text:
Matson, Inc.

Matson, Inc., is an American shipping and navigation services company headquartered in Honolulu, Hawaii. Founded in 1882, Matson, Inc.'s subsidiary Matson Navigation Company provides ocean shipping services across the Pacific to Hawaii, Alaska, Guam, Micronesia, the South Pacific, China, and Japan.

History
William Matson (1849–1917) founded Matson Navigation Company. He was born in Lysekil in Västra Götaland County, Sweden, and orphaned during childhood. He arrived in San Francisco after a trip around Cape Horn in 1867. Working aboard the Dickel family yacht, he struck up a friendship with tycoon Claus Spreckels, who financed many of Matson's new ships. In 1882, he sailed his three-masted schooner Emma Claudina into the Hilo Bay of the Hawaiian Islands.

The enterprise began in the carrying of merchandise, especially of plantation stores, to the islands and returning with cargoes of sugar, later expanding interests at each end of the line.

In 1924, Matson completed the Matson Building, designed by Bliss and Faville, at 215 Market Street in San Francisco, and noted as "one of a series of Chicago School skyscrapers built during the 1910s and 1920s which give San Francisco its downtown character." It featured an observation tower and cupola at the northern corner of the building that enabled company executives to see its ships coming through the Golden Gate. The company later sold the building to Pacific Gas and Electric Company, whose general office was next door at 245 Market. PG&E has incorporated the former Matson Building into its general office complex, keeping Matson-specific details such as elevator doors with detailed maps of Hawaii on them.

For a brief period after World War II, Matson operated an airline using Douglas DC-4 aircraft between the Pacific Coast and Hawaii. The airline ultimately ceased operations because of political pressure from Pan American World Airways, which resulted in inability to obtain federal government scheduled operating authority.

On December 1, 2011, Matson's then-parent company Alexander & Baldwin announced that its board of directors approved a plan to split A&B and Matson into two separate companies. As part of the plan, Matson would leave Oakland, California, to become a Honolulu-based company. The two companies are now traded separately.

In 2015, Matson, Inc., acquired Horizon Lines, formerly its main competitor in the United States domestic market, for $469 million.

Joining two Aloha-class freighter sister ships delivered to Matson in 2018 and 2019; in November 2022, the company again contracted Philly Shipyard to build three new Jones Act-compliant container ships at a cost of $1 billion.

Passenger ships
Primarily a conveyor of freight; from 1908 on, Matson introduced into service a number of passenger liners to capitalize on the burgeoning tourist trade. In 1926, following the death of its founder, John D. Spreckels whose father, Claus Spreckels, had been Matson's earliest financier; Matson took over the Oceanic Steamship Company (Spreckels Line), operating three trans-Pacific liners, including the SS Sonoma.

From the early 20th century through the 1970s, Matson liners sailed from the west coast ports of San Francisco and Los Angeles to Honolulu and points beyond, including a handful of South Pacific ports of call as well as Sydney, Australia and Auckland, New Zealand. Two of their earlier cargo liners, SS Maui (1916) and SS Wilhelmina, were the first passenger ships to place their engines aft.

Among the "white ships of Matson" were Malolo (rechristened Matsonia), Lurline, Mariposa, and Monterey. With the advent and expansion of routine air travel between the mainland and the islands, Matson's passenger service was greatly diminished, and the liners were eventually retired from trans-Pacific service and virtually gone by the end of the 1970s.

Hotels
In 1925, Matson acquired a controlling interest in the historic Moana Hotel on Waikiki on the island of Oahu. They constructed the nearby Royal Hawaiian Hotel in 1927. In 1952, they built the SurfRider Hotel (today a wing of the Moana), followed by the Princess Kaiulani Hotel in 1955. They sold the four properties to Sheraton Hotels in 1959.

Current fleet
Matson's current cargo fleet of U.S.-flagged vessels include:

 * Anchorage / Kodiak / Tacoma (sister ships)
 * Daniel K. Inouye / Kaimana Hila (sister ships - Aloha Class)
 * Imua II / Liloa II (sister ships)
 * Kamokuiki
 * Lihue
 * Lurline / Matsonia (sister ships - Kanaloa Class)
 * Manoa / Mahimahi (C9 sister ships)
 * Manulani / Maunawili / Manukai (sister ships)
 * Maunalei
 * Mokihana (C9 with garage conversion)
 * Papa Mau
 * R.J. Pfeiffer
 * Haleakala
 * Mauna Loa
 * Waialeale

title: Matson, Inc.


text:
Leila Khaled

Leila Khaled (ليلى خالد, born April 9, 1944) is a former Palestinian militant and member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). She is famous as the first woman to hijack an airplane.

Khaled gained her prominence for her role in the TWA Flight 840 hijacking in 1969 and one of the four simultaneous Dawson's Field hijackings the following year as part of the campaign of Black September in Jordan. After being imprisoned, she was released in a prisoner exchange for civilian hostages kidnapped by other PFLP members.

Early life
Khaled was born on April 9, 1944 in Haifa, Mandatory Palestine, to Arab parents. Her family fled to Lebanon on April 13, 1948, as part of the 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight, leaving her father behind. At the age of 15, following in the footsteps of her brother, she joined the pan-Arab Arab Nationalist Movement, originally established in the late-1940s by George Habash, then a medical student at the American University of Beirut. The Palestinian branch of this movement became the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine after the 1967 Six-Day War.

Khaled spent some time teaching in Kuwait and, in her autobiography, recounted crying the day she heard that John F. Kennedy had been assassinated.

TWA Flight 840 (1969)
On August 29, 1969, Khaled was part of a team that hijacked TWA Flight 840 on its way from Rome to Tel Aviv, diverting the Boeing 707 to Damascus. According to some media sources, the PFLP leadership thought that Yitzhak Rabin, then Israeli ambassador to the United States, would be on board; he was not. She claims she ordered the pilot to fly over Haifa, so she could see her birthplace. No one was injured, but after the passengers disembarked, the hijackers blew up the nose section of the aircraft. After this hijacking, and a photograph of her (taken by Eddie Adams) holding an AK-47 rifle and wearing a kaffiyeh was reproduced in many publications, she underwent six plastic surgery operations on her nose and chin to conceal her identity and allow her to take part in a future hijacking, and because she did not want to wear the face of an icon.

El Al Flight 219 (1970)
On September 6, 1970, Khaled and Patrick Argüello, a Nicaraguan–American, attempted to hijack El Al Flight 219 from Amsterdam to New York City as part of the Dawson's Field hijackings, a series of almost simultaneous hijackings carried out by the PFLP. Khaled and Argüello threatened to detonate grenades if they were not granted access to the cockpit. The pilots refused to comply, and instead put the plane into a nosedive. Though sources differ on the chronology of these events, in the resulting scuffle someone hit Argüello in the head with a bottle of whiskey; Argüello shot and injured a crew member and reportedly threw a grenade which did not explode towards the passengers; and sky marshals shot Argüello multiple times, mortally wounding him. The pilot diverted the aircraft to Heathrow Airport in London. An ambulance took the injured crew member and Argüello to the hospital. The crewmember survived while Argüello died in the ambulance. Khaled was arrested though later released during a hostage exchange.

Later life
Khaled has stated in interviews that she developed a fondness for the United Kingdom when her first visitor in jail, an immigration officer, wanted to know why she had arrived in the country without a valid visa. She also developed a relationship with the two policewomen assigned to guard her in Ealing and later corresponded with them. Khaled continued to return to the UK for speaking engagements until as late as 2002, although she was refused a visa by the British embassy in 2005 to address a meeting at the Féile an Phobail in Belfast, where she was invited as a speaker. Eventually she managed to speak to people at the Belfast Féile through a video link.

According to Khaled, there is not an Arab-Israeli peace process. She stated "it's a political process where the balance of forces is for the Israelis and not for us. They have all the cards to play with and the Palestinians have nothing to depend on, especially when the PLO is not united." Khaled also supports the Kurdish political movement surrounding the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and drew attention to the similar fate of the Palestinian and the Kurdish people. She has become involved in politics, becoming a member of the Palestinian National Council and appearing regularly at the World Social Forum.

She is married to physician Fayez Rashid, and lives with their two sons Bader and Bashar in Amman, Jordan. She is irreligious.

She was the subject of a film entitled Leila Khaled, Hijacker, directed by Palestinian filmmaker Lina Makboul. It premiered in November 2005 at the International Documentary Film Festival in Amsterdam.

In November 2017, Khaled was refused entry to Rome, Italy at the Leonardo da Vinci–Fiumicino Airport, and was forced to return to Amman as she is a member of a group considered a terrorist organization by the Italian government.

In mid September 2020, Khaled was scheduled to speak at a virtual Zoom conference at San Francisco State University hosted by Rabab Abdulhadi and Tomomi Kinukawa. Following lobbying by the Jewish coalition group "End Jewish Hatred," Zoom Video Communications along with YouTube and Facebook, prevented the conference from using their video conferencing software and platforms, citing compliance with U.S. export control, sanctions, and anti-terrorism laws.

In popular culture

 * She was the subject of an artwork portrait made entirely out of lipsticks, "The Icon", created by artist Amer Shomali using 14 colors, and 3,500 lipsticks.
 * The song Like Leila Khaled Said from The Teardrop Explodes' 1981 album Wilder is a love song to Khaled. Songwriter Julian Cope said it was a love song to her "cos I thought she was so beautiful. But I know that the whole thing was like bad news."
 * The second CD of Julian Cope's 2012 album Psychedelic Revolution is named "Phase of Leila Khaled" while the first CD is named "Phase of Che Guevara". The album's lyrics contain several references to political demonstrations, terrorism and suicide bombers. The accompanying booklet also contains a photo of Leila Khaled.
 * As of 2018, she is commemorated in a mural at the International Wall on the Falls Road, Belfast, Northern Ireland. The mural is based upon the photograph of her by Eddie Adams, holding an AK-47 and with the Palestine flag behind her. Her image along with an image of Irish Republican, Oglach Charlie Hughes says "Our Struggle continues".
 * The name of Sandton Drive in Johannesburg, South Africa was controversially changed to Leila Khaled Drive by vote of the city council on November 29, 2018. The American consulate in Johannesburg is located on the street. Leila Khaled on International Wall.jpg
 * The 10th song of the album Friværdi, released on September 26, 2005, by the Danish rock band Magtens Korridorer, is entitled "Leila Khaled".
 * Writer Chris Boucher has said that he named the character of savage warrior Leela from Doctor Who after Khaled.
 * Khaled is mentioned by Fun-da-mental in "Mother India", on the Love India CD (2010) widely distributed in the United States by Starbucks.
 * The album Olive no Ki no Shita de, released in 2007 by the Japanese rock singer Panta, features a song entitled "Leila's Ballade". This song's lyrics were written by former Japanese Red Army member Fusako Shigenobu and her daughter Mei Shigenobu. In 2012, Khaled was invited to a ceremony for the 40th anniversary of the Lod Airport massacre by a Japanese far-left group in Kyoto, at which Panta performed the song in front of Khaled.
 * Leila Khaled: Hijacker is a 2006 documentary about Leila Khaled by Swedish-Palestinian filmmaker Lina Makboul.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Leila Khaled


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/QC

This sounds like video game-speak. Make it go away. - Lucky 6.9 20:54, 17 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Yeah, I think it went away. Beelzebubs 00:59, 19 May 2004 (UTC)
 * What page was this meant to be? QÇ? never existed? Angela. 01:01, May 20, 2004 (UTC)

title: Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/QC


text:
User:MediaWiki default/Old user page

This is the username used by the maintenance script rebuildmessages.php. The script is part of MediaWiki; it updates MediaWiki interface messages to be equal to the MediaWiki default. It is not a bot and is unaffected by blocks.

The script has two modes of operation:

 * rebuildMessages.php --update : Updates any messages which were last edited by "MediaWiki default" to their current version. Creates any messages which did not exist.
 * rebuildMessages.php --rebuild : Updates all messages to their current default value, regardless of whether they have been manually edited. This is sometimes used on other wikis when a new messages file has just been created, with a comprehensive set of default messages. It has never been used on the English Wikipedia.

Edits made by this script had a user ID of zero, so they were treated as anonymous edits in the page history, with a link to the user contributions instead of the user page.

The same username is also used by the MediaWiki installer. Installing MediaWiki has the same effect as rebuildMessages.php --update.

If there is a problem with the text of the default messages, please file a bug report at http://bugzilla.wikimedia.org/. Requests to start or stop the script should be made to the #wikimedia-tech channel on irc.freenode.net.

Contributions

Awards
ar:مستخدم:MediaWiki default an:Usuario:MediaWiki default ba:Ҡатнашыусы:MediaWiki default be-x-old:Удзельнік:MediaWiki default ca:Usuari:MediaWiki default cs:Wikipedista:MediaWiki default da:Bruger:MediaWiki default de:Benutzer:MediaWiki default es:Usuario:MediaWiki default eo:Vikipediisto:MediaWiki default fo:Brúkari:MediaWiki default fr:Utilisateur:MediaWiki default ga:Úsáideoir:MediaWiki default gv:Ymmydeyr:MediaWiki default ha:User:MediaWiki default haw:Mea hoʻohana:MediaWiki default io:Uzanto:MediaWiki default ig:User:MediaWiki default ia:Usator:MediaWiki default is:Notandi:MediaWiki default it:Utente:MediaWiki default kl:Bruger:MediaWiki default kk:Қатысушы:MediaWiki default ht:Itilizatè:MediaWiki default ku:Bikarhêner:MediaWiki default hu:Szerkesztő:MediaWiki default mk:Корисник:MediaWiki default mi:User:MediaWiki default ms:Pengguna:MediaWiki default nl:Gebruiker:MediaWiki default ja:利用者:MediaWiki default no:Bruker:MediaWiki default oc:Utilizaire:MediaWiki default km:អ្នកប្រើប្រាស់:MediaWiki default pt:Usuário:MediaWiki default ksh:Metmaacher:MediaWiki default ro:Utilizator:MediaWiki default ru:Участник:MediaWiki default sco:User:MediaWiki default si:පරිශීලක:MediaWiki default simple:User:MediaWiki default sr:Корисник:MediaWiki default fi:Käyttäjä:MediaWiki default sv:Användare:MediaWiki default tt:Äğzä:MediaWiki default th:ผู้ใช้:MediaWiki default tg:Корбар:MediaWiki default tr:User:MediaWiki default vi:Thành viên:MediaWiki default wo:Jëfandikukat:MediaWiki default wuu:用户:MediaWiki default yi:באַניצער:MediaWiki default zh:User:MediaWiki default

title: User:MediaWiki default/Old user page


text:
Folklore studies

Folklore studies (less often known as folkloristics, and occasionally tradition studies or folk life studies in the United Kingdom) is the branch of anthropology devoted to the study of folklore. This term, along with its synonyms, gained currency in the 1950s to distinguish the academic study of traditional culture from the folklore artifacts themselves. It became established as a field across both Europe and North America, coordinating with Volkskunde (German), folkeminner (Norwegian), and folkminnen (Swedish), among others.

Overview
A 1982 UNESCO document titled "Recommendation on the Safeguarding of Traditional Culture and Folklore" declared a global need to establish provisions protecting folklore from varying dangers identified in the document. UNESCO further published the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2003. The American Folklife Preservation Act (P.L. 94-201) passed in 1976 by the United States Congress in conjunction with the Bicentennial Celebration included a definition of folklore, also called folklife: "'...[Folklife] means the traditional expressive culture shared within the various groups in the United States: familial, ethnic, occupational, religious, regional; expressive culture includes a wide range of creative and symbolic forms such as custom, belief, technical skill, language, literature, art, architecture, music, play, dance, drama, ritual, pageantry, handicraft; these expressions are mainly learned orally, by imitation, or in performance, and are generally maintained without benefit of formal instruction or institutional direction.'" This law in conjunction with other legislation was designed to protect the natural and cultural heritage of the United States in alignment with efforts to promote and protect the cultural diversity of the United States and recognize it as a national strength and a resource worthy of protection.

The term folklore contains component parts folk and lore. The word folk originally applied to rural, frequently poor and illiterate peasants. A contemporary definition of folk is a social group which includes two or more persons with common traits, who express their shared identity through distinctive traditions. "Folk is a flexible concept which can refer to a nation as in American folklore or to a single family." This expanded social definition of folk expands the material considered to be folklore artifacts to include "things people make with words (verbal lore), things they make with their hands (material lore), and things they make with their actions (customary lore)". The folklorist studies the traditional artifacts of a group and the groups within which these customs, traditions and beliefs are transmitted.

Transmission of folk artifacts is necessary to their preservation over time outside of study by cultural archaeologist. Beliefs and customs are passed informally within a folk group mainly anonymously and in multiple variants. This is in contrast to high culture, characterized by recognition by the elites of a given society and identified as specific works created by individuals.

The folklorist study the significance of these beliefs, customs and objects for the group. In folklore studies "folklore means something – to the tale teller, to the song singer, to the fiddler, and to the audience or addressees". The field assumes cultural units would not be passed along unless they had some continued relevance within the group, though their meaning can shift and morph with time.

Folklore is a naturally occurring and necessary component of any social group. Folklore does not need to be old; it continues through the modern day. It is created, transmitted, and used to establish "us" and "them" within a given group. The unique nature of a culture's folklore requires the development of methods of study by the culture at hand for effective identification and research. As a modern academic discipline, folklore studies straddles the space between the social sciences and the humanities.

The study of folklore originated in Europe in the first half of the 19th century with a focus on the oral folklore of the rural peasant populations. The "Kinder- und Hausmärchen" of the Brothers Grimm, first published 1812, is the best known collection of the verbal folklore of the European peasantry. This interest in stories, sayings and songs, i.e. verbal lore, continued throughout the 19th century and aligned the fledgling discipline of folklore studies with literature and mythology. By the turn into the 20th century, European folklorists remained focused on the oral folklore of the homogeneous peasant populations in their regions, while the American folklorists, led by Franz Boas, chose to consider Native American cultures in their research, and included the totality of their customs and beliefs as folklore. This distinction aligned American folklore studies with cultural anthropology and ethnology. American folklorists thus used the same data collection techniques as these fields in their own field research. This the diverse alliance of folklore studies with other academic fields offers a variety of theoretical vantage points and research tools to the field of folklore studies even as it continues to be a point of discussion within the field.

Public folklore is a relatively new offshoot of folklore studies, starting after the Second World War and modeled on the work of Alan Lomax and Ben Botkin in the 1930s. Lomax and Botkin emphasized applied folklore, with modern public sector folklorists working to document, preserve and present the beliefs and customs of diverse cultural groups in their region. These positions are often affiliated with museums, libraries, arts organizations, public schools, historical societies, etc. The most renowned of these is the American Folklife Center at the Smithsonian, which hosts the Smithsonian Folklife Festival every summer in Washington, DC. Public folklore differentiates itself from the academic folklore supported by universities, in which collection, research and analysis are primary goals.

Terminology
The field of folklore studies uses a wide-variety of sometimes synonymous terms. Folklore was the original term used in this discipline. Its synonym, folklife, came into circulation in the second half of the 20th century, at a time when some researchers felt that the term folklore was too closely tied exclusively to oral lore. The new term folklife, along with its synonym folk culture, is meant to include all aspects of a culture, not just the oral traditions. Folk process is used to describe the refinement and creative change of artifacts by community members within the folk tradition that defines the folk process. Professionals within this field, regardless of the other words they use, consider themselves to be folklorists.

Other terms which might be confused with folklore are popular culture and vernacular culture. However, pop culture tends to be in demand for a limited time, mass-produced and communicated using mass media. Individually, these tend to be labeled fads, and disappear as quickly as they appear. The term vernacular culture differs from folklore in its overriding emphasis on a specific locality or region. For example, vernacular architecture denotes the standard building form of a region, using the materials available and designed to address functional needs of the local economy. Folk architecture is a subset of this, in which the construction is not done by a professional architect or builder, but by an individual putting up a needed structure in the local style. Therefore, all folklore is vernacular culture, but not all vernacular culture necessarily folklore.

In addition to these terms, folklorism refers to "material or stylistic elements of folklore [presented] in a context which is foreign to the original tradition." This definition, offered by the folklorist Hermann Bausinger, does not discount the validity of meaning expressed in these "second hand" traditions. Many Walt Disney films and products belong in this category of folklorism; fairy tales become animated film characters, stuffed animals and bed linens. These manifestations of folklore traditions have their own significance for their audience.

Fakelore refers to artifacts which might be termed pseudo-folklore, manufactured items claiming to be traditional. The folklorist Richard Dorson coined this word, clarifying it in his book "Folklore and Fakelore". Current thinking within the discipline is that this term places undue emphasis on the origination of the artifact as a sign of authenticity of the tradition. Adjacently, the adjective folkloric is used to designate materials having the character of folklore or tradition, at the same time making no claim to authenticity.

Methodology
There are several goals of active folklore research. The first objective is to identify tradition bearers within a social group and to collect their lore, preferably in situ. Once collected, these data need to be documented and preserved to enable further access and study. The documented lore is then available to be analyzed and interpreted by folklorists and other cultural historians, and can become the basis for studies of either individual customs or comparative studies. There are multiple venues, be they museums, journals or folk festivals to present the research results. The final step in this methodology involves advocating for these groups in their distinctiveness.

The specific tools needed by folklorists to do their research are manifold.
 * The researchers must be comfortable in fieldwork; going out to meet their informants where they live, work, and perform.
 * They need to access archives housing a vast array of unpublished folklore collections.
 * They will want work with folk museums, to both view the collections, and present their own findings.
 * Bibliographies maintained by libraries and on line contain an important trove of articles from around the world.
 * The use of indexes allow them to view and use the categorization of artifacts which have already been established.
 * All work by a folklorist must be appropriately annotated in order to provide identifiable sources of the work.
 * For all folklorists terminology becomes a skill to master as they rub elbows not only with related academic fields but also with the colloquial understanding (what exactly is a fairy tale?). This shared vocabulary, with varying and sometimes divergent shades of meaning, needs to be used thoughtfully and consistently.
 * The use of printed sources to locate and identify further variants of a folk tradition is a necessary adjunct to the field research.
 * Because the transmission of folk artifacts preceded and ignored the establishment of national and political boundaries, it is important to cultivate international connections to folklorists in neighboring countries and around the world to compare both the artifacts researched and the methodology used.
 * A knowledge of the history of folklore studies is called for to identify the direction and more importantly the biases which the field has taken in the past, enabling us to temper the current analysis with more impartiality.

The folklorist also rubs shoulders with researchers, tools and inquiries of neighboring fields: literature, anthropology, cultural history, linguistics, geography, musicology, sociology, psychology. This is just a partial list of the fields of study related to folklore studies, all of which are united by a common interest in subject matter.

From antiquities to lore
It is well-documented that the term folklore was coined in 1846 by the Englishman William Thoms. He fabricated it for use in an article published in the August 22, 1846 issue of The Athenaeum. Thoms consciously replaced the contemporary terminology of popular antiquities or popular literature with this new word. Folklore was to emphasize the study of a specific subset of the population: the rural, mostly illiterate peasantry. In his published call for help in documenting antiquities, Thoms was echoing scholars from across the European continent to collect artifacts of older, mostly oral cultural traditions still flourishing among the rural populace. In Germany the Brothers Grimm had first published their "Kinder- und Hausmärchen" in 1812. They continued throughout their lives to collect German folk tales to include in their collection. In Scandinavia, intellectuals were also searching for their authentic Teutonic roots and had labeled their studies Folkeminde (Danish) or Folkermimne (Norwegian). Throughout Europe and America, other early collectors of folklore were at work. Thomas Crofton Croker published fairy tales from southern Ireland and, together with his wife, documented keening and other Irish funeral customs. Elias Lönnrot is best known for his collection of epic Finnish poems published under the title Kalevala. John Fanning Watson in the United States published the "Annals of Philadelphia".

With increasing industrialization, urbanization, and the rise in literacy throughout Europe in the 19th century, folklorists were concerned that the oral knowledge and beliefs, the lore of the rural folk would be lost. It was posited that the stories, beliefs and customs were surviving fragments of a cultural mythology of the region, pre-dating Christianity and rooted in pagan peoples and beliefs. This thinking goes in lockstep with the rise of nationalism across Europe. Some British folklorists, rather than lamenting or attempting to preserve rural or pre-industrial cultures, saw their work as a means of furthering industrialization, scientific rationalism, and disenchantment.

As the need to collect these vestiges of rural traditions became more compelling, the need to formalize this new field of cultural studies became apparent. The British Folklore Society was established in 1878 and the American Folklore Society was established a decade later. These were just two of a plethora of academic societies founded in the latter half of the 19th century by educated members of the emerging middle class. For literate, urban intellectuals and students of folklore the folk was someone else and the past was recognized as being something truly different. Folklore became a measure of the progress of society, how far we had moved forward into the industrial present and indeed removed ourselves from a past marked by poverty, illiteracy and superstition. The task of both the professional folklorist and the amateur at the turn of the 20th century was to collect and classify cultural artifacts from the pre-industrial rural areas, parallel to the drive in the life sciences to do the same for the natural world. "Folk was a clear label to set materials apart from modern life…material specimens, which were meant to be classified in the natural history of civilization. Tales, originally dynamic and fluid, were given stability and concreteness by means of the printed page."

Viewed as fragments from a pre-literate culture, these stories and objects were collected without context to be displayed and studied in museums and anthologies, just as bones and potsherds were gathered for the life sciences. Kaarle Krohn and Antti Aarne were active collectors of folk poetry in Finland. The Scotsman Andrew Lang is known for his 25 volumes of Andrew Lang's Fairy Books from around the world. Francis James Child was an American academic who collected English and Scottish popular ballads and their American variants, published as the Child Ballads. In the United States, Mark Twain was a charter member of the American Folklore Society. Both he and Washington Irving drew on folklore to write their stories. The 1825 novel Brother Jonathan by John Neal is recognized as the most extensive literary use of American folklore of its time.

Aarne–Thompson and the historic–geographic method
By the beginning of the 20th century these collections had grown to include artifacts from around the world and across several centuries. A system to organize and categorize them became necessary. Antti Aarne published a first classification system for folktales in 1910. It was later expanded into the Aarne–Thompson classification system by Stith Thompson and remains the standard classification system for European folktales and other types of oral literature. As the number of classified artifacts grew, similarities were noted in items which had been collected from very different geographic regions, ethnic groups and epochs.

In an effort to understand and explain the similarities found in tales from different locations, the Finnish folklorists Julius and Kaarle Krohne developed the Historical-Geographical method, also called the Finnish method. Using multiple variants of a tale, this investigative method attempted to work backwards in time and location to compile the original version from what they considered the incomplete fragments still in existence. This was the search for the "Urform", which by definition was more complete and more "authentic" than the newer, more scattered versions. The historic-geographic method has been succinctly described as a "quantitative mining of the resulting archive, and extraction of distribution patterns in time and space". It is based on the assumption that every text artifact is a variant of the original text. As a proponent of this method, Walter Anderson proposed additionally a Law of Self-Correction, i.e. a feedback mechanism which would keep the variants closer to the original form.

It was during the first decades of the 20th century that Folklore Studies in Europe and America began to diverge. The Europeans continued with their emphasis on oral traditions of the pre-literate peasant, and remained connected to literary scholarship within the universities. By this definition, folklore was completely based in the European cultural sphere; any social group that did not originate in Europe was to be studied by ethnologists and cultural anthropologists. In this light, some twenty-first century scholars have interpreted European folkloristics as an instrument of internal colonialism, in parallel with the imperialistic dimensions of early 20th century cultural anthropology and Orientalism. Unlike contemporary anthropology, however, many early European folklorists were themselves members of the prioritized groups that folkloristics was intended to study; for instance, Andrew Lang and James George Frazer were both themselves Scotsmen and studied rural folktales from towns near where they grew up.

In contrast to this, American folklorists, under the influence of the German-American Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict, sought to incorporate other cultural groups living in their region into the study of folklore. This included not only customs brought over by northern European immigrants, but also African Americans, Acadians of eastern Canada, Cajuns of Louisiana, Hispanics of the American southwest, and Native Americans. Not only were these distinct cultural groups all living in the same regions, but their proximity to each other caused their traditions and customs to intermingle. The lore of these distinct social groups, all of them Americans, was considered the bailiwick of American folklorists, and aligned American folklore studies more with ethnology than with literary studies.

Great Depression and the Federal Writers' Project
Then came the 1930s and the worldwide Great Depression. In the United States the Federal Writers' Project was established as part of the WPA. Its goal was to offer paid employment to thousands of unemployed writers by engaging them in various cultural projects around the country. These white collar workers were sent out as field workers to collect the oral folklore of their regions, including stories, songs, idioms and dialects. The most famous of these collections is the Slave Narrative Collection. The folklore collected under the auspices of the Federal Writers Project during these years continues to offer a goldmine of primary source materials for folklorists and other cultural historians.

As chairman of the Federal Writers' Project between 1938 and 1942, Benjamin A. Botkin supervised the work of these folklore field workers. Both Botkin and John Lomax were particularly influential during this time in expanding folklore collection techniques to include more detailing of the interview context. This was a significant move away from viewing the collected artifacts as isolated fragments, broken remnants of an incomplete pre-historic whole. Using these new interviewing techniques, the collected lore became embedded in and imbued with meaning within the framework of its contemporary practice. The emphasis moved from the lore to the folk, i.e. the groups and the people who gave this lore meaning within contemporary daily living.

German folklore in the Third Reich
In Europe during these same decades, folklore studies were drifting in a different direction. Throughout the 19th century folklore had been tied to romantic ideals of the soul of the people, in which folk tales and folksongs recounted the lives and exploits of ethnic folk heroes. Folklore chronicled the mythical origins of different peoples across Europe and established the beginnings of national pride. By the first decade of the 20th century there were scholarly societies as well as individual folklore positions within universities, academies, and museums. However, the study of German Volkskunde had yet to be defined as an academic discipline. In the 1920s this originally apolitical movement was coopted by nationalism in several European countries, including Germany, where it was absorbed into emerging Nazi ideology. The vocabulary of German Volkskunde such as Volk (folk), Rasse (race), Stamm (tribe), and Erbe (heritage) were frequently referenced by the Nazi Party. Their expressed goal was to re-establish what they perceived as the former purity of the Germanic peoples of Europe. The German anti-Nazi philosopher Ernst Bloch was one of the main analysts and critics of this ideology. "Nazi ideology presented racial purity as the means to heal the wounds of the suffering German state following World War I. Hitler painted the ethnic heterogeneity of Germany as a major reason for the country's economic and political weakness, and he promised to restore a German realm based on a cleansed, and hence strong, German people. Racial or ethnic purity" was the goal of the Nazis, intent on forging a Greater Germanic Reich. In the postwar years, departments of folklore were established in multiple German universities. However an analysis of just how folklore studies supported the policies of the Third Reich did not begin until 20 years after World War II in West Germany. Particularly in the works of Hermann Bausinger and Wolfgang Emmerich in the 1960s, it was pointed out that the vocabulary current in Volkskunde was ideally suited for the kind of ideology that the National Socialists had built up. It was then another 20 years before convening the 1986 Munich conference on folklore and National Socialism. This continues to be a difficult and painful discussion within the German folklore community.

After World War II
Following World War II, the discussion continued about whether to align folklore studies with literature or ethnology. Within this discussion, many voices were actively trying to identify the optimal approach to take in the analysis of folklore artifacts. One major change had already been initiated by Franz Boas. Culture was no longer viewed in evolutionary terms; each culture has its own integrity and completeness, and was not progressing either toward wholeness or toward fragmentation. Individual artifacts must have meaning within the culture and for individuals themselves in order to assume cultural relevance and assure continued transmission. Because the European folklore movement had been primarily oriented toward oral traditions, a new term, folklife, was introduced to represent the full range of traditional culture. This included music, dance, storytelling, crafts, costume, foodways and more.

In this period, folklore came to refer to the event of doing something within a given context, for a specific audience, using artifacts as necessary props in the communication of traditions between individuals and within groups. Beginning in the 1970s, these new areas of folklore studies became articulated in performance studies, where traditional behaviors are evaluated and understood within the context of their performance. It is the meaning within the social group that becomes the focus for these folklorists, foremost among them Richard Baumann and Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett. Enclosing any performance is a framework which signals that the following is something outside of ordinary communication. For example, "So, have you heard the one…" automatically flags the following as a joke. A performance can take place either within a cultural group, re-iterating and re-enforcing the customs and beliefs of the group. Or it can be performance for an outside group, in which the first goal is to set the performers apart from the audience.

This analysis then goes beyond the artifact itself, be it dance, music or story-telling. It goes beyond the performers and their message. As part of performance studies, the audience becomes part of the performance. If any folklore performance strays too far from audience expectations, it will likely be brought back by means of a negative feedback loop at the next iteration. Both performer and audience are acting within the "Twin Laws" of folklore transmission, in which novelty and innovation is balanced by the conservative forces of the familiar. Even further, the presence of a folklore observer at a performance of any kind will influence the performance itself in subtle and not-so-subtle ways. Because folklore is firstly an act of communication between parties, it is incomplete without inclusion of the reception in its analysis. The understanding of folklore performance as communication leads directly into modern linguistic theory and communication studies. Words both reflect and shape our worldview. Oral traditions, particularly in their stability over generations and even centuries, provide significant insight into the ways in which insiders of a culture see, understand, and express their responses to the world around them.

Three major approaches to folklore interpretation were developed during the second half of the 20th century. Structuralism in folklore studies attempts to define the structures underlying oral and customary folklore. Once classified, it was easy for structural folklorists to lose sight of the overarching issue: what are the characteristics which keep a form constant and relevant over multiple generations? Functionalism in folklore studies also came to the fore following World War II; as spokesman, William Bascom formulated the 4 functions of folklore. This approach takes a more top-down approach to understand how a specific form fits into and expresses meaning within the culture as a whole. A third method of folklore analysis, popular in the late 20th century, is the Psychoanalytic Interpretation, championed by Alan Dundes. His monographs, including a study of homoerotic subtext in American football and anal-erotic elements in German folklore, were not always appreciated and involved Dundes in several major folklore studies controversies during his career. True to each of these approaches, and any others one might want to employ (political, women's issues, material culture, urban contexts, non-verbal text, ad infinitum), whichever perspective is chosen will spotlight some features and leave other characteristics in the shadows.

With the passage in 1976 of the American Folklife Preservation Act, folklore studies in the United States came of age. This legislation follows in the footsteps of other legislation designed to safeguard more tangible aspects of our national heritage worthy of protection. This law also marks a shift in our national awareness; it gives voice to the national understanding that diversity within the country is a unifying feature, not something that separates us. "We no longer view cultural difference as a problem to be solved, but as a tremendous opportunity. In the diversity of American folklife we find a marketplace teeming with the exchange of traditional forms and cultural ideas, a rich resource for Americans". This diversity is celebrated annually at the Smithsonian Folklife Festival and many other folklife festivals around the country.

Folklore studies and nationalism in Turkey
Folklore interest sparked in Turkey around the second half of the nineteenth century when the need to determine a national language came about. Their writings consisted of vocabulary and grammatical rule from the Arabic and Persian language. Although the Ottoman intellectuals were not affected by the communication gap, in 1839, the Tanzimat reform introduced a change to Ottoman literature. A new generation of writers with contact to the West, especially France, noticed the importance of literature and its role in the development of institutions. Following the models set by Westerners, the new generation of writers returned to Turkey bringing the ideologies of novels, short stories, plays and journalism with them. These new forms of literature were set to enlighten the people of Turkey, influencing political and social change within the country. However, the lack of understanding for the language of their writings limited their success in enacting change.

Using the language of the "common people" to create literature, influenced the Tanzimat writers to gain interest in folklore and folk literature. In 1859, writer Sinasi Bozalti, wrote a play in simple enough language that it could be understood by the masses. He later produced a collection of four thousand proverbs. Many other poets and writers throughout the Turkish nation began to join in on the movement including Ahmet Midhat Efendi who composed short stories based on the proverbs written by Sinasi. These short stories, like many folk stories today, were intended to teach moral lessons to its readers.

Folklore studies in Chile
The study of folklore in Chile was developed in a systematic and pioneering way since the late 19th century. In the work of compiling the popular traditions of the Chilean people and of the original peoples, they stood out, not only in the study of national folklore, but also in Latin America. Ramón Laval, Julio Vicuña, Rodolfo Lenz, José Toribio Medina, Tomás Guevara, Félix de Augusta, and Aukanaw, among others, generated an important documentary and critical corpus around oral literature, autochthonous languages, regional dialects, and peasant and indigenous customs. They published, mainly during the first decades of the 20th century, linguistic and philological studies, dictionaries, comparative studies between the national folklores of Ibero-America, compilations of stories, poetry, and religious traditions. In 1909, at the initiative of Laval, Vicuña and Lenz, the Chilean Folklore Society was founded, the first of its kind in America. Two years later, it would merge with the recently created Chilean Society of History and Geography.

21st century
With the advent of the digital age, the question once again foregrounds itself concerning the relevance of folklore in this new century. Although the profession in folklore grows and the articles and books on folklore topics proliferate, the traditional role of the folklorist is indeed changing.

Globalization
The United States is known as a land of immigrants; with the exception of the first Indian nations, everyone originally came from somewhere else. Americans are proud of their cultural diversity. For folklorists, this country represents a trove of cultures rubbing elbows with each other, mixing and matching into exciting combinations as new generations come up. It is in the study of their folklife that we begin to understand the cultural patterns underlying the different ethnic groups. Language and customs provide a window into their view of reality. "The study of varying worldviews among ethnic and national groups in America remains one of the most important unfinished tasks for folklorists and anthropologists."

Contrary to a widespread concern, we are not seeing a loss of diversity and increasing cultural homogenization across the land. In fact, critics of this theory point out that as different cultures mix, the cultural landscape becomes multifaceted with the intermingling of customs. People become aware of other cultures and pick and choose different items to adopt from each other. One noteworthy example of this is the Jewish Christmas Tree, a point of some contention among American Jews.

Public sector folklore was introduced into the American Folklore Society in the early 1970s. These public folklorists work in museums and cultural agencies to identify and document the diverse folk cultures and folk artists in their region. Beyond this, they provide performance venues for the artists, with the twin objectives of entertainment and education about different ethnic groups. Given the number of folk festivals held around the world, it becomes clear that the cultural multiplicity of a region is presented with pride and excitement. Public folklorists are increasingly being involved in economic and community development projects to elucidate and clarify differing world views of the social groups impacted by the projects.

Computerized databases and big data
Once folklore artifacts have been recorded on the World Wide Web, they can be collected in large electronic databases and even moved into collections of big data. This compels folklorists to find new ways to collect and curate these data. Along with these new challenges, electronic data collections provide the opportunity to ask different questions, and combine with other academic fields to explore new aspects of traditional culture. Computational humor is just one new field that has taken up the traditional oral forms of jokes and anecdotes for study, holding its first dedicated conference in 1996. This takes us beyond gathering and categorizing large joke collections. Scholars are using computers firstly to recognize jokes in context, and further to attempt to create jokes using artificial intelligence.

Binary thinking of the computer age
As we move forward in the digital age, the binary thinking of the 20th century structuralists remains an important tool in the folklorist's toolbox. This does not mean that binary thinking was invented in recent times along with computers; only that we became aware of both the power and the limitations of the "either/or" construction. In folklore studies, the multiple binaries underlying much of the theoretical thinking have been identified – {dynamicism : conservatism}, {anecdote : myth}, {process : structure}, {performance : tradition}, {improvisation : repetition}, {variation : traditionalism}, {repetition : innovation}; not to overlook the original binary of the first folklorists: {traditional : modern} or {old : new}. Bauman re-iterates this thought pattern in claiming that at the core of all folklore is the dynamic tension between tradition and variation (or creativity). Noyes uses similar vocabulary to define [folk] group as "the ongoing play and tension between, on the one hand, the fluid networks of relationship we constantly both produce and negotiate in everyday life and, on the other, the imagined communities we also create and enact but that serve as forces of stabilizing allegiance."

This thinking only becomes problematic in light of the theoretical work done on binary opposition, which exposes the values intrinsic to any binary pair. Typically, one of the two opposites assumes a role of dominance over the other. The categorization of binary oppositions is "often value-laden and ethnocentric", imbuing them with illusory order and superficial meaning.

Linear and non-linear concepts of time
Another baseline of western thought has also been thrown into disarray in the recent past. In western culture, we live in a time of progress, moving forward from one moment to the next. The goal is to become better and better, culminating in perfection. In this model time is linear, with direct causality in the progression. "You reap what you sow", "A stitch in time saves nine", "Alpha and omega", the Christian concept of an afterlife all exemplify a cultural understanding of time as linear and progressive. In folklore studies, going backwards in time was also a valid avenue of exploration. The goal of the early folklorists of the historic-geographic school was to reconstruct from fragments of folk tales the Urtext of the original mythic (pre-Christian) world view. When and where was an artifact documented? Those were the important questions posed by early folklorists in their collections. Armed with these data points, a grid pattern of time-space coordinates for artifacts could be plotted.

Awareness has grown that different cultures have different concepts of time (and space). In his study "The American Indian Mind in a Linear World", Donald Fixico describes an alternate concept of time. "Indian thinking" involves "'seeing' things from a perspective emphasizing that circles and cycles are central to world and that all things are related within the Universe." He then suggests that "the concept of time for Indian people has been such a continuum that time becomes less relevant and the rotation of life or seasons of the year are stressed as important." In a more specific example, the folklorist Barre Toelken describes the Navajo as living in circular times, which is echoed and re-enforced in their sense of space, the traditional circular or multi-sided hogan. Lacking the European mechanistic devices of marking time (clocks, watches, calendars), they depended on the cycles of nature: sunrise to sunset, winter to summer. Their stories and histories are not marked by decades and centuries, but remain close in, as they circle around the constant rhythms of the natural world.

Within the last decades our time scale has expanded from unimaginably small (nanoseconds) to unimaginably large (deep time). In comparison, our working concept of time as {past : present : future} looks almost quaint. How do we map "tradition" into this multiplicity of time scales? Folklore studies has already acknowledged this in the study of traditions which are either done in an annual cycle of circular time (ex. Christmas, May Day), or in a life cycle of linear time (ex. baptisms, weddings, funerals). This needs to be expanded to other traditions of oral lore. For folk narrative is NOT a linear chain of isolated tellings, going from one single performance on our time-space grid to the next single performance. Instead it fits better into a non-linear system, where one performer varies the story from one telling to the next, and the performer's understudy starts to tell the story, also varying each performance in response to multiple factors.

Cybernetics
Cybernetics was first developed in the 20th century; it investigates the functions and processes of systems. The goal in cybernetics is to identify and understand a system's closed signaling loop, in which an action by the system generates a change in the environment, which in turn triggers feedback to the system and initiates a new action. The field has expanded from a focus on mechanistic and biological systems to an expanded recognition that these theoretical constructs can also be applied to many cultural and societal systems, including folklore. Once divorced from a model of tradition that works solely on a linear time scale (i.e. moving from one folklore performance to the next), we begin to ask different questions about how these folklore artifacts maintain themselves over generations and centuries.

The oral tradition of jokes as an example is found across all cultures, and is documented as early as 1600 B.C. Whereas the subject matter varies widely to reflect its cultural context, the form of the joke remains remarkably consistent. According to the theories of cybernetics and its secondary field of autopoiesis, this can be attributed to a closed loop auto-correction built into the system maintenance of oral folklore. Auto-correction in oral folklore was first articulated by the folklorist Walter Anderson in his monograph on the King and the Abbot published 1923. To explain the stability of the narrative, Anderson posited a “double redundancy”, in which the performer has heard the story from multiple other performers, and has himself performed it multiple times. This provides a feedback loop between repetitions at both levels to retain the essential elements of the tale, while at the same time allowing for the incorporation of new elements.

Another characteristic of cybernetics and autopoiesis is self-generation within a system. Once again looking to jokes, we find new jokes generated in response to events on a continuing basis. The folklorist Bill Ellis accessed internet humor message boards to observe in real time the creation of topical jokes following the 9/11 terrorist attack in the United States. "Previous folklore research has been limited to collecting and documenting successful jokes, and only after they had emerged and come to folklorists' attention. Now, an Internet-enhanced collection creates a time machine, as it were, where we can observe what happens in the period before the risible moment, when attempts at humour are unsuccessful.", that is before they have successfully mapped into the traditional joke format.

Second-order cybernetics states that the system observer affects the systemic interplay; this interplay has long been recognized as problematic by folklorists. The act of observing and noting any folklore performance raises without exception the performance from an unconscious habitual acting within a group, to and for themselves, to a performance for an outsider. "Naturally the researcher's presence changes things, in the way that any new entrant to a social setting changes things. When people of different backgrounds, agendas, and resources interact, there are social risks, and where representation and publication are taking place, these risks are exacerbated..."

Scholarly organizations and journals

 * American Folklore Society
 * International Society for Ethnology and Folklore
 * Journal of American Folklore
 * Journal of Folklore Research
 * The Society for Folk Life Studies
 * The Folklore Society
 * Western Folklore
 * Cultural Analysis

Notable folklorists
For a list of notable folklorists, go to the category list.

Associated theories and methods

 * Cultural Heritage
 * Environmental Determinism
 * Ethnology
 * Ethnopoetics, a method of recording text versions of oral poetry or narrative performances (i.e., verbal lore)
 * Fine Art
 * Functionalism (philosophy of mind)
 * Mimesis
 * Motif-Index of Folk-Literature
 * Museum folklore
 * Performance Studies
 * Romantic Nationalism
 * Social Evolution
 * Structuralism

title: Folklore studies


text:
Clovis point

Clovis points are the characteristically fluted projectile points associated with the New World Clovis culture, a prehistoric Paleo-American culture. They are present in dense concentrations across much of North America and they are largely restricted to the north of South America. There are slight differences in points found in the Eastern United States bringing them to sometimes be called "Clovis-like". Clovis points date to the Early Paleoindian period, with all known points dating from roughly 13,400–12,700 years ago (11,500 to 10,800 C14 years BP). As an example, Clovis remains at the Murry Springs Site date to around 12,900 calendar years ago (10,900 ± 50 C14 years BP). Clovis fluted points are named after the city of Clovis, New Mexico, where examples were first found in 1929 by Ridgely Whiteman.

A typical Clovis point is a medium to large lanceolate point with sharp edges, a third of an inch thick, one to two inches wide, and about 4 in long. Sides are parallel to convex, and exhibit careful pressure flaking along the blade edge. The broadest area is towards the base which is distinctly concave with concave grooves called "flutes" removed from one or, more commonly, both surfaces of the blade. The lower edges of the blade and base are ground to dull edges for hafting.

Around 10,000 years before present, a new type of fluted projectile point called Folsom appeared in archaeological deposits, and Clovis-style points disappeared from the continental United States. Most Folsom points are shorter in length than Clovis points and exhibit longer flutes and different pressure flaking patterns. This is particularly easy to see when comparing the unfinished preforms of Clovis and Folsom points.

Type description
Only a few recovered Clovis points are in their original condition. Most points were "reworked" to resharpen them or repair damage. This can make it difficult to identify which lithic tradition they come from.

Clovis type description:
 * Clovis is a comparatively large and heavy bifacially flaked fluted lanceolate point, lenticular to near oval in cross-section with parallel to moderately convex lateral edges, a majority having the latter.
 * Maximum width is usually at or slightly below midpoint, frequently resulting in rather long sharp tips.
 * Bases are normally only slightly concave, the depth usually ranging from 1 to 4 mm and arching completely across basal width.
 * Basal corners range from nearly square to slightly rounded without forming eared projections.
 * Length range is considerable, with a majority between 75 and 110 mm.
 * Maximum width range is 25 to 50 mm, a majority near the former.
 * Maximum thickness range, 5 to 10 mm.
 * Normally fluted on both faces.
 * Flutes are most often produced by multiple flake removals
 * Length and quality of flutes is greatly variable, with length usually 30% to 50% of overall point length, and the majority near the former
 * Base of flutes is often widened by subsequent removals of additional channel flakes or short wide flakes.
 * There is minimal post-fluting retouch of basal areas.
 * Overall flaking frequently irregular in both size and orientation, often including large facet remnants of early stage reduction processes
 * There is very moderate evidence of pressure flaking
 * Lower lateral and basal edges are smoothed by grinding, often resulting in slight tapering of base.
 * Clovis points do not have recurved (fishtail) lateral edges, or pronounced basal constrictions. *Neither do they have convex (Folsom-type) channel flake platform remnants

Specimens are known to have been made of flint, chert, jasper, chalcedony and other stone of conchoidal fracture.

Distribution
Clovis points have been found over most of North America and, less commonly, as far south as Venezuela. The widespread South American Fishtail or Fell projectile point style has been suggested to have derived from Clovis. Of the around 6000 points currently classified as Clovis found in the United States the majority were east of the Mississippi and especially in the Southeast. Some researchers suggest that many of the eastern points are misclassified and most real Clovis Points are found in the west. Significant Clovis find sites include:
 * Anzick site in Montana
 * Aubrey site in Texas
 * Big Eddy Site in Missouri
 * Blackwater Draw type site in New Mexico
 * Colby site in Wyoming
 * Dent site in Colorado
 * Domebo Canyon in Oklahoma
 * East Wenatchee Clovis Site in Washington
 * El Fin del Mundo in Sonora, Mexico
 * Gault site in Texas
 * Page–Ladson in Florida
 * Lehner Mammoth-Kill Site in Arizona
 * Murray Springs Clovis Site in Arizona
 * Naco Mammoth Kill Site in Arizona
 * Paleo Crossing site in Ohio
 * Ready site (aka Lincoln Hills site) in Illinois
 * Shawnee-Minisink Site in Pennsylvania
 * Simon site in Idaho
 * Sloth Hole in Florida

Fraudulent Clovis points have also emerged on the open market, some with false documentation.

Caches
Clovis points, along with other stone and bone/ivory tools, have been identified in over two dozen artifact caches. These caches range from the Mississippi River to the Rocky Mountains and Northwest United States. While the Anzick cache is associated with a child burial, the majority of caches appear to represent anticipatory material storage at strategic locations on the Pleistocene landscape. In May 2008, a major Clovis cache, now called the Mahaffey Cache, was found in Boulder, Colorado, with 83 Clovis stone tools though no actual Clovis Points. The tools were found to have traces of horse and cameloid protein. They were dated to 13,000 to 13,500 YBP, a date confirmed by sediment layers in which the tools were found and the types of protein residues found on the artifacts. The Fenn cache is an important collection of 56 items of uncertain provenance but that was probably discovered in 1902 "near the area where Utah, Wyoming, and Idaho meet" and was acquired by Forrest Fenn in 1988.

There is current debate on whether "assemblages", production debris typically found in Clovis sites (blade cores, large bifacial overface flakes, etc.) but without actual projectile points, actually date to the Clovis period or to later periods.

Origins
Whether Clovis toolmaking technology was developed in the Americas in response to megafauna hunting or originated through influences from elsewhere is an open question among archaeologists. Lithic antecedents of Clovis points have not been found in northeast Asia, from where the first human inhabitants of the Americas originated in the current consensus of archaeology. Some archaeologists have argued that similarities between points produced by the Solutrean culture in the Iberian peninsula of Europe suggest that the technology was introduced by hunters traversing the Atlantic ice-shelf and suggests that some of the first American humans were European (the Solutrean hypothesis). However, this hypothesis is not well-accepted as other archaeologists have pointed out that Solutrean and Clovis lithic technologies are technologically distinct (e.g. a lack of distinctive flutes in Solutrean technology), there is no genetic evidence for European ancestry in Indigenous North Americans, and the proposed Solutrean migration route was likely unsuitable.

title: Clovis point


text: User talk:66.153.56.82

title: User talk:66.153.56.82


text:
Talk:Leila Khaled

Translation
I used the Google translation as a starting point for the English article. I have then added a significant amount of human translation. Ydorb 21:02, 17 May 2004 (UTC)

 * Is this a copyright violation of anyone's work? Where is it from? - Tεx τ urε 21:08, 17 May 2004 (UTC)

 * The original was from the German Wikipedia Ydorb 16:49, 18 May 2004 (UTC).

 * Thanks. Good work! - Tεx τ urε 17:09, 18 May 2004 (UTC)

What is right - Rabin or Sharon?
The article states that the PFLP believed Yitzhak Rabin to be on the plane, however in the article about the PFLP it says they believed that Ariel Sharon was on the plane. What is correct? Ulflarsen 14:22, 9 March 2006 (UTC)

In the Aviation Security article, Khaled says she didn't know at the time, but now says it was Rabin. I'm inclined to say that the Rabin thing is a politically-motivated theory and the PFLP knows itself best (admittedly a gamble for an organization that probably operated on a need-to-know basis), but I don't know why Kaled herself now believes it was Rabin. Could we just say "Israeli VIP" and discuss the ambiguity?--144.92.120.73 04:09, 18 July 2006 (UTC)

She wasn't allowed to visit?
Is there some context for the assertion that she was "not allowed to visit" Haifa, the place of her birth? Did this injunction happen before or after she joined an organization opposed to the existence of Israel? Just wondering. Kaisershatner 14:11, 1 May 2006 (UTC)

Just wondering? Is that condescension or curiosity? Until I know better, I think "not permitted to visit" was probably just nice language for "Israeli occupation of the town in 1948." Here's the text, which appeared in the Guardian, which was linked from the main article, and will now be added as a citation as well, as suggested: Khaled was born in Haifa, now on the Israeli coast, but became a refugee with her family at a camp in Tyre, Lebanon, as a toddler in 1948. (During her 1969 hijacking of the TWA flight she forced the pilot to fly over Haifa, so that she could look at the home town she was not permitted to visit.) She can barely recall a time when she was not politicised: she remembers at the age of four being told by her mother not to pick oranges because they were in Lebanon; the fruit was not theirs, they were not in Haifa now. She committed herself full-time to armed struggle at the age of 15. --144.92.120.73 03:47, 18 July 2006 (UTC)

Im pretty sure with almost certainty she was "not allowed to visit" Haifa as I don't know of any refugees in Lebanon that are allowed to visit old homes or places of birth since the 1948 war. Even more so I don't know that there are even those that are allowed to go to the Israel, West Bank, & Gaza unless they are on official business such as working for news organizations or some other things. Im sure so at what point she joined the PFLP would more then likely make any difference or effect if she was allowed to visit Haifa. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 72.222.175.180 (talk) 16:41, 11 September 2007 (UTC)

Fair use rationale for Image:Leilakhalednow.JPG
Image:Leilakhalednow.JPG is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

Please go to the image description page and edit it to include a fair use rationale. Using one of the templates at Fair use rationale guideline is an easy way to ensure that your image is in compliance with Wikipedia policy, but remember that you must complete the template. Do not simply insert a blank template on an image page.

If there is other fair use media, consider checking that you have specified the fair use rationale on the other images used on this page. Note that any fair use images lacking such an explanation can be deleted one week after being tagged, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. If you have any questions please ask them at the Media copyright questions page. Thank you. BetacommandBot (talk) 23:04, 13 February 2008 (UTC)

She died several years ago
I will try to find a reference. This article is written entirely in the present tense, and the insert refers to a biography of a living person. I am certain that she is dead. Reg nim (talk) 20:41, 6 January 2009 (UTC)

She is still alive most possibly. Kasaalan (talk) 10:03, 7 January 2009 (UTC)

As far as I am aware she is still alive and well and living in Amman. PatGallacher (talk) 11:17, 7 January 2009 (UTC)

Given that she is emerging in South Africa shortly http://www.ciibroadcasting.com/2015/01/22/zionists-in-a-frenzy-over-leila-khaled-sa-visit/ she certainly isn't dead. Ender's Shadow Snr (talk) 14:15, 22 January 2015 (UTC)

Her religion
The article does not mention that she was a Christian. As a matter of fact PLPF was lead by a Christian Dr. George Habbash. All of the hijacking was done by this group, and not by Yasir Arafat's group. I am not blaming her religion for terrorism, but the Americans and Israelies always refers to PLPF hijacking as "Islamic Terrorism". Hassanfarooqi (talk) 20:55, 11 March 2010 (UTC)
 * If you have a source, we'll definitely add it in.Sherurcij (speaker for the dead) 04:10, 12 March 2010 (UTC)

'Prisoner exchange' or hostage release?
She was released in exchange for further hostages taken in a hijacking Ender's Shadow Snr (talk) 14:13, 22 January 2015 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just added archive links to 2 one external links on Leila Khaled. Please take a moment to review my edit. If necessary, add after the link to keep me from modifying it. Alternatively, you can add to keep me off the page altogether. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/20040820053731/http://www.aljazeerah.info:80/Opinion%20editorials/2002%20Opinion%20editorials/Oct%202002%20op%20eds/Oct%2017,%202002%20op%20eds.htm to http://www.aljazeerah.info/Opinion%20editorials/2002%20Opinion%20editorials/Oct%202002%20op%20eds/Oct%2017,%202002%20op%20eds.htm
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/20040716055135/http://www.screamingsecrets.com:80/discography/tx_albums/html/a_5.html to http://screamingsecrets.com/discography/tx_albums/html/a_5.html

When you have finished reviewing my changes, please set the checked parameter below to true to let others know.

Cheers.—cyberbot II  Talk to my owner :Online 15:21, 7 January 2016 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just added archive links to 1 one external link on Leila Khaled. Please take a moment to review my edit. If necessary, add after the link to keep me from modifying it. Alternatively, you can add to keep me off the page altogether. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/20080827170102/http://www.avsec.com/interviews/leila-khaled.htm to http://www.avsec.com/interviews/leila-khaled.htm

When you have finished reviewing my changes, please set the checked parameter below to true to let others know.

Cheers.—cyberbot II  Talk to my owner :Online 23:09, 9 February 2016 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified 4 one external links on Leila Khaled. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Corrected formatting/usage for http://www.mqm.com/English-News/Jan-2001/leilakhalid.htm
 * Corrected formatting/usage for http://irelandsown.net/leilakhalid2.html
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20040820053731/http://www.aljazeerah.info/Opinion%20editorials/2002%20Opinion%20editorials/Oct%202002%20op%20eds/Oct%2017,%202002%20op%20eds.htm to http://www.aljazeerah.info/Opinion%20editorials/2002%20Opinion%20editorials/Oct%202002%20op%20eds/Oct%2017,%202002%20op%20eds.htm
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20080827170102/http://www.avsec.com/interviews/leila-khaled.htm to http://www.avsec.com/interviews/leila-khaled.htm

When you have finished reviewing my changes, please set the checked parameter below to true or failed to let others know (documentation at ).

Cheers.— InternetArchiveBot  (Report bug) 18:18, 10 November 2016 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified 4 external links on Leila Khaled. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Corrected formatting/usage for http://www.aljazeerah.info/Opinion%20editorials/2002%20Opinion%20editorials/Oct%202002%20op%20eds/Oct%2017%2C%202002%20op%20eds.htm
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20132823491300/http://www.forumsocialmundial.org.br/dinamic.php?pagina=coletivas_280105_ing to http://www.forumsocialmundial.org.br/dinamic.php?pagina=coletivas_280105_ing
 * Corrected formatting/usage for http://www.aljazeerah.info/Opinion%20editorials/2002%20Opinion%20editorials/Oct%202002%20op%20eds/Oct%2017%2C%202002%20op%20eds.htm
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20060324074350/http://www.asi-mag.com/editorials/leila_khaled.htm to http://www.asi-mag.com/editorials/leila_khaled.htm

When you have finished reviewing my changes, you may follow the instructions on the template below to fix any issues with the URLs.

Cheers.— InternetArchiveBot  (Report bug) 17:34, 13 May 2017 (UTC)

IPA
IPA is probably something like /lajlaa xaalid/ [laj'la: 'xa:lid] (Modern Standard Arabic has only /aa ii uu a i u/, no /e/ etc.) Wathiik (talk) 11:21, 27 March 2018 (UTC)

Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 30 May 2019
The name for Sandton drive has not been changed. The local council has only resolved to rename it. Dylan.s10 (talk) 21:43, 30 May 2019 (UTC)
 * Red information icon with gradient background.svg Not done: please provide reliable sources that support the change you want to be made. Gangster8192 01:20, 31 May 2019 (UTC)
 * Source: Citizen
 * I live in Johannesburg; I drive on this road every other day. The road is still called Sandton Drive Setzor (talk) 06:00, 5 December 2023 (UTC)

Edit request 27 October 2020
Second paragraph in lede doesn't make sense gramatically. Please replace it with the following text:

Khaled came to public attention for her role in the TWA Flight 840 hijacking in 1969 and one of the four simultaneous Dawson's Field hijackings the following year as part of the campaign of Black September in Jordan. The first woman to hijack an airplane, she was later released in a prisoner exchange for civilian hostages kidnapped by her fellow PFLP members.

Thanks--Watchlonly (talk) 04:27, 27 October 2020 (UTC)
 * ✅, and thank you very much!  P.I. Ellsworth   ed.  put'r there 15:46, 27 October 2020 (UTC)

Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 9 November 2020
Palestine is spelled as "Palastine" in the in popular culture section. It needs to be fixed to Palestine. Evieliam (talk) 16:13, 9 November 2020 (UTC)
 * Yes check.svg Done Terasail [Talk] 16:52, 9 November 2020 (UTC)

Another instance of Zoom preventing Khaled from using their service
As mentioned in the Later life section of Khaled's article, Khaled's conference at San Francisco State University was blocked by Zoom. This also happened for her New York University webinar "We Will Not Be Silenced" in the fall of 2020. I cannot find a specific date or month for this, but there is a source right here: https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/22/nyregion/college-anti-semitism-bds.html
 * that section of the article also needs a minor fix: "Following lobbying by the Jewish coalition group "End Jewish Hatred," Zoom Video Communications along with YouTube and Facebook, prevented the conference from using their video conferencing software " – either the comma after "Facebook" needs to be removed or another comma added after "Communications" Vadim Galimov (talk) 15:39, 12 May 2021 (UTC)

Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 27 January 2021
Add external source Leila the Orange Tree, TV documentary by Rola Mansour 2000

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zxv4MerzIvU ROULA A1 (talk) 09:39, 27 January 2021 (UTC)

 * The YouTube video can't be linked to because it might be pirated. If you can find an official site or page for the documentary, I can add a link to that. Im The IP  (talk) 12:58, 27 January 2021 (UTC)

Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 6 June 2021
''Early Life

Khaled was born in Haifa, Mandatory Palestine, to Arab parents.[5] suggested to change to "Palestinian parents", specificity matters and using "Arab" in place of Palestinian not only negates the Palestinian identity as well as fuels Orientalism and anti-Arab racism.

''Later Life

According to Khaled, there is not an Arab-Israeli "peace process. It's a political process where the balance of forces is for the Israelis and not for us. They have all the cards to play with and the Palestinians have nothing to depend on, especially when the PLO is not united."[7] suggested to move beginning quotations to after 'peace process': According to Khaled, there is not an Arab-Israeli peace process. "It's a political process..." for grammar and clarity

In mid September 2020, Khaled was scheduled to speak at a virtual Zoom conference at San Francisco State University hosted by Professor Rabab Abdulhadi and Dr Tomomi Kinukawa. Following lobbying by the Jewish coalition group "End Jewish Hatred," suggested to add Zionist before Jewish: Following lobbying by the Zionist Jewish coalition group "End Jewish Hatred"... This group is specifically a Zionist Jewish coalition, they cite pro-Palestine rallies as well as claims of apartheid as examples of anti-Semitism. Again, specificity matters and denoting them only as a Jewish group feeds into the idea that all Jewish people are Zionists which can fuel anti-Semitic beliefs and actions.

Thank you for your time Seasweet (talk) 00:50, 6 June 2021 (UTC)
 * Red question icon with gradient background.svg Not done: it's not clear what changes you want to be made. Please mention the specific changes in a "change X to Y" format and provide a reliable source if appropriate. —  LeoFrank  Talk 10:24, 6 June 2021 (UTC)

A Terrorist isn't called a Terrorist
Stay classy wiki. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 95.90.240.42 (talk) 23:52, 24 June 2022 (UTC)

Atheist
Irreligious? Is that the political correct term for Atheist? 196.249.97.121 (talk) 18:17, 3 September 2022 (UTC)

She is a terrorist!!
Whoever wrote that she is a refugee is a shame to Wikipedia עמית בינדר1 (talk) 05:49, 8 December 2022 (UTC)

To have a neutral statements
I think it's better to describe here as Palestinian activist and considered to be a terrorist by allies of Israel. Otherwise the article is only one side point of view.

I know if I made the edit I may be blocked. محمود (talk) 11:23, 30 December 2022 (UTC)

 * She's a terrorist. She's not "considered" a terrorist; she is a terrorist. Whether you agree with her and celebrate her terrorism doesn't change the fact that she is "a person who uses unlawful violence and intimidation, especially against civilians, in the pursuit of political aims." That's the definition of a terrorist, of which she is one. The fact that Wikipedia can't identify her as what she is, merely proves what a joke Wikipedia has become. 24.162.72.220 (talk) 17:08, 9 January 2023 (UTC)

Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 14 January 2023
Leila Khaled was not a freedom fighter, she was a terrorist, stop spreading misinformation. 86.5.78.105 (talk) 23:42, 14 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Red question icon with gradient background.svg Not done: it's not clear what changes you want to be made. Please mention the specific changes in a "change X to Y" format and provide a reliable source if appropriate. the word "freedom" doesn't appear in this article. What exactly are you requesting be changed? Cannolis (talk) 01:26, 15 January 2023 (UTC)

edit request 22 October 2023
I would like an edit to remove a sentence or add a [citation needed]. The sentence is under "El Al Flight 219 (1970)", it's the line:

"However, while being overpowered, she withdrew the safety pin from one of the grenades and rolled it down the aisle towards the economy class passengers; miraculously it did not explode and thus cause general de-pressurisation and the probable crash of the plane.[9]"

The nearest references, 9 and 12, do not mention anything about her throwing a grenade. This line was inserted 25 May 2021 without additional sources provided. Thank you. BunnyBionics (talk) 10:33, 22 October 2023 (UTC)

 * Yeah I looked into it and the only reports of a grenade being thrown were about her partner after the pilot put them into a nosedive. I also don't know where they got the 'miraculously' bit. From what I read she's the only one mentioned to have pulled out the pins of the grenades so I'm guessing it slipped out of his hand and he never pulled the pin, which would explain it not exploding. That or he just forgot to throw the pin. The sources as to what exactly went down contradict a bit so we'll never really know. One says that they pulled out guns and approached the cockpit while another says Argüello didn't pull out his gun until he got hit in the head with a whiskey bottle and khaled only had grenades. Smcnicho (talk) 19:14, 19 November 2023 (UTC)

Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 19 November 2023
The report of the hijacking of El Al Flight 219 makes multiple errors. The sources report that the grenade which was reportedly thrown towards the passengers was thrown by her accomplice Argüello, not Khaled. Khaled had removed the pins from her grenades, and used them to threaten the pilots to gain access to the cockpit; no mention is made as to whether Argüello had ever removed the pin from his grenade. The report also states that the explosion of the grenade would result in the probable crash of the plane. This is speculation and no source indicates that the grenade would cause enough damage to crash the plane. The report currently claims that the pilot's refusal to comply was due to Argüello shooting a member of the flight crew; however, the sources indicate this shooting happened after the pilot had put the plane into a nose-dive. The report also states that the explosion of the grenade would result in the probable crash of the plane. This is speculation and no source indicates that the grenade would cause enough damage to crash the plane. Due to the report being almost completely made up of inaccuracy and speculation I suggest a complete rewrite of the following section. Due to sources having conflicting chronology I am avoiding details regarding how things went down exactly.

The attack was foiled when Israeli skymarshals killed Argüello before eventually overpowering Khaled. Although she was carrying two hand grenades at the time, Khaled said she had received very strict instructions not to threaten passengers on the civilian flight. However, while being overpowered, she withdrew the safety pin from one of the grenades and rolled it down the aisle towards the economy class passengers; miraculously it did not explode and thus cause general de-pressurisation and the probable crash of the plane.[9] Argüello had shot Vider, a member of the flight crew, twice, and the pilot Uri Bar-Lev therefore refused orders to return to Tel Aviv to bring Khaled to justice.[12]

The pilot diverted the aircraft to Heathrow Airport in London, where the two sky marshals were smuggled on the tarmac to another El Al aircraft waiting for takeoff to Tel Aviv. Vider was rushed to hospital with minutes to live and Khaled was delivered to Ealing police station. On October 1, the British government released her in exchange for hostages taken in a further hijacking.[13]

Change into: Khaled and Argüello threatened to detonate grenades if they were not granted access to the cockpit. The pilots refused to comply, and instead put the plane into a nosedive. Though sources differ on the chronology of these events, in the resulting scuffle someone hit Argüello in the head with a bottle of whiskey; Argüello shot and injured a crew member and reportedly threw a grenade which did not explode towards the passengers; and sky marshals shot Argüello multiple times, mortally wounding him. The pilot diverted the aircraft to Heathrow Airport in London. An ambulance took the injured crew member and Argüello to the hospital. The crewmember survived while Argüello died in the ambulance. Khaled was arrested though later released during a hostage exchange. Smcnicho (talk) 16:10, 19 November 2023 (UTC)

 * I think i found out what the report mean when it said "Argüello had shot Vider, a member of the flight crew, twice, and the pilot Uri Bar-Lev therefore refused orders to return to Tel Aviv to bring Khaled to justice" The page for Arguello states that the air marshals ordered him ot go to tel aviv so they could arrest khaled but he went to heathrow to get quicker medical attention. I couldn't find this in the nearest source on that page though so it might not be accurate but if it is then the source should be cited and the writing clarified. Smcnicho (talk) 19:23, 19 November 2023 (UTC)
 * ✅ * Pppery * it has begun... 02:48, 23 December 2023 (UTC)
 * I do not have time to look into this right now but I was looking back at this and noticed that one of my sources, 'Jewish Virtual Library' references the wikipedia page for the hijackings. Assuming that page to have been similarly inaccurate as this one was prior to the edits and to avoiding circular citations I suggest the removal of that source and a rereading to see if any edits are necessary to remove information coming solely from that source. Due to the bias this site has shown and the lack of proper research done their evidenced by citing said article I would also advise others to be very careful when using this source and to avoid it if at all possible. Smcnicho (talk) 18:35, 27 May 2024 (UTC)

Redundancy?
"[s]he joined the pan-Arab Arab Nationalist Movement" → → shouldn't it be "she joined the Arab Nationalist Movement"? 65.88.88.56 (talk) 19:33, 4 January 2024 (UTC)

El Al flight 219 (1970)
It might be appropriate to add commas, as per the following, to improve punctuation, "Argüello shot and injured a crew member and reportedly threw a grenade, which did not explode, towards the passengers; and sky marshals shot Argüello multiple times, mortally wounding him." Thank you Mickey Smiths (talk) 20:13, 8 February 2024 (UTC)

 * Proper punctuation is not my strongsuit so I would support this. Smcnicho (talk) 18:23, 27 May 2024 (UTC)
 * Ok, thanks. It will be better than it was. Mickey Smiths (talk) 05:39, 28 May 2024 (UTC)

Blatant WP:NPOV violations
In a revision from 12:52, 27 June 2024 misleadingly described as simply moving biographical details up to the intro, MeUser42's edit removed the reference to Khaled being a former refugee and changed the line describing her as a former militant to one describing her as a "terror operative." This seems like a clear WP:NPOV and MOS: TERRORIST issue.

2605:8D80:324:50AA:EC09:48B1:CC8D:231A (talk) 20:47, 5 July 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Leila Khaled


text:
Dictum

In legal writing, a dictum (Latin 'something that has been said'; plural dicta) is a statement made by a court. It may or may not be binding as a precedent.

United States
In United States legal terminology, a dictum is a statement of opinion considered authoritative (although not binding), given the recognized authority of the person who pronounced it.

There are multiple subtypes of dicta, although due to their overlapping nature, legal practitioners in the U.S. colloquially use dictum to refer to any statement by a court the scope of which extends beyond the issue before the court. Dicta in this sense are not binding under the principle of stare decisis, but tend to have a strong persuasive effect, by virtue of having been stated in an authoritative decision, or by an authoritative judge, or both. These subtypes include:
 * dictum proprium: A personal or individual dictum that is expressed by the judge who delivers an opinion but that is not necessarily concurred in by the whole court and that is not essential to the disposition of the case.
 * gratis dictum: an assertion that a person makes without being obligated to do so, or a court's discussion of a point or question not raised by the record, or its suggestion of a rule not applicable in the case at bar.
 * judicial dictum: an opinion by a court on a question that is directly involved, briefed, and argued by counsel, and even passed on by the court, but that is not essential to the decision.
 * obiter dictum in Latin means 'something said in passing', and relates to a comment made while delivering a judicial opinion which is not necessary to the decision in the case and therefore not precedential (although it may be considered persuasive).
 * simplex dictum: an unproved or dogmatic statement.

England
In English law, a dictum is any statement made as part of a judgment of a court. Thus the term includes dicta stated incidentally, in passing (obiter dicta), that are not a necessary part of the rationale for the court's decision (referred to as the ratio decidendi). English lawyers do not, as a rule, categorise dicta more finely than into those that are obiter and those that are not.

title: Dictum


text:
Talk:Polyiamond

Terminology
Do we call these animals polyamonds or polyiamonds? The former is the logical yield of back-formation from di-amond, which may be why Alan Peakall selected polyamond in the first place (see the revision history). However, polyiamond is generally accepted in the literature and preferred (by a 30:1 ratio) on the Internet. We are not trying to reinvent the English language here, so I'm moving to polyiamond. —Herbee 21:07, 2004 May 17 (UTC)

Hexiamonds
I added the 12 Hexiamonds as they constitute a puzzle which has some solutions by placing them in a 6x6 parallelogram divided in 72 equilateral triangles. I refer to it from the trivia section of the pentomino article and link to this page. Hoverfish 20:39, 28 September 2006 (UTC)

Polytetrahedra are not mathematically interesting
I removed a statement regarding the mathematical interest in polytetrahedra since it was an opinion (and may even be correct) but it is not an encyclopedic fact. Paul D. Anderson 20:35, 21 December 2006 (UTC)

Assessment comment
Substituted at 02:29, 5 May 2016 (UTC)

title: Talk:Polyiamond


text:
Robert Wright Jr.

Robert G. Wright Jr. is an FBI agent who has criticized the FBI's counterterrorist activities in the 1990s, when he worked in the Chicago division on terrorists with links to the Middle East, especially on the issue of money laundering. Specifically, he worked on project Vulgar Betrayal, which allegedly implicated Yasin al-Qadi. He wrote a detailed book which the FBI prevented him from publishing with threats of criminal prosecution. He complained that "FBI management intentionally and repeatedly thwarted and obstructed my attempts to launch a more comprehensive investigation to identify and neutralize terrorists."

Three months before the September 11 attacks, he wrote the following:

"Knowing what I know, I can confidently say that until the investigative responsibilities for terrorism are removed from the FBI, I will not feel safe. The FBI has proven for the past decade it cannot identify and prevent acts of terrorism against the United States and it's [sic] citizens at home and abroad. Even worse, there is virtually no effort on the part of the FBI's international terrorism unit to neutralize known and suspected terrorists residing within the United States."

After his revelations circa 2002–2003 he was demoted.

On May 6, 2009, Judge Gladys Kessler issued a ruling allowing Wright to publish his manuscript. Wright is focused on fighting the system of prepublication review and censorship of government employee writings.

Other FBI agents who supported Wright's allegations were John Vincent and Barry Carmody.

title: Robert Wright Jr.


text: User talk:68.70.198.49

title: User talk:68.70.198.49


text:
Jacobellis v. Ohio

Jacobellis v. Ohio, 378 U.S. 184 (1964), was a United States Supreme Court decision handed down in 1964 involving whether the state of Ohio could, consistent with the First Amendment, ban the showing of the Louis Malle film The Lovers (Les Amants), which the state had deemed obscene.

Background
Nico Jacobellis, manager of the Heights Art Theatre in the Coventry Village neighborhood of Cleveland Heights, Ohio, was charged with two counts of possessing and exhibiting an obscene film in [378 U.S. 184, 186] violation of Ohio Revised Code (1963 Supp.), convicted and ordered by a judge of the Cuyahoga County Court of Common Pleas to pay fines of $500 on the first count and $2,000 on the second, or if the fines were not paid, to be incarcerated at the workhouse, for exhibiting the film. Jacobellis' conviction was upheld by the Ohio Court of Appeals and the Supreme Court of Ohio.

Supreme Court
The Supreme Court of the United States reversed the conviction by ruling that the film was not obscene and so was constitutionally protected. However, the Court could not agree as to a rationale, yielding four different opinions from the majority. No opinion, including the two dissenting ones, had the support of more than two justices. The decision was announced by William J. Brennan, but his opinion was joined only by Justice Arthur Goldberg.

Justice Hugo Black, joined by Justice William O. Douglas, reiterated his well-known view that the First Amendment does not permit censorship of any kind. Chief Justice Earl Warren, in dissent, decried the confused state of the Court's obscenity jurisprudence and argued that Ohio's action was consistent with the Court's decision in Roth v. United States and furthered important state interests. Justice John Marshall Harlan II also dissented; he believed that states should have "wide, but not federally unrestricted" power to ban obscene films.

The most famous opinion from Jacobellis, however, was Justice Potter Stewart's concurrence, stating that the Constitution protected all obscenity except "hard-core pornography". He wrote, "I shall not today attempt further to define the kinds of material I understand to be embraced within that shorthand description; and perhaps I could never succeed in intelligibly doing so. But I know it when I see it, and the motion picture involved in this case is not that."

Subsequent developments
The Court's obscenity jurisprudence would remain fragmented until 1973's Miller v. California.

title: Jacobellis v. Ohio


text:
San Lucan skink

The San Lucan skink (Plestiodon lagunensis) is a skink (a type of lizard) native to the Baja California Peninsula.

Together with the western skink (P. skiltonianus), Gilbert's skink (P. gilberti), and the four-lined Asiatic skink (P. quadrilineatus), the San Lucan skink belongs to the so-called "skiltonianus group". The exact taxonomy within this group is being questioned and may need revision following DNA analysis research.

The San Lucan skink occurs only on the southernmost tip of Baja California, in the mountains around La Paz. They tend to nest in the same areas as western skinks, and are visibly similar.

title: San Lucan skink


text: User talk:164.107.205.246

title: User talk:164.107.205.246