorndike, an early behaviorist, was an important contributor to the study of the psychology of learning. He gave the phenomenon its name in his 1920 article "A Constant Error in Psychological Ratings". In "Constant Error", Thorndike set out to replicate the study in hopes of pinning down the bias that he thought was present in these ratings. Subsequent researchers have studied it in relation to attractiveness and its bearing on the judicial and educational systems. Thorndike originally coined the term referring only to people; however, its use has been greatly expanded, especially in the area of brand marketing.

Supporting evidence
In Thorndike's words, "Ratings were apparently affected by a marked tendency to think of the person in general as rather good or rather inferior and to color the judgments of the qualities by this general feeling." In "A Constant Error in Psychological Ratings", Thorndike asked two commanding officers to evaluate their soldiers in terms of physical qualities (neatness, voice, physique, bearing, and energy), intellect, leadership skills, and personal qualities (including dependability, loyalty, responsibility, selflessness, and cooperation). In Thorndike's study, attractiveness plays an important role in how people tend to consider a person, such as whether a person is friendly or not based on his or her physical appearance. His goal was to see how the ratings of one characteristic affected other characteristics.

Thorndike's study showed how there was too great a correlation in the commanding officers' responses. In his review, he stated, "The correlations are too high and too even. For example, for the three raters next studied[,] the average correlation for physique with intelligence is .31; for physique with leadership, .39; and for physique with character, .28". The ratings of one of the special qualities of an officer often started a trend in the rating results. The halo effect is not the existence of a correlation, but that the correlation is too high. Thorndike used the halo effect to describe both a positive and negative halo.

Cognitive bias
Cognitive bias is a pattern in perception, interpretation, or judgment that consistently leads to an individual misunderstanding something about themselves or their social environment, leading to poor decision-making or irrational behavior. The halo effect is classified as a cognitive bias because the halo effect is a perception error that distorts the way a person sees someone, and cognitive bias is a perception error that distorts the way that people see themselves.

The term "halo" is used in analogy with the religious concept: a glowing circle crowning the heads of saints in countless medieval and Renaissance paintings, bathing the saint's face in heavenly light. The observer may be subject to overestimating the worth of the observed by the presence of a quality that adds light on the whole like a halo. In other words, observers tend to bend their judgement according to one patent characteristic of the person (the "halo") or a few of his traits, generalizing toward a judgement of that person's character (e.g., in the literal hagiologic case, "entirely good and worthy").

The effect works in both positive and negative directions (and is hence sometimes called the horns and halo effect). If the observer likes one aspect of something, they will have a positive predisposition toward everything about it. If the observer dislikes one aspect of something, they will have a negative predisposition toward everything about it.

Role of attractiveness
A person's attractiveness has also been found to produce a halo effect. Attractiveness provides a valuable aspect of the halo effect to consider because it can be influenced by several specific traits. These perceptions of attractiveness may affect judgments tied to personality traits. Physical attributes contribute to perceptions of attractiveness (e.g., physique, hair, eye color). For example, someone who is perceived as attractive, due in part to physical traits, may be more likely to be perceived as kind or intelligent. The role of attractiveness in producing the halo effect has been illustrated through a number of studies. Recent research, for example, has revealed that attractiveness may affect perceptions tied to life success and personality. In this study, attractiveness was correlated with weight, indicating that attractiveness itself may be influenced by various specific traits. Included in the personality variables were trustworthiness and friendliness. People perceived as being more attractive were more likely to be perceived as trustworthy and friendly. What this suggests is that perceptions of attractiveness may influence a variety of other traits, which supports the concept of the halo effect.

On personality
People's first impressions of others influence their later decision to either approach or avoid those individuals. When people first encounter someone, the information present about that individual is limited; therefore, people will use the information available to assume other characteristics about that person; for instance, observable behaviors such as eye contact, leaning forward, smiling and positive hand gestures (ex. steepling hands) are linked to positive emotions, while avoiding eye contact, leaning back, avoiding touch, and defensive hand gestures (ex. hands in pockets) or no gestures at all are linked to feelings of detachment. Besides that, another popular example used when referring to the halo effect is the phenomenon called the attractiveness stereotype or when encountering individuals who are similar to others in some aspects, like personality or life history like the school they attended. People tend to assume that physically attractive individuals are more likely to be more healthy, successful, courteous, containing higher moral standards, and greater social competence than other people; on the other hand, the attractiveness stereotype can also carry a negative connotation as some people may think of attractive people as less honest and more conceited than others.

conducted a study on the relationship between attractiveness and the halo effect. Sixty students, thirty males and thirty females from the University of Minnesota took part in the experiment. Each subject was given three different photos to examine: one of an attractive individual, one of an individual of average attractiveness, and one of an unattractive individual. The participants judged the photos' subjects along 27 different personality traits (including altruism, conventionality, self-assertiveness, stability, emotionality, trustworthiness, extraversion, kindness, and sexual promiscuity). Participants were then asked to predict the overall happiness the photos' subjects would feel for the rest of their lives, including marital happiness (least likely to get divorced), parental happiness (most likely to be a good parent), social and professional happiness (most likely to experience life fulfillment), and overall happiness. Finally, participants were asked if the subjects would hold a job of high status, medium status, or low status. Results showed that most of the participants overwhelmingly believed more attractive subjects have more socially desirable personality traits than either averagely attractive or unattractive subjects, would lead happier lives in general, have happier marriages, and have more career success, including holding more secure, prestigious jobs. Participants, however, believed that attractive individuals would be worse parents than both averagely-attractive and unattractive individuals.

Academics and intelligence
A study by demonstrated the Halo Effect, looking at male judgments of female intelligence and competence on academic tasks. Sixty male undergraduate students rated the quality of essays which included both well- and poorly-written samples. One third were presented with a photo of an attractive female as author, another third with that of an unattractive female as author, and the last third were shown neither. On average, most of the participants gave significantly better writing evaluations for the more attractive author. On a scale of 1 to 9, the well-written essay by the attractive author received an average of 6.7 while the unattractive author received a 5.9 (with a 6.6 as a control). The gap was larger on the poor essay: the attractive author received an average of 5.2, the control a 4.7, and the unattractive author a 2.7, suggesting male readers are generally more willing to give physically attractive females the benefit of the doubt when performance is below standard than those not considered attractive.

Research conducted by sought residual cues to intelligence in female and male faces while attempting to control for the attractiveness halo effect. Over 300 photographs of Caucasian British college students were rated for perceived intelligence. The photographs that were scored lowest in perceived intelligence were used to create a low-intelligence composite face and those photographs that were scored highest in perceived intelligence were used to create a high-intelligence composite face. Both female and male faces of high- and low-perceived intelligence were created, resulting in four groups of composite faces. Participants for the study were recruited online; 164 female and 92 male heterosexual residents of the UK rated each of the composite faces for intelligence and attractiveness. Of the female composites, attractiveness seemed to be controlled as both the high- and low-perceived intelligence groups were rated as equally attractive. However, of the male face composites, the high-perceived intelligence group was rated as significantly more attractive than the low-perceived intelligence group, suggesting that either the authors could not adequately control for the attractiveness halo effect for the male composite photographs or that intelligence is an integral factor of attractiveness in high-intelligence male faces. The second part of the study found that the composites in the high-perceived intelligence group were rated highest in the factors of friendly and funny as markers of intelligence in both the female and male groups. While intelligence does not seem to be a factor that contributes to attractiveness in women, with regards to men, attractive faces are perceived to be more intelligent, friendly, and funny by women and men.

Political effects
Officeholders who create what The New York Times called "a living legacy" benefit from a halo effect when their overall accomplishments are subsequently evaluated.

Researchers have shown that perceived physical and vocal attractiveness (or their opposite) lead to bias in judgment. A 2010 study found that attractiveness and familiarity are strong predictors of decisions regarding who is put in a position of leadership. Judgments made following one-second exposures to side-by-side photos of two US congressional candidates were reasonably predictive of election outcomes. Similar studies found that even when taking factual knowledge into account, candidates who were rated as more attractive were still perceived as more knowledgeable. Thus, beauty evaluations also emerge as major predictors of electoral success.

The judicial context
Study results showing the influence of the halo effect in the judicial context exist:
 * found subjects were more lenient when sentencing attractive individuals than unattractive ones, even though exactly the same crime was committed. The researchers attributed the result to a societal perception that people with a high level of attractiveness are seen as more likely to have successful futures due to corresponding socially desirable traits.
 * studied social workers who were accustomed to interacting with a diverse range of people and found that the majority experienced difficulty when asked to consider that a beautiful person was guilty of a crime.
 * A study presented two hypothetical crimes: a burglary and a swindle. The burglary involved a woman illegally obtaining a key and stealing $2,200 (equivalent to $ today); the swindle involved a woman manipulating a man to invest $2,200 in a nonexistent corporation. The results showed that when the offense was not related to attractiveness (as in the burglary) the unattractive defendant was punished more severely than the attractive one. However, when the offense was related to attractiveness (the swindle), the attractive defendant was punished more severely than the unattractive one.  The study imputes that the usual leniency given to the attractive woman (as a result of the halo effect) was negated or reversed when the nature of the crime involved her looks.

Gender differences
found that some women were influenced by the halo effect on attractiveness only when presented with members of the opposite sex. continued this line of research, going on to demonstrate that jealousy of an attractive individual has a slight effect in evaluation of that person. These works showed these halo effect more prevalent among females than males. Later research by was able to control for attractiveness in composite photographs of females who were perceived to be of high or low intelligence, while showing that the attractiveness halo effect was seen in high intelligent male composite faces by heterosexual residents of the UK. Either the halo effect is negated by feelings of jealousy in women or the halo effect is lessened when women are looking at same sex individuals or the attractiveness halo effect can be controlled for in women.

Possible causes
Rating error effect, mistakes made by raters when they use a rating scale, reflect the task competence of the rater, as well as the rater's sex, social position, race, religion, and age. Researchers showed that halo effect is one component of this error. Fisicaro and Lance introduced three explanatory models. The first model named the general impression model states that global evaluation affects the rating of individual characteristics. The salient dimension model states that how people perceive an individual characteristic affects their evaluation of other characteristics. The inadequate discrimination model refers to the rater's failure to identify different behaviors of the person being evaluated.

The reverse halo effect
The reverse halo effect occurs when positive evaluations of an individual cause negative consequences. Rater errors pose special problems for the issues of "reliability and validity". Furthermore, ratings that differ in time may accurately reflect a change in behavior even though this difference would demonstrate an artificial lack of reliability. A follow-up study with both men and women participants supported this, as well as showing that attractive women were expected to be conceited and have a higher socioeconomic status. Eagly et al. (1991) also commented on this phenomenon, showing that more attractive individuals of both sexes were expected to be higher in vanity and possibly egotistic. Applied instances of the reverse halo effect include negative evaluations of criminals who use their attractiveness to their advantage and rating a philosophical essay lower when written by a young female than an old male.

The horn effect
A negative form of the halo effect, called the horn effect, the devil effect, or the reverse halo effect, allows one a disliked trait or aspect of a person or product to negatively influence globally. Psychologists call it a "bias blind spot:" "Individuals believe (that negative) traits are inter-connected." due to a negative first impression. The Guardian wrote of the devil effect in relation to Hugo Chavez: "Some leaders can become so demonized that it's impossible to assess their achievements and failures in a balanced way." For those seen in a negative light, anything they do that is negative is exemplified, while the positive things they do are not seen, or are doubted.

Education
found the halo effect is also present in the classroom. In this study, both regular and special education elementary school teachers watched videotapes of what they believed to be children in regular 4th-grade classrooms. In reality, the children were actors, depicting behaviors present in attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), oppositional defiant disorder (ODD), or standard behavior. The teachers were asked to rate the frequency of hyperactive behaviors observed in the children. Teachers rated hyperactive behaviors accurately for children with ADHD; however, the ratings of hyperactivity were much higher for the children with ODD-like behaviors, showing a horn effect for children who appeared to have ODD.

also found the halo effect present in teachers' evaluations of children. Regular and special education elementary school teachers watched videos of a normal child whom they were told was either "emotionally disturbed", possessing a learning disorder, "mentally retarded", or "normal". The teachers then completed referral forms based on the child's behavior. The results showed that teachers held negative expectancies toward emotionally disturbed children, maintaining these expectancies even when presented with normal behavior. In addition, the "mentally retarded" label showed a greater degree of negative bias than the "emotionally disturbed" or "learning disabled" label.

Observations
"In the classroom, teachers are subject to the halo effect rating error when evaluating their students. For example, a teacher who sees a well-behaved student might tend to assume this student is also bright, diligent, and engaged before that teacher has objectively evaluated the student's capacity in these areas. When these types of halo effects occur, they can affect students' approval ratings in certain areas of functioning and can even affect students' grades." (Rasmussen, Encyclopedia of Educational Psychology, Volume 1, 2008)

"In the work setting, the halo effect is most likely to show up in a supervisor's appraisal of a subordinate's job performance. In fact, the halo effect is probably the most common bias in performance appraisal. Think about what happens when a supervisor evaluates the performance of a subordinate. The supervisor may give prominence to a single characteristic of the employee, such as enthusiasm, and allow the entire evaluation to be colored by how he or she judges the employee on that one characteristic. Even though the employee may lack the requisite knowledge or ability to perform the job successfully, if the employee's work shows enthusiasm, the supervisor may very well give him or her a higher performance rating than is justified by knowledge or ability." (Schneider, F.W., Gruman, J. A., & Coutts, L. M., Applied Social Psychology, 2012)

Further research findings
argue: "Since 1980, there have been a large number of studies dealing directly or indirectly with halo error in rating. Taken together, these studies suggest that all seven of the characteristics that have defined halo error for much of its history are problematic and that the assumptions that underlie some of them are demonstrably wrong." Their work claims that the assumption that the halo effect is always detrimental is incorrect, with some halo effects resulting in an increase in the accuracy of the rating, in their opinion. Additionally, they discuss the idea of "true halo"—the actual correlation between, for example, attractiveness and performance as an instructor—and "illusory halo" that refers to cognitive distortions, errors in observation and judgement, and the rating tendencies of the individual rater. They claim that any true differentiation between true and illusory halos is impossible in a real-world setting, because the different ratings are strongly influenced by the specific behaviors of the person observed by the raters.

A study by states that one's mood can affect the degree of the halo effect's influence. When someone is in a favorable mood, the halo effect is more likely to be influential—this was demonstrated by study participants choosing between pictures of an elderly man with a beard and a young woman, and deciding which subject possessed more philosophical attributes. Additionally, when asked to list the happy, neutral, or negative times in their life, the halo effect was more evident in the perceptions of the participants who chose to write about happy prior experiences. Forgas's study suggests that when one is gauging the extent of the halo effect in a situation, one must consider the emotional state of the person making the judgment.

A 2013 report on "the link between disease and leader preferences" claimed that "congressional districts with a higher incidence of disease" were more likely to show a halo effect "on electoral outcomes."

title: Halo effect


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Barb Audiences

Barb Audiences Ltd (formerly Broadcasters Audience Research Board) is a British organisation that compiles audience measurement and television ratings in the United Kingdom. It was created in 1981 to replace two previous systems whereby ITV ratings were compiled by JICTAR (Joint Industry Committee for Television Audience Research), whilst the BBC did their own audience research.

BARB is jointly owned by the BBC, ITV, Channel 4, Channel 5, Sky and the Institute of Practitioners in Advertising. Participating viewers have a box on top of their TV sets which tracks the programmes they watch.

In February 2023, Barb changed its company name to Barb Audiences Ltd (formerly Broadcasters' Audience Research Board).

Business

Currently, BARB have approximately 5,100 homes (equating to approximately 12,000 individuals) participating in the panel. This means that with a total UK population of 65,648,100, according to the 2016 census, each viewer with a BARB reporting box represents over 5,000 people. The box records exactly what programmes they watch, and the panelists indicate who is in the room watching by pressing a button on a remote control handset. The data is collected overnight and published as overnight ratings at around 9.30 the following morning for use by TV stations and the advertising industry. The following week, final figures are released which are a combination of the overnight figures with "time-shift" figures (people recording a programme and watching it within a week). For programmes from December 15, 2014, onwards, BARB has begun publishing viewing figures for a period of 28 days after the original broadcast.

BARB numbers are extremely important to commercial television stations. The trading model that is used by television companies and advertising agencies depends on the number of people watching the shows, and the commercial attractiveness of those people. The advertising agency will pay the television station a certain amount of money based on the number of people watching a show. The BARB numbers are used to work this out. Higher BARB numbers usually mean more advertising revenue for the television station.

This leads to some interesting situations on the smaller channels. Since there are many television stations, and many hours in the day, there can be situations where BARB will record zero viewers for certain programmes. As the TV advertising system is geared round BARB ratings all but the very smallest channels subscribe to BARB.

The BARB publishes inter alia Weekly Top 10 Charts, a Weekly Viewing Summary for programmes or the use of programme genres.

Data gathering
BARB's 2010 research contracts were awarded to three different market research companies: RSMB, Ipsos MORI, and Kantar Media. The contracts ran from January 2010 to the end of 2015, with an option to extend further.

RSMB are responsible for survey design, quality control and calculation methodology. Ipsos MORI's role is to survey the characteristics of the television owning population, including an element of direct recruitment to the viewing panel. Kantar Media is responsible for establishing and maintaining the new BARB viewing panel. It has a separate contract covering meter panel installation, data retrieval, processing and audience reporting functions.

title: Barb Audiences


text:
Talk:We Have the Facts and We're Voting Yes

This album is connected!

 * All song titles serve as redirects to this album, have their own pages, or have had disambig links placed at the appropriate article or disambiguation page.--Hraefen Talk 22:10, 29 September 2006 (UTC)

ID of "Trevor Adams"
The recent wikification of Trevor Adams's name might be good, but I sort of see a problem here: How do we know that the Trevor Adams the "Trevor Adams" article is about is the same as the Trevor Adams the album is dedicated to? Does the link even imply that? What should be done about this? The Storm Surfer 21:27, 11 April 2007 (UTC)
 * I can just about guarantee you that the Trevor Adams linked to is not the correct Trevor Adams. There was a band in Bellingham (where DCfC is from) called Pacer.  Their drummer was named Trevor, and IIRC his last name was Adams.  If you read the history here, there are frequent mentions of a Trevor in the group of people around early DCfC.  It would also make sense as the previous album Something About Airplanes is dedicated to Barton Sharp (the Bart in the winter 1997 entry)--Saul T (talk) 20:07, 8 December 2009 (UTC)

Hey! I am the Trevor Adams that the Death Cab album is dedicated to. Yes, I played in the band Pacer and was (still am) friends with the guys in Death Cab. I am not the British actor Trevor Adams or the beefcake/model/body-builder Trevor Adams who pops up first when you Google my name. Neither am I the Trevor Adams who once put out an album called Country Classics. I lived in Bellingham, WA from 96-99. I live in Grand Junction, CO, and work in a library. I am not famous so I am not that find-able online. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 65.102.225.125 (talk) 04:05, 12 August 2014 (UTC)

Instruments for Christopher Walla
I don't know what the CD notes say, but shouldn't he be listed as playing 'Guitar' rather than 'telecaster'? Telecaster is a Fender guitar model, but it's still a guitar, not a separate instrument. Is it written this way because of how the CD credits him or should this be corrected? -Austin Gibbons (talk) 19:53, 22 June 2008 (UTC)

Kinda comes off like an advert
A large part of this article are positive quotes from one of the artists who released the album. jus' sayin'.

173.132.24.122 (talk) 04:28, 20 November 2011 (UTC)Moi


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Flag of Northern Cyprus

The flag of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti Bayrağı) is the national flag of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and is based on the flag of Turkey, with the colors reversed and two additional horizontal red stripes at the top and bottom. The flag was drawn by the Turkish Cypriot artist Emin Çizenel. It was adopted in 1984 by Northern Cyprus, a self-declared state that is recognized only by Turkey, after its unilateral declaration of independence in 1983.

Although there is no official statement on the meaning of the flag, it can be interpreted as the star and crescent meaning Turkishness, the red color representing the blood of the Turkish Cypriots, and the stripes indicating Turkey (top) and Northern Cyprus (bottom). Before the current flag, the flag of Turkey was used.

The country's flag is officially determined by its law, and it has several other laws that specify where and when the flag should be flown and also laws against insulting or burning of the flag. It can also be flown at half-mast, commonly to commemorate Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, founding father and first President of Turkey, but also in case if the premiership issues an order to do so. Several of these laws also apply to the flag of Turkey, which has official status in the country.

On the side of Beşparmaklar Mountain, in the Kyrenia Mountains, there is a wide flag of Northern Cyprus along with a star and crescent and the quotation How happy is the one who says I am a Turk.

Design and symbolism
The flag of Northern Cyprus was defined in Article 2 of the Flag Law of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus under these terms: "The flag of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus has, under the conditions defined by law, a red star and crescent on a white background and two longitudinal lines".

There aren't any official statements about the meaning of the flag. An interpretation is that the star and crescent represent Turkishness, red representing the blood of Turkish Cypriots killed in Cypriot intercommunal violence, white representing peace, the upper line representing Turkey, the bottom line representing Northern Cyprus and the horizontality of the lines represents that "The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus will last forever".

In 2019, the flag became the subject of a conspiracy theory falsely claiming it was designed by Necmettin Erbakan and that the upper line represents the Nile, and the bottom one represents the Euphrates while the star and crescent mean the "land between the Nile and the Euphrates will not be for Zionists as long as Turkey exists". The theory was based on allegations claiming two blue stripes on the flag of Israel represent the Nile and Euphrates rivers and allege that Israel desires to eventually seize all the land in between.

Dimensions
Note that the proportions are, except for the added stripes, exactly the same that the Turkish national flag, presumably on purpose.

Previous flags
The Turkish Federated State of Cyprus was formed on 13 February 1975 and existed until 15 October 1983, when the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was established. TFSC didn't mention a flag in its constitution.

3 days after the declaration of independence of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, a self-declared state that is recognized only by Turkey, on 18 November 1983, the Council of Ministers of Northern Cyprus discussed the flag of the new state. It was decided to use the flag of Cyprus with the flag of Turkey placed in the canton (upper left). However, the design was never used. According to an article in the Flag Bulletin, for the first four months of its existence, the flag of Turkey was used as the official flag of Northern Cyprus.

Current flag
On 23 November 1983, the government officially called for a new flag for the country and asked for flag suggestions from all citizens, establishments and foundations being 3 December 1983 the deadline. The design drawn by Turkish Cypriot artist Emin Çizenel was accepted and it was officially adopted as the flag of Northern Cyprus on 7 March 1984 by Law No.15 of constitution of Northern Cyprus. Flag Law of Northern Cyprus was adopted the same day. The Official Gazette published the flag on 9 March 1984. Even though there wasn't a promised prize, on 9 March 1984 Emin Çizenel received the award of TL100,000, which was the same amount given to Mehmet Akif Ersoy for writing İstiklal Marşı (national anthem of Turkey and Northern Cyprus ) in 1921.

Proposed national flag
The Annan Plan was a United Nations proposal to restructure the Republic of Cyprus as a federation of two states under the name of "United Republic of Cyprus" to settle the Cyprus dispute. A Spanish fess flag made up of three white fimbriated blue, red and orange-yellow lines were chosen for the federation by a committee of Greek and Turkish Cypriots in early March 2004. The current flag of Northern Cyprus was planned to be used as the flag for the Turkish Cypriot State of the federation.

The blue stripe represented Greeks while the red stripe represented Turks, two major ethnic groups in Cyprus and the orange-yellow stripe represented copper, from which the island may have received its name. The meaning of white fimbriation wasn't officially stated but an interpretation is that it represented peace between the two communities.

In a 2004 referendum, the plan was accepted by 65% of Turkish Cypriots but 76% of Greek Cypriots opposed it, therefore the plan was not put into place.

Protocol
Article 2 of the Constitution of Northern Cyprus states that the flag of the country is prescribed by law. According to Article 3 of the Flag Law of Northern Cyprus, "The flag of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus shall be flown from buildings occupied by the Security Forces, by Government Departments, from the premises of public institutions and establishments, from the premises of the people's representatives abroad and vessels owned by persons and corporate bodies and it shall be displayed on motor cars, in and outside the country, of persons authorized by regulations to display the flag on their motor cars".

Outlawed actions
Article 10 of the Flag Law of Northern Cyprus outlaws tearing, burning, removing it from its location with a purpose of insult and throwing down flags of both Northern Cyprus and Turkey. The same article also outlaws the insult either "by words, writings, actions or any other manner" of the flag of Northern Cyprus and Turkey. Article 11 punishes such actions with up to 9 years of imprisonment and/or a fine of TL100,000 if they were carried out on purpose.

Half-mast
The flag of Northern Cyprus is flown at half-mast throughout the country every 10 November in memory of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, founding father of the Republic of Turkey who died on 10 November 1938. At other times, the premiership may issue an order for the flag to be flown at half-mast. Notable dates of half-mast in Northern Cyprus include 7 November 2006 due to the death of Bülent Ecevit, Prime Minister of Turkey at the time of the Turkish Invasion of Cyprus, 14–20 January 2012 due to the death of Rauf Denktaş, founding president of Northern Cyprus, 15–16 May 2014 due to the Soma mine disaster, 22–24 July 2014 due to the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict, 11–13 October 2015 due to the 2015 Ankara bombings, 29 July 2016 due to the 2016 Atatürk Airport attack and 11 December 2016 due to the December 2016 Istanbul bombings.

Usage of flag of Turkey
Article 5 of the Flag Law of Northern Cyprus states that "The Turkish Flag shall continue to be the national flag of the Turkish People of Cyprus". According to the same article, the flag of Turkey can be flown from buildings occupied by the Security Forces, by Government Departments, from the premises of public institutions and establishments and others with the flag of Northern Cyprus. Article 10 of the same law outlaws insults against the flag of Turkey and Article 11 punishes them if they were carried out on purpose.

Kyrenia Mountain Range
A 426 m wide North Cypriot flag image was drawn on the side of Beşparmaklar Mountain (Mount Pentadaktylos "Five Fingers" in Greek), in the Kyrenia Mountains, facing south (35.2829°N, 33.37526°W). The star and crescent, a national emblem of Turkey, and the quotation "Ne mutlu türküm diyene" ("How happy is the one who says I am a Turk"), a motto of Kemalism, is written next to it. Located on the northern side of the green line in the divided capital Nicosia, it is widely visible in the south. An early version was made in the 1980s with stones; now teams from Turkey maintain the coloring with dyes.

Criticism
In 2010, Antigoni Papadopoulou, a Greek Cypriot Member of the European Parliament, submitted an official written question about the mountain flag to the EU Commission. The complaint framed it as an environmental hazard because of the chemical substances employed, and a waste of energy for the thousands of lights used to illuminate it at night. It also described the flag, first lit up on the Greek National Day, 28 October 2003, as an "unprecedented daily provocation" and a "hostile action", and requested that sanctions be imposed on Turkey for its conduct. The commission promised to launch an investigation into the environmental impact but declined to comment on the political aspects.

title: Flag of Northern Cyprus


text:
Talk:List of United States state legislatures

Untitled
Tennessee is purple on the map, which is incorrect. It should be marked red as the legislature there is Republican controlled. I'd change it myself, but I can't figure out the editing functions over at Wikipedia Commons (my own stupidity). —Preceding unsigned comment added by Mensch1066 (talk • contribs) 21:55, 23 March 2010 (UTC)

Note: Virginia is red on the map, but should be purple because the Democrats took control of the Virginia Senate, as is correctly noted in the table. Additionally, Mississippi should go from purple to blue.

-- User:stomv

Note: Tennesee is shown as purple on the map when according to the table, it should be red.

Russellane (talk) 05:32, 14 November 2009 (UTC) User: russellane

The above is incorrect, see Peer_review/Archive_1.

What needs to be done to make this table about 2/3 of its current width? RickK 23:23, 22 May 2004 (UTC)

You might want to try one of the following:

-- User:Docu

Legislative requirement
The first sentence is "All United States states are required to possess a legislative branch." but I believe this to be inaccurate. The Federal government is the only institution I can think of that could possibly impose such a requirement on all the States, and I think that would have to be stipulated in the Constitution. I've just re-read and searched the Constitution, and found nothing that imposes such a requirement, notwithstanding that many references throughout the document refer to the legislature of the States, assuming that each State has a legislature. So, I'm going to change the sentence to: "Each State in the United States has a legislative branch as part of its form of civil government." JD Lambert(T 18:12, 8 May 2008 (UTC)

New infos!
http://www.ncsl.org/statevote/partycomptable2009print.htm has all the updates. 68.39.174.238 (talk) 03:21, 30 November 2008 (UTC)

Keep this page
I find this page to be very useful. I suggest it not be merged. 24.3.249.174 (talk) 18:20, 17 December 2008 (UTC)

Agreed Papercrab (talk) 06:30, 11 November 2009 (UTC)

PR?
Given that the title of the page is "state legislatures", do PR, NMI, DC, etc. belong here? 76.117.247.55 (talk) 01:40, 15 February 2009 (UTC)
 * Idea is definitely understood, though I will say that there would not be enough content for non-state legislatures to merit its own page. Essentially, even if these pages were created split, they would easily qualify for a merge in that there is fair amounts of overlap and a low amount of text in the non-state legislatures. Moreover, there seems to be a precedent that if something applies to the District and territories, they can be addressed in the same article, so long as they are separated.--Jpatch (talk) 17:46, 18 January 2011 (UTC)

Map key colors
In spite of the fact that only a few "states" have other parties represented in the table above the "map" key (techn. Table key.) could we choose colors that are unique to each party (minus Democrat affiliate parties)?

Number of legislators is 12000+?
Beneath the table enumerating the state legislatures and their members, there is a small statement asserting that the number of total state representatives is a 12,793 people. That is difficult enough to believe int he first place, but the data that statement cites nowhere mentions such a figure, and in fact lists the total number of seats for all state legislatures as 7,382. This also corresponds with other data I've in regards to this topic. Where did this number of over 12,000 representatives come from, and on what basis is it believed to be accurate? Malithion (talk) 05:55, 28 February 2011 (UTC)

Size of legislatures (and suggestion to make sortable)
This site has a list of size of the legislatures. That would be useful in this table particularly since some of the bigger legislatures are now considering shrinking. Unfortunately the format of the table is not conducive to sorting (the top level heading screws things up). I would favor changing the format so it is sortable.Americasroof (talk) 15:21, 5 April 2011 (UTC)

Map
Why did the map disappear? (And why, when it was removed from this page, did the map key remain behind?) The map was a very useful feature of this page. Someone should find the old map file and update it and put it back (I can't because I don't have the ability to edit the SVG files we use for maps). In the mean time, I have deleted the "Map Key" since it's keying information to a nonexistent map. Bojangles04 (talk) 16:57, 19 May 2012 (UTC)

Move discussion in progress
There is a move discussion in progress on Talk:List of United States state prisons which affects this page. Please participate on that page and not in this talk page section. Thank you. —RMCD bot 14:15, 17 February 2013 (UTC)

Statistics Section
The Statistics Section needs colors that more clearly contrast the partisan control of the individual legislative bodies (the current colors are very faint). Blue-er and Red-er backgrounds would make the matrix easier to visually interpret.

I recommend the colors used in the Cook Partisan Voting Index article.

72.82.162.247 (talk) 18:34, 29 January 2014 (UTC)

Maps
The two maps at the top of this page have outdated colours that do not reflect 2018 elections.

Does anyone know how to update them? I can’t find where to edit them Mikemikem (talk) 05:17, 30 December 2018 (UTC)

Please take a closer look to the maps. For instance, as you mention, Wisconsin and Michigan have a Democratic governor, which is indeed reflected on the relevant map, where their colors have been changed from red (Republican trifecta) to purple (split control, in this case a Republican legislature and Democratic governor). Maybe you have been looking at the first map, which shows legislatures only (which is still Republican in the case of Michigan and Wisconsin). The captions were a bit misleading, I had changed those. And even if the maps were outdated, they are very easy to update (with e.g. Inkscape or a text editor), and imho it's quite counterproductive to remove/add the map back and forth, a note with "needs updating" is more constructive (which we also do for outdated text, using Template:Update). SPQRobin (talk) 21:56, 26 January 2019 (UTC)

Libertarian Party
The table here lists 0 legislators for the Libertarian party in both upper and lower houses, but 1 in total. I have no idea about US state politics, but I guess there is mistake here to be fixed. Regards, --Metrophil (talk) 14:46, 25 June 2020 (UTC)

Split Legislatures
I don't think it's accurate to count Alaska as a "Split Legislature" since the Coalition Republicans have formed still gives them control of that Legislative body and thus full control of both of their bodies of Congress. Minnesota currently is the only state with an actual split Congress (R Senate and D House). I think it's misleading to include Alaska simply because of that, because it's a Double Standard to how Vermont is listed on this site as having two Democratic LEANING Senators even though they're Independents. The Coalition in Alaska is still a Conservative one and willingly gave Republicans control. Elyon127 (talk) 05:29, 4 July 2021 (UTC)

Minnesota
The coding for the state House of Representatives is [sort|429|D 70–64]. If the Democrats hold 70 seats out of 134, which works out at 0.522388, should that give a figure of 522 rather than 429? Alekksandr (talk) 21:40, 27 June 2022 (UTC)

Vacancies
Does anyone have thoughts on potentially not including vacancies in the party strength column? Then the only updates between general elections would be for more permanent changes in partisan makeup (party switches, election flips, etc.), which are relatively rare so there would be many fewer back-and-forth edits needed. It doesn't seem like the page is normally edited often enough to keep up with the churn anyways. Noahp2 (talk) 03:39, 17 October 2023 (UTC)

Updates needed to reflect 2023 election changes
Virginia in particular 99.11.250.209 (talk) 05:24, 8 November 2023 (UTC)


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Bischofswerda

Bischofswerda (Biskopicy) is a small town in eastern Germany at the western edge of Upper Lusatia in Saxony.

Geography
The town is located 33 km to the east of Dresden at the edge of the Upper Lusatian mountain country. The town is known as the "Gateway to Upper Lusatia" – "Tor zur Oberlausitz" in German. Located in the district of Bautzen, the town is 18 km west of Bautzen itself. Großdrebnitz is among its quarters. The river Wesenitz flows through the town.

History
The first documentary evidence of the existence of Bischofswerda dates from 1227. Nominally the town was founded by the Bishops of Meissen, though it may have existed before that point. In 1288 city walls were constructed. The first mention of Bischofswerda as a city is in a document dating from 1361. The town remained under the authority of the Bishops of Meissen until 1559 when power was transferred to Augustus, Elector of Saxony, who introduced Protestantism. The city arms are based on a 14th-century seal and consist of two crossed bishop's croziers and four stars. The significance of the stars is not known. One of two main routes connecting Warsaw and Dresden ran through the town in the 18th century and Kings Augustus II the Strong and Augustus III of Poland often traveled that route.

Like many late medieval towns, Bischofswerda suffered from periodic fires that damaged the town. Fires are recorded in 1429, 1469, 1528, 1583, 1596, 1641, 1671 and 1813. The last fire was the worst. During the War of the Sixth Coalition, Napoleonic forces had occupied Bischofswerda when a fire broke out within the town walls on 12 May 1813, destroying most of the medieval town. However the town was rebuilt on an order of Frederick Augustus I of Saxony in a manner closely following the earlier layout, and this remains to this day.

During the increased tensions of the 1980s between the Western democracies and the Eastern Communist Bloc, Bischofswerda became a base for Soviet SS-12 nuclear missiles. A depot for the missiles and their launchers was built just outside town. The missiles were withdrawn in 1988.

The following table indicates Bischofwerda's population at different times:
 * Source from 2000: Statistisches Landesamt Sachsen (Saxony Office of Statistics)

Sights
Among the most impressive buildings are the town hall and the Christuskirche. Both are examples of neo-classical architecture and were designed by Gottlob Friedrich Thormeyer. The town hall (Rathaus) was constructed in 1818, just off the Altmarkt, the centre of the town. The entrance to the Christuskirche is decorated by a mosaic by Josef Goller. In the interior one can find a painting by Osmar Schindler, who grew up in the town. The Catholic church is named after Saint Benno of Meissen, who is said to have founded Bischofswerda in the 11th century.

Economy and transport
Before the reunification of Germany in 1990, Bischofswerda was a significant industrial location. The company Fortschritt produced agricultural machines. This manufacture as well as the glass fabrication has closed. The textile industry had a centuries-long tradition in the town, but also ended in 2012.

New industries began to settle in Bischofswerda in recent years. Roth Industries, a German enterprise from the environmental technology sector, has a subsidiary here. The Canadian producer of solar cells, ARISE Technologies, came to the town, but has closed.

The town is situated on the Bundesstraße 6, which connects Dresden and Görlitz at the Polish border. The Bundesautobahn 4 bypasses the town 6 km north, enabling easy access to Dresden Airport. The road traffic bypasses the town in the west. Via Bischofswerda railway station, direct access by rail is possible to Dresden, Görlitz, Zittau as well as to Czech Liberec.

Culture and sports
The little town became known nationally when the local football club BSG Fortschritt Bischofswerda, sponsored by Fortschritt, twice reached the DDR-Oberliga, the highest football league in East Germany. Today, a modern open air bath and Saxony's littlest zoo can be noted. Regularly, the local festival Schiebocker Tage and a Karl May festival are organized.

Partnership
Bischofswerda is twin town of: Moreover, a long-term partnership exists between organizations for the disabled in Bischofswerda and Eggenfelden.
 * Geislingen an der Steige, Germany
 * Gryfów Śląski, Poland
 * Raspenava, Czech Republic

Freemen

 * 1891: Otto von Bismarck
 * 1911: Heinrich Grafe (1857–1917), wine wholesalers, City Council Chairman and antisemitic Member of Reichstag 1893-1917

Sons and daughters of the town

 * Christian Heckel (1676–1744), teacher, organist, musician, poet and publisher
 * Christian Adolph Klotz (1738–1771), philologist.
 * Karl Friedrich Bahrdt (1741–1792), theologian and enlightener.
 * Robert Heller (1812–1871), writer
 * Walther Hesse (1846–1911), microbiologist
 * Max Neumeister (1849–1929), born in Kleindrebnitz, director of the Tharandt Forestry Academy
 * Johannes Pache (1857–1897), composer
 * Oskar Ernst Bernhardt (1875–1941), German founder of the Grail, writer
 * Arthur Biram (1878–1967), philologist and philosopher
 * Günther Wyschofsky (born 1929), politician (SED), Minister for chemical industry in the GDR
 * Adeltraut Thienel, (born 1943), actress, dressmaker, designer,

Personalities who are associated with the city

 * Benno (1010–1106), bishop of Meissen
 * Hanns Georgi (1901–1989), painter, director of a teacher training institute

title: Bischofswerda