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Ignazio Silone

Secondino Tranquilli (1 May 1900 – 22 August 1978), best known by the pseudonym Ignazio Silone, was an Italian politician, novelist, essayist, playwright, and short-story writer, world-famous during World War II for his powerful anti-fascist novels. Considered among the most well-known and read Italian intellectuals in Europe and in the world, his most famous novel, Fontamara, became emblematic for its denunciation of the condition of poverty, injustice, and social oppression of the lower classes, has been translated into numerous languages. From 1946 to 1963, he was nominated for the Nobel Prize in Literature.

For many years an anti-fascist exile abroad, Silone participated actively and in various phases of Italian politics, animating the cultural life of the country in the post-war period. He was among the founders of the Italy's Communist party in 1921; he was later expelled for his dissidence with the Stalinist party line, and moved to democratic socialist positions. The break with the Italian Communist Party in the years after World War II led him to be often opposed by Italian critics and rehabilitated belatedly despite a controversy about his relations with the Italian fascist secret police, while for all his career he was particularly appreciated abroad.

Early life and education
Silone was born in a rural family, in the town of Pescina, near L'Aquila, in the Abruzzo region. His father, Paolo Tranquilli, died in 1911, and he lost many of his family members, including his mother, Marianna Delli Quadri, in the 1915 Avezzano earthquake. He left his hometown and finished high school.

From the PSI to the PCd'I
In 1917, Silone joined the Young Socialists group of the Italian Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Italiano, PSI), rising to be their leader. In October 1920, while in Rome, he met Alfonso Leonetti, another socialist Meridionalist, with whom Silone would share, among other things, his opposition to Stalinism. Silone was a founding member of the breakaway Communist Party of Italy (Partito Comunista d'Italia, PCd'I) in 1921 and became one of its covert leaders during the Italian fascist regime. His brother, Romolo Tranquilli, was arrested in 1928 for being a member of the PCd'I and died in prison in 1931 as a result of the severe beatings he received.

Opposition to Stalinism, return to the PSI, and breakaway socialist activity
Silone left Italy in 1927 on a mission to the Soviet Union and settled in Switzerland in 1930. While there, he declared his opposition to Joseph Stalin and the leadership of Comintern; consequently, he was expelled from the PCd'I, and returned to the PSI. He suffered from tuberculosis and severe clinical depression and spent nearly a year in Swiss clinics; in Switzerland, Aline Valangin helped and played host to him and other migrants. As he recovered, Silone began writing his first novel, Fontamara, published in German translation in 1933. The English edition, first published by Penguin Books in September 1934, went through frequent reprintings during the 1930s, with the events of the Spanish Civil War and the escalation towards the outbreak of World War II increasing attention for its subject material.

In the course of World War II, Silone became the leader of a clandestine socialist organization operating from Switzerland to support Italian resistance groups in Nazi Germany-occupied Northern Italy (Italian Social Republic). He also became an Office of Strategic Services (OSS) agent under the pseudonym of Len. The United States Army printed unauthorized versions of Fontamara and Bread and Wine and distributed them to the Italians during the liberation of Italy after 1943. These two books together with The Seed Beneath the Snow form the Abruzzo Trilogy. Silone returned to Italy only in 1944, and two years later he was elected as a PSI deputy. In 1946, he became a contributor to Rosso e Nero, a magazine started and edited by Alberto Giovannini.

In 1948, Silone was a founder of the breakaway Union of Socialists (Unione dei Socialisti, UdS), succeeding Ivan Matteo Lombardo as the party's leader in June 1949. In December 1949, the UdS was dissolved, and its members (including Silone) joined the Unitary Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Unitario, PSU). In 1951, the PSU merged with Giuseppe Saragat's Italian Socialist Workers' Party (Partito Socialista dei Lavoratori Italiani, PSLI) to form the Italian Democratic Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Democratico Italiano, PSDI). Saragat encouraged Silone to stand for the Senate on the PSDI list in the 1953 Italian general election. As the experience was a failure, he spurned any active participation in Italian politics from then on.

Later writing and awards
Following his contribution to the anti-communist anthology The God That Failed (1949), Silone joined the Congress for Cultural Freedom and edited Tempo Presente together with Nicola Chiaromonte. In its first issue, Silone criticized political ideologies for being reduced "to the prerogative of reason of state or of party reason". In 1967, with the discovery that the journal received secret funds from the United States Central Intelligence Agency, Silone resigned and devoted all his energies to writing novels and autobiographical essays. In 1969, Silone was awarded the Jerusalem Prize, which goes to writers who deal with the theme of individual freedom and society. In 1971, he was awarded the prestigious Prix mondial Cino Del Duca.

Legacy
In Italy, Silone was often opposed by its critics, particularly after his break with the PCI and the post-war years, but was more appreciated abroad; for example, Silone was enjoyed by the likes of Heinrich Böll, Albert Camus, and Thomas Mann while critics, such as Carlo Salinari in L'Unità, defined him as a "renegade" and a "failure". His reputation in Italy improved mainly after his death. In the words of Marco Malvestuto, Silone was "opposed by his former party colleagues, often misunderstood, and never well enough known". Outside of Italy, he became world-famous for his powerful anti-fascist novels. According to Malvestuto, "Ignazio Silone is best known for his literary production and his narrative novels epics of the Marsican 'bosses'. Less known is the political thinker Silone, whose contribution, perhaps underestimated by official historiography, brings us into contact with an intellectual who is in some ways original, capable of combining political commitment and critical ability; faith towards humanity and scepticism towards institutions and ideologies; trust in social justice and openness to forms of social coexistence inspired by liberal-federalist models." Politically, Salone, one of the founders of Italy's Communist party, wanted to go beyond orthodox communism through federalism and liberal socialism, had a diatribe with the long-time PCI leader Palmiro Togliatti, spoke of the weakness of democratic institutions, and his meetings with Carlo Rosselli and Giustizia e Libertà members led him to rethink socialism away from Marxism–Leninism. Silone defined himself as a "Christian without church and socialist without party", and is considered the archetypical Italian anti-fascist.

In the 1990s, Italian historians Dario Biocca and Mauro Canali found documents that implied that Silone had acted as an informant for the Fascist police from 1919 until 1930. It is believed that the reason he broke from the Italian fascist secret police OVRA is that they tortured his brother. The two historians published the results of their research in a work titled ''L'informatore. Silone, i comunisti e la polizia'', which attracted significant attention, as well as controversy and criticism. In 2003, Elizabeth Leake put forward the thesis, based on the work of Biocca and Canali, that Silone would have invented his own image, his identity, and life, accusing him of having been a false-socialist spy for the police and then a false-communist spy for the fascists. In her work, Leake does not accept the thesis according to which Silone, who repented after having acted as a fascist spy within the Communist party, redeemed himself through anti-fascist literary works, and goes further; according to Leake, Silone had always been a traitor after the breakdown of the relationship with the fascist police commissioner Ernesto Belloni, an event that according to Leake "represented, for Silone, the event more significant and dramatic than his expulsion from the Italian Communist Party in 1931 or the death of his brother in 1932". According to Leake, he decided to reinvent his identity by creating a fictitious Silone through literary works, with which to sanctify and exalt himself, and "with Romolo dead, there was no one left to corroborate or to contradict Silone's stories." Critics of her thesis, such as Maria Moscardelli, negatively summarized Leake's thesis as arguing that Silone would be the 20th-century political equivalent of Alessandro Cagliostro. A 2005 biography by Biocca also included documents showing Silone's involvement with American intelligence (the OSS) during and after World War II, suggesting that Silone's political stands and extensive literary work should be reconsidered in light of a more complex personality and political engagements.

Abroad, Silone remained appreciated, and was defended by the likes of Christopher Hitchens. The original book by Biocca and Canali was strongly criticized by Mimmo Franzinelli, a historian who is considered an expert on the OVRA, as well as by the Nenni Foundation president Giuseppe Tamburrano, who saw him as "a consistently indefatigable enemy of Mussolini's regime" in contrast to Biocca and Canali's Silone as "the cleverest and most effective informer for the Fascist police". Biocca and Canali's work was also criticized by Indro Montanelli, and in articles and essays that appeared in La Stampa and in Corriere della Sera, as well as interviews with the likes of Norberto Bobbio, among others, who argued that the accuses first put forward by Biocca and Canali against Silone were done either in bad faith or in good faith but with mediocre scholarship. Conversely, in the words of Antonio Fadda in 2015, "I don't think there is much uncertainty anymore about the relationships that Secondino Tranquilli (better known as Ignazio Silone) had with the Italian state police in the early years of the fascist regime. ... It has often been explained that Silone's collaboration with Bellomo had a humanitarian purpose. It served to obtain better conditions for his brother Romolo, a member of the party, accused of complicity in a bloody attack in Milan, arrested, and treated harshly during police interrogations. The concern for his brother's fate was real and justified. But there were probably other reasons that belong to the domain of psychology rather than that of political analysis. Silone was a complicated man, troubled by doubts, examinations of conscience, introspective analyses, feelings of guilt: qualities and virtues that would have made him a great writer, rather than a political leader."

Personal life
Silone was married to Darina Laracy (1917–2003), an Irish student of Italian literature and journalist. He died in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1978.

Novels

 * Fontamara (1930) – Fontamara, translated by Michael Wharf (1934); Gwenda David and Eric Mosbacher (1938); Harvey Fergusson II (1960).
 * Un viaggio a Parigi (1934) – Mr. Aristotle, translated by Samuel Putnam (1935), short stories.
 * Pane e vino (1936) – Bread and Wine, translated by Gwenda David and Eric Mosbacher (1936).
 * Il seme sotto la neve (1941) – The Seed Beneath the Snow, translated by Frances Frenaye (1942).
 * Una manciata di more (1952) – A Handful of Blackberries, translated by Darina Silone (1953).
 * Pane e vino (revised version, 1955) – Bread and Wine, translated by Harvey Fergusson II (1962).
 * Il segreto di Luca (1956) – The Secret of Luca, translated by Darina Silone (1958).
 * La volpe e le camelie (1960) – The Fox and the Camelias, translated Eric Mosbacher (1961).
 * Severina (1981), completed after his death by Darina Silone.
 * The Abruzzo Trilogy: Fontamara, Bread and Wine, The Seed Beneath the Snow, translated by Eric Mosbacher, revised by Darina Silone (2000).

Essays
Three of Silone's poems were included by Hanns Eisler in his Deutsche Sinfonie, along with poetry by Bertolt Brecht.
 * Il fascismo. Origini e sviluppo (1934).
 * La scuola dei dittatori (1938) – The School for Dictators, translated by Gwenda David and Eric Mosbacher (1939).
 * Memoriale dal carcere svizzero (1942) – Memoi from a Swiss Prison, translated by Stanislao G. Pugliese (2006).
 * The God that Failed (1949) – contribution.
 * Uscita di sicurezza (1965) – Emergency Exit, translated by Harvey Fergusson II (1968).
 * L'Avvenire dei lavoratori (1945).
 * A Conversation in Paris (1955), The Anchor Review, Number One of a Series, Garden City, New York: Doubleday Anchor Books.
 * Mazzini (1939) – introductory essay, translated by Arthur Livingstone, to The Living Thoughts of Mazzini Presented by Ignazio Silone (1939).

Theatre

 * Ed egli si nascose (1944) – And He Hid Himself: A Play in Four Acts, translated by Darina Silone (1946).
 * L'avventura di un povero cristiano (1968) – The Story of a Humble Christian, translated by William Weaver (1970).

Cinematic versions

 * A version of Fontamara, directed by Carlo Lizzani and starring Michele Placido, was released in 1977.

title: Ignazio Silone


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Longueville, Calvados

Longueville is a commune in the Calvados department in the Normandy region in northwestern France.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Longueville, Calvados


text: Talk:Bene Tleilax

title: Talk:Bene Tleilax


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Direct therapeutic exposure

Direct therapeutic exposure (DTE) is a behavior therapy technique pioneered by Patrick A. Boudewyns, where stressors are vividly and safely confronted to help combat veterans, and patients with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), panic disorder, or phobias. Exposure therapy has supporting evidence with both simple and complex traumas. A similar therapy is Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing (EMDR). First known publication in book form is Flooding and Implosive Therapy: Direct Therapeutic Exposure in Clinical Practice by Patrick A. Boudewyns, Robert H. Shipley. 1983. ISBN 0-306-41155-5.

It is not uncommon to combine DTE treatment with other therapies.

Use
Direct exposure has been used with a variety of populations including agoraphobia and chronic PTSD It involves as the name applies placing the client either real or imaginally in the feared situation.

title: Direct therapeutic exposure


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'O sole mio

"O sole mio" is a well-known Neapolitan song written in 1898. Its Neapolitan language lyrics were written by Giovanni Capurro and the music was composed by Eduardo di Capua (1865–1917) and Alfredo Mazzucchi (1878–1972). The title translates literally as "my sun" or "my sunshine". The lyrics have been translated to other languages.

Recordings

O sole mio" has been performed and covered by many artists, including Luciano Pavarotti, Enrico Caruso, Rosa Ponselle and her sister Carmella, Andrea Bocelli, Beniamino Gigli, Richard Tucker and Mario Lanza. Sergio Franchi recorded this song on his 1962 RCA Victor Red Seal debut album Romantic Italian Songs. Luciano Pavarotti won the 1980 Grammy Award for Best Classical Vocal Performance for his rendition of O sole mio".

Authorship and copyright
For nearly 75 years after its publication, the music of 'O sole mio had generally been attributed to Eduardo di Capua alone. According to the traditional account, di Capua had composed it in April 1898 in Odessa, while touring with his father's band. It has turned out, however, that the melody was an elaboration of one of 23 which di Capua had bought from another musician, Alfredo Mazzucchi, in the preceding year.

In November 1972, shortly after her father's death, Mazzucchi's daughter lodged a declaration with Italy's Office of Literary, Artistic and Scientific Property, which sought to have her father recognised as a co-composer of 18 of di Capua's songs, including 'O sole mio. In October 2002, Maria Alvau, a judge in Turin, upheld the declaration, ruling that Mazzucchi had indeed been a legitimate co-composer of the 18 songs, because they included melodies he had composed and then sold to di Capua in June 1897, with a written authorisation for the latter to make free use of them. At the time of the decision, therefore, the melody of 'O sole mio had not yet—as had been widely supposed—entered into the public domain in any country that was a party to the Berne Convention during the relevant period. In most countries where copyright in a work lasts for 70 years after any of its authors' deaths, the melody will remain under copyright until 2042.

English versions
In 1915, Charles W. Harrison recorded the first English translation of O sole mio". In 1921, William E. Booth-Clibborn wrote lyrics for a hymn using the music, entitled "Down from His Glory."

In 1949 U.S. singer Tony Martin recorded "There's No Tomorrow" with lyrics by Al Hoffman, Leo Corday, and Leon Carr, which used the melody of O sole mio". About ten years later, while stationed in Germany with the U.S. Army, Elvis Presley heard the recording and put to tape a private version of the song. Upon his discharge, he requested that new lyrics be written especially for him, a job that was undertaken by the songwriting duo of Aaron Schroeder and Wally Gold, with a demo by David Hill. The rewritten version was entitled "It's Now or Never" and was a worldwide hit for Presley. When performing it in concert in the mid-1970s, Elvis would explain the origin of "It's Now Or Never" and have singer Sherrill Nielsen perform a few lines of the original Neapolitan version before commencing with his version.

Bing Crosby included the song in a medley on his album 101 Gang Songs (1961). Actor John Schneider also had a hit with it in 1981. It was on the Billboard Pop charts at number 14 and the Country charts at number 4.

In popular culture

 * At the opening ceremony of the 1920 Summer Olympics in Antwerp, O sole mio" was played in place of the Italian national anthem, whose sheet music had not been delivered to the band.
 * A series of television commercials for Cornetto ice cream, broadcast regularly in Britain during the 1980s, used a jingle ("Just One Cornetto ...") set to the melody of O sole mio". The jingle was widely reported as having been performed by Renato Pagliari,  but after Pagliari's death in 2009, his son denied this.
 * In the 1999 Chinese film Shower, Miaozhuang practices O sole mio" in the bathhouse for the Neighborhood Culture Party, and is only able to sing it in front of others when Erming sprays him with water. Erming later sings O sole mio" to bid farewell to the bathhouse.

title: 'O sole mio


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It's Now or Never (game show)

It's Now or Never is a British game show, hosted by Phillip Schofield that aired on ITV, for a period of two episodes.

Episodes
The first episode was broadcast on 22 July 2006, and was notable for featuring a live marriage proposal. The second episode was eventually broadcast on 30 December 2006, which focused on a woman called Louise Holliday, desperate to prove to her closest friend, who has been fighting a serious illness - how much she cares about her.

Cancellation
The series was cancelled after airing only one episode, as a result of poor ratings - 1.7 million saw the programme in its Saturday night prime time slot.

With low ratings, ITV decided to replace the following week's episode, 29 July 2006, with a repeat of outtakes show It'll Be Alright on the Night.

title: It's Now or Never (game show)


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CPU-bound

In computer science, a task, job or process is said to be CPU-bound (or compute-bound) when the time it takes for it to complete is determined principally by the speed of the central processor. The term can also refer to the condition a computer running such a workload is in, in which its processor utilization is high, perhaps at 100% usage for many seconds or minutes, and interrupts generated by peripherals may be processed slowly or be indefinitely delayed.

As applied to jobs
CPU-bound jobs will spend most of their execution time on actual computation ("number crunching" ) as opposed to e.g. communicating with and waiting for peripherals such as network or storage devices (which would make them I/O bound instead). Such jobs can often benefit from parallelization techniques such as multithreading if the underlying algorithm is amenable to it, allowing them to distribute their workload among multiple CPU cores and be limited by its multi-core rather than single-core performance.

As applied to computers
The concept of CPU-bounding was developed during early computers, when data paths between computer components were simpler, and it was possible to visually see one component working while another was idle. Example components were CPU, tape drives, hard disks, card-readers, and printers. Computers that predominantly used peripherals were characterized as I/O bound. Establishing that a computer is frequently CPU-bound implies that upgrading the CPU or optimizing code will improve the overall computer performance.

With the advent of multiple buses, parallel processing, multiprogramming, preemptive scheduling, advanced graphics cards, advanced sound cards and generally, more decentralized loads, it became less likely to identify one particular component as always being a bottleneck. It is likely that a computer's bottleneck shifts rapidly between components. Furthermore, in modern computers it is possible to have 100% CPU utilization with minimal impact to another component. Finally, tasks required of modern computers often emphasize quite different components, so that resolving a bottleneck for one task may not affect the performance of another. For these reasons, upgrading a CPU does not always have a dramatic effect. The concept of being CPU-bound is now one of many factors considered in modern computing performance.

title: CPU-bound


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JHOVE

JHOVE (JSTOR/Harvard Object Validation Environment) - pronounced "jove" - is a format-specific digital object validation API written in Java. JHOVE was a joint project of JSTOR and the Harvard University Library to develop an extensible framework for format validation. The Open Preservation Foundation took over stewardship of JHOVE in February 2015.

JHOVE is currently available for downloading as version 1.22. It is licensed under the LGPLv2. The download includes both a command line and a GUI version. It is designed so that third parties can attach different "heads" to the software, and so can be integrated with other applications that need to validate files. It can be run on any Unix, Windows, or Macintosh OS X platform which supports Java 1.6.

Currently supported formats are AIFF, ASCII, Bytestream, GIF, HTML, JPEG, JPEG 2000, PDF, TIFF, UTF-8, WAV, and XML. Documents are analyzed and checked for being well-formed (consistent with the basic requirements of the format) and valid (generally signifying internal consistency). JHOVE notes when a file satisfies specific profiles within formats (e.g., PDF/X, HTML 4.0).

A successor called JHOVE2 is currently available; however, it has a completely separate code base, and was last updated in 2014.

title: JHOVE


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Coat of arms of Germany

The coat of arms of Germany displays a black eagle with a red beak, a red tongue and red feet on a golden field, which is blazoned: Or, an eagle displayed sable beaked langued and membered gules. This is the Bundesadler (German for "Federal Eagle"), formerly known as Reichsadler (, German for "Imperial Eagle"). It is one of the oldest coats of arms in the world, and today the oldest national symbol used in Europe.

It is a re-introduction of the coat of arms of the Weimar Republic (in use 1919–1935), which was adopted by the Federal Republic of Germany in 1950. The current official design is due to (1887–1967) and was originally introduced in 1928.

The German Empire of 1871–1918 had re-introduced the medieval coat of arms of the Holy Roman Emperors, in use during the 13th and 14th centuries (a black single-headed eagle on a golden background), before the emperors adopted the double-headed eagle, beginning with Sigismund of Luxemburg in 1433. The single-headed Prussian Eagle (on a white background; blazoned: Argent, an eagle displayed sable) was used as an escutcheon to represent the Prussian kings as dynasts of the German Empire. The Weimar Republic introduced a version in which the escutcheon and other monarchical symbols were removed.

The Federal Republic of Germany adopted the Weimar eagle as its symbol in 1950. Since then, it has been known as the Bundesadler ("federal eagle"). The legal basis of the use of this coat of arms is the announcement by President Theodor Heuss, Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and Interior Minister Gustav Heinemann of 20 January 1950, which is word for word identical to the announcement by President Friedrich Ebert and Interior Minister Erich Koch-Weser by 11 November 1919:

"By reason of a decision of the Federal Government I hereby announce that the Federal coat of arms on a gold-yellow shield shows the one headed black eagle, the head turned to the right, the wings open but with closed feathering, beak, tongue and claws of red color. If the Federal Eagle is shown without a frame, the same charge and colors as those of the eagle of the Federal coat of arms are to be used, but the tops of the feathers are directed outside. The patterns kept by the Federal Ministry of the Interior are definitive for the heraldic design. The artistic design is reserved to each special purpose."

- The Federal President Theodor Heuß, The Federal Chancellor Adenauer, The Federal Minister of the Interior Heinemann

Since the accession (1990) of the states that used to form the German Democratic Republic, the Federal Eagle has been the symbol of the reunified Germany.

Official depictions of the eagle can be found not only in the federal coat of arms but also on the federal institutions flag, the standard of the president of Germany and official seals. These are designs by various artists of the Weimar period and differ primarily in the shape and position of the wings. A large and rather plump version of the eagle decorates the chamber of the Bundestag, the German parliament; it is sometimes called Fette Henne ("Fat Hen"), with a similar representation found on the German euro coins. In addition to the official depictions, artistic renderings of the federal eagle are permitted and have found their way onto coins, stamps and the letterhead of federal authorities. In 1997 the Federal Press Office implemented a slightly simplified version of the original von Weech seal design which has since been used as a corporate design of the Federal government especially for publications and media appearances. It has no official status though as it is not mentioned in any ordinance or shown in the binding patterns of 1952 still in effect.

Holy Roman Empire
The German Imperial Eagle (Reichsadler) originates from a proto-heraldic emblem believed to have been used by Charlemagne, the first Frankish ruler crowned Holy Roman Emperor by the Pope in 800, and derived ultimately from the Aquila or eagle standard, of the Roman army.

By the 13th century the imperial coat of arms was generally recognized as: Or, an eagle displayed sable beaked and membered gules (a black eagle with wings expanded with red beak and legs on a gold field). During the medieval period the imperial eagle was usually single-headed. A double-headed eagle is attributed as the arms of Frederick II in the Chronica Majora (c. 1250). In 1433 the double-headed eagle was adopted by Sigismund, Holy Roman Emperor. Thereafter the double-headed eagle was used as the arms of the German emperor, and hence as the symbol of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. From the 12th century the Emperors also used a personal coat of arms separate from the imperial arms. From the reign of Albert II (reigned 1438–39), the Emperors bore the old Imperial arms with an inescutcheon of pretence of his personal family arms, which appears as the black eagle with an escutcheon on his breast.

German Confederation
In 1815, a German Confederation (Bund) of 39 loosely united German states was founded on the territory of the former Holy Roman Empire. Until 1848, the confederation did not have a coat of arms of its own. The Federal Diet (Bundestag) meeting at Frankfurt am Main used a seal which carried the emblem of the Austrian Empire, since Austria had taken over the union's leadership. It showed a black, double-headed eagle, which Austria had adopted just before the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation.

During the 1848 revolution, a new Reich coat of arms was adopted by the National Assembly that convened in St. Paul's Church in Frankfurt. The black double-headed eagle was retained, but without the four symbols of the emperor: the sword, the imperial orb, the sceptre and the crown. The eagle rested on a golden shield; above was a five-pointed golden star. On both sides the shield was flanked by three flags with the colors black-red-gold. The emblem, however, never gained general acceptance.

The coat of arms itself was the result of a decision of the federal assembly: "The federal assembly constitutes the old German imperial eagle with the surrounding scripture "German Confederation" and the colors of the former German imperial coat of arms – black, red, gold – to be the coat of arms and colors of the German Confederation and reserves the right, to make further decision about its use according to the lecture of the committee."

- The Federal Assembly of the German Confederation

North German Confederation
In 1867, the North German Confederation was established without Austria and the four southern German states (Bavaria, Württemberg, Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt with only its southern half) and under the leadership of the Kingdom of Prussia (see Coat of arms of Prussia). A new coat of arms was adopted, which consisted of a shield with the colors black-white-red, flanked by two wild men holding cudgels and standing on a pedestal.

German Empire
The Reichsadler had already been introduced at the Proclamation of Versailles, although the first version had been only a provisional one. The design of the eagle was altered at least twice during the German Empire (1871–1918). It shows the imperial eagle, a comparatively realistic black eagle, with the heraldic crown of the German Empire. The eagle has a red beak, tongue and claws, with open wings and feathers. In contrast to its predecessor, the eagle of the German Confederation, it has only one head, looking to the right, symbolising that important parts of the old empire, Austria and Bohemia, were not part of this new empire. Its legal basis was an imperial rescript: "To the Reich Chancellor Prince of Bismarck. Following your report of 27 June of this year I authorise: 1. that public authorities and public servants, appointed by the Emperor according to the requirements of the constitution and the laws of the German Empire, are to be called imperial; 2. that the black, one-headed, rightward-looking eagle with red beak, tongue and claws, without scepter and orb, on the breast shield the Prussian eagle, overlaid with the shield of the House of Hohenzollern, (i.e. with inescutcheon of pretence of Hohenzollern ("quarterly argent and sable")) over the same the crown in the form of the crown of Charlemagne, but with two crossing bows, may be brought into use; 3. that the Imperial standard [Script continues]"

- Kaiser Wilhelm

Weimar Republic

After the introduction of the republic the coat of arms of Germany was also altered accounting for the political changes. The Weimar Republic (1918–1933), retained the Reichsadler without the symbols of the former Monarchy (Crown, Collar, Breast shield with the Prussian Arms). This left the black eagle with one head, facing to the right, with open wings but closed feathers, with a red beak, tongue and claws and white highlighting.

The republican Reichsadler is based on the Reichsadler introduced by the Paulskirche Constitution of 1849, which was decided by the Germany National Assembly in Frankfurt upon Main, at the peak of the German civic movement demanding parliamentary participation and the unification of the German states. The achievements and signs of this movement had been mostly done away after its downfall and the political reaction in the 1850s. Only the tiny German Principality of Waldeck-Pyrmont upheld the tradition and continued to use the German colours called Schwarz-Rot-Gold in German (Black-Red-Or).

These signs had remained symbols of the Paulskirche movement and Weimar Germany wanted to express its view of being also originated in that political movement between 1848 and 1852. The republican coat of arms took up the idea of the German crest established by the Paulskirche movement, using the same charge animal, an eagle, in the same colors (black, red and or), but modernising its form, including a reduction of the heads from two to one. The artistic rendition of the eagle was very realistic. This eagle is mounted on a yellow (golden) shield. The coat of arms was announced in 1919 by the President Friedrich Ebert and Interior Minister Erich Koch-Weser: "By reason of a decision of the Reich's Government I hereby announce, that the Imperial coat of arms on a gold-yellow shield shows the one headed black eagle, the head turned to the right, the wings open but with closed feathering, beak, tongue and claws in red colour. If the Reich's Eagle is shown without a frame, the same charge and colors as those of the eagle of the Reich's coat of arms are to be used, but the tops of the feathers are directed outside. The patterns kept by the Federal Ministry of the Interior are decisive for the heraldic design. The artistic design may be varied for each special purpose."

- President Ebert; Minister of the Interior, Koch

However, in 1928 the Reichswappen (Reich's coat of arms) designed by Tobias Schwab (1887–1967) in 1926 (or 1924) for the German Olympic team became the official emblem. The Reichswehr adopted the new Reichswappen already in 1927. Emil Doepler's earlier design then became the Reichsschild (Reich's escutcheon) with restricted use such as pennant for government vehicles. In 1920, designed a Staatssiegel (State seal), of which the smaller version was used since 1921 by all Reich ministries and authorities on official documents as a consistent sign. It also appeared on the German passports. In 1949, the Federal Republic of Germany adopted all signs of Weimar Republic, Reichswappen, Reichsschild, Staatssiegel, Reichsflagge as Bundeswappen, Bundesschild. Bundessiegel and Bundesflagge in the 1950s.

Nazi Germany
Nazi Germany used the Weimar coat of arms until 1935. The Nazi Party used a stylised black eagle above an oak wreath, with a swastika at its centre. With the eagle looking over its left shoulder, that is, looking to the right from the viewer's point of view, it symbolises the Nazi Party, and was therefore called the Parteiadler. After 1935 the Nazis introduced their party symbol as the national insignia (Hoheitszeichen) as well. This version symbolises the country (Reich), and was therefore called the Reichsadler. It can be distinguished from the Parteiadler because the eagle of the latter is looking over its right shoulder, that is, looking to the left from the viewer's point of view. The emblem was established by a regulation made by Adolf Hitler, 5 November 1935:

"To express the unity of party and state in relation to their emblems too, I decide: Article 1 The reich holds as emblem of its nationality the national emblem of the National Socialist German Workers Party. Article 2 The national emblems of the Wehrmacht remain intact. Article 3 The announcement concerning the imperial coat of arms and the imperial eagle (Reichsgesetzbl. Pg 1877) is cancelled. Article 4 In agreement with the Representative of the Führer, the Reich Minister of the Interior will enact the regulations necessary to implement article 1."

- The Führer and Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler (and others)

Hitler added on 7 March 1936, that: "In relation to the Regulation concerning the national emblem of the reich of 5 November 1935, article 1 I decide: The national emblem of the Reich shows the swastika, surrounded by an oak wreath, on the oak wreath an eagle with spread wings. The head of the eagle is turned to the right. For the heraldic design of the national emblem, the included patterns are decisive. The artistic design is varied for each special purpose."

- The Führer and Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler (and others)

German Democratic Republic
East Germany (German Democratic Republic) used a socialist insignia from 1950 until its reunification with West Germany in 1990. In 1959 the insignia was also added to the flag of East Germany.

title: Coat of arms of Germany


text:
Talk:Gba Majay Bma

Please change the title
I believe the song has no specific official title.

Its title in Burmese is "Naing Gan Daw Thi Chin" - just meaning "National Anthem".

However, the title "Gba Majay Bma" is strange in Burmese ears. It should be "Gba Majay Bma Pyay" or just "Gba Majay".

Because "Bma" serves as an adjective in this case, saying "Gba Majay Bma" will be just like saying "We love German" instead of "We love Germany".
 * Yes, there's no official title for the national anthem of Myanmar. The name "Gba Majay Bma" is spelt incorrectly. It should be spelt "Kaba Makyei" or "Kaba Makyei Bamapyi", although kaba (which translates as world), rather than gaba is more preferred, despite the shift in pronounciation from k to g. j in Burmese is spelt ch or ky in English (depending on the spelling in Burmese). Hintha 01:43, 19 February 2006 (UTC)

Unicode
ကမ္ဘာမက္ယေ - Gaba Makyei in Burmese. It doesn't work in Mozilla Firefox and requires font tags in IE. Hintha 23:18, 20 February 2006 (UTC)

title: Talk:Gba Majay Bma


text:
Donald Tusk

Donald Franciszek Tusk (born 22 April 1957) is a Polish politician and historian who has been Prime Minister of Poland since 2023, having previously held the post from 2007 to 2014. From 2014 to 2019 Tusk was President of the European Council, and from 2019 to 2022 he was the president of the European People's Party (EPP). He co-founded the Civic Platform (PO) party in 2001 and has twice been its leader, first from 2003 to 2014 and again since 2021.

Tusk has been involved in Polish politics since the late 1980s, having founded multiple political parties and held elected office almost continuously since 1991. He was one of the co-founders of the free market–oriented Liberal Democratic Congress party (KLD). He entered the Sejm in 1991, but lost his seat in 1993. In 1994, the KLD merged with the Democratic Union to form the Freedom Union. In 1997, Tusk was elected to the Senate, and became its deputy marshal. In 2001, he co-founded another centre-right liberal conservative party, the PO, and was again elected to the Sejm, becoming its deputy marshal.

Tusk stood unsuccessfully for President of Poland in the 2005 election and would also suffer defeat in the 2005 Polish parliamentary election. However, he would lead the PO to victory at the 2007 parliamentary election, and was appointed Prime Minister. He led the PO to a second victory in the 2011 election, becoming the first Polish prime minister to be re-elected since the fall of communism in 1989. In 2014, he left Polish politics to accept appointment as president of the European Council, having been the longest-serving prime minister of the Third Polish Republic and the third longest-serving prime minister of Poland overall, after Józef Cyrankiewicz and Piotr Jaroszewicz.

During his absence in Polish politics, Tusk's Civic Platform would lose control of both the presidency and parliament to the rival Law and Justice party in the 2015 Polish parliamentary election and 2015 Polish presidential election. Tusk was President of the European Council until 2019; although initially remaining in Brussels, he later returned to Polish politics in 2021. He became leader of the Civic Platform for a second time after the party had again lost to the PiS in 2019 and 2020. In the 2023 election, his Civic Coalition won 157 seats in the Sejm to become the second-largest bloc in the chamber. The other opposition parties won enough seats between them to form a coalition majority with the Civic Coalition, ending eight years of government by the Law and Justice party. Following Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki's failure to secure a vote of confidence on 11 December, Tusk was elected by the Sejm to become Prime Minister for a third time. His cabinet was sworn in on 13 December.

Early life
Tusk was born in Gdańsk in northern Poland. He has Polish, German (maternal grandmother) and Kashubian (Donald Tusk describes himself as a Pole, Kashubian and European) ancestry. His father, Donald Tusk senior (1929–1972), was a carpenter whilst his mother, Ewa (née Dawidowska) Tusk (1934–2009), was a nurse. His maternal grandmother's language was Danzig German. His paternal grandfather, Józef Tusk (1907–1987), was a railway official who around 1941–1942 was imprisoned at the Neuengamme concentration camp; in 1944, as a former citizen of the Free City of Danzig, he was forcibly conscripted by German authorities into the Wehrmacht. After four months, he deserted and joined the Polish Armed Forces in the West.

Tusk has described the city of his youth as "a typical frontier town" with "many borders ... between ethnicities." This, together with his Kashubian ethnic ancestry and multilingual family, meant that he grew up with an awareness that "nothing is simple in life or in history," which informed his adult political view that it is "best to be immune to every kind of orthodoxy, of ideology and most importantly, nationalism." He has described his young life under communism as "so hopeless" due to the boredom and monotony, with "no hope for anything to change." His young self was a "typical hooligan" who often got into fights – "we would roam the streets, you know, cruising for a bruising."

Tusk credits his interest in politics to watching clashes between striking workers and riot police when he was a teenager. He enrolled at the University of Gdańsk to study history, and graduated in 1980. While studying, he was active in the Student Committee of Solidarity, a group that opposed Poland's communist rule at the time.

Early political career
Tusk was one of the founders of the Liberal Democratic Congress (Kongres Liberalno-Demokratyczny KLD), which in the 1991 elections won 37 seats in the lower house of parliament. The KLD later merged with the Democratic Union (UD) to become the Freedom Union (UW). Tusk became deputy chairman of the new party, and was elected to the Senate in the next election in 1997. In 2001, he co-founded Civic Platform, and became deputy speaker in parliament after the party won seats in the year's election.

2005 Polish presidential election
In the shade of the upcoming expiration of President Aleksander Kwaśniewski's second term and his inability to stand for a third term, Tusk and Lech Kaczyński were the leading candidates for the presidential elections. Although both leading candidates came from the centre-right, and their two parties had planned to form a coalition government following the parliamentary elections on 25 September, there were important differences between Tusk and Kaczyński. Tusk wanted to enforce a separation of church and state, favoured rapid European integration and supported a free-market economy. Kaczyński was very socially conservative, a soft Eurosceptic, and supported state intervention. Such differences led to the failure of POPiS coalition talks in late October. Jacek Protasiewicz headed his electoral campaign staff. Tusk's campaign motto was "President Tusk – A man with principles; We will be proud of Poland." In the election, Tusk received 36.6% of votes in the first round and then faced Kaczyński, who got 33.1% of votes in the first round.

In the second round, Tusk was defeated by Kaczyński.

One controversy during the election was the accusation that Tusk's grandfather, Józef Tusk, had been a Nazi collaborator during WWII, having served in the German Wehrmacht during the war. The controversy, according to the BBC, "is believed to have influenced some voters negatively."

First Prime Ministry (2007–2014)
Tusk and his Civic Platform party emerged victorious in the 2007 Polish parliamentary election, defeating incumbent Prime Minister Jarosław Kaczyński's Law and Justice party with about 42% of the vote to Law and Justice's 32%. Tusk and his assembled cabinet were sworn in on 16 November, as he became the fourteenth prime minister of the Third Polish Republic.

In the 2011 Polish parliamentary election, Civic Platform retained their Parliamentary majority, giving Tusk a second term as Prime Minister and making him Poland's first PM to win reelection since the fall of communism. In September 2014, leaders of the European Union voted unanimously by selecting Tusk as Herman van Rompuy's successor for President of the European Council, which gave Poland its first European leadership position since the fall of the Berlin Wall. Tusk resigned as Prime Minister and was succeeded by Marshal of the Sejm Ewa Kopacz.

Domestic policy
During the 2007 parliamentary election campaign and initially when he entered office, Tusk promised to continue the free market policies, streamline the bureaucracy, enact long-term stable governance, cut taxes to attract greater foreign business ventures, encourage Polish citizens living overseas to return to Poland, and privatise state-owned companies. Later in office, Tusk changed his views on the role of taxation in the functioning of the state and his government never cut any taxes. Instead, it raised VAT from 22% to 23% in 2011, increased the tax imposed on diesel oil, alcohol, tobacco and coal, and eliminated many tax exemptions. The number of people employed in public administration also grew considerably. By 2012, the value of foreign investments in Poland had not matched the peak level attained in 2006–07, before Tusk entered office. The number of Poles living abroad in 2013 was almost the same level as in 2007.

During his government, Tusk oversaw the austerity programme.

The construction of a more adequate and larger national road network in preparation for the UEFA 2012 football championships was a stated priority for Tusk's government. On 27 October 2009, Tusk declared that he wanted to partially ban gambling. During the 2009 swine flu pandemic, Tusk defended his government's decision not to purchase swine flu vaccine, citing the lack of testing by pharmaceutical companies and its unavailability to be purchased freely through the market. Tusk criticised other nations' responses to the pandemic. "The eagerness of some countries seems to be excessive and disproportionate to the real epidemiological situation," Tusk stated, referring to the pandemic's relatively low fatality rate.

Tusk is moderately conservative on social issues. He is opposed to legalising abortion on demand, believing that current Polish legislation on abortion at that time (which allowed for legal abortion only when the pregnancy threatens the woman's life or health, when the fetus is seriously malformed, and when the pregnancy results from rape or incest) protected human life best. Tusk has publicly stated that he opposes euthanasia.

In June 2022, Tusk changed his stance on abortion, supporting a bill that would legalize abortion up to 12 weeks.

Foreign policy
In foreign policy, Tusk sought to improve relations severely damaged during the previous Kaczyński government, particularly with Germany and Russia. While he criticised the words of German politician Erika Steinbach with regard to her opinion over the expulsion of Germans from Poland following World War II, Tusk has stressed the need for warm relations with Berlin. Tusk also advocated a more realistic relationship with Moscow, especially in regard to energy policy. Under Tusk's premiership, Russian bans on Polish meat and agricultural products were lifted, while Poland reversed its official policy of disagreement on a European Union-Russian partnership agreement.

During a speech delivered to the Sejm in the first weeks of his premiership, Tusk outlined a proposal to withdraw military units from Iraq, stating that "we will conduct this operation keeping in mind that our commitment to our ally, the United States, has been lived up to and exceeded." The last Polish military units completed their withdrawal in October 2008. In regard to U.S. plans of hosting missile defense shield bases in the country, Tusk hinted skepticism toward the project, saying that their presence could potentially increase security risks from Russia, and rejected U.S. offers in early July 2008. By August, however, Tusk relented, and supported the missile shield, declaring: "We have achieved the main goal. It means our countries, Poland and the United States will be more secure." Following President Barack Obama's decision to scrap and revise missile defense strategy, Tusk described the move as "a chance to strengthen Polish-US co-operation in defense..." He said: "I took this declaration from President Obama very seriously and with great satisfaction."

Tusk announced that Polish soldiers would not take military action in Libya, although he voiced support for the 2011 military intervention in Libya and pledged to offer logistical support.

Contrary to the condemnation of foreign governments and the leadership of the European Union, Tusk supported Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in his efforts of implementing a new controversial constitution. Tusk stated that the Hungarian constitution's democratic controversies were "exaggerated" and that Hungary had "a European level standard of democracy." Tusk's support for the Hungarian government garnered a rare show of solidarity with the opposition Law and Justice, which also publicly displayed support for Orbán's efforts.

In early 2012, Tusk announced his support for committing Poland to signing the international Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA). In response, websites for the Chancellery, Sejm and Presidency were hacked in mid-January. Following Anonymous's claim of responsibility for the web attack, Tusk remained undeterred by internet protests, authorising the Polish ambassador in Japan to sign the agreement, yet promised that final legislation in the Sejm would not go ahead without assurances regarding freedom to access the Internet. Despite the government's guarantees, mass protests erupted in late January, with demonstrations held in Warsaw, Kraków, Wrocław and Kielce. Further web attacks were reported on the website of Foreign Minister Radek Sikorski.

European policy
In continental policy, Tusk strongly supported greater political and economic integration within the European Union, strongly backing the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty, standing in stark contrast to President Lech Kaczyński's vehement opposition. Tusk repeatedly stated his government's intention in bringing Poland into the Eurozone. Originally wanting to introduce the euro by 2012, Tusk envisaged in 2009 a starting year of 2015 as "a realistic and not overly-ambitious goal." However, during the European sovereign debt crisis, Tusk and his government displayed less optimism in joining the monetary union under contemporary economic circumstances, leading to Finance Minister Jan Vincent-Rostowski calling any move "unthinkable." Despite not being a member of the eurozone, Tusk pressed that Poland, along with the other non-eurozone states of the EU, should be included in future euro financial negotiations.

Between July and December 2011, Poland under Tusk's government presided over the Presidency of the Council of the European Union. Under its presidency tenure, Poland supported and welcomed Croatia's entry into the European Union through the Treaty of Accession 2011.

While being a constituent member of the Weimar Triangle with fellow states Germany and France, Tusk showed displeasure over German Chancellor Angela Merkel's and French President Nicolas Sarkozy's dominating roles in eurozone negotiations, remarking to Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera in January 2012 that "this should not translate into a lasting political monopoly: things cannot be left to only two capitals of Europe."

Constitutional reform
After being elected Prime Minister, relations between Tusk and President Lech Kaczyński were often acrimonious due to different political ideologies and the constitutional role of the presidency. Using presidential veto powers, Kaczyński blocked legislation drafted by the Tusk government, including pension reform, agricultural and urban zoning plans, and restructuring state television.

In his premiership, Tusk has proposed various reforms to the Polish constitution. In 2009, Tusk proposed changes to the power of the presidency, by abolishing the presidential veto. "The president should not have veto power. People make their decision in elections and then state institutions should not be in conflict," said Tusk. Tusk again reiterated his desire for constitutional reform in February 2010, proposing that the presidential veto be overridden by a simple parliamentary majority rather than through a three-fifths vote. "Presidential veto could not effectively block the will of the majority in parliament, which won elections and formed the government," stated Tusk. Further constitutional reforms proposed by Tusk include reducing the Sejm from a membership of 460 to 300, "not only because of its savings, but also the excessive number of members' causes blurring certain plans and projects." Similarly, Tusk proposed radical changes to the Senate, preferring to abolish the upper house altogether, yet due to constitutional concerns and demands from the junior coalition Polish People's Party partner, Tusk proposed reducing the Senate from 100 to 49, while including former presidents to sit in the Senate for political experience and expertise in state matters. Parliamentary immunity for all members of the Sejm and Senate would also be stripped, except for in special situations. In addition, Tusk proposed that the prime minister's role in foreign policy decisions would be greatly expanded. By decreasing the president's role in governance, executive power would further be concentrated in the prime minister, directly responsible to the cabinet and Sejm, as well as avoiding confusion over Poland's representation at international or EU summits. The opposition conservative Law and Justice party deeply criticised Tusk's constitutional reform proposals, opting in opposing legislation for the presidency to garner greater power over the prime minister.

In an interview with the Financial Times in January 2010, Tusk was asked if he considered running again as Civic Platform's candidate for that year's presidential election. Tusk replied that although the presidential election typically drew the most voters to the polls and remained Poland's most high-profiled race, the presidency had little political power outside of the veto, and preferred to remain as Prime Minister. While not formally excluding his candidacy, Tusk declared that "I would very much like to continue to work in the government and Civic Platform, because that seems to me to be the key element in ensuring success in the civilisational race in which we are engaged." A day after the interview, Tusk formally announced his intention of staying as Prime Minister, allowing his party to choose another candidate (and eventual winner), Bronisław Komorowski.

President of the European Council (2014–2019)
Tusk succeeded Herman Van Rompuy as President of the European Council on 1 December 2014. After assuming office, Tusk worked to promote a unified European response to Russia's military intervention in Ukraine. Tusk made attempts to co-ordinate the EU's response to the European migrant crisis, and warned illegal economic migrants not to come to Europe. Ahead of the UK's EU membership referendum Tusk warned of dire consequences should the UK vote to leave. After the UK voted to leave, he pursued a hard line on the UK's withdrawal from the European Union stating that the country's only real alternative to a "hard Brexit" is "no Brexit." In September 2018, he caused controversy after his official Instagram account posted an image of himself handing a slice of cake to British Prime Minister Theresa May, with the caption "A piece of cake, perhaps? Sorry, no cherries." In 2018, Tusk opposed the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline from Russia to Germany.

On 31 January 2017, Tusk wrote an open letter to the 27 EU heads of state or government on the future of the EU before the Malta summit. In this letter, he stated the Trump administration presented a threat to the EU on a par with a newly assertive China, an aggressive Russia and "wars, terror and anarchy in the Middle East and Africa."

On 9 March 2017, Tusk was re-elected for a second term to run until 30 November 2019. He received 27 of 28 votes; the one vote against him came from Beata Szydło, the Prime Minister of Poland. Tusk's actions in the wake of the 2010 plane crash that killed then-Polish President Lech Kaczyński provoked opposition from Poland's governing right-wing party—critics said that Tusk's centrist government did not sufficiently investigate the cause of the crash. Szydło refused to sign the EU statement issued at the end of the council's meeting in protest at Tusk's reelection, though other EU leaders spoke in favour of him; Prime Minister Mark Rutte of the Netherlands called him "a very good president," and European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and German chancellor Angela Merkel both made statements supporting the vote. Donald Tusk maintains there will be no winners from Brexit and the two years following the triggering of Article 50 will be a time of damage limitation.

In February 2018, Tusk urged Turkey "to avoid threats or actions against any EU member and instead commit to good neighbourly relations, peaceful dispute settlement and respect for territorial sovereignty." Tusk also expressed concern over the Turkish invasion of northern Syria in 2018. In response to the death of Chinese Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo, who died of organ failure while in government custody, Tusk and Jean-Claude Juncker said in a joint statement that they had learned of Liu's death "with deep sadness."

On 6 February 2019, Tusk held talks with Irish Premier Leo Varadkar in Brussels to discuss Britain's departure from the European Union, stating that there was a "special place in Hell for those who promoted Brexit without even a sketch of a plan how to carry it out safely." Tusk opened his statement by saying there were 50 days to go until the UK's exit from the EU: "I know that still a very great number of people in the UK, and on the continent, as well as in Ireland, wish for a reversal of this decision. I have always been with you, with all my heart. But the facts are unmistakable. At the moment, the pro-Brexit stance of the UK Prime Minister, and the Leader of the Opposition, rules out this question. Today, there is no political force and no effective leadership for Remain. I say this without satisfaction, but you can't argue with the facts."

On 24 August 2019 in Biarritz for the G7 Summit, Tusk addressed reporters regarding Brexit, stating "one thing I will not cooperate on is no deal." He also said he hoped that Boris Johnson would not go down in history as "Mr No Deal." In September 2019, Tusk said that the EU should open accession talks with both Albania and North Macedonia.

Tusk condemned the 2019 Turkish offensive into north-eastern Syria. He reprimanded Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan for threatening to send millions of Syrian refugees to Europe and denounced the Turkish operation in northern Syria as destabilizing the region, which he demanded to halt.

Writing of his tenure as President of the European Council, LSE political scientist Sara Hagemann said "he set the tone for a liberal and progressive agenda at a time of significant threat from populist and pro-Russian voices in Europe."

Return to Polish politics
In July 2021, Donald Tusk returned to Warsaw, re-engaging actively in Polish politics as leader of Civic Platform. As of May 2022, Tusk was among the leading choices among opposition figures for the potential future prime minister role, according to a public poll. However, his overall net approval among the general population was reported as −24.4% in the same period. During his campaign, Tusk advocated for enhanced LGBT rights.

2023 Polish parliamentary election
In the 2023 Polish parliamentary election, Tusk's Civic Coalition finished as the second-largest bloc in the Sejm. Between them, Civic Coalition and two other opposition parties, Third Way and New Left, took 54% of the vote, winning enough seats to allow them to take power. On 10 November, Civic Coalition, New Left, the Polish People's Party and Poland 2050 formally signed an agreement to support Tusk as their candidate for Prime Minister. President Andrzej Duda nominated PiS incumbent Mateusz Morawiecki for another term as Prime Minister. However, Morawiecki fell short of the support needed to stay in office, as PiS and its allies were 40 seats short of a majority. With this in mind, Tusk publicly announced the agreement before the new Sejm convened to show he and the opposition stood ready to govern. Morawiecki's cabinet was sworn in on 27 November, but was widely expected to lose a confidence vote. Under the constitution, if Morawiecki did not win a confidence vote within two weeks of being sworn in, the Sejm had the right to designate its own nominee for Prime Minister, and Duda was required to appoint the person so designated. On paper, the four parties who signed the agreement had the votes to designate Tusk as the Sejm's candidate. Morawiecki's cabinet lost a vote of confidence in the Sejm on 11 December by 190 votes to 266. The Sejm subsequently nominated Tusk as its candidate for Prime Minister, by 248 votes in favour and 201 against. Tusk's cabinet was sworn in on 13 December.

Domestic policy
Tusk's second time in office has been far less conciliatory than his first term. One of his first moves in office involved dismissing the top executives from Telewizja Polska (the nominally independent public service broadcaster), which had been, for years, "a propaganda machine for the PiS government". The move caused a sit-in from PiS supporters at the Telewizja Polska office, and in a spat between Tusk and President Duda, ended with the liquidation of the channel following Duda vetoing funds for it in 2023. Stanley Bill, who serves as a professor of Polish Studies at the University of Cambridge, stated that his motive could have quite possibly been personal, due to the fact TVP had been demonizing him for years under the PiS government.

Tusk also oversaw the arrests of both Mariusz Kamiński and Maciej Wąsik, who had both been on trial for exceeding authority since 2015. President Duda had issued pardons to both of them, and they had continued to serve as ministers and members of the Sejm as the trials proceeded. The pardons became embroiled in a legal battle due to the pardoning taking place before the final verdict for both. Ultimately, the Supreme Court of Poland ruled that the pardons were not valid due to it occurring before sentencing. Both MPs ultimately took refuge in the Presidential Palace in an attempt to have Duda shield them from conviction after it was ordered they be arrested and placed in solitary confinement. Still, police entered the palace and arrested the two men. The episode highlighted growing tensions between the prime minister and the president.

Foreign policy
On 22 January 2024, Tusk arrived in Kyiv, Ukraine on a working visit and met with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. He said that all those who chose neutrality in the Russo-Ukrainian War and did not support Ukraine deserved "the darkest place in political hell." Tusk called for the West's "full mobilization." Tusk has also worked to attempt to strengthen inter-European strength in the face of Russia, proclaiming that "There is no reason for the EU to be weaker than Russia". This comes after a string of comments former President and 2024 candidate Donald Trump made saying that he would let Russia do "whatever the hell they want" to NATO countries who do not satisfy spending commitments.

In May 2024, Tusk criticized the International Criminal Court's arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Hamas leaders, saying, "An attempt to show that the prime minister of Israel and the leaders of terrorist organizations are the same, and the involvement of international institutions in this, is unacceptable." The leaders of Israel and Hamas are suspected of committing war crimes in the Israel–Hamas war in Gaza.

Personal life
Donald Tusk married Małgorzata Sochacka in 1978. They have two children: a son, Michał and a daughter, Katarzyna.

Tusk belongs to the Kashubian minority in Poland. In an interview with the Israeli newspaper Haaretz in December 2008, Tusk compared his own family history to the Jewish experience, describing the Kashubian minority as a people who, "like the Jews, are people who were born and live in border areas and were suspected by the Nazis and by the Communists of being disloyal."

Tusk speaks four languages: Polish, Kashubian, German, and English. In 2014, at the time he became President of the European Council, he was criticized for his poor English skills and lack of knowledge of French. However, he underwent extensive language classes in advance of assuming the role of President, and rapidly mastered English. In January 2019, Tusk gave a seven-minute speech only in Romanian at the Romanian Athenaeum in Bucharest at the ceremony that marked the beginning of Romania's EU Council Presidency. His delivery received loud applause. On 12 December 2019, Tusk published his memoir Szczerze ("Honestly"), based on his five-year-term as President of the European Council, which became a bestseller in Poland. He assumed the office of the President of the European People's Party on 1 December 2019, a day after leaving office as President of the European Council. On 1 June 2022 he stepped down from the position and was replaced by Manfred Weber.

Tusk's religious views became a matter of a debate during his presidential campaign in 2005. To avoid further speculation, just before the presidential elections Tusk requested a Catholic marriage ceremony with his wife Małgorzata, whom he had married in a civil ceremony 27 years earlier.

Honours and awards
The Charlemagne Prize of the city of Aachen was awarded to Tusk on 13 May 2010 for his merits in the further unification of Europe and for his role as a "patriot and great European." He dedicated the prize to the people killed in a plane crash of a Polish Air Force Tu-154 in April 2010 including the Polish president Lech Kaczyński. The eulogy was given by German chancellor Angela Merkel.

In May 2012, he received the Walther-Rathenau-Preis "in recognition for his commitment to European integration during Poland's Presidency of the Council of the EU in the second half of 2011 and for fostering Polish–German dialogue." In her speech German chancellor Merkel praised Tusk as "a farsighted European." In the same year, he also received the European Prize for Political Culture. In December 2017, he was awarded an honorary doctorate at the University of Pécs, Hungary, in recognition of Tusk's "achievements as a Polish and European politician, which are strongly connected with Hungarian, regional and European history." On 16 December 2018, Tusk was awarded an honorary doctorate at the TU Dortmund University, Germany, "in recognition of his services to European politics and his contribution to the debate on European values." In 2019, he was awarded an honorary doctorate at the University of Lviv, Ukraine, which he accepted on the fifth anniversary of the Revolution of Dignity.
 * PER Order of the Sun of Peru - Grand Cross BAR.png Grand Cross Order of the Sun (2008, Peru)
 * Den kongelige norske fortjenstorden storkors stripe.svg Grand Cross of the Royal Norwegian Order of Merit (2012, Norway)
 * Presidential Order of Excellence (Georgia, 2013)
 * EST Order of the Cross of Terra Mariana - 1st Class BAR.svg Order of the Cross of Terra Mariana (2014, Estonia)
 * Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise 1st 2nd and 3rd Class of Ukraine.png The First Class of the Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise (2019, Ukraine)
 * JPN Kyokujitsu-sho 1Class BAR.svg Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun (2021, Japan)

title: Donald Tusk


text:
Osric of Hwicce

Osric was a king of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of the Hwicce in the late 7th century, perhaps reigning jointly with his presumed brother Oshere.

Osric was probably a son of Eanhere, a previous King of the Hwicce, by Osthryth, daughter of Oswiu of Northumbria. The only marriage recorded for Osthryth is that to Æthelred of Mercia, but an earlier marriage to Eanhere would explain why Osric and his brother Oswald are described as Æthelred's nepotes — usually translated as nephews or grandsons, but here probably meaning stepsons.

Osric is claimed as the founder of two monastic houses, one at Bath (now Bath Abbey) and the other at Gloucester (now Gloucester Cathedral). In 676 Osric granted lands to Abbess Bertana to found a convent at Bath. The charter attesting this grant has been queried on several grounds of later editing and interpolation, but probably has an authentic basis.

The foundation charter of Gloucester Abbey survives in a medieval register of the abbey. It is not straightforward, but again is considered to have an authentic basis. The charter was apparently issued in the 670s by Æthelred, king of Mercia, and records his grant of lands at Gloucester and Pershore to two of his thegns, noblemen of the Hwicce, Osric and his brother Oswald. Osric's share was at Gloucester, and he sought permission from Æthelred to found a monastery there.

The story of the abbey's foundation continues in the register with the claim that Osric granted the land for the abbey to his sister Kyneburge (Cyneburh), the first abbess. H.P.R. Finberg however speculates that the Cyneburh in question was the widow of Oswald of Northumbria. Oswald was the elder brother of Oswiu and therefore the uncle of Queen Osthryth, who is said to have encouraged her aunt Cyneburh to enter a nunnery many years after Oswald's death. Cyneburgh would therefore be the great-aunt of Osric, rather than his sister.

Though the charter of Gloucester treats Osric as a subordinate of Æthelred, the charter of Bath describes him as king of the Hwicce. He is also so described by Bede.

He may possibly be the Osric who witnessed a doubtful charter of Frithuwold, King of Surrey, dated 675.

Osric was buried at Gloucester Abbey beside Cyneburh, before the altar of St Petronilla; his remains now lie in a medieval tomb in the cathedral.

He seems to have been survived by his brother Oshere, and succeeded by a possible son Æthelmod (mentioned in charter S 1167).

title: Osric of Hwicce


text:
Talk:2003 Rugby World Cup

English Squad
Do we really need a listing of the entire English squad? We haven't done it for any of the prior World Cup nor do other World Cup pages bother to list every player of the winning side. Lisiate 20:50, 11 May 2004 (UTC)
 * It is rather a case of overkill, isn't it? -- Arwel 22:06, 11 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Yeh what is up with that? --Jimm dodd 08:23, Aug 30, 2004 (UTC)
 * Well I'm going to delete it, since nobody here seems to want it. If there's suddenly disagreement, someone can revert it and we can have a discussion about it. Izogi 21:22, 21 August 2005 (UTC)

Attendance and Ref
Does anybody know where to get this data? --Bob 16:50, 12 May 2006 (UTC)
 * Never mind, this has been filled in. --Bob 01:31, 2 June 2006 (UTC)

I'm getting alot of the scores written the wrong way round (e.g. France v Japan)- are my eyes deceiving me, or is this an actual problem? Pat Brennan

Attendance - France v Scotland
This shows 83,500 - which is the stadium exact max capacity - even the grand final didn't get this much. Can anyone who knows more about RU than me confirm? -- Chuq 12:47, 28 September 2006 (UTC)

Place for this image?
Does anybody this that this image should go on the article? -- HamedogTalk|@ 09:32, 9 July 2006 (UTC)

Mat Rogers' role in England victory
Did no one else notice that Johnny Wilkinson only got the last field goal because Mat Rogers kept returning the ball to him until he kicked it? —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 159.53.46.141 (talk) 20:20, 6 February 2007 (UTC).

Clarification
New Zealand's drop goal v South Africa: BBC and IRB sites says Aaron Mauger but DVD (I'm watching it now) says Leon MacDonald. Will trust the Beeb. Have added try and drop times for knock-out matches. Mjefm 12:18, 8 March 2007 (UTC)

Dead link
During several automated bot runs the following external link was found to be unavailable. Please check if the link is in fact down and fix or remove it in that case!

 * http://www.rwc2003.irb.com/EN/
 * In 2003 Rugby World Cup on 2011-05-25 07:35:04, Socket Error: 'getaddrinfo failed'
 * In 2003 Rugby World Cup on 2011-06-11 06:21:21, Socket Error: 'getaddrinfo failed'

--JeffGBot (talk) 06:21, 11 June 2011 (UTC)

Dead link 2
During several automated bot runs the following external link was found to be unavailable. Please check if the link is in fact down and fix or remove it in that case!

 * http://www.elrugbier.com/mostrar_notas.php?c=7&idNota=634&subCategoria=137
 * In 2003 Rugby World Cup on 2011-05-25 07:35:16, Socket Error: 'getaddrinfo failed'
 * In 2003 Rugby World Cup on 2011-06-11 06:21:31, 404 Not Found

--JeffGBot (talk) 06:21, 11 June 2011 (UTC)

Kick-off Times
I am trying to find the kick-off times for so that they can be added into the article, does anyone know where I might be able to find them! Thanks (MOTORAL1987 (talk) 11:50, 2 October 2011 (UTC)).

Too much information?
Is there too much information in the top try scorers section? Seems all this needs from the header is a number of tries scored, rather than drop goals, conversions, penalties etc. Can possibly see the point of cards but not sure. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 5.66.176.234 (talk) 09:32, 10 August 2014 (UTC)

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the. —Community Tech bot (talk) 21:06, 24 February 2020 (UTC)
 * Docklands Stadium.jpg

title: Talk:2003 Rugby World Cup


text:
Wikipedia:WikiProject European history/Polish history task force

This is a currently inactive task force of WikiProject European history, if you'd like to participate in this task force, please feel free to add your name to the active editors heading below and to improve this page, but please keep all discussion at Wikipedia talk:WikiProject European history and/or Wikipedia talk:WikiProject Poland until there are at least 3 or 4 active editors here.

Scope
Polish history task force is a Taskforce of WikiProject European History whose goal is provide a place where Wikipedians interested in History of Poland can work together and organize articles related to that subject. This page contains the agreed suggestions. For discussion related to this project use the talk page; for other Poland-related discussions please go to Wikipedia talk:WikiProject Poland. The articles with which this project deals should all be included in the Category:History of Poland or one of its subcategories.

Parentage
The parents of this Taskforce are the WikiProject European History and WikiProject Poland.

Descendant Wikiprojects

 * Wikiproject Polish Army - harmonisation of work on article related to Polish Army, Polish wars and Polish militarymen.
 * Wikipedia:Wikiproject Polish Heraldry - collecting all coat of arms and heraldry info related to Poland. Needs a separate page if developed further.
 * List of Poles from Polski Słownik Biograficzny

Similar Wikiprojects

 * WikiProject Ancient Near East
 * WikiProject Ancient Egypt
 * WikiProject Middle Ages
 * WikiProject Russian History

Inactive

 * Piotrus
 * Darwinek
 * Historiene
 * Mikołajski
 * Westpole (History of PRL, Northern & Western Poland)
 * Halibutt
 * Chelman - want to focus on the prehistoric period
 * Lysy
 * Przepla
 * Kpalion
 * Emax

The Poland history stub
A stub is an article that is too short to provide encyclopedic coverage of the subject, but not so short as to provide no useful information. They are in effect place holders waiting for complete entries. In effect, a stub says "We need more information about this topic."
 * To place a stub templates (Poland-hist-stub):
 * 1) When you find a stub, open the page for editing by hitting the "Edit" tab.
 * 2) Copy the text "Poland-hist-stub" to the bottom of the page.
 * 3) Hit the "Save" button at the bottom of the page. This will result in the following text being added to the article:

There is currently one child stub to the Poland-stub category: Poland-battle-stub

Please see Category:Poland stubs for the list of other Poland-related stub categories, and Category:History stubs for history stubs.

Categories
The top-level category for articles about Poland history is Category:History of Poland. This category should optimally contain no articles, only more detailed subcategories (as of 28 Dec 2006 it has 33 subcategories, including the stub category). To put an article into this category, add the following text to the bottom of the page, as with stubs:

Note on biographies
Please note that biographies, including historical biographies, are outside the scope of hist-stubs and hist-categories. Please see Category:Polish people stubs and Category:Polish people for related categories, and WikiProject Biography for a wikiproject dedicated to biographies of historical and living persons.

Archival discussions

 * General discussions and /Periodization and templates discuss periodization and templates;
 * /Articles under construction (drafts) - discussions about some old articles


text:
Talk:Gendarmerie Intelligence Organization

= Comments =

Resources
These sources may be useful for expanding the article:
 * JİTEM'i bir kez daha belgeliyoruz
 * JİTEM'ci Aygan'ın itirafları ve büyük basın...
 * Faşizmin Ayak Sesleri: JİTEM 1 2 3
 * Gerçekler bilinsin yeter (check out the video. I already incorporated the photos. Probably fit for an EL on a future Aygan article.)

How truthful they are, who knows. Once you cite 'em, strike them off this list. --Adoniscik(t, c) 02:31, 24 September 2008 (UTC)

Title

JİTEM is almost exclusively known by its abbreviation. Per Article titles, title of this article must be JİTEM.

Takabeg (talk) 09:13, 16 June 2010 (UTC)

New structure
I suggest (offer) to give the page a new structure and to expand it presenting further sources. The structure I have in mind would be: * 1 Evidence for existence * 2 Dissolution or Legalization? * 3 Modus Operandi * 4 Actions o 4.1 Fight against PKK o 4.2 Political killings o 4.3 High profile killings + 4.3.1 Vedat Aydın + 4.3.2 Musa Anter + 4.3.3 Ahmet Cem Ersever o 4.4 Drugs and weapons trafficking * 5 Court cases with JITEM involvement * 6 References etc. If there is no objection (let's say in a week or so) I would start. I hope to reach a better shape, because such a serious subject does not deserve so many tags (whoever placed them did not provide any argument on this page). Sc.helm (talk) 13:00, 18 September 2010 (UTC)
 * I did what I suggested and would like to remove the tags on the main page (of there is no objection). Sc.helm (talk) 12:23, 28 September 2010 (UTC)

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Wikipedia talk:WikiProject European history/Polish history task force

Polskie Państwo Podziemne
Panowie, jest robota! Wpadłem na pomysł by na poważnie zabrać się za historię Polski podczas II Wojny. Najłatwiej chyba będzie stworzyć projekt pod nazwą PPP i stamtąd za pomocą odnośnej tabelki nawigacyjnej linkować wszystko co się z Polską w czasie II Wojny wiąże: od rządu i organizacji politycznych po organizacje wojskowe i społeczne. Wreszcie osobne artykuły o tajnym nauczaniu, podziemnych sądach, drukarniach itp.

Pomożecie? Roboty jest sporo, ale dla każdego coś się znajdzie - jeśli kogoś interesują partie - proszę bardzo. Wojenka - czemu nie? Drukarze i radiostacje - też nieopisane. Wstępną wersję tabelki nawigacyjnej umieściłem na User:Halibutt/Polish Secret State, nic tylko wybrać niedziałający link, opisać i przenieść pod angielską nazwę. Co Wy na to? [[User:Halibutt|Halibutt]] 02:54, Sep 7, 2004 (UTC)

 * Pomozemy :D Przynajmniej ja. Ale na poczatek dwie sugestie:

a) pamietasz jak pracowalismy nad Powstaniem to nam wytknieto, ze pracujac na twojej podstronie malo osob moze nam pomoc i 'mieszamy w historii'. Wiec proponuje b) stworzyc PORTAL na wzor tego: http://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Portal:Fantastyka Portal taki proponuje stworzyc dla calej 'History of Poland' jako Wikiprojektu, a PPP byloby jego podprojektem (czy podportalem...czy jak by to nazwac). --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus 20:13, 7 Sep 2004 (UTC)
 * Nie wiem, nie jestem przekonany. Niby pomysł dobry, ale nie do końca - roboty znacznie więcej, a przydałyby się do tego uprawnienia administratorskie. Ale tak się tylko czepiam, można spróbować. Natomiast co do projektu - tym razem nie pracuję nad dłuższymi artykułami tylko nad serią krótkich, więc nie ma potrzeby pracować poza stronami encyklopedii. No i na koniec - nie tyle nam wytknięto, co jeden wikipedysta nam wytknął - a to mieści się w ogólnej koncepcji szumu tła, który krytykuje wszystko i wszystkich. Nie przejmowałbym się zbytnio. [[User:Halibutt|Halibutt]] 04:36, Sep 8, 2004 (UTC)
 * Fakt, ale z tym wytknieciem to sie zgadzam. Po co robic cos w 'ukryciu'? --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus 11:37, 8 Sep 2004 (UTC)
 * Ok, tak czy siak - projekt prawie skończony. Zostało jeszcze trochę linków do zrobienia, głównie organizacji politycznych i powstańczych. Patrz: Polish Secret State i Template:Polish Underground State sidebar. [[User:Halibutt|Halibutt]] 22:07, Nov 1, 2004 (UTC)

Polski Słownik Biograficzny
Tnx to the help of dr Marek Jerzy Minakowski, the list of people mentioned in the giant Polish Biographical Dictionary is here: List of Poles from Polski Słownik Biograficzny. Or will be as soon as I can figure how to convert ~25,000 entries into a Wiki-readable format. --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus Talk 12:53, 9 May 2005 (UTC)

Polish history stub template
There is now Poland-hist-stub - enjoy! --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus Talk 17:48, 30 October 2005 (UTC)

Articles for the Wikipedia 1.0 project
Hi, I'm a member of the Version_1.0_Editorial_Team, which is looking to identify quality articles in Wikipedia for future publication on CD or paper. We recently began assessing using these criteria, and we are looking for A-Class and good B-Class articles, with no POV or copyright problems. Can you recommend any suitable articles on Polish history? We have also contacted the general History WikiProject. I don't know if you've had any FAs, but they would be suitable as well. Please post your suggestions here. Cheers, Walkerma 17:22, 28 January 2006 (UTC)
 * For start, see my user page for most of our Poland-related FAs, plus Witold Lutosławski and Marian Rejewski, which are two I had not contributed substantialy to.--Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus Talk 17:28, 28 January 2006 (UTC)
 * Thanks!--Shanel 21:40, 1 February 2006 (UTC)

Project rationale
Recently I started work on reorganizing Category:World War II ships of Poland to be more consistant with the rest of the WWII ship/nation categories. Ultimately this category should only contain sub categories based on ship type (destroyer, submarine, etc.) plus a few stragglers that are either classless or do not conform to the normal ship types. --Kralizec! (talk) 05:35, 12 April 2006 (UTC)

Check list
Please mark of items as they are completed.
 * cruisers
 * destroyers complete 12 April 2006
 * minelayers complete 12 April 2006
 * submarines complete 12 April 2006

Project directory
Hello. The WikiProject Council has recently updated the WikiProject Council/Directory. This new directory includes a variety of categories and subcategories which will, with luck, potentially draw new members to the projects who are interested in those specific subjects. Please review the directory and make any changes to the entries for your project that you see fit. There is also a directory of portals, at User:B2T2/Portal, listing all the existing portals. Feel free to add any of them to the portals or comments section of your entries in the directory. The three columns regarding assessment, peer review, and collaboration are included in the directory for both the use of the projects themselves and for that of others. Having such departments will allow a project to more quickly and easily identify its most important articles and its articles in greatest need of improvement. If you have not already done so, please consider whether your project would benefit from having departments which deal in these matters. It is my hope that all the changes to the directory can be finished by the first of next month. Please feel free to make any changes you see fit to the entries for your project before then. If you should have any questions regarding this matter, please do not hesitate to contact me. Thank you. B2T2 17:17, 25 October 2006 (UTC)

Stablepedia
Beginning cross-post.
 * See Wikipedia talk:Version 1.0 Editorial Team. If you wish to comment, please comment there. ★ MESSED  ROCKER ★  03:04, 26 November 2006 (UTC)

''End cross-post. Please do not comment more in this section.''

Wikipedia Day Awards
Hello, all. It was initially my hope to try to have this done as part of Esperanza's proposal for an appreciation week to end on Wikipedia Day, January 15. However, several people have once again proposed the entirety of Esperanza for deletion, so that might not work. It was the intention of the Appreciation Week proposal to set aside a given time when the various individuals who have made significant, valuable contributions to the encyclopedia would be recognized and honored. I believe that, with some effort, this could still be done. My proposal is to, with luck, try to organize the various WikiProjects and other entities of wikipedia to take part in a larger celebrartion of its contributors to take place in January, probably beginning January 15, 2007. I have created yet another new subpage for myself (a weakness of mine, I'm afraid) at User talk:Badbilltucker/Appreciation Week where I would greatly appreciate any indications from the members of this project as to whether and how they might be willing and/or able to assist in recognizing the contributions of our editors. Thank you for your attention. Badbilltucker 20:56, 29 December 2006 (UTC)

Project banner
I've created a project banner at Template:WikiProject History of Poland. Please feel free to use it in "marking" any articles you all feel relevant to your project. John Carter 21:19, 26 February 2007 (UTC)

Warsaw Uprising FAR
Warsaw Uprising has been nominated for a featured article review. Articles are typically reviewed for two weeks. Please leave your comments and help us to return the article to featured quality. If concerns are not addressed during the review period, articles are moved onto the Featured Article Removal Candidates list for a further period, where editors may declare "Keep" or "Remove" the article from featured status. The instructions for the review process are here. Reviewers' concerns are here. LuciferMorgan 15:25, 30 April 2007 (UTC)

Proposed merger with WikiProject European history
For the purposes of centralized discussion, please see Wikipedia talk:WikiProject European history. Thank you. John Carter 14:56, 8 November 2007 (UTC)

Biel CoA Ostoja listed at Requested moves
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Biel family with Ostoja coat of arms listed at Requested moves
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Puławy faction listed at Requested moves
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