text:
Saint-Aubin

Saint-Aubin (French for "Saint Albinus") may refer to:

People

 * Charles Germain de Saint Aubin (1721 – 1786), French draftsman and embroidery designer to King Louis XV
 * Gabriel de Saint-Aubin (1724 – 1780), French draftsman, printmaker, etcher and painter
 * Helen Callaghan St. Aubin (1923 – 1992), American baseball player
 * Lisa St Aubin de Terán (b. 1953), English novelist
 * Edward St Aubyn (b. 1960), English novelist

France

 * Château Saint-Aubin, in the Gironde département
 * Saint-Aubin, Aisne, in the Aisne département
 * Saint-Aubin, Aube, in the Aube département
 * Saint-Aubin, Côte-d'Or, in the Côte-d'Or département
 * Saint-Aubin, Essonne, in the Essonne département
 * Saint-Aubin, Indre, in the Indre département
 * Saint-Aubin, Jura, in the Jura département
 * Saint-Aubin, Landes, in the Landes département
 * Saint-Aubin, Lot-et-Garonne, in the Lot-et-Garonne département
 * Saint-Aubin, Nord, in the Nord département
 * Saint-Aubin, Pas-de-Calais, in the Pas-de-Calais département
 * Saint-Aubin-Celloville, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Aubin-Château-Neuf, in the Yonne département
 * Saint-Aubin-d'Appenai, in the Orne département
 * Saint-Aubin-d'Arquenay, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Aubin-d'Aubigné, in the Ille-et-Vilaine département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Blaye, in the Gironde département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Bonneval, in the Orne département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Branne, in the Gironde département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Cadelech, in the Dordogne département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Courteraie, in the Orne département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Crétot, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Aubin-d'Écrosville, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Lanquais, in the Dordogne département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Locquenay, in the Sarthe département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Luigné, in the Maine-et-Loire département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Médoc, in the Gironde département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Nabirat, in the Dordogne département
 * Saint-Aubin-des-Bois, Calvados, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Aubin-des-Bois, Eure-et-Loir, in the Eure-et-Loir département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Scellon, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Aubin-des-Landes, in the Ille-et-Vilaine département
 * Saint-Aubin-des-Ormeaux, in the Vendée département
 * Saint-Aubin-des-Préaux, in the Manche département
 * Saint-Aubin-de-Terregatte, in the Manche département
 * Saint-Aubin-du-Cormier, in the Ille-et-Vilaine département
 * Saint-Aubin-du-Désert, in the Mayenne département
 * Saint-Aubin-du-Pavail, in the Ille-et-Vilaine département
 * Saint-Aubin-du-Perron, in the Manche département
 * Saint-Aubin-du-Plain, in the Deux-Sèvres département
 * Saint-Aubin-du-Thenney, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Aubin-en-Bray, in the Oise département
 * Saint-Aubin-en-Charollais, in the Saône-et-Loire département
 * Saint-Aubin-Épinay, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Aubin-Fosse-Louvain, in the Mayenne département
 * Saint-Aubin-la-Plaine, in the Vendée département
 * Saint-Aubin-le-Cauf, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Aubin-le-Cloud, in the s Deux-Sèvres département
 * Saint-Aubin-le-Dépeint, in the Indre-et-Loire département
 * Saint-Aubin-le-Guichard, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Aubin-le-Monial, in the Allier département
 * Saint-Aubin-lès-Elbeuf, in the a Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Aubin-les-Forges, in the Nièvre département
 * Saint-Aubin-le-Vertueux, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Aubin-Montenoy, in the Somme département
 * Saint-Aubin-Rivière, in the Somme département
 * Saint-Aubin-Routot, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Aubin-sous-Erquery, in the Oise département
 * Saint-Aubin-sur-Aire, in the Meuse département
 * Saint-Aubin-sur-Gaillon, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Aubin-sur-Loire, in the Saône-et-Loire département
 * Saint-Aubin-sur-Mer, Seine-Maritime, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Aubin-sur-Mer, Calvados, in the Calvados département
 * Saint-Aubin-sur-Quillebeuf, in the Eure département
 * Saint-Aubin-sur-Scie, in the Seine-Maritime département
 * Saint-Aubin-sur-Yonne, in the Yonne département

Jersey

 * Saint Aubin, Jersey in the parish of St Brélade
 * St Aubin railway station

Mauritius

 * Saint Aubin, Mauritius, a village in the district of Savanne, Mauritius

Switzerland

 * Saint Aubin, Fribourg, in the Canton of Fribourg
 * Saint-Aubin-Sauges, in the Canton of Neuchâtel

Other uses

 * Basilica of San Albino, Mesilla, New Mexico, U.S.A.
 * Saint-Aubin wine, from the commune of Saint-Aubin, Côte-d'Or

title: Saint-Aubin


text:
Language Freedom Movement

The Language Freedom Movement (Gluaiseacht Saoirse Teanga) was a political organisation founded in 1966 that was opposed to some aspects of the state-attempted revival of the Irish language in the Republic of Ireland. The organisation had the backing of several notable Irish-speaking writers including Séamus Ó Grianna ("Máire") and John B. Keane.

Examinations
At the time the organisation was formed, if a student failed the Irish paper in their Leaving Certificate, they were deemed to have failed the whole exam. This requirement was abolished in 1973, although students are still obliged to study Irish as part of the Leaving Certificate programme and a pass is required for Irish students entering almost all Irish universities (but not for foreign students). In 1974, Irish was removed as a requirement for entry to the civil service.

Textbooks
Significant changes in the Leaving Certificate maths curriculum were reflected in two new textbooks produced by the Irish Christian Brothers. However, material for the new honours (higher-level) syllabus was offered only in a government-subsidised book in Irish while the pass (lower-level) material was published in English. The situation continued for several years until affordable alternative textbooks eventually became available.

Mansion House meeting
The organisation held a meeting in the Mansion House in Dublin on 21 September 1966. It was advertised by a poster with a cartoon depicting the "Gaelic language policy" as a well-fed cow sitting atop the educational system. The meeting was chaired by broadcaster Gay Byrne. About 2000 people turned up, though most of them seemed opposed to the organisation. Opponents taunted the organisers by waving Union Jacks at them and singing "God Save the Queen". As John B. Keane got up to speak, one man seized an Irish Tricolour from the table used by the organisation, shouting that the flag should not be displayed at such a meeting. A fight involving ten men broke out and calm was only restored when the LFM agreed to four of their opponents speaking at the meeting.

The Gardaí were also present at the meeting. At the request of the organisers, Patrick Byrne TD had asked the Garda Commissioner to ensure law and order prevailed.

Irish language writer Máirtín Ó Cadhain and Mick Ryan (the IRA O/C of Dublin) were involved in the disruption of the meeting.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Language Freedom Movement


text:
Talk:Saint-Aubin

Untitled
Um, there's nothing here - is something coming up anytime soon?

title: Talk:Saint-Aubin


text:
List of urban areas in the United Kingdom

This is a list of the most populous urban areas in the United Kingdom based on the 2011 census, as defined by the Office for National Statistics (ONS).

Definition
The methodology used by ONS in 2011 is set out in 2011 Built-up Areas – Methodology and Guidance, published in June 2013. When ONS reported the results of the 2011 UK census, it used the term "built-up area" rather than the term "urban area" as used in previous censuses. ONS states, however, that the criteria used to define "built-up area" have not changed:

"the definition follows a ‘bricks and mortar’ approach, with areas defined as built-up land with a minimum area of 20 hectares (200,000 m2), while settlements within 200 metres of each other are linked. Built-up area sub-divisions are also identified to provide greater detail in the data, especially in the larger conurbations."

In reporting the 2001 census, the ONS gave a clearer definition of the term "built-up" as follows:

"This comprises permanent structures and the land on which they are situated, including land enclosed by or closely associated with such structures; transportation corridors such as roads, railways and canals which have built up land on one or both sides, or which link built-up sites which are less than 200 metres apart; transportation features such as airports and operational airfields, railway yards, motorway service areas and car parks; mine buildings, excluding mineral workings and quarries; and any area completely surrounded by builtup sites. Areas such as playing fields and golf courses are excluded unless completely surrounded by builtup sites..."

Most populous
The list below shows the most populated urban areas in the United Kingdom as defined by the Office for National Statistics (ONS), but as readily referenced at Citypopulation.de. The list includes all urban areas with a population in excess of 100,000 at the 2011 census.


text:
Flying circus (disambiguation)

A Flying circus is a barnstorming troop (a flying exhibition team).

Flying circus or Flying Circus may also refer to:
 * The Flying Circus, a German World War I air wing led by Baron von Richthofen
 * Cobham's Flying Circus, an English flying circus (barnstorming group) started by Alan Cobham in 1932
 * Flying Circus, an American World War II air corps led by Joe Foss
 * Pussy Galore's Flying Circus in James Bond movie  Goldfinger
 * The Flying Circus (Canada), a short-lived Canadian folk rock band (1967–1968)
 * The Flying Circus (band), an Australian country rock/pop band (1968–74)
 * Flying Circus (film), 1968 Looney Tunes animated cartoon
 * Flying Circus (wargame), a Board wargame, 1972
 * Monty Python's Flying Circus, a British television sketch comedy originally broadcast 1969–1974
 * The Flying Circus of Physics, a collection of physics problems by Jearl Walker first published in 1975
 * Circo Voador, in Portuguese, a concert venue in Rio de Janeiro

title: Flying circus (disambiguation)


text:
House of Commons Disqualification Act 1975

The House of Commons Disqualification Act 1975 (c. 24) is an Act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom that prohibits certain categories of people from becoming members of the House of Commons. It is an updated version of similar older acts, known collectively by the stock short title House of Commons Disqualification Act.

The groups disqualified from all constituencies are:
 * Lords Spiritual
 * judges
 * civil servants
 * serving regular members of the armed forces, except Admirals of the Fleet, Field Marshals and Marshals of the Royal Air Force
 * full-time police constables
 * members of legislatures of non-Commonwealth countries, other than Ireland
 * holders of certain administrative and diplomatic offices
 * all members of certain bodies, such as tribunals and government departments, plus some statutory corporations such as Channel 4

Lords-lieutenant and high sheriffs are also disqualified from seats for constituencies within their area.

Section 2 limits the number of government officials (specifically, holders of offices listed in Schedule 2) in the House of Commons at any one time to 95. Any appointed above that limit are forbidden to vote until the number is reduced to 95.

Section 4 effectively adds the Crown Stewards and Bailiffs of the Chiltern Hundreds and of the Manor of Northstead to Part III to Schedule 1, thus naming them as offices whose holders are disqualified. These offices are sinecures, used in modern times to effect resignation from the House of Commons. Prior to 1926, this disqualification was due to them being "offices of profit under the Crown", but that disqualification was abolished in 1926 and by s. 1(4) of this Act.

The election to the Commons of a disqualified person is invalid, and the seat of an MP who becomes disqualified is vacated immediately (triggering a by-election). The Privy Council has jurisdiction to determine whether a purported MP is disqualified; the issue may be tried in the High Court, Court of Session or High Court of Northern Ireland as appropriate for the constituency.

Amendments
This Act was amended by subsequent legislation:
 * The Disqualifications Act 2000, a consequence of the Good Friday Agreement, added the words "other than Ireland", prior to which Irish legislators were disqualified just as any other foreign legislators are. This was to bring them in line with treatment of Commonwealth legislators; however, no one has taken advantage of this privilege.
 * Previously, all ministers of the Church of Scotland, priests, and deacons were disqualified. The House of Commons (Removal of Clergy Disqualification) Act 2001 restricted this disqualification to only Lords Spiritual, i.e. the most senior Anglican bishops who already sit in the House of Lords ex officio.
 * Various enactments have amended the lists of disqualified bodies and offices, particularly as they have come in or out of existence or fallen out of government control.
 * The Representation of the People Act 1981 provides for the automatic disqualification of parliamentary candidates or expulsion of sitting MPs if they serve an imprisonment of over a year. The nomination of a disqualified candidate is voided. The election of such a candidate or the re-election of an MP thus imprisoned will also be voided, leading to a by-election in their constituency.
 * The Wales Act 2014 and Northern Ireland (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2014 respectively made members of Senedd Cymru (Welsh Parliament), formerly the National Assembly for Wales until May 2020, or the Northern Ireland Assembly ineligible for the House of Commons.


text:
Forest Grove

Forest Grove may refer to:

Australia

 * Forest Grove, Western Australia, locality in the Shire of Augusta-Margaret River

Canada

 * Forest Grove, Saskatoon, a neighborhood of Saskatoon, Saskatchewan

United States

 * Forest Grove, Minnesota, an unincorporated community near International Falls, Minnesota
 * Forest Grove, Montana, an unincorporated community in Fergus County
 * Forest Grove, Oregon, a city near Portland, Oregon
 * Forest Grove, Texas, an unincorporated community in Collin County, Texas
 * Forest Grove Historic District, Buckingham, Pennsylvania, listed on the NRHP in Pennsylvania
 * Forest Grove branch, a railway line in Oregon

title: Forest Grove


text:
Distraction

Distraction is the process of diverting the attention of an individual or group from a desired area of focus and thereby blocking or diminishing the reception of desired information. Distraction is caused by: the lack of ability to pay attention; lack of interest in the object of attention; or the great intensity, novelty or attractiveness of something other than the object of attention. Distractions come from both external sources, and internal sources. External distractions include factors such as visual triggers, social interactions, music, text messages, and phone calls. There are also internal distractions such as hunger, fatigue, illness, worrying, and daydreaming. Both external and internal distractions contribute to the interference of focus.

Driving
Distracted driving is a dangerous threat to road safety across the world. While drunk driving rates have been on the decline since 1983, distracted driving has been increasing in recent years. Many feel this incline is due to the widespread prevalence of cell phones. While distracted driving can be attributed to anything that diverts attention away from the road, it is often the cell phone that receives the blame for distracted driving incidents. Most of the recent studies have shown that cell phone usage while driving has striking similarities to the effects of drinking while driving; Cell phones tend to take the driver's attention away from the road and onto itself. With drunk driving, drivers often experience the "looking but not seeing" phenomena. While their eyes do indeed view objects on the road, their brains do not comprehend the meaning behind the image. All levels of distraction while driving are dangerous, and potential drivers are cautioned to keep awareness of their surroundings.

In education
Many psychological studies show that switching between tasks, use of technology, and overstimulation has increased levels of distraction in the school setting. At school, distraction is often viewed as a source of poor performance and misbehavior. Distraction makes focusing on singular, assigned tasks more difficult. Digital components of learning are an emerging component to classroom distraction. Parents, teachers, students, and scholars all have opinions about how technology either benefits or harms a students' focus in an academic setting. Research studies show that neuron circuits indicate a decrease in ability to be attentive to goal relative stimulus with the addition of distracting stimuli interference. School-aged students, with developing brains, are more apt to conflicting stimuli while trying to focus. Large classroom sizes, technology use in and outside the classroom, and less natural stimuli have been seen as contributing factors to deflating test scores and classroom participation.

In the workplace

Multitasking could also be considered as distraction in situations requiring full attention on a single object (e.g., sports, academic tests, performance). The issue of distraction in the workplace is studied in interruption science. According to Gloria Mark, a leader in interruption science, the average knowledge worker switches tasks every three minutes, and, once distracted, a worker takes nearly a half-hour to resume the original task.

In fiction
In works of fiction, distraction is often used as a source of comedy, whether the amusement comes from the gullibility of those distracted or the strangeness of whatever is utilized to create the distraction. Examples of comedic distraction, also called comic relief, can oftentimes be found in Shakespearean plays. In Hamlet, Shakespeare includes a scene in which two gravediggers joke around about Ophelia's death. While her death is by no means meant to be funny, a small break from the sadness helped to appease the groundlings in Shakespeare's time, as well as allow the rest of the audience to take a break from the constant "doom and gloom" of his tragedies.

In religion
Rabbi Alan Lew in his book, This is Real and You are Completely Unprepared, writes, "The thoughts that carry our attention away [during prayer or meditation] are never insignificant thoughts and they never arise at random. We lose our focus precisely because these thoughts need our attention and we refuse to give it to them. This is why they keep sneaking up on our attention and stealing it away. This is how it is that we come to know ourselves as we settle deeply into the act of prayer [or meditation]". According to philosopher Damon Young, distraction is chiefly an inability to identify, attend to or attain what is valuable, even when we are hard-working or content.

In warfare
Distraction was a key battle strategy in tales from the Trojan War. According to the legend, the Greeks seemed to have retreated by pretending to sail away. In their stead, they left a large wooden horse, which the Trojans then chose to bring back within their walls in order to celebrate their supposed victory. The Greeks used the Trojans' pride as a distraction, as they actually hid men within the Trojan Horse in order to let the rest of the army in during the cover of night. The Greeks then entered and destroyed the city of Troy, effectively ending the 10-year standoff that was the Trojan War.

Distraction can suggest fake targets. In open field with mass military strategy, sometimes a contingent of troops distracts the enemy army to expose their flank, or to draw them away from a key point or fortification. Flares can also divert enemy soldiers' attention.

In medicine
Distraction is useful in the management of pain and anxiety. Dentists, for example may intentionally hum an annoying tune or engage in small talk just to create a diversion from the dental surgery process. Topical ointments containing capsaicin, provide a superficial burning sensation that can momentarily distract a patient's attention away from the more serious pain of arthritis or muscle strain. A similar effect is made by oil of cloves, which produces a burning sensation on the gums, and distracts from toothache.

Distraction is often used as a coping mechanism for short-term emotion regulation. When presented with an unpleasant reality, humans often choose to occupy their attention with some other reality in order to remain in a positive mental state. This is referred to as 'procrastination' when the unpleasant reality is in the form of work. The natural human inclination to distract oneself was put to the test when the Department of Psychology at Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin (Humboldt University of Berlin) held an experiment to study distraction. The goal of the experiment was to examine whether the effects of distraction on where subjects held their attention during repeated picture processing is changed by regular emotional functions. Furthermore, they hypothesized that while distraction assists in short-term emotional regulation, it is actually harmful in the long term. In order to do so, the experimenters had subjects view 15 unpleasant pictures (Set A) and "attend" to them (meaning the subjects were asked to pay full attention to the pictures). Next, the subjects were shown 15 unpleasant pictures (Set B) and were asked to distract themselves from the pictures (meaning they were to think about anything other than the picture on the screen; their example was to think about "the way to the supermarket"). Finally, the subjects were shown 15 neutral pictures (Set C) and were asked to attend to them. After 10 minutes of rest, the subjects entered the "re-exposure phase", which repeated the experiment- this time requiring the subjects to pay attention to all of the sets, including Set B. This experiment was performed on 3 separate blocks of participants. To examine the state of the subjects' brain, the subject was to wear "Ag/AgCl-electrodes from 61 head sites using an EasyCap electrode system with an equidistant electrode montage. Additional external electrodes were placed below the left (IO1) and right eye (IO2), below T1 (ground), on the nasion, and on the neck." The subjects were also asked to rate the unpleasantness of the picture on the screen on a scale of 1-9. To test whether distraction in the first phase resulted in increased responsiveness during the re-exposure phase, experimenters "compared mean unpleasantness ratings between unpleasant pictures that were previously presented in the attend (previous attention) versus distract (previous distraction) condition using a paired t-test". The end results of the experiment were as such: Essentially, when exposed to an unpleasant image, the subject feels initial discomfort. However, after being exposed to it once with their full attention, the subject feels much less discomfort the second time they are exposed. When the subject distracts themselves from the initial unpleasant image, the subject feels more discomfort the second time when they are required to attend to the image. The experimenters' conclusion is thus: "the obtained results suggest that distraction inhibits elaborate processing of the stimulus' meaning and adapting to it."
 * When presented with repeated neutral and unpleasant images, subjects had reduced unpleasant stimuli as reflected in their decreased LPP (late positive potential) amplitudes, but only when the participants were asked to attend to those pictures.
 * When the subjects avoided confrontation with the unpleasant pictures through distraction, decrease in responsiveness was prevented as reflected in their constant LPP amplitudes.

In crime
Con artists and shoplifters sometimes create a distraction to facilitate their crimes. Armed robbers may create a distraction after their robbery, such as pulling a fire alarm, to create confusion and aid in their getaway. In a more serious case of crime, the Columbine shooters used pipe bombs to distract from the shooting.

In stage magic
Magicians use distraction techniques to draw the audience's attention away from whichever hand is engaged in sleight of hand. Magicians can accomplish this by encouraging the audience to look elsewhere or by having an assistant do or say something to draw the audience's attention away. Sleight of hand is often used in close-up magic, performed with the audience close to the magician, usually within three or four meters, possibly in physical contact. It often makes use of everyday items as props, such as cards and coins. The guiding principle of sleight-of-hand, articulated by legendary close-up magician Dai Vernon, is "be natural". A well-performed sleight looks like an ordinary, natural and completely innocent gesture, change in hand-position or body posture.

It is commonly believed that sleight of hand works because "the hand is quicker than the eye" but this is usually not the case. In addition to manual dexterity, sleight of hand depends on the use of psychology, timing, misdirection, and natural choreography in accomplishing a magical effect. Misdirection is perhaps the most important component of the art of sleight of hand. The magician choreographs his actions so that all spectators are likely to look where he or she wants them to. More importantly, they do not look where the performer does not wish them to look. Two types of misdirection are timing and movement. Timing is simple: by allowing a small amount of time to pass after an action, events are skewed in the viewer's mind. Movement is a little more complicated. A phrase often used is "A larger action covers a smaller action". Care must be taken however to not make the larger action so big that it becomes suspicious.

By media
Propagandizing techniques of distraction are used in media manipulation. The idea is to encourage the public to focus on a topic or idea that the compliance professional feels is supportive of their cause. By focusing attention, a particular ideology can be made to seem the only reasonable choice. Oftentimes, media competition is the driving force for media bias, manipulation, and distraction. If a media company can find an audience with a united ideology, it then develops a loyal consumer base, as its consumers will be happy with the way media is presented. A so-called "conservative" media outlet would not hire a "liberal" reporter, as they would run the risk of alienating its viewership.

Distraction is also important in studies of media multitasking, or the simultaneous use of multiple media at once. This behavior has emerged as increasingly common since the 1990s, especially among younger media users. Studies show that while humans are predisposed to the desire to multitask, most people struggle to have legitimate productivity while multitasking. Instead of giving a task full attention, the split attention that multitasking necessitates can cause one task to be a distraction to another. On the other hand, some studies show that multitasking has the potential for a high-risk high-reward situation, leading to the idea that success can arise from multitasking if one is good at the activity.

Advertisers often seek to distract people and divert their attention to advertising content. This has been characterized as attention theft.

title: Distraction


text:
Levonorgestrel

Levonorgestrel is a hormonal medication which is used in a number of birth control methods. It is combined with an estrogen to make combination birth control pills. As an emergency birth control, sold under the brand names Plan B One-Step and Julie, among others, it is useful within 72 hours of unprotected sex. The more time that has passed since sex, the less effective the medication becomes, and it does not work after pregnancy (implantation) has occurred. Levonorgestrel works by preventing ovulation or fertilization from occurring. It decreases the chances of pregnancy by 57–93%. In an intrauterine device (IUD), such as Mirena among others, it is effective for the long-term prevention of pregnancy. A levonorgestrel-releasing implant is also available in some countries.

Common side effects include nausea, breast tenderness, headaches, and increased, decreased, or irregular menstrual bleeding. When used as an emergency contraceptive, if pregnancy occurs, there is no evidence that its use harms the fetus. It is safe to use during breastfeeding. Birth control that contains levonorgestrel will not change the risk of sexually transmitted infections. It is a progestin and has effects similar to those of the hormone progesterone. It works primarily by preventing ovulation and closing off the cervix to prevent the passage of sperm.

Levonorgestrel was patented in 1960 and introduced for medical use together with ethinylestradiol in 1970. It is on the World Health Organization's List of Essential Medicines. It is available as a generic medication. In the United States, levonorgestrel-containing emergency contraceptives are available over the counter (OTC) for all ages. In 2020, it was the 323rd most commonly prescribed medication in the United States, with more than 800thousand prescriptions.

Birth control
At low doses, levonorgestrel is used in monophasic and triphasic formulations of combined oral contraceptive pills, with available monophasic doses ranging from 100 to 250 μg, and triphasic doses of 50 μg, 75 μg, and 125 μg. It is combined with the estrogen ethinylestradiol in these formulations.

At very low daily dose of 30 μg, levonorgestrel is used in some progestogen-only pill formulations.

Levonorgestrel is the active ingredient in a number of intrauterine devices including Mirena and Skyla. It is also the active ingredient in the birth control implants Norplant and Jadelle.

One of the more common forms of contraception that contains only levonorgestrel is an IUD. One IUD, the Mirena, is a small hollow cylinder containing levonorgestrel and polydimethylsiloxane and covered with a release rate controlling membrane.

Emergency birth control
Levonorgestrel is used in emergency contraceptive pills (ECPs), both in a combined Yuzpe regimen which includes estrogen, and as a levonorgestrel-only method. The levonorgestrel-only method uses levonorgestrel 1.5 mg (as a single dose or as two 0.75 mg doses 12 hours apart) taken within three days of unprotected sex. With one study indicating that beginning as late as 120 hours (5 days) after intercourse could be effective. However, taking more than one dose of emergency contraception does not increase the chance of pregnancy not happening. Planned Parenthood asserts "Taking the morning-after pill (also known as emergency contraception) multiple times doesn't change its effectiveness, and won't cause any long-term side effects."

The primary mechanism of action of levonorgestrel as a progestogen-only emergency contraceptive pill is, according to International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics (FIGO), to prevent fertilization by inhibition of ovulation and thickening of cervical mucus. p. 121:"Mechanism of action Copper-releasing IUCs When used as a regular or emergency method of contraception, copper-releasing IUCs act primarily to prevent fertilization. Emergency insertion of a copper IUC is significantly more effective than the use of ECPs, reducing the risk of pregnancy following unprotected intercourse by more than 99%.2,3 This very high level of effectiveness implies that emergency insertion of a copper IUC must prevent some pregnancies after fertilization. Emergency contraceptive pills To make an informed choice, women must know that ECPs—like the birth control pill, patch, ring, shot, and implant,76 and even like breastfeeding77—prevent pregnancy primarily by delaying or inhibiting ovulation and inhibiting fertilization, but may at times inhibit implantation of a fertilized egg in the endometrium. However, women should also be informed that the best available evidence indicates that ECPs prevent pregnancy by mechanisms that do not involve interference with post-fertilization events. ECPs do not cause abortion78 or harm an established pregnancy. Pregnancy begins with implantation according to medical authorities such as the US FDA, the National Institutes of Health79 and the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG).80 Ulipristal acetate (UPA). One study has demonstrated that UP can delay ovulation.81... Another study found that UPA altered the endometrium, but whether this change would inhibit implantation is unknown.82 p. 122: Progestin-only emergency contraceptive pills. Early treatment with ECPs containing only the progestin levonorgestrel has been shown to impair the ovulatory process and luteal function.83–87 p. 123: Combined emergency contraceptive pills. Several clinical studies have shown that combined ECPs containing ethinyl estradiol and levonorgestrel can inhibit or delay ovulation.107–110"  FIGO has stated that: "review of the evidence suggests that LNG [levonorgestreol] ECPs cannot prevent implantation of a fertilized egg. Language on implantation should not be included in LNG ECP product labeling." In November 2013, the European Medicines Agency (EMA) approved a change to the label saying it cannot prevent implantation of a fertilized egg.

Other studies still find the evidence to be unclear. While it is unlikely that emergency contraception affects implantation it is impossible to completely exclude the possibility of post-fertilization effect.

In November 2013, the EMA also approved a change to the label for HRA Pharma's NorLevo saying: "In clinical trials, contraceptive efficacy was reduced in women weighing 75 kg [165 pounds] or more, and levonorgestrel was not effective in women who weighed more than 80 kg [176 pounds]." In November 2013 and January 2014, the FDA and the EMA said they were reviewing whether increased weight and body mass index (BMI) reduce the efficacy of emergency contraceptives.

An analysis of four WHO randomised clinical trials, published in January 2017, showed pregnancy rates of 1.25% (68/5428) in women with BMI under 25, 0.61% (7/1140) in women with BMI between 25 and 30, and 2.03% (6/295) in women with BMI over 30. These values yield an eight-fold reduction in efficacy for women with BMI over 30 compared to women with BMI under 25. However, emergency contraceptives remain effective regardless of BMI.

Hormone therapy
Levonorgestrel is used in combination with an estrogen in menopausal hormone therapy. It is used under the brand name Klimonorm as a combined oral tablet with estradiol valerate and under the brand name Climara Pro as a combined transdermal patch with estradiol.

Available forms
As a type of emergency contraception, levonorgestrel is used after unprotected intercourse to reduce the risk of pregnancy. However, it can serve different hormonal purposes in its different methods of delivery. It is available for use in a variety of forms:

By mouth
Levonorgestrel can be taken by mouth as a form of emergency birth control. The typical dosage is either 1.5 mg taken once or 0.75 mg taken 12–24 hours apart. The effectiveness in both methods is similar. The most widely used form of oral emergency contraception is the progestin-only pill, which contains a 1.5 mg dosage of levonorgestrel. Levonorgestrel-only emergency contraceptive pills are reported to have an 89% effectiveness rate if taken within the recommended 72 hours after sex. The efficacy of the drug decreases by 50% for each 12-hour delay in taking the dose after the emergency contraceptive regimen has been started.

Skin patch
Estradiol with levonorgestrel in the form of a skin patch is used under the brand name Climara Pro for hormone replacement therapy in postmenstrual women, treating symptoms such as hot flashes or osteoporosis. The simultaneous delivery of a progestogen such as levonorgestrel is necessary for the protection of the endometrium.

Intrauterine device
The levonorgestrel intrauterine system (LNG-IUS) is a type of long-term birth control that releases the progestin into the uterine cavity. Levonorgestrel is released at a constant, gradual rate of 0.02 mg per day by the polydimethylsiloxane membrane of the device, which renders it effective for up to five years. Because it is inserted directly into the uterus, levonorgestrel is present in the endometrium in much higher concentrations that would result from a LNG-containing oral pill; the LNG-IUS delivers 391 ng of levonorgestrel to the inner uterine region while a comparable oral contraceptive delivers only 1.35 ng. This high level of levonorgestrel impedes the function of the endometrium, making it hostile for sperm transport, fertilization, and implantation of an ovum.

Implant
Subcutaneous implants of levonorgestrel have been marketed as birth control implants under the brand names Norplant and Jadelle and are available for use in some countries.

Contraindications
Known or suspected pregnancy is a contraindication of levonorgestrel as an emergency contraceptive.

Side effects
After an intake of 1.5 mg levonorgestrel in clinical trials, very common side effects (reported by 10% or more) included: hives, dizziness, hair loss, headache, nausea, abdominal pain, uterine pain, delayed menstruation, heavy menstruation, uterine bleeding, and fatigue; common side effects (reported by 1% to 10%) included diarrhea, vomiting, and painful menstruation; these side effects usually disappeared within 48 hours. However, the long term side effects common with oral contraceptives such as arterial disease are lower with levonorgestrel than in combination pills.

Levonorgestrel as a contraceptive intrauterine device is associated with a higher risk of breast cancer than with non-use.

Overdose
Overdose of levonorgestrel as an emergency contraceptive has not been described. Nausea and vomiting might be expected.

Interactions
If taken together with drugs that induce the CYP3A4 cytochrome P450 liver enzyme, levonorgestrel may be metabolized faster and may have lower effectiveness. These include, but are not limited to barbiturates, bosentan, carbamazepine, felbamate, griseofulvin, oxcarbazepine, phenytoin, rifampin, St. John's wort and topiramate.

Pharmacodynamics
Levonorgestrel is a progestogen with weak androgenic activity. It has no other important hormonal activity, including no estrogenic, glucocorticoid, or antimineralocorticoid activity. The lack of significant mineralocorticoid or antimineralocorticoid activity with levonorgestrel is in spite of it having relatively high affinity for the mineralocorticoid receptor, which is as much as 75% of that of aldosterone.

Progestogenic activity
Levonorgestrel is a progestogen; that is, an agonist of the progesterone receptor (PR), the main biological target of the progestogen sex hormone progesterone. It has effects similar to those of the hormone progesterone. As a contraceptive, it works primarily by preventing ovulation and closing off the cervix to prevent the passage of sperm. The endometrial transformation dose of levonorgestrel is 150 to 250μg/day or 2.5 to 6mg per cycle.

Antigonadotropic effects
Due to its progestogenic activity, levonorgestrel has antigonadotropic effects and is able to suppress the secretion of the gonadotropins, luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone, from the pituitary gland. This in turn, results in suppression of gonadal activity, including reduction of fertility and gonadal sex hormone production in both women and men. The ovulation-inhibiting dose of levonorgestrel in premenopausal women is 50 to 60μg/day.

In men, levonorgestrel causes marked suppression of circulating testosterone levels secondary to its antigonadotropic effects. In healthy young men, levonorgestrel alone at a dose of 120 to 240 μg/day orally for 2 weeks suppressed testosterone levels from ~450 ng/dL to ~248 ng/dL (–45%). Because of its effects on testosterone levels, and due to its androgenic activity being only weak and hence insufficient for purposes of androgen replacement in males, levonorgestrel has potent functional antiandrogenic effects in men. Consequently, it is able to produce adverse effects like decreased libido and erectile dysfunction, among others. In relation to this, levonorgestrel has been combined with an androgen like testosterone or dihydrotestosterone when it has been studied as a hormonal contraceptive in men.

Androgenic activity
Levonorgestrel is a weak agonist of the androgen receptor (AR), the main biological target of the androgen sex hormone testosterone. It is a weakly androgenic progestin and in women may cause androgenic biochemical changes and side effects such as decreased sex hormone-binding globulin (SHBG) levels, decreased HDL cholesterol levels, weight gain, and acne.

In combination with a potent estrogen like ethinylestradiol however, all contraceptives containing androgenic progestins are negligibly androgenic in practice and in fact can be used to treat androgen-dependent conditions like acne and hirsutism in women. This is because ethinylestradiol causes a marked increase in SHBG levels and thereby decreases levels of free and hence bioactive testosterone, acting as a functional antiandrogen. Nonetheless, contraceptives containing progestins that are less androgenic increase SHBG levels to a greater extent and may be more effective for such indications. Levonorgestrel is currently the most androgenic progestin that is used in contraceptives, and contraceptives containing levonorgestrel may be less effective for androgen-dependent conditions relative to those containing other progestins that are less androgenic.

Other activity
Levonorgestrel stimulates the proliferation of MCF-7 breast cancer cells in vitro, an action that is independent of the classical PRs and is instead mediated via the progesterone receptor membrane component-1 (PGRMC1). Certain other progestins act similarly in this assay, whereas progesterone acts neutrally. It is unclear if these findings may explain the different risks of breast cancer observed with progesterone and progestins in clinical studies.

Pharmacokinetics
The bioavailability of levonorgestrel is approximately 95% (range 85 to 100%). The plasma protein binding of levonorgestrel is about 98%. It is bound 50% to albumin and 48% to SHBG. Levonorgestrel is metabolized in the liver, via reduction, hydroxylation, and conjugation (specifically glucuronidation and sulfation). Oxidation occurs primarily at the C2α and C16β positions, while reduction occurs in the A ring. 5α-Dihydrolevonorgestrel is produced as an active metabolite of levonorgestrel by 5α-reductase. The elimination half-life of levonorgestrel is 24 to 32 hours, although values as short as 8 hours and as great as 45 hours have been reported. About 20 to 67% of a single oral dose of levonorgestrel is eliminated in urine and 21 to 34% in feces.

Chemistry
Levonorgestrel, also known as 17α-ethynyl-18-methyl-19-nortestosterone or as 17α-ethynyl-18-methylestr-4-en-17β-ol-3-one, is a synthetic estrane steroid and a derivative of testosterone. It is the C13β or levorotatory stereoisomer and enantiopure form of norgestrel, the C13α or dextrorotatory isomer being inactive. Levonorgestrel is more specifically a derivative of norethisterone (17α-ethynyl-19-nortestosterone) and is the parent compound of the gonane (18-methylestrane or 13β-ethylgonane) subgroup of the 19-nortestosterone family of progestins. Besides levonorgestrel itself, this group includes desogestrel, dienogest, etonogestrel, gestodene, norelgestromin, norgestimate, and norgestrel. Levonorgestrel acetate and levonorgestrel butanoate are C17β esters of levonorgestrel. Levonorgestrel has a molecular weight of 312.45 g/mol and a partition coefficient (log P) of 3.8.

History
Norgestrel (rac-13-ethyl-17α-ethynyl-19-nortestosterone), the racemic mixture containing levonorgestrel and dextronorgestrel, was discovered by Hughes and colleagues at Wyeth in 1963 via structural modification of norethisterone (17α-ethynyl-19-nortestosterone). It was the first progestogen to be manufactured via total chemical synthesis. Norgestrel was introduced for medical use as a combined birth control pill with ethinylestradiol under the brand name Eugynon in Germany in 1966 and under the brand name Ovral in the United States 1968, and as a progestogen-only pill under the brand name Ovrette in the United States in 1973. Following its discovery, norgestrel had been licensed by Wyeth to Schering AG, which separated the racemic mixture into its two optical isomers and identified levonorgestrel (13β-ethyl-17α-ethynyl-19-nortestosterone) as the active component of the mixture. Levonorgestrel was first studied in humans by 1970, and was introduced for medical use in Germany as a combined birth control pill with ethinylestradiol under the brand name Neogynon in August 1970. A more widely used formulation, containing lower doses of ethinylestradiol and levonorgestrel, was introduced under the brand name Microgynon by 1973. In addition to combined formulations, levonorgestrel was introduced as a progestogen-only pill under the brand names Microlut by 1972 and Microval by 1974. Many other formulations and brand names of levonorgestrel-containing birth control pills have also been marketed.

Levonorgestrel, taken alone in a single high dose, was first evaluated as a form of emergency contraception in 1973. It was the second progestin to be evaluated for such purposes, following a study of quingestanol acetate in 1970. In 1974, the Yuzpe regimen, which consisted of high doses of a combined birth control pill containing ethinylestradiol and norgestrel, was described as a method of emergency contraception by A. Albert Yuzpe and colleagues, and saw widespread interest. Levonorgestrel-only emergency contraception was introduced under the brand name Postinor by 1978. Ho and Kwan published the first study comparing levonorgestrel only and the Yuzpe regimen as methods of emergency contraception in 1993 and found that they had similar effectiveness but that levonorgestrel alone was better-tolerated. In relation to this, the Yuzpe regimen has largely been replaced as a method of emergency contraception by levonorgrestrel-only preparations. Levonorgestrel-only emergency contraception was approved in the United States under the brand name Plan B in 1999, and has also been marketed widely elsewhere throughout the world under other brand names such as Levonelle and NorLevo in addition to Postinor. In 2013, the Food and Drug Administration approved Plan B One-Step for sale over-the-counter in the United States without a prescription or age restriction.

Levonorgestrel has also been introduced for use as a progestogen-only intrauterine device under the brand names Mirena and Skyla among others, as a progestogen-only birth control implant under the brand names Norplant and Jadelle, as a combined oral tablet with estradiol valerate for menopausal hormone therapy under the brand name Klimonorm, and as a combined transdermal patch with estradiol for menopausal hormone therapy under the brand name Climara Pro. Ester prodrugs of levonorgestrel such as levonorgestrel acetate and levonorgestrel butanoate have been developed and studied as other forms of birth control such as long-acting progestogen-only injectable contraceptives and contraceptive vaginal rings, but have not been marketed for medical use.

Generic names
Levonorgestrel is the generic name of the drug and its INN, USAN, USP, BAN, DCIT, and JAN, while lévonorgestrel is its DCF. It is also known as d-norgestrel, d(–)-norgestrel, or  D -norgestrel, as well as by its developmental code names WY-5104 (Wyeth) and SH-90999 (Schering AG).

Brand names
Levonorgestrel is marketed alone or in combination with an estrogen (specifically ethinylestradiol, estradiol, or estradiol valerate) under a multitude of brand names throughout the world, including Alesse, Altavera, Alysena, Amethia, Amethyst, Ashlyna, Aviane, Camrese, Chateal, Climara Pro, Cycle 21, Daysee, Emerres, Enpresse, Erlibelle, Escapelle, Falmina, Introvale, Isteranda, Jadelle, Jaydess, Jolessa, Klimonorm, Kurvelo, Kyleena, Lessina, Levlen, Levodonna, Levonelle, Levonest, Levosert, Levora, Liletta, Loette, Logynon, LoSeasonique, Lutera, Lybrel, Marlissa, Microgynon, Microlut, Microvlar, Min-Ovral, Miranova, Mirena, My Way, Myzilra, Next Choice, Nordette, Norgeston, NorLevo, Norplant, One Pill, Option 2, Orsythia, Ovima, Ovranette, Plan B, Plan B One-Step, Portia, Postinor, Postinor-2, Preventeza, Ramonna, Rigevidon, Quartette, Quasense, Seasonale, Seasonique, Skyla, Sronyx, Tri-Levlen, Trinordiol, Triphasil, Triquilar, Tri-Regol, Trivora, and Upostelle, among many others. These formulations are used as emergency contraceptives, normal contraceptives, or in menopausal hormone therapy for the treatment of menopausal symptoms.

As an emergency contraceptive, levonorgestrel is often referred to colloquially as the "morning-after pill".

Availability
Levonorgestrel is very widely marketed throughout the world and is available in almost every country.

Accessibility
Levonorgestrel-containing emergency contraception is available over-the-counter in some countries, such as the United States. On some college campuses, Plan B is available from vending machines.

A policy update in 2015, required all pharmacies, clinics, and emergency departments run by Indian Health Services (for Native Americans) to have Plan B One-Step in stock, to distribute it to any woman (or her representative) who asked for it without a prescription, age verification, registration or any other requirement, to provide orientation training to all staff regarding the medication, to provide unbiased and medically accurate information about emergency contraception, and to make someone available at all times to distribute the pill in case the primary staffer objected to providing it on religious or moral grounds.

Research
Levonorgestrel has been studied in combination with androgens such as testosterone and dihydrotestosterone as a hormonal contraceptive for men.

title: Levonorgestrel


text:
Forest Home

Forest Home may refer to:

 * Forest Home (Four Forks, Louisiana), listed on the NRHP in Louisiana
 * Forest Home (Trinity, Alabama), listed on the NRHP in Alabama
 * Forest Home, Belize, a village in Toledo District, Belize
 * Forest Home, California
 * Forest Home, Amador County, California, former community in Amador County
 * Forest Home, San Bernardino County, California
 * Forest Home, New York
 * Forest Home Historic District, Forest Home, NY, listed on the NRHP in New York

It may also refer to:

 * Forest Home Cemetery (Chicago), Forest Park, Illinois
 * Forest Home Cemetery, Milwaukee. WI, listed on the NRHP in Wisconsin
 * Forest Home Farms, in San Ramon, California, listed on the NRHP in California
 * Forest Home Plantation, Centreville, MS, listed on the NRHP in Mississippi
 * Forest Home Township, Michigan

title: Forest Home


text:
Works council

A works council is a shop-floor organization representing workers that functions as a local/firm-level complement to trade unions but is independent of these at least in some countries. Works councils exist with different names in a variety of related forms in a number of European countries, including Great Britain (joint consultative committee or employees’ council); Germany and Austria (Betriebsrat); Luxembourg (comité mixte, délégation du personnel); the Netherlands (Dienstcommissie, Ondernemingsraad) and Flanders in Belgium (ondernemingsraad); Italy (comitato aziendale);  France (comité social et économique); Wallonia in Belgium (conseil d'entreprise), Spain (comité de empresa) and Denmark (Samarbejdsudvalg or SU).

One of the most commonly examined (and arguably most successful) implementations of this institution is found in Germany. The model is basically as follows: general labour agreements are made at the national level by national unions (e.g. IG Metall) and German Employer Associations (e.g. Gesamtmetall), and local plants and firms then meet with works councils to adjust these national agreements to local circumstances. Works council members are elected by the company workforce for a four-year term. They don't have to be union members; works councils can also be formed in companies where neither the employer nor the employees are organized.

Works council representatives may also be appointed to the board of directors.

As with co-determination, there are three main views about why works councils primarily exist: to reduce workplace conflict by improving and systematising communication channels; to increase bargaining power of workers at the expense of owners by means of legislation; and to correct market failures by means of public policy.

Europe
On 22 September 1994, the Council of the European Union passed a Directive (94/45/EC) on the establishment of a European Works Council (EWC) or similar procedure for the purposes of informing and consulting employees in companies which operate at European Union level.

The EWC Directive applies to companies with at least 1,000 employees within the EU and at least 150 employees in each of at least two EEA countries.

European Works Councils were created partly as a response to increased transnational restructuring brought about by the Single European Act. They give representatives of workers from all European countries in big multinational companies a direct line of communication to top management. They also make sure that workers in different countries are all told the same thing at the same time about transnational policies and plans. Lastly, they give workers’ representatives in unions and national works councils the opportunity to consult with each other and to develop a common European response to employers’ transnational plans, which management must then consider before those plans are implemented.

The EWC Directive was revised by the Council and the European Parliament in May 2009. The changes contained in the new ("Recast") Directive must be transposed into national law by 5 June 2011, and have important implications for all companies in scope of the legislation, both those with an existing European Works Council and those yet to have set one up.

A similar transnational consultative body exists for employees of Societates Europaeae, called SE-Representative-Body or SE Works Council. This went into effect in 2004 with the Employee Involvement Directive (2001/86/EC). SE Works Councils are comparable with European Works Councils according to the European Trade Union Institute.

France
A comité d’entreprise (C.E. or works council) was mandatory in any company with 50 employees or more. It is being replaced by the Comité social et économique (CSE or Business and Social Council) which must have been rolled out in all companies where applicable for 1 January 2020 the latest. Members of the CE are elected by all the employees, and have 20 hours of delegation per month. The main role of the CE or the CSE is being the interface between the employees and the members of the board which is constituted of the chairman and the HR director, mostly for collective issues, such as work organisation, training policy, benefits. Its consultation is compulsory in case of certain economic events, such as any company strategic moves, The number of members depends on the number of people in the company. All members of the CE or CSE have a monthly meeting with the board, in which very specific points are dealt with.

Germany
Works councils (singular: Betriebsrat, plural: Betriebsräte) in Germany have a long history, with their origins in the early 1920s in the post World War I Weimar Republic, established by the Works Councils Act (Betriebsrätegesetz), later updated in 1952 with the establishment of the Works Constitution Act in West Germany. Initially, unions were very skeptical of works councils, seeing them as a way for management to negotiate with employees without collective bargaining, but eventually they developed clearly defined responsibilities with works councils forbidden from calling for strikes or negotiating wage increase. In recent years with a decline in union membership, works councils have come to be seen as a way for unions to recruit members, specifically by having works councils campaign for people to join them. In 2019, depending on sector, between 16% and 86% of employees worked at an employer with a works council.

While membership in a trade union is explicitly not required, according to the Hans Boeckler Stiftung analysis of year 2014 Works Council elections, depending on sector; between 60 and 80% of Works Councillors elected were members of affiliated trade unions in the German Trade Union Confederation. Unions can offer protections to works council members. For example, unions provide training courses to ensure legally compliant works council elections, which can preempt attacks from management bodies who are hostile to the founding of a works council.

In Germany, they serve two functions. The first is called co-determination, through which works councils elect members of the board of directors of German companies. The second is called participation, and means that works councils must be consulted about specific issues and have the right to make proposals to management. One of the most impressive achievements of the councils is producing harmonious relations between management and workers, leading to a situation with strong unions and a low strike rate.

Works councils in Germany have been correlated with a number of positive effects. They promote higher wages, even more than collective bargaining (although situations with both will promote wages the highest), they make firms more productive (although the degree to which they increase productivity can be hard to measure). and they don't inhibit investment or innovation. Works councils have also been shown to help women, East German, and foreign workers. However, they are correlated lower profitability, likely since they tend to bring higher wages, and there may not be as much benefit in smaller companies as there is in larger ones.

Obstruction of the Works Council is a criminal offence.

History
Workers’ rights to codetermine working conditions in Germany began at least as far back as 1850, when four social-liberal entrepreneurs, led by Carl Delgenkolb, joined forces in Eilenburg to introduce workers committees to their factories, in part to mitigate worker unrest and inoculate against socialist and union agitation. Statutory workers' committees (Arbeiterausschüsse) were first introduced in Germany in mining companies in Bavaria in 1900 and in Prussia in 1905. The Auxiliary Service Act of 1916, passed during the First World War, provided for the introduction of permanent workers' committees in all companies important to the war economy with at least 50 employees. These workers' committees only had advisory and consultation rights, but they could appeal to an arbitration committee with equal representation and a neutral chairman, to whose decision the employer had to submit.

The current structure and mandate of works councils can be traced to the soviet movement that swept through Europe in the early twentieth century. In Germany, self-governing workers’ (Arbeiter-) and soldiers’ councils (Soldatenräte) formed in 1918 in the November Revolution. Demands for a soviet-led German republic were eventually neutralized by the Social Democratic Party (SPD), with the Works Constitution Act (Betriebsrätegesetz) of 1920 emerging as a concession to the movement. This Act made works councils compulsory for all companies with over 20 employees. In the Weimar Republic, the ADGB unions discussed expanding the powers of the works councils to include production control in the name of economic democracy, thus initiating socialist transformation. However, this concept failed in the global economic crisis that began in 1929. However, this concept failed during the global economic crisis from 1929 onwards.

The rise of fascism brought a “revised, anti-Marxist version of socialism.” The Nazis launched ambitious “corporatist” policies that “rejected class struggle and replaced it with the idea of cooperation between employers and workers.” Works councils were banned by the 1934 Work Order Act and replaced by so-called councils of confidence (Vertrauensräte).

With the Allied Control Council Law No. 22 of April 10, 1946, works councils were permitted again in Germany. The first Works Constitution Act (BetrVG 1952) was passed on October 11, 1952. It followed the tradition of the Works Council Act of 1920, whose basic ideas were largely adopted. In 1972, after a controversial social debate, the Works Constitution Act (BetrVG 1972) was fundamentally revised, and it was reformed again in 2001. Among other things, the working and organizational principles of the works councils were changed. The election procedure was simplified, an "equality quota" (minimum seats for the gender in the minority, see electoral regulations Works Constitution Act § 15 WO) was introduced, the separation between blue-collar and white-collar workers was abolished, the exemption thresholds for works council members were lowered and the works council's involvement in the introduction of group work was made possible, as was the involvement of consultants in the event of operational changes.

title: Works council


text:
Forest View

Forest View or Forestview may refer to:

Education

 * Forest View High School, Tokoroa, New Zealand
 * Forest View High School (Illinois), Arlington Heights, Illinois, US
 * Forestview High School, Gastonia, North Carolina, US
 * Forest View, a Durham Public Schools elementary school, North Carolina, US

Places

 * Forest View, Illinois, US
 * Forest View (Howard County, Maryland), a building on the US National Register of Historic Places
 * Forestview, Prince Edward Island, Canada
 * Forest View, a locality in Municipal District of Smoky River No. 130, Alberta, Canada

title: Forest View


text:
A Rose for Mary

A Rose for Mary: The Hunt for the Real Boston Strangler is a 2003 book about Mary Sullivan, the last victim of confessed Boston Strangler Albert DeSalvo. Written by Sullivan's nephew, Casey Sherman, the book presents DNA evidence that suggests DeSalvo was not the Boston Strangler.

On July 11, 2013, Boston Police Department released information stating that they had discovered DNA evidence linking DeSalvo to the murder of Mary Sullivan. DNA found at the scene was a "near certain match" to DNA taken from a nephew of DeSalvo. To determine conclusively that it was DeSalvo's, a court ordered the exhumation of his body in order to test his DNA directly. On July 19, 2013 Suffolk County DA Daniel F. Conley, Mass. Attorney General Martha Coakley and Boston Police Commissioner Edward F. Davis announced the DNA test results proving Albert Henry DeSalvo was the source of seminal fluid recovered at the scene of Sullivan's 1964 murder.

title: A Rose for Mary


text:
Forestdale

Forestdale or Forest Dale may refer to several places:

In Australia:
 * Forestdale, Queensland, a suburb of Logan City
 * Forrestdale, Western Australia, a suburb of Armadale

In England: In the United States:
 * Forestdale, London
 * Forestdale, Alabama
 * Forestdale, Massachusetts
 * Forestdale, Rhode Island
 * Forest Dale, Vermont
 * Forest Dale Historic District, in Salt Lake City, Utah
 * Forestdale (agency) is a child care agency in New York City

title: Forestdale


text:
E. W. Scripps School of Journalism

The E. W. Scripps School of Journalism is the namesake school of the Scripps College of Communication at Ohio University seated in the Schoonover Center for Communication. Founded in 1924, the school has been recognized by The Associated Press and U.S. News & World Report for excellence in instruction and research in the fields of journalism and mass communications. The program has attracted more than $54 million in grants, awards, and investments. The School of Journalism is accredited by the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication.

In 2013, the school relocated into the former Baker University Center building which was renovated to be the centerpiece of the Scripps College of Communication. The refurbished building features the latest in comms instruction technology and is designed in the form of a large news agency. The school's current director as of March 2020, Edith Dashiell, joined Ohio University in 1992.

Undergraduate
The new curriculum at the school features two tracks in the Bachelor of Science, Journalism degree:
 * News & Information, which combines the previous sequences of Broadcast News, Magazine Journalism, News Writing and Editing, and Online Journalism.
 * Strategic Communication, which combines the previous sequences of Advertising and Public Relations.

Each track requires candidates to enroll in prerequisite journalism courses ("core" classes) and track-specific skills classes. Students, however, must also specialize in electives outside the school of journalism, and each student must complete an advisor-approved internship before graduating. Students may also build their own coursework through the "Carr Van Anda" Program.

Graduate
The school offers Master's of Science programs in Journalism and a PhD in Mass Communication. Many students work toward their PhD in mass communication with an emphasis in either Media Studies or Journalism. Scripps students often publish their work in academic journals or present papers at academic conferences, such as the annual convention of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication. In August 2014, seven graduate students are scheduled to present 11 papers at the AEJMC annual convention.

Scripps Howard relationship
The E. W. Scripps School of Journalism, together with the Scripps College of Communication, is funded in part by numerous grants from the Scripps Howard Foundation. To date, the foundation has given approximately $20 million in funding to Ohio University's communication programs. The foundation also funds the Scripps Howard Visiting Professionals program, which brings in well-known journalists to teach at the school. Recent visiting professionals have included Pulitzer Prize-winning Chicago Tribune columnist Julia Keller, Pulitzer Prize-winning Miami Herald columnist Leonard Pitts, former The New York Times editor Mark Prendergast, former Forbes magazine senior editor Mark Tatge and former Associated Press Beirut bureau chief Terry Anderson. Notable alumni include NFL journalist Peter King of Sports Illustrated, Clarence Page of the Chicago Tribune, Andy Alexander of The Washington Post, and Laura Landro of The Wall Street Journal.

Associated institutes and organizations
The Schoonover Center for Communication houses the School of Journalism faculty suite, Lasher Learning Center, two research labs, the Scripps College Survey Center, the Scripps Survey Research Center, co-founded by Distinguished Professor Guido Stempel and Thomas K. Hargrove, as well as other schools in the Scripps College of Communication. The Institute for International Journalism is located within the E. W. Scripps School of Journalism, and is currently headed by Yusuf Kalyango, an associate professor in the school. The institute administers the John R. Wilhelm foreign correspondence program, which has placed more than 250 students with international internships in 30 countries since 1970. Many journalism students work for the independently run campus newspaper, The Post, and WOUB-TV and Radio. The online radio station, All Campus Radio Network (ACRN), is another popular option for journalists. Many students are also an active part of the city of Athens' main newspapers Athens Messenger and The Athens News as well as several student-run media, including Speakeasy Mag, a student-produced online magazine with more than 100 staff members, Backdrop (magazine), a quarterly arts and culture magazine, and Thread, the university's only fashion magazine.

Notable alumni

 * Clarence Page, Pulitzer prize winning Chicago Tribune columnist
 * Jay Mariotti, sports columnist and TV personality
 * Adam Hochberg, radio correspondent - NPR
 * John Kaplan, Pulitzer Prize–winning photo-journalist, Life Magazine
 * Donal Henahan, worked for The New York Times and won a Pulitzer Prize in 1986 for music criticism
 * June Kronholz 2002 Pulitzer Prize winner for Wall Street Journal coverage of September 11
 * Peter King four-time Associated Press Sports Editors award winner who also covers the NFL for NBC Sports
 * Martin Savidge CNN anchor/national correspondent
 * Michel du Cille two-time Pulitzer Prize-winning photographer for The Miami Herald
 * Allie LaForce, reporter and anchor CBS Sports
 * Wesley Lowery, Pulitzer Prize winning journalist, The Washington Post

title: E. W. Scripps School of Journalism


text:
IG Metall

IG Metall (IGM; German: Industriegewerkschaft Metall, "Industrial Union of Metalworkers'") is the dominant metalworkers' union in Germany, making it the country's largest union as well as Europe's largest industrial union. Analysts of German labor relations consider it a major trend-setter in national bargaining.

IG Metall and ver.di together account for around 15 percent of the German workforce, and other sectors tend to broadly follow their agreements.

History
The name IG Metall refers to the union's metalworkers roots dating back to the start of unions in imperial Germany in the 1890s, though this formal organization was founded post-war in 1949. Over the years the union has taken on representation in industries beyond mining of minerals to include manufacturing and industrial production, machinists, printing industry, which includes modern automobile manufacturing and steel production as part of its blue-collar root, but also includes more white-collar sectors such as electrical and other forms of engineering, information systems, and with the combining of formerly separate unions for workers in wood, plastics, textiles and clothing, includes non-metal blue-collar workers. On April 1, 1998, the Textile and Clothing Union (GTB) joined IG Metall. On January 1, 2000, the Wood and Plastic Union (GHK), also joined.

Deals agreed by IG Metall in the pilot region of Baden-Württemberg, an industrial and car-making hub and home to Daimler and Bosch, have traditionally been serving as a template for agreements across the country.

Major accomplishments of IG Metall in the German labor market include, applied to the regions/covered employees:
 * Five-day work week (1959)
 * Paid vacation time concessions (1962)
 * 40 hr work week (1965–1967)
 * Paid sick leave (1956)
 * 35-hour work week (attempts not yet successful 1984)
 * 35-hour work week in metal industry (1995)

Most recently, IG Metall agreed to a landmark deal with employers in 2016, giving 3.8 million workers in the metalworking sector a two-stage pay rise of 4.8 percent over 21 months. After a series of strikes, the union agreed a deal in 2018 to allow staff to cut their working week to 28 hours for up to two years to care for children or other relatives. Amid the COVID-19 pandemic in Germany, IG Metall notably proposed negotiating for a move to a four-day week to help secure jobs against economic fallout from the coronavirus crisis and structural shifts in the automobile industry.

Major strikes
Strikes are rare in Germany, where companies and unions strive for consensus whenever possible. One of the first strikes of IG Metall lasted seven weeks in 1984 in the states of Baden-Württemberg and Hesse, which led to a reduction in the workweek to 35 hours from 37. Another major strike was organized by IG Metall in 1995, when up to 11,000 workers in Bavaria remained off the job for two weeks. In 2002, IG Metall called a wave of one-day strikes in a demand for a 6.5 percent increase in wages; German industry settled the dispute two weeks later by offering a raise of roughly 4 percent. In 2003, the union was forced to drop its campaign for a shorter workweek in the factories of eastern Germany after its hard-nosed negotiating tactics were repudiated by Germans across the political spectrum. In early 2018, more than 900,000 workers took part in industrial action in support of IG Metall's demands for higher pay and the right to shortened working hours.

In 2022, German union IG Metall has demanded an 8.2% rise for workers and was rejected by employers for a 4.7% increase for 21 months. After third round of talks with the employers the rejection led them to call for steel workers to hold further warning strikes.

Membership
Today IG Metall mainly represents employees at major car makers, such as Daimler, BMW, Porsche, Volkswagen, Audi and industrial giants such as Siemens, ThyssenKrupp, Airbus, Salzgitter AG, ArcelorMittal, Bosch, ZF and smaller mechanic construction companies and car-mechanics. Its membership had been dropping in recent decades — it lost 250,000 members in 1993 alone —, yet the union managed to somewhat reverse that trend recently by gaining 30,000 members between 2010 and 2015. A record in wage deals, along with a push to recruit more women, young people (e.g. students) and white-collar workers, helped it boost 2015 membership by 121,000 to 2.3 million and income by 3.4 percent to 533 million euros ($582 million); this rise came against a backdrop of generally declining union in Germany.

Notable members

 * Norbert Blüm — former Federal Minister of Labour and Social Affairs
 * Sigmar Gabriel — former Vice Chancellor of Germany
 * Hannelore Kraft — former Minister-President of North Rhine-Westphalia
 * Heiko Maas — former Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs
 * Hans Matthöfer — former Federal Minister of Finance
 * Andrea Nahles — former Federal Minister of Labour and Social Affairs
 * Svenja Schulze — former Federal Minister of the Environment, Nature Conservation and Nuclear Safety
 * Carsten Sieling — former President of the Senate and Mayor of the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen

Regional districts
IG Metall consists of 7 Bezirke (districts) which are subdivided in Verwaltungstellen (administrative areas):
 * Bezirk Baden-Württemberg headquarters located in Stuttgart; 28 Verwaltungstellen
 * Bezirk Bayern (Bavaria) headquarters located in Munich; 21 Verwaltungstellen
 * Bezirk Berlin-Brandenburg-Sachsen (Berlin + Brandenburg + Saxony) headquarters located in Berlin; 12 Verwaltungstellen
 * Bezirk Frankfurt (Saarland + Rhineland-Palatinate + Hesse + Thuringia) headquarters located in Frankfurt/Main; 27 Verwaltungstellen
 * Bezirk Küste ("Küste"= "Sea Coast") (Bremen + Hamburg + Schleswig-Holstein + Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania + North Lower Saxony) headquarters located in Hamburg; 19 Verwaltungstellen
 * Bezirk Niedersachsen und Sachsen-Anhalt (Middle/South Lower Saxony + Saxony-Anhalt) headquarters located in Hanover; 20 Verwaltungstellen
 * Bezirk Nordrhein-Westfalen (North Rhine-Westphalia) headquarters located in Düsseldorf; 47 Verwaltungstellen

Chairs
* Until 1956, IGM had two co-equal chairpersons. Thereafter, the organization changed to a 1st Chair and 2nd Chair, with the 2nd Chair being traditionally promoted to 1st Chair upon the retirement of the 1st Chair. However, Alois Wöhrle (1969) and Karl-Heinz Janzen (1992) retired without advancing to 1st Chair, while Walter Riester (1998) became Federal Minister of Labour and therefore dropped out.

International relations
IG Metall is a member of the German Trade Union Confederation (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, DGB). IGM is also a member of some international union umbrella organisations, including the European Metalworkers' Federation (EMF) and the IndustriALL Global Union.

In 2015, IG Metall and the U.S. United Automobile Workers (UAW) announced that they would deepen their partnership and set up an office in Tennessee to boost labor rights at German automakers and their suppliers based in the United States.

metall magazine
The IGM magazine, metallzeitung, has existed since 1949. In 2005 it had a circulation of over 2 million. There are 12 issues per year.

title: IG Metall


text:
Talk:Nemo

Last entry
Would anyone of those adding the last point of the list be so nice as to say in what story that character appears? -- towo 15:03, 2004 Oct 12 (UTC)

'Nemo' is also the answer Odysseus gives the Cyclope in Homer's 'Odyssee' when being asked his name. (I leave, however, adding that (in my opinion important) information to someone who's more familiar with the wiki-structure than I am...)

Hmm, yes, as far as I know, Ulysses is the original Nemo of Western fiction. - Logotu (talk) 16:38, 27 November 2007 (UTC)

Nemo (band)
FYI, I've reverted an anonymous user's add of an external link about the nemo band. I've explained myself on their user talk page:

 * I've removed the external link to your “Nemo” band. On disambiguation pages, it is normally inappropriate to place (red) links to an article that is unlikely to be written. Create the Nemo (band) article first (only if it's notable enough to deserve an article) then link it from Nemo. Please do not add commercial links — or links to your own private websites — to Wikipedia. Wikipedia is not a vehicle for advertising or a mere collection of external links. See the welcome page if you would like to learn more about contributing to our encyclopedia. Thanks.

I also wanted to leave this note here, because I believe other anon users (likely the same person) have added the link in the past. If the band is notable, it should have an article first. We shouldn't be adding redlinks to this disamb. page. Mrtea (talk) 01:23, 10 January 2006 (UTC)

 * Hey Mrtea, feel free to look at your comment page. I run a laborory in Idaho, and I noticed that several people have contributed "Another" Nemo band page. If you'd be so kind please delete this. Thanks, Geo

 * Hey Geo. I replied on my talk page, sorry for the late reply. This band actually has an article that doesn't seem to have been disputed per Notability (music). I'm quite busy and don't have time to look into it myself right now, but let me know if you have any more questions! :) Mrtea (talk) 19:01, 6 March 2007 (UTC)

There are currently five bands called Nemo listed on this article. One has an article, but the other four never have. Unless anyone can establish their notability and create articles for any of them; they should be removed. Information yes (talk) 10:28, 19 June 2009 (UTC)

title: Talk:Nemo


text:
Forficula auricularia

Forficula auricularia is a species complex comprising the common earwig. It is also known as the European earwig. It is an omnivorous insect belonging to the family Forficulidae. The name earwig comes from the appearance of the hindwings, which are unique in their resemblance to human ears when unfolded. The species name of the common earwig, auricularia, is a specific reference to this feature. The European earwig survives in a variety of environments. It is also a common household insect in North America. They are often considered a household pest because of their tendency to invade crevices in homes and consume pantry foods, though they may also act as beneficial species depending on the circumstances.

Forficula auricularia is reddish-brown in color with a flattened elongated body and slender beaded antennae. Earwigs possess pairs of pincers or forceps at the tip of the flexible abdomen. Both sexes have these pincers. In males, they are large and curved, whereas in females, they are straight. Nymphs are similar to adults in appearance, though their wings are either absent or small.

Morphology
Forficula auricularia have elongated flattened brownish-colored bodies, with a shield-shaped pronotum, two pairs of wings, and a pair of forceps-like cerci. They are about 12-15 mm long. The second tarsal segment, which is located on the leg, is lobed, extending distally below the third tarsal segment. The antenna consists of 11–14 segments, and the mouth parts are of the chewing type.

An anatomical diagram of the common earwig can be found to the right. Section A represents the head, B represents the thorax, and C represents the abdomen. The numbers correspond to different body parts. 1 is pointing to the pronotum (a plate-like structure that covers the thorax), and 2 is pointing to the elytra (tough outer wings used to protect the more delicate hind wings). 3 is pointing to the delicate hind wings peeking out, and 4 is pointing to the abdomen. 5 is pointing to the cerci (paired appendages on the abdomen of many insects).

Taxonomy
A detailed analysis of mitochondial DNA from specimens across Europe has established that Forficula auriculata is a complex of several morphologically indistinguishable species. There are at least four species in the Forficula auricularia complex: Forficula auricularia, Forficula dentata, Forficula mediterranea, and Forficula aeolica.

The name Forficula auriculata applies to those found in Scandinavia and Central Europe, whereas Forficula dentata is the usual species found in the British Isles and Western Europe. There are several other members of the complex distinguished based on mitochondrial haplotypes. In North America, European earwigs were found to comprise two sibling species, which are reproductively isolated. Populations in cold continental climates mostly have one clutch per year, forming Forficula auriculata whereas those in warmer climates have two clutches per year, forming Forficula dentata.

Distribution
Originating from Europe, western Asia and possibly North Africa, Forficula auricularia was introduced to North America in the early twentieth century and has since spread throughout much of the continent. It was accidentally introduced into New Zealand by Early European settlers. European earwigs are most commonly found in temperate climates, since they were originally discovered in the Palearctic region, and are most active when the daily temperature has minimal fluctuation.

Habitat
Thriving in cool, moist habitats, European earwigs exhibit optimal growth at a mean temperature of 24 °C. Their daily abundance in a given year has been linked to factors such as temperature, wind velocity, and the prevalence of easterly winds. The development of European earwigs also depends on temperature. The occurrence of European earwigs can be predicted based on weather parameters. Hibernating adults can tolerate cool temperatures, but their survival is reduced in poorly drained soils such as clay. To avoid excessive moisture, they seek the southern side of well-drained slopes. Sometimes they also occupy the hollow stems of flowers where the soil is poorly drained. Their eggs are capable of resisting damage from cold and heat.

Behavior
European earwigs spend the daytime in cool, dark, inaccessible places such as flowers, fruits, and wood crevices. They are primarily active at night, seeking out food ranging from plant matter to small insects. Though they are omnivorous, they are considered as scavengers rather than predators. Often they consume plant matter, though they have also been known to feed on aphids, spiders, insect eggs, and dead plants and insects, among other things. Their favorite plants include the common crucifer Sisymbrium officinale, the white clover Trifolium repens, and the dahlia Dahlia variabilis. They also like to feed on molasses, as well as on nonvascular plants, lichens and algae. They prefer meat or sugar to natural plant material even though plants are a major natural food source. European earwigs prefer aphids to plant material such as leaves and fruit slices of apple, cherry and pear. Adults eat more insects than do nymphs.

Although Forficula auricularia have well-developed wings, they are fairly weak and are rarely, if ever, used. Instead, as their main form of transportation, earwigs are carried from one place to another on clothing or commercial products like lumber, ornamental shrubs and even newspaper bundles.

Courtship
Courtship in European common earwigs is unique in the sense that both males and females take active roles in courtship. Unlike most earwig species, detailed observations of the courtship and mating processes in Forficula auricularia reveal complex sexual behaviors for both the males and females. The European earwig possesses sexually dimorphic cerci (forceps). Adult males are polymorphic in body weight and head width, as well as cercus length and width. The males have large, heavy, curved forceps that are very robust and broadened basally with crenulate teeth. Females have straight and slender forceps that are 3 mm long, and are less robust and straighter. Studies have demonstrated the significance of these cerci for use as displays in early courtship and as a tactile stimulus for the female during copulation, as well as feeding and self-defense purposes.

Early courtship typically consists of male displays in which they wave or bob the cerci. The common earwigs do not have a sex pheromone because they already have an aggregation pheromone which already brings the male and female insects into close proximity with one another.

Courtship will then progress to tactile stimulation by the males and sometimes females, if they are receptive. The males tend to use their cerci to stroke and encircle the female’s body. Both sexes participate in waving, bobbing, and stroking movements, but only males use their forceps to encircle the female. It is interesting to note that the cerci seem to be strictly used for courtship/stimulation and defense against any potential threats; the males do not ever use the forceps aggressively as claspers to hold the female in place during copulation.

The cerci stimulation is followed by abdomen arching, bobbing, and twisting before copulation occurs. Research suggests that male cerci are necessary for reproductive success because of their role as either secondary sexual characteristics for courtship or as weapons in altercations; males with their cerci removed were unable to successfully find a mate.

Copulation
A male finds prospective mates by olfaction. After a complex courtship performance by both the male and female, the male slips his cerci under the tip of the female's abdomen so that his and her ventral abdominal surfaces are in contact with each other, while both face in opposite directions. If not disturbed, pairs can stay in this mating position for many hours. During copulation, the females often move around and feed. Because they provide brood care, female Forficula auricularia have intensive nutritional requirements which likely motivates their activity during copulation—especially because female European earwigs rarely ever feed during oviposition (laying of the eggs), incubation, and brood care. Matings occurred frequently among clustered individuals particularly in locations that allow both partners to cling to a surface. Under laboratory conditions, the mating season peaked during August and September, and a single mating event enabled females to lay fertilized eggs.

Maternal care
European earwig nymphs look very similar to their adult counterparts except that they are a lighter color. The young go through four nymphal stages and do not leave the nest until after the first moult.

European earwigs overwinter about 5 mm below the surface of the ground. The female earwig lays a clutch of about 50 eggs in an underground nest in the autumn. She enters a dormant state and stays in the nest with the eggs.

Common earwigs exhibit varying levels of maternal care. Female earwigs typically show maternal care through behaviors such as guarding and tending to their eggs and nymphs. The female cares for her young by shifting the eggs about and continuously cleaning them with her mouth and forceps to avoid fungal growth and pathogens through careful extraction of fungal spores from the eggs. She protects the eggs by staying close to the nest, fiercely defending against predators, applying chemical protection against desiccation through egg grooming, and relocating the entire clutch under stressful conditions. Their protection of the eggs involves remaining close to the nest and defending against potential predators.

In the spring, she spreads them out into a single layer and the young emerge from the eggs. After the eggs hatch in the spring, the mother continues to care for the nymphs, providing protection, grooming, food, and sometimes even regulating the temperature in the nest. The mother provides food from the larval stage to the first instar (term for a developmental stage in insects) and will continue to defend the aggregated family group in the burrow and on nocturnal foraging excursions. She guards them until they reach maturity after about one month. It is possible for the female to lay a second brood in one season and by the end of August all of the young reach maturity.

Life cycle
European common earwigs can produce either one or two broods per year. Females and males often hibernate together in pairs in underground nests. Females oviposit, or lay, their eggs at the end of winter/ beginning of spring and then expel the male from the nest. These eggs are pale yellow or cream colored and have an elliptical shape.

The mother incubates and cares for the eggs until they hatch. After hatching, the nymphs go through four nymphal instars before reaching maturity and adulthood.

There are two distinct phases of the common earwig’s life: the nesting phase and the free-foraging phase. In the nesting phase, family units consist of the male and female pair and then just the female and her nymphs. They may leave the nest at night for foraging excursions, but the mother and her nymphs return to the nest and stay there during the daytime. In the free-foraging phase, different family units will interact, and the nymphs no longer return to their nests after foraging. Instead, they go on long foraging excursions and shelter in trees and crevices. At this point, females may produce a second brood since they have finished raising and tending to the first brood.

Selfish vs altruistic behavior
Maternal care can drastically increase the survival and development of young earwigs, contributing to their overall reproductive success. However, parental care can be costly as well. It is widely accepted that relations between parents and offspring are shaped by an intersection of selfish and altruistic tendencies that ultimately reflect a compromise of each individual’s evolutionary interests. The common earwigs, as well as any species, have to carefully weigh the increased offspring survival benefits and the potential parental fecundity costs associated with parental care. One explicit form of altruistic behavior in common earwig beetles is the fact that female common earwigs do not reject foreign offspring or eggs and will exhibit the same level of care to foreign eggs as her own eggs. In many species, kin bias prevents parents from investing care and energy into any foreign offspring in order to allow them to more effectively invest in their own offspring thus ensuring that their own genes are passed on. Common earwig mothers, however, will not eliminate foreign eggs and will actually groom, defend, and provide for them to the same extent at which she cares for her own eggs. A likely explanation would be that common earwig mothers simply cannot differentiate between their own eggs and foreign eggs, but this is not the case. Common earwig mothers immediately and regularly apply a bouquet of cuticular hydrocarbons to the surface of their eggs. This bouquet is family specific and allows for differentiation between the mother's own eggs and foreign eggs. This phenomenon indicates that there is limited selection pressures promoting female common earwigs to reject foreign eggs which allows them to display the altruistic behavior of caring for foreign offspring.

Aggregation
European common earwigs aggregate in shelters during the day in groups ranging from 50 to 100 individuals per square meter. Common earwigs seek out dark and humid shelters for use, and the gregarious beetles prefer shelters that have been occupied previously due to the presence of an aggregation pheromone. Unfortunately, they have become relatively harmful pests in residential areas—damaging fruits, vegetables, flowers, and some tree fruit crops. Scientists hope to uncover the necessary components of the European common earwig aggregation pheromone because this could allow them to manufacture synthetic aggregation pheromones to use as bait to draw the beetles away from crops and gardens.

Pheromones
Males, females, and nymphs of the Forficula auricularia species produce aggregation pheromones that trigger specific behavioral responses from members of the same species regardless of their sex or developmental stage. Research shows that common earwigs display significant behavioral responses to both physically accessible and physically inaccessible stimuli. This indicates that common earwigs detect and respond to this aggregation pheromone through olfaction rather than through a mechanism such as contact chemoreception. This helps the earwigs detect shelters to hide in during the daytime after their nocturnal foraging excursions.

Scientists believe that common earwigs produce this aggregation pheromone in their tibial glands, cuticular lipids, or fecal matter. Males, females, and nymphs all exhibit strong responses to the aggregation pheromone. However, there is mounting evidence that the aggregation pheromones are stage-specific meaning depending on the chemical contents of the particular pheromone, it will be more likely to attract either nymphs or adults. Benzoquinones are a component of the aggregation pheromone that attracts adult common earwigs. The same was not true for nymph-stage common earwigs which responded well to experimental aggregation pheromones with and without the benzoquinones.

Coprophagy
Group living comes with many benefits but also many costs. One example is the accumulation of feces in a shared nesting site which can become a breeding ground for a wide variety of fungi and pathogenic bacteria or attract predators and help them locate the nest. Risks escalate in nest-dwelling species that aggregate in large groups such as Forficula auricularia. However, keeping feces in the nesting site has actually proved advantageous for Forficula auricularia despite these concerns. Feces possesses antimicrobial properties that can prevent the growth of certain dangerous pathogens. Keeping feces in the nest also fosters allo-coprophagy (consumption of the feces of other members of one’s species) which can have positive effects such as promoting the transfer of helpful gut bacteria and providing a food source when food is scarce. In fact, access to sibling feces significantly enhanced the survival rate of nymphs when food was scarce. However, regardless of the scarcity of regular food, nymphs always consume some maternal or nymphal feces which implies that this behavior in earwigs has evolved to have many incentives and is not just a desperate measure to prevent starvation in cases of food scarcity.

Agricultural impact
Forficula auricularia has been known to cause significant damage to crops, flowers, and fruit orchards when at high population levels. Some of the commercially valuable vegetables it feeds upon include cabbage, cauliflower, chard, celery, lettuce, potato, beet, and cucumber among others. Earwigs readily consume corn (maize) silk and can damage the crop. Among fruits, they have been found to damage apple and pear orchards. On apple trees specifically, Forficula auricularia feed on the fruits (primarily on parts where the fruit is already rotting or cracked) and contaminate the fruits with frass (powdery wood debris that is the result of insect foraging/ boring). They damage young plum and peach trees in early spring when other food is scarce by devouring blossoms and leaves at night. They are often found wedged among petals of fresh cut carnations, roses, dahlia and zinnia.

In addition to the agricultural problems caused, Forficula auricularia emit a foul odor and have a tendency to aggregate together in or near human dwellings.

Human interaction
Control of Forficula auricularia has been attempted using some of its natural enemies, including the parasitoid fly Bigonicheta spinipenni, the fungi Erynia forficulae and Metarhizium anisopliae, as well as many species of birds. The tachinid flies Triarthria setipennis (Fallen) and Ocytata pallipes have been introduced in North America to control Forficula auricularia in the 1920s. Insecticides have also been successfully implemented, although commercial products are rarely targeted specifically towards earwigs. Multipurpose insecticides for control of earwigs, grasshoppers, sowbugs and other insects are more common. Diazinon, an organophosphate insecticide, has been known to continue killing Forficula auricularia up to 17 days after initial spraying.

Humans have, however, found beneficial uses of Forficula auricularia in the pest management of other insects. The European common earwig is an omnivore and is also referred to as a generalist predator or scavenger meaning they have many different forms of prey and will feed on whichever prey species is most available. The European earwig is a natural predator of a number of other agricultural pests, including the pear psyllid and several aphid species, and in this regard has been used to control outbreaks of such organisms. The common earwig is an important predator of many different orchard/ crop pests such as the wooly apple aphid (Eriosoma lanigerum) which is one of the most problematic pests in apple orchards. Research has repeatedly shown that low numbers of common earwigs are associated with wooly apple aphid infestations whereas high numbers of common earwigs lead to decreased aphid populations in orchards so much so that farmers sometimes do not even need to use chemicals or pesticides. Therefore, despite their potential adverse effects on some crops, European common earwigs play a crucial role in managing wooly aphid apple populations in apple orchards. Damage to crops by Forficula auricularia is limited as long as there are high population levels of their insect prey.

title: Forficula auricularia