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Alternative media

Alternative media are media sources that differ from established or dominant types of media (such as mainstream media or mass media) in terms of their content, production, or distribution. Sometimes the term independent media is used as a synonym, indicating independence from large media corporations, but generally independent media is used to describe a different meaning around freedom of the press and independence from government control. Alternative media does not refer to a specific format and may be inclusive of print, audio, film/video, online/digital and street art, among others. Some examples include the counter-culture zines of the 1960s, ethnic and indigenous media such as the First People's television network in Canada (later rebranded Aboriginal Peoples Television Network), and more recently online open publishing journalism sites such as Indymedia.

In contrast to mainstream mass media, alternative media tend to be "non-commercial projects that advocate the interests of those excluded from the mainstream", for example, the poor, political and ethnic minorities, labor groups, and LGBT identities. These media disseminate marginalized viewpoints, such as those heard in the progressive news program Democracy Now!, and create communities of identity, as seen for example in the It Gets Better Project that was posted on YouTube in response to a rise in gay teen suicides at the time of its creation.

Alternative media challenge the dominant beliefs and values of a culture and have been described as "counter-hegemonic" by adherents of Antonio Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony; however, since the definition of alternative media as merely counter to the mainstream is limiting, some approaches to the study of alternative media also address the question of how and where these media are created, as well as the dynamic relationship between the media and the participants that create and use them.

Definitions
There are various definitions of "alternative media". John Downing, for example, defines "radical alternative media" as media "that express an alternative vision to hegemonic policies, priorities, and perspectives". In his assessment of a variety of definitions for the term, Chris Atton notes repeatedly the importance of alternative media production originating from small-scale, counter-hegemonic groups and individuals.

Christian Fuchs also argues that alternative media must have four distinct properties. The first being that the audience of these media must be involved in the creation of what is put out in alternative media. The second is that it has to be different from the mainstream. The third is that it should create a perspective different from that of the state and major corporations. The fourth property is that alternative media must "establish different types of relationships with the market and/or the state."

As defined by Atton and Hamilton, "Alternative journalism proceeds from dissatisfaction not only with the mainstream coverage of certain issues and topics but also with the epistemology of news. Its critique emphasizes alternatives to, inter alia,  conventions of news sources and representation; the inverted pyramid of news texts; the hierarchical and capitalized economy of commercial journalism; the professional, elite basis of journalism as a practice; the professional norm of objectivity; and the subordinate role of the audience as a receiver."

Journalistic Practices says "Alternative media not only allow but also facilitate the participation (in its more radical meaning) of its members (or the community) in both the produced content and the content-producing organization.' In this sense, participation in alternative media as described and reflected upon by the participants in this study can best be understood as a form of active citizenship".

Common approaches and practices
Approaches to the academic study of alternative media attempt to understand the ways in which these media are significant, each emphasizing a different aspect of media, including the role of the public sphere, social movements, and the participation by communities that create the media.

Democratic theory and the public sphere
One way of understanding alternative media is to consider their role in the process of democratic communication. Philosopher Jürgen Habermas proposed that a healthy democratic community requires a space where rational debate can take place between engaged citizens. It is essential that the dialogue in this public sphere occurs outside the control of any authority so that citizens can exchange ideas as equals. This translates to the need for free speech and a free press.

In Habermas's idea of the public sphere, participation is open to everyone, all participants are considered equal, and any issue can be raised for debate. However, this view fails to note the inherent exclusion of women and minorities (and their interests) from the debate in the public sphere. In light of this social inequality, philosopher Nancy Fraser argues for the importance of multiple independent public spheres, in which members of subordinated groups can first deliberate their issues and concerns among themselves and later assert those issues into the larger public sphere. The alternative media associated with these counter-public spheres are critical in developing the needs and identity of the group and in challenging the larger dominant public sphere. A feminist counter-public sphere is, for example, responsible for circulating the view that women's issues such as domestic abuse and reproductive rights are deserving of debate in the larger public sphere.

Social movement media
Social movements are a type of collective action. They involve large, sometimes informal, groups or organizations which focus on specific political or social issues and promote, instigate, resist or undo the social change. Social movement media is how social movements use media, and oftentimes, due to the nature of social movements, that media tends to be an alternative.

Communication is vital to the success of social movements. Research shows that social movements experience significant difficulties communicating through mainstream media because the mainstream media often systematically distort, stigmatize, or ignore social movement viewpoints. They may deny social movements' access or representation at critical moments in their development, employ message frames that undermine or weaken public perceptions of a movement's legitimacy or implicitly encourage movement actors who seek coverage to cater to the questionable values of mainstream reportage on social activism, including a heightened interest in violence, emotionality, and slogans. This problematic coverage of social movements is often referred to as the protest paradigm: the idea that mass media marginalizes protest groups through their depictions of the protesters, and, by doing so, subsequently support the status quo. As a result, social movements often turn to alternative media forms and practices in order to more effectively achieve their goals. An example of how the mainstream media problematically covers social movements is the Occupy movement, which began with Occupy Wall Street in September 2011. The Occupy movement protested against social and economic inequality around the world, its primary goal being to make the economic and political relations in all societies less vertically hierarchical and more flatly distributed. Among the movement's primary concerns is the system which allows large corporations and the global financial system to manipulate the world in a way that disproportionately benefits a wealthy minority, undermines democracy, and disregards environmental sustainability. In comparing the mainstream news coverage of the Occupy movement against coverage from alternative press several trends emerge. First, mainstream media used confusion over the event as the dominant frame while alternative media focused on what the demonstrators were actually trying to accomplish. Second, the mainstream media placed the protesters at fault of any violence while the alternative media focused on the brutality of the police and their violent acts on the peaceful protesters.

For more information about social movements, and alternative media, see social movement theory.

Alternative media tend to be activist by nature. Social movements in areas such as human rights, the environmental movement, and civil rights produce alternative media to further their goals, spread awareness, and inspire participation and support.

Human rights
An example of a human rights social movement using alternative media is the group WITNESS. WITNESS is a human rights non-profit organization and its mission is to partner with on-the-ground organizations to support the documentation of human rights violations and their consequences, in order to further public engagement, policy change, and justice. They rely on video recordings using technology such as handheld camcorders and smartphones to capture the world's attention and viscerally communicate human rights abuses. They have documented human rights abuses from the police in the favelas of Brazil, children soldiers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, human trafficking in Brazil and the United States, and many other human rights issues, all through the use of alternative media.

Environmental movement
An example of an environment movement using alternative media is the group Greenpeace. Greenpeace is a non-governmental environmental organization whose goal is to "ensure the ability of the Earth to nurture life in all its diversity and focuses its campaigning on worldwide issues such as climate change, deforestation, overfishing, commercial whaling, genetic engineering, and anti-nuclear issues. It uses direct action, lobbying, and research to achieve its goals, as well as alternative media. They use online tactics such as podcasts and blogs as well as performance art.

Civil rights
An example of a civil rights group using alternative media was the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). SNCC was one of the most important organizations of the American Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. SNCC was involved in voter registration rights in the south, established Freedom Schools, organized the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP), among many other accomplishments. Alternative media tactics used by SNCC included establishing a dedicated Communication Section which included a photography arm, its own printing press (which published its newsletter the Student Voice), published publicity materials, and created an alternative wire press.

Participatory culture
Alternative media have frequently been studied as a manifestation of participatory culture, in which citizens do not act as consumers only, but as contributors or producers as well. By opening up access to media production, participatory culture is believed to further democracy, civic engagement, and creative expression.

Participatory culture pre-dates the Internet. Amateur Press Associations are a form of participatory culture that emerged late in the 19th century. Members of such associations typeset and print their own publications, which are mailed through a network of subscribers. Zines, community-supported radio stations, and other types of projects were predecessors of blogs, podcasts, wikis, and social networks. Web services such as Tumblr, Imgur, Reddit, Medium, TikTok, and YouTube, among others, allow users to distribute original content to wider audiences, which makes media production more participatory.

Alternative media are also created by participatory journalism as citizens play an active role in collecting, reporting, analyzing, and disseminating news and information. This form of alternative and activist news-gathering and reporting functions outside of mainstream media institutions, often as a response to the shortcomings of professional journalism. It engages in journalistic practices but is driven by goals other than profit making, has different ideals, and relies on alternative sources of legitimacy.

Participatory media approaches consider participation in producing media content as well as in making decisions about media production processes as a defining feature of alternative media. Participatory culture can be realized in a number of ways. Media literacy is a way to begin participating by understanding media systems' conventions and means of production. Individuals learning to produce media themselves is the step that moves citizens from literacy to participation. Fan fiction, community radio (or low-power FM), and hyper-local blogging are just a few ways that citizens can produce media content to participate in the production of alternative media.

By fostering participation, alternative media contribute to the strengthening of a civic attitude and allow citizens to be active in one of the main spheres relevant to daily life and to put their right to communication into practice. To demonstrate the relationship between democracy and participation in media production, the term citizen's media illustrates that alternative media can help those who are producing media also become active citizens – particularly in a democracy. This idea is tied very closely to community media (see next section).

Community media
Community media includes citizens′ media, participatory media, activist and radical media as well as the broader forms of communication in which local or regional specific platforms are engaged. Like other forms of alternative media, community media seeks to bypass the commercialization of media. The elimination or avoidance of sole ownership or sponsorship is motivated by a desire to be free of oversight or obligation to cater to a specific agenda. Community media is often categorized as grassroots, a description that applies to both the financial structure and the process of content creation. While there is diversity in community media, which varies by media platform (radio, TV, web or print), it is typical that the media source is open to the public/community to submit material and content. This open policy aligns with the values of community media to maintain a democratic approach and ethos. Historically community media has served to provide an alternative political voice. Across the world forms of community, media are used to elevate the needs and discourse of a specific space, typically connected by geographical, cultural, social, or economic similarities.

Race and indigenous media
Minority community media can be both localized and national, serving to disseminate information to a targeted demographic. They provide a platform for discussion and exchange within the minority communities as well as between the minority and the majority communities. Oftentimes minority-focused media serves an essential resource, providing their audiences with essential information, in their own language of origin, helping the specified group to participate as equal citizens of their country of residence. These media platforms and outlets create an opportunity for cultural exchange and the elevation or empowerment of a disenfranchised or marginalized group, based on racial, ethnic or cultural identity. Historically, these forms of media have served a dual purpose, to disseminate information to a community that is traditionally ignored or overlooked by major media outlets and as a vehicle for political protest or social reform.

Spaces created to address minority discourse typically straddle the line of both alternative and activist media, working to provide a resource unavailable through mainstream measures and to shift the universally accepted perspective or understanding of a specific group of people. Sociologist Yu Shi's exploration of alternative media provides opposing arguments about the role of minority media to both facilitate cultural place-making and hinder community assimilation and acculturation. Shi expounds a widely shared understanding that racially informed media provide a place, power, and political agency.

Throughout the 20th-century, media spaces were developed to accommodate the growing multi-cultural state of the United States. African-Americans created local publications like the Chicago Defender to share critical information to protect citizens from discriminatory practices by police and policy-makers, while Jet and Ebony's magazine served to empower the national black identity, lauding the achievements and thought leadership of Black Americans. Similar practices became increasingly common for Latino/Latina and Asian groups. As immigration increased post-1965, Spanish-language newspapers and television stations, along with the creation of television networks like ICN-TV specifically for Chinese immigrants. A critical awareness of an increasingly participatory global media culture in multicultural societies is becoming widespread and a necessary approach to explaining the success and impact of ethnic or minority media, as well as to embrace the changing ways in which people 'use' their media.

Connections to subaltern studies
There are related aims found in alternative media studies and subaltern studies, as a concern for disenfranchised and oppressed voices pervades both fields. Subaltern studies draw on Antonio Gramsci's discussion of "subaltern" groups, that is, groups of people considered to be of inferior rank socially, economically, and politically. One of the most significant questions in subaltern studies is posed by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, "Can the subaltern speak?" which she asks in her seminal essay of the same name. Spivak investigates whether the subaltern has a voice within hegemonic political discourses, and if so if their voices are being heard, allowing them to participate. This is important, as the subaltern's ability to participate in politics and other social and cultural practices is key in establishing—as well as challenging—their subaltern status. This particular body of scholarship is useful to the study and discussion of alternative media due to their shared preoccupation with the ability of disenfranchised peoples to participate and contribute to mainstream hegemonic discourses, especially in regards to ethnic and racial media in which these groups speak from a subaltern position.

This connection is strengthened in the work of alternative media scholar Clemencia Rodriguez. In her discussion of citizenship, Rodriguez comments that "Citizens have to enact their citizenship on a day-to-day basis, through their participation in everyday political practices...As citizens actively participate in actions that reshape their own identities, the identities of others, and their social environments, they produce power." So it could be said that by subaltern groups creating alternative media, they are indeed expressing their citizenship, producing their power, and letting their voice be heard.

Press – print
The alternative press consists of printed publications that provide a different or dissident viewpoint than that provided by major mainstream and corporate newspapers, magazines, and other print media.

Factsheet Five publisher Mike Gunderloy described the alternative press as "sort of the 'grown-up' underground press. Whole Earth, the Boston Phoenix, and Mother Jones are the sorts of things that fall in this classification." In contrast, Gunderloy described the underground press as "the real thing, before it gets slick, co-opted, and profitable. The underground press comes out in small quantities, is often illegible, treads on the thin ice of unmentionable subjects, and never carries ads for designer jeans."

An example of alternative media is tactical media, which uses 'hit-and-run' tactics to bring attention to an emerging problem. Often tactical media attempts to expose large corporations that control sources of mainstream media.

One prominent NGO dedicated to tactical media practices and info-activism is the Tactical Technology Collective which assists human rights advocates in using technology. They have released several toolkits freely to the global community, including NGO In A Box South Asia, which assists in the setting up the framework of a self-sustaining NGO, Security-In-A-Box, a collection of software to keep data secure and safe for NGOs operating in potentially hostile political climates, and their new short form toolkit 10 Tactics, which "... provides original and artful ways for rights advocates to capture attention and communicate a cause".

Radio
Radio has been a significant form of alternative media due to its low cost, ease of use, and near ubiquity. Alternative radio has arisen in response to capitalist and/or state-sponsored mainstream radio broadcasts. For example, in early 1970s Australia, a new alternative radio sector was created by those who felt excluded from the two-sector national broadcasting system, consisting of a national public service broadcaster and commercial services. In the US, the first listener-supported independent station, KPFA, began in 1949 in order to provide an avenue for free speech unconstrained by the commercial interests that characterized mainstream radio.

Their content ranges broadly; while some stations' primary aims are explicitly political and radical, others namely seek to broadcast music that they believe to be excluded from mainstream radio. Alternative radio often, though not always, takes the form of community radio, which is generally understood as participatory, open, non-profit, and made by and for a community. These radio stations may broadcast legally or illegally, as pirate radio. Alternative radio is a global phenomenon. Examples of community and alternative radio endeavors include Tilos Rádió (Hungary), Missinipi Broadcasting Corporation (Canada), Pacifica Radio and the Prometheus Radio Project (both in the United States), and Radio Sagarmatha (Nepal).

Video and film
Alternative film and video are generally produced outside of the mainstream film and video industries and features content and/or style that is rarely seen in mainstream product. However, its particular genre, content, and form vary widely. It is often produced in non-profit organizational contexts, such as video art collectives (e.g. Videotage, Los Angeles Filmmakers' Cooperative) or grassroots social justice organizations (e.g. Line Break, CINEP—Center for Research and Popular Education). Participatory video projects in which marginalized or under-resourced groups tell their stories through video demonstrate the possibility for access and participation in video-making to empower those involved, circulate representations unseen in mainstream media, and challenge existing power relations.

Alternative film in the United States is evident in the work of The Film & Photo League chapters of the 1930s, which drew attention to union and class issues through social documentary film and the editing of newsreels. Though initiated in the 1960s and 1970s, radical video making reached an apex in the 1980s, as technology became more accessible. Public access television provided a broadcast outlet for oftentimes punk and hip-hop-influenced radical cultural critique. Deep Dish TV, for instance, is a television network which seeks to provide media access to grassroots organizations and to marginalized or misrepresented perspectives through public access television. Today, portable, accessible recording technology and the internet allow increasing opportunities for global participation in the production, consumption, and exchange of alternative video content.

Internet
With the increasing importance attributed to digital technologies, questions have arisen about where digital media fit in the dichotomy between alternative and mainstream media. First, blogs, Facebook, Twitter and other similar sites, while not necessarily created to be information media, increasingly are being used to spread news and information, potentially acting as alternative media as they allow ordinary citizens to bypass the gatekeepers of traditional, mainstream media and share the information and perspectives these citizens deem important.

Second, the Internet provides an alternative space for mobilization through the cultivation of interpersonal networks, collective action towards social change, and making information much readily accessible. Typically, among those with deviant, dissident or non-traditional views, Internet platforms allow for the creation of new, alternative communities that can provide a voice for those normally marginalized by the mainstream media.

In addition, the Internet has also led to an alternative form of programming, which allows both professionals and amateurs to subvert or evade commercial and political restraints on open access to information and information technologies. Some examples of alternative computing are hacking, open source software or systems, and file sharing.

Lastly, the Internet also breeds a new way of creation and dissemination of knowledge—commons knowledge—that is different from the top-down manner. It seeks out and encourages the participation of multiple users, fostering forms of collaborative knowledge production and folksonomies. Wikipedia is an excellent example of this genre.

Street art
Often considered guerilla-art, street art operates free from the confines of the formal art world. In the form of graffiti, stencil, mural, and print, street art appropriates or alters public spaces as a means of protest and social commentary. Important aspects of street art as an alternative form are its blend of aesthetics and social engagement, use of urban spaces, and interaction with the social landscape of the area in which the art is made.

The street art movement gained popularity in the 1980s as a form of art distinct from high art and commercial venues, but as popularity grew, some street artists moved from the alternative venues of the streets to gallery and museum showings. Cities such as Paris, Buenos Aires, and São Paulo rose to prominence in using street art as legitimate alternative media through artist collectives and competitions, bringing attention to alternative voices. The internet has also influenced street art greatly by functioning as a platform for artists and fans to share pictures of street art from around the world. Websites like Streetsy.com and WoosterCollective.com are among the most popular of street art sharing sites.

Performance
Performance as an alternative medium uses theater, song, and performance art as a means of engaging audiences and furthering social agendas. Performance art is an avant garde art form that typically uses live performances to challenge traditional forms of visual art. It operates as "the antithesis of theatre, challenging orthodox art forms and cultural norms." Playing an important role in social and cultural movements from Dada and Surrealism to Post-Minimalism, performance art reflects the political environment of the time. While performance art is often relegated to high art, street theater is typically used in a grassroots fashion, utilizing local communities for performance or conversation. It can be used as a form of guerilla theater to protest, like in the case of The Living Theatre which is dedicated to transforming the hierarchy of power in society through experimental theater.

Music
Certain genres of music and musical performance can be categorized as alternative media. Independent music, or indie music, is music that is produced separate from commercial record labels. Professor David Hesmondhalgh describes indie music's alternative nature as a "hard-headed network of post-punk companies which made significant challenges to the commercial organization of cultural production favoured by the major record companies." Its subversive roots of sound or lyrics and alternative models of distribution distinguish it from the commercial record companies.

Genres
Some alternative media can be associated with the political left in the United States, the political right in the United States, and various political positions in the United Kingdom.

Primarily concerned with the growing role of new media in alternative media projects, communication scholar Leah Lievrouw identifies five genres of contemporary new media based alternative and activist media: culture jamming, alternative computing, participatory journalism, mediated mobilization, and commons knowledge.

 * Culture jamming generally attempts to critique popular cultures such as entertainment, advertising, and art. It tends to comment on issues of corporate capitalism and consumerism and seeks to provide political commentary. Characteristics of culture jamming texts include the appropriation or repurposing of images, video, sound, or text and that they are ironic or satirical in some sense. Today, culture jamming can come in the form of internet memes and guerrilla marketing.
 * Alternative computing deals with the material infrastructure of informational and communications technologies. It seeks to critique and reconfigure systems with the intention of subverting or evading commercial and political restraints on open access to information and information technologies. Some examples of alternative computing are hacking, open source software or systems, and file sharing.
 * Participatory journalism refers to web-based sources of critical or radical news either in the form of online news services or blogs. These alternative outlets of news often adopt the philosophies of citizen journalism and view themselves as providing an alternative to mainstream news and opinion. Participatory journalism projects may cover underreported groups and issues. Within this genre authors and readers of some of these alternative media projects have the ability contribute alike and therefore has the characteristic of being participatory or interactive. An example of participatory journalism is Indymedia and wearecgange.org
 * Mobilization media relate to communication practices that mobilization or organization social movements, identity, or cultural projects through the use of new media tools and platforms such as Facebook or YouTube. Characteristics of this genre include the cultivation of interpersonal networks, collective action towards social change, and making information much readily accessible.
 * Commons knowledge as a genre refers to projects that provide alternatives to the traditional top-down creation and dissemination of knowledge. It seeks out and encourages the participation of multiple users, fostering forms of collaborative knowledge production and folksonomies. Wikipedia is an excellent example of this genre.

Thinking of current forms of alternative media in terms of the genre not only allows one to identify the features and conventions of certain modes of communication, but also how "they allow people to express themselves appropriately, and to achieve their various purposes or intentions." In other words, one can begin to understand how the creators and participants of alternative new media projects actively shape their communication practices.

YouTube is considered to be not only a commercial enterprise but also a platform designed to encourage cultural participation by ordinary citizens. Although YouTube aimed to be foremost a commercial enterprise, nevertheless, it has become a community media as one of the forms of alternative media. Scholars assume that YouTube's commercial drive may have increased the probability of participation in online video culture for a broader spectrum of participants than before. This idea allows one to shift our concern away from the false contradiction between market-driven and non-market-driven culture towards the tensions between corporate logics and unruly and emergent traits of participatory culture, and the limits of YouTube model for cross-cultural diversity and global communication. In theory, YouTube stands as a site of cosmopolitan cultural citizenship. Uploading foreign soap opera episodes and dividing into several pieces to pass YouTube's content limits, can be seen as acts of cultural citizenship similar to the media sharing practices of diverse communities identified by Cunningham and Nguyen (2000). However, people who have the highest chance of encountering other cultural citizens are those who have the access to various contents, information and platforms; this is commonly referred to as the 'participation gap'. The notion of participation gap makes both digital literacy and digital divide such important issues for cultural politics. Therefore, it is still controversial whether YouTube is just another conduit for strengthening cultural imperialism or one of the alternative media.

Aesthetics
In association with experimental and innovative modes of production and collaboration, aesthetics in alternative media can be a political tool used to subvert dominant power. Like many makers of alternative media, scholar Crispin Sartwell identifies politics as an aesthetic environment. As such, these art political systems not only use aesthetics as a tool to gain power but are also produced via aesthetic forms within all media. Thus, it is not uncommon for alternative media to seek new artistic, non-traditional, or avant-garde means to represent its content. In this case, the use of aesthetics allows alternative media to address otherwise banal content in a manner which re-aligns, re-negotiates, or exposes the politics at work within it.

Form
Scholars have linked the Avant-garde art movements as one arena where alternative aesthetics are used as a political tool. Movements such as Futurism, Dada, and Situationism looked to challenge the formal rules regarding what art was, how it looked or sounded like, or where it could be in order to radically alter public and political ideology. The logic, reason, and rules of style and beauty, mandated by the dominant class, was rejected as an affirmation of subjugation.

Appropriation
While some alternative makers look to radically break away from the suffocating restraints of the dominant class by rejecting their dominant visual dogma, others appropriate, twist, and remix in order to subvert dominant language and messaging through mimicry, mockery, and satire. The détournement (and its successor culture-jamming) of the Situationists, the mimicry of Pop Art, and the reworking of normative narratives in slash fiction are examples of appropriation of mainstream media texts.

Participation
Avant-garde movements that have emphasized audience participation include Futurism, Dadaism, Surrealism, Situationism, Pop art, Neo-concretism, and the Theatre of the Oppressed. By inviting the audience to participate in the creation of media, collaborators look to subvert or critique hierarchical structures (capitalism, the ivory tower) within society by embracing democratic modes of production. Strategies that involve the input or collaboration of all stakeholders often result in less formally 'correct' aesthetics.

Notable media scholars

 * Chris Atton
 * Rodney Benson
 * Jean Burgess
 * John D. H. Downing
 * Lauren Kessler
 * Clemencia Rodriguez
 * Åsa Wettergren

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List of Belarusian-language poets

The following is a list of Belarusian-language poets.

 * Maksim Bahdanovič
 * Zmitrok Biadula (real name Shmuel Plavnik)
 * Kastuś Kalinoŭski
 * Hienadz Kliauko
 * Jakub Kołas (real name Kanstancy Mickievič)
 * Janka Kupała (real name Ivan Łucevič)
 * Vintsent Dunin-Martsinkyevich
 * Valzhyna Mort
 * Ales Prudnikau (real name Alyaksandr Prudnikau)
 * Pavel Prudnikau
 * Maksim Tank

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: List of Belarusian-language poets


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Earl of Merioneth

Earl of Merioneth was a title in the Peerage of the United Kingdom created in 1947 along with the Duke of Edinburgh and the Baron Greenwich for Philip Mountbatten, later Prince Philip, upon his marriage to Princess Elizabeth, later Queen Elizabeth II.

Merionethshire is one of thirteen historic counties of Wales, a vice county and a former administrative county.

Earls of Merioneth (1947)
Camilla Parker Bowles 9 April 2005
 * Prince Philip Mountbatten 1947–2021 also: Duke of Edinburgh and Baron Greenwich (1947)
 * Duke of Edinburgh 33 Allan Warren.jpg
 * 10 June 1921 Mon Repos, Corfu son of Prince Andrew of Greece and Denmark and Princess Alice of Battenberg
 * Princess Elizabeth 20 November 1947 4 children
 * 9 April 2021 Windsor Castle, Windsor aged 99
 * Prince Charles House of Windsor 2021–2022 also: Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester (1958), Duke of Cornwall, Duke of Rothesay (1952), Duke of Edinburgh and Baron Greenwich (2021)
 * King Charles III (July 2023).jpg
 * 14 November 1948 Buckingham Palace, London son of Prince Philip and Queen Elizabeth II
 * Lady Diana Spencer 29 July 1981 – 28 August 1996 2 children
 * Lady Diana Spencer 29 July 1981 – 28 August 1996 2 children
 * – now 75 years, 246 days old
 * colspan=5|Prince Charles succeeded as Charles III in 2022 upon his mother's death, and his hereditary titles merged in the Crown.
 * }
 * }

title: Earl of Merioneth


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Aiseau

Aiseau (Åjhô) is a village of Wallonia and a district of the municipality of Aiseau-Presles, located in the province of Hainaut, Belgium.

It was a separate municipality before the Merger of Commons in 1977.

It borders the Biesme, near its mouth on the Sambre.

 * Postal area: 6250 (old zone: 6268)
 * Province: Hainaut
 * District: Charleroi
 * Hamlets of Aiseau: Menonri (wa: In Mnonri); Oignies (wa: Ougniye), with its béguinage.

Prehistory and history
Traces of human presence date back to prehistoric times. In caves in Parc du Comte de Presles various bones were discovered of Neanderthal man dating back to the Paleolithic Era.

Later, during the Roman Empire, a Gallo-Roman villa was built at the southern end of the village (along Presles Road). A cistern was present. A cemetery was a few hundred meters further north, at the foot of Bois de Broue, along the rue d'Aiseau.

The village itself appeared in the tenth century, at a place called the "Hayettes." A farm was present in 952.

A mansion was built in the center of village. It was enlarged over centuries to be remodeled for the last time in 1721. It was destroyed in 1794 by French revolutionaries. In 1860, the village school took its place. Only part remaining today is the front porch with the arms of the last family that ruled the village, the "Gavre" porch. This building was then used as stables of the castle and by house servants. A few outer walls of the castle can also be seen along the rue du Curé.

Not far away, the "Baudecart Farm" was built as the farm of the Lord of the village. This farm still exists, although changed.

Oignies Priory
Hugo d'Oignies, the great Mosan goldsmith, worked at Priory Oignies. His work was conserved, which is exceptional. It was hidden in Falisolle during the French Revolution in 1818 and entrusted to the Sisters of Notre Dame in Namur. Today we can admire the largest part of the treasure in the museum the Sisters of Notre-Dame in Namur, the rest is kept in the parishes of Aiseau, Falisolle, Septic, Nivelles and Walcourt as well as Royal Museums of art and History in Brussels and the diocesan Museum of Namur.

Industrial development
Historically, Aiseau was a village dedicated to agriculture, logging, but also to the industry.

As evidence of development, several centuries of iron ore have been discovered. This activity leads to the creation and perpetuation of Forges d'Aiseau, factories located south of the village, along the Biesme. These products were exported around the world, including Mexico. But their location, far from the Sambre and railways, made it impossible to work there. These factories closed in the early twentieth century. Nowadays, the Somville Workshops produce light metals.

Wagons came from Aiseau coal mines. For centuries, coal was mined from various locations on the hillside. Two wells exist, one in Oignies (St. Henry's Well) and the other in Ménonry (the colliery Champfroment). A ventilation shaft was located not far from the place called " l'Etoile" (Star) 50 m behind Somville Workshops. Concrete wells are still visible today.

The production of glass was also occurred in Aiseau through "Glaceries Sainte-Marie d'Oignies". This huge farm was located along the present street Oignies, the along the Sambre. Its fame was international, the windows of the Empire State Building in New York were especially produced there. King Leopold I visited the buildings. While the lower village was laid out accordingly, Abbey Oignies partly destroyed houses built for workers, and the Biesme diverted from its original course.

The factory closed in 1930 due to the global crisis. Today, there are only ruins, found in a park.

In addition to industries Aiseau also owned a chemical plant (opposite the Abbey), a cooperage (near the station), water mills, and others.

World War I
Aiseau, along with whole region, suffered much from the conflict which has always marked the region. The Battle of Charleroi, from 21 to 23 August 1914, was one of the most painful episodes.

On 21 August, the Germans descended on the Sambre, attacked Roselies at Northwest Aiseau. The French, driven from the village, retreated between Menonry, Aiseau-Centre and Presles. During the night of August 21 to 22, against the French counter-attacked and suffered very heavy losses at Roselies. The pantalons rouges fell back again Aiseau and left the village, going in the direction of Presles. At North East Aiseau, on the border with Tamines where other heavy fighting occurred, the Germans broke through the French lines and up the valley of the Sambre towards Le Roux by the Oignies neighborhood. At the height of the "Ferme de la Belle-Motte", during the fighting, there was a rare violence in the woods and surrounding fields. The farm burned and the French had to withdraw on Le Roux and then to Devant-les-Bois.

As in the neighboring villages, in addition to the damage caused by the fighting, German soldiers set fire to dozens of home and shot many villagers. After the war, at a place called Belle-Motte, a Franco-German cemetery was built, called logically "Cemetery Belle-Motte." The soldiers buried around the village and the region, were gathered in the upper part of the village. A few years later, German soldiers were transported to Vladslo Cemetery, near Ypres. 4,057 French soldiers are buried in the cemetery of Belle-Motte. 1182 buried in tombs and 2875 in two ossuaries.

Natural environment
Aiseau offers an impressive variety of natural habitats. In the North, the Sambre and alluvial grasslands allows us to remember that before the passage of the river, it was composed of unbroken meanders. Marshes occupied these places. Today, grasslands remain moist, with much biodiversity. A bank of the Moignelée, a former meander, is also protected.

The slag heap of Champfroment hosts various species of plants that are found further south in Europe.

The Biesme Valley also offers a remarkable diversity of natural habitats and species. In addition to the wealth of fish from the river, it is connected to Oignies ponds, dug by the monks of the Priory. These ponds are a nature reserve.

Still further south, the Biesme digs the valley more deeply. It then enters the "Marlagne" an area along the south of the Sambre several tens of kilometers. At the border of Presles, the river flows through a limestone area which makes the steep valley cliffs bordering the creek. The caves of the valley host bats.

The maximum height difference between Biesme and the top of the valley is about 100 m.

The Condroz is found Southeast of the village.

title: Aiseau


text:
Chief Mkwawa

Chief Mkwavinyika Munyigumba Mwamuyinga (c. 1855 – 19 July 1898), more commonly known as Chief Mkwawa or Sultan Mkwawa, was a Hehe tribal leader in German East Africa, based in Kalenga, Iringa region, who opposed the German colonization. The name "Mkwawa" is derived from Mukwava, a shortened form of Mukwavinyika, meaning "conqueror of many lands".

As a young child he was named Ndesalasi, meaning "troublemaker". As an adult he was named Mtwa Mkwava Mkwavinyika Mahinya Yilimwiganga Mkali Kuvagosi Kuvadala Tage Matenengo Manwiwage Seguniwagula Gumganga, meaning: "A leader who takes control of the forests, who is aggressive to men and polite to women, who is unpredictable and unbeatable, and who has the power that it is only death who can take him away."

Life
Mkwawa was born in Luhota and was the son and successor of Sultan Munyigumba, who died in 1879.

In July 1891, the German commissioner Emil von Zelewski led a battalion of soldiers (320 askaris with officers and porters) to suppress the Hehe. On 17 August, they were attacked by Mkwawa's 3,000-strong army at Lugalo, who, despite only being equipped with spears and a few guns, quickly overpowered the Germans and killed Zelewski.

On 28 October 1894, the Germans, under the new commissioner Colonel Freiherr Friedrich von Schele, attacked Mkwawa's fortress at Kalenga. Although they took the fort, Mkwawa managed to escape. Subsequently, Mkwawa conducted a campaign of guerrilla warfare, harassing the Germans until 1898 when, on 19 July, he was surrounded and shot himself to avoid capture at the site of the Mlambalasi Rock Shelter. Mkwawa's body was buried a few meters away from the rockshelter.

His brother Chambila, who was given the name (roughly meaning "hero") for his heroism in battle, fought alongside him to his last breath. Mkwawa and his brother descended from an immigrant from the North named Mufwimi, a traditional name meaning "a hunter".

Skull
After his death, German soldiers removed Mkwawa's head. The skull was sent to Berlin and probably ended up in the Übersee-Museum Bremen. In 1918 the then British Administrator of German East Africa Horace Byatt proposed to his government that it should demand a return of the skull to Tanganyika in order to reward the Wahehe for their cooperation with the British during the war and in order to have a symbol assuring the locals of the definitive end of German power. The skull's return was stipulated in the 1919 Treaty of Versailles:

"ARTICLE 246. Within six months from the coming into force of the present Treaty, ... Germany will hand over to His Britannic Majesty's Government the skull of the Sultan Mkwawa which was removed from the Protectorate of German East Africa and taken to Germany."

The Germans disputed that Mkwawa's skull had been removed from East Africa and the British government took the position that the whereabouts could not be traced. However, after World War II the Governor of Tanganyika, Sir Edward Twining, took up the issue again. After enquiries he was directed to the Bremen Museum which he visited himself in 1953. The Museum had a collection of 2000 skulls, 84 of which originated from the former German East Africa. He short-listed the ones which showed measurements similar to surviving relatives of Chief Mkwawa; from this selection he picked the only skull with a bullet-hole as the skull of chief Mkwawa. The skull was finally returned on 9 July 1954, and now resides at the Mkwawa Memorial Museum in Kalenga, near the town of Iringa.

title: Chief Mkwawa


text:
User talk:Camipco

Hello and welcome to Wikipedia!

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Hello, Atlantic traveller Jamie! Welcome from all of us.

When you've copied your list of interests from the New User Log to create the first version of your User Page, you will probably want to exercise your newshound skills at 2004 or one of its linked pages.

Enjoy! - Robin Patterson 02:24, 26 May 2004 (UTC)

Not a problem
and I'm glad you took it that way. Articles like "Islamicism" are designed for causing edit wars and hard feelings amongst editors BTW, so be careful ;) Not that you seem to have any failing in this area, you have already made a particularly good impression on me by your ability accept contructive criticism, something some of the old hands and admins around here would find impossible to say the least. One of the most important things to keep in mind on the wiki is not to allow our egos to get in the way of what is best for the articles, and at the same time to be aware that many do, and thus a calm and cautious, well-worded approach is often the best way to solve a disagreement, rather than the "how could you be such an ignorant ape?" sort of edit summary ;) I've had people on here question my ability to read, strange as that may seem. Anyways I glad to see you are one of the harmonious types who eventually succeed in producing brilliant articles thru concensus, rather than burning out fast in flame wars. Cheers, Sam [Spade] 21:10, 30 May 2004 (UTC)

reverting again
Thanks for the additional revert on the Columbus article. I hate it when different IPs are doing tag-team vandalism. Joyous (talk) July 8, 2005 20:24 (UTC)

Avant
I've added a disambig block to the top of Avant (or rather, extended a disambig block), so hopefully that'll help anyone who gets lost. I'll see if I can fix those links sometime soon. Tuf-Kat 21:12, September 1, 2005 (UTC)

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I'm unclear on the parameters of this category. If it's for people who organize and demonstrate for the rights of sex workers, there will need to be sources to this effect in the person's article. Looking at the people included, it doesn't seem apt to include anyone who is any kind of activist who has also done sex work. Or is it? - CorbieVreccan ☊ ☼ 03:48, 4 September 2020 (UTC)

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title: User talk:Camipco


text: Talk:Atari Lynx

title: Talk:Atari Lynx


text:
User talk:Svínhund

Hello and welcome to Wikipedia!

Here are some tips to help you get started:

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Good luck! Jrdioko

P.S. One last helpful hint. To sign your posts like I did above (on talk pages, for example) use the '~' symbol. To insert just your name, type (3 tildes), or, to insert your name and timestamp, use ~ (4 tildes).

title: User talk:Svínhund


text:
User talk:Kaiel

Hello and welcome to Wikipedia!

Here are some tips to help you get started:

 * If you haven't already, please add your name to the new user log to let others know a little about yourself.
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Good luck! Jrdioko

P.S. One last helpful hint. To sign your posts like I did above (on talk pages, for example) use the '~' symbol. To insert just your name, type (3 tildes), or, to insert your name and timestamp, use ~ (4 tildes).

title: User talk:Kaiel


text:
Louis-Hébert

Louis-Hébert could refer to:

 * Louis-Hébert (provincial electoral district)
 * Louis-Hébert (federal electoral district)

title: Louis-Hébert


text:
Talk:Bacterial growth

Yo
Hey non-user here, don't know how the hell to work this site. Make sure you read item number 3 in the Phases section. There's some very unacademic statements being tossed around ("it's better to forget this"), thought you might want to fix that up. Love <3 Edit;another users: Omg exponential growth is really hard, all those doing biotech and bio stuff, dont give up........ love frank — Preceding unsigned comment added by 98.228.92.241 (talk) 04:08, 13 August 2012 (UTC)

Mathematical modelling
The graph is certainly incorrect if "B" is supposed to look like exponential growth. Michael Hardy 22:49, 22 May 2004 (UTC)

It says:

 * At exponential phase, bacteria are reproducing at their maximum rate; therefore, their number increases during this phase. It is a period of exponential growth.

This is contradictory! It cannot be growing at its maximum rate while it's growing exponentially. See exponential growth. While something is growing exponentially, its growth rate is always increasing; it's never at its maximum growth rate. I can't help suspecting this of being a case of thinking that "exponential growth" merely means extremely or surprisingly rapid growth. Besides, the description makes it sound like the growth rate is jointly proportional to the present size and the amount by which the size falls short of the carrying capacity. That would make it approximately exponential in its early phases, but nowhere near exponential when the growth rate is maximum. Michael Hardy 20:36, 15 Jul 2004 (UTC)

If the number of bacteria is increasing exponentially, and each bacterium is reproducing at maximum rate, then the rate of increase can be increasing exponentially, no problems at all. RobertStar20 22:38, 2 Nov 2004 (UTC)

 * If what was meant was the each bacterium separately is reproducing at maximum rate, then the article is very unclear. Moreover, if each bacterium separately is reproducing faster at time t than at any other time, then one would expect slow per capita growth a later times, and therefore the growth rate is not exponential.  In exponential growth, the per capita growth rate remains constant.  If that varies, then growth is not exponential.  Michael Hardy 22:44, 2 Nov 2004 (UTC)

 * If all the individual bacterium are separately reproducing at maximum rate, then the whole colony is at its maximum rate at that point in time, i.e. it is incapable of reproducing any faster. However, I agree that the per capita growth rate at later times will be slower, so it is indeed not technically exponential. Looking at the exponential growth page, maybe the logistic function is what it really is... but isn't this a bit too mathematical perhaps? We need a word which means increasing at an increasing rate, but not necessarily exponentially. As for the graph being incorrect, it's a log y-axis, so an exponential curve will become straight... if only it were actually exponential :-). [Unrelated question: do your comments on this page automatically appear on my talk page or what?] RobertStar20 23:19, 2 Nov 2004 (UTC)

I'm not entirely happy with the way this now reads; I'd like to see something more explicit about the mathematical model before such a phrase as "exponential growth" is used in a way that makes it appear to be meant literally. But maybe no one who knows this material has worked on this article. Michael Hardy 21:07, 8 Nov 2004 (UTC)

 * Bacteria definetly grow exponentially. The example of growing bacteria are used constantly to introduce, reinforce and evaluate understanding in high school math courses of exponential functions.  Each bacteria has a period during which it will divide.  Obviously, conditions such as space, food supply, heat, light, etc... affect this rate, so we assume those factors are constant.  Suppose a given strain of bacteria, let's call it B1, divides every 4 hours.  Assuming we start with say, 10 bacteria, and the conditions don't change, then you will have table as follows:

Time (h)   Bacteria Count"  0           10  4           20  8           40  12          80  16          160  20          320  24          640  .           .  .           .  .           .

This growth is modelled by the equation B = 10 x (2 ^ h/4), where B is the number of bacteria and h is the number of hours (x means multiply, ^ means exponent, / means divide)

So, the discussion is hopefully resolved with the accepted mathematical notion: Bacteria divide at a constant rate, hence their population grows exponentially.

 * How could that resolve the issue when the article says they do NOT grow exponentially? Michael Hardy 00:12, 12 December 2005 (UTC)

 * what you added to the article was utter nonsense. The point at which growth is fastest, after which it slows down, cannot be a time when it is growing exponentially. Michael Hardy 00:18, 12 December 2005 (UTC)

 * Sorry you feel that way. Perhaps i didn't explain it clearly?  Or maybe I don't understand the confusion.  Maybe someone could help me format the table above...or could you at least explain what you mean by utter nonsense?  Do you mean my assumption that bacteria division is constant?

I just tried to reread your page, and it referenced the exponential growth page, which says, "Examples of exponential growth Biology. Microorganisms in a culture dish will grow exponentially, at first, after the first microorganism appears (but then logistically until the available food is exhausted, when growth stops). "

If we assume the division of bacteria occurs at a constant rate (environment, other factors are constant) then the number of bacteria in any population will grow exponentially. It's the same for many types of populations, from rabbits to humans. If you assume that there is a constant steady growth rate, then the number in a population grows exponentially over time.

Or put another way, without external stressors, a population size will grow exponentially over time.

Have I missed something? This concept is as old as Malthus at least, who, I believe, pointed out that a population grows exponentially but resources tend to grow linearly and hence each population will tend to exhaust it's resources, inevitably.

I'd sure like to understand better if there is something I'm missing, or something I'm not explaining well. I thought the confusion was whether or not bacteria divide exponentially. They don't, or at least, as far as i understand, the rate of division is constant for given environmental factors. But because they divide, they double there number every time, which gives rise to an exponential function (base 2).

I appreciate you taking the time to respond to my comments. Please remember I am very new to Wikipedia, and if I break ediquette I don't mean to. Jess.

http://www.cellsalive.com/ecoli.htm "LOG PHASE: Once the metabolic machinery is running, they start multiplying exponentially, doubling in number every few minutes."

http://www.ugrad.math.ubc.ca/coursedoc/math100/notes/zoo/andromed.html

http://www.abc.net.au/science/experimentals/stories/s1168046.htm "Bacteria double in numbers about every 20 minutes - that's exponential growth!"

 * Yes, you have missed something. What you missed is what this present article says.  Bacteria do grow exponentially under some circumstances, but this article is entirely explicit that those are not the circumstances considered here. Michael Hardy 00:33, 6 January 2006 (UTC)

 * I can't believe you're being so difficult. I just looked again: it says "exponential phase" is when they're growing fastest.  Obviously a misnomer.  They're growing approximately exponentially only when they're growing much more slowly.  Why don't you read what this article actually says? Michael Hardy 00:35, 6 January 2006 (UTC)

4 years on and the graph is still misleading... Since this graph represents the behaviour of many millions of bacteria, all transitions should be continuous (i.e. smooth) so the lag to log should curve to a straight line, the log to lag should curve to an approximately horizontal line, before curving down to the death phase line (i'm not sure what maths governs this phase). I'm no biologist, so my expertise is limited certainly, but Michael Hardy was correct to question the graph on the basis of its maths, atleast. Perhaps we could ask the user who created the graph image to edit it.Hai2410 (talk) 17:17, 20 February 2010 (UTC)

Determination of maximum growth rate(viagra)
First of all this is what I understand of it anyways. Once a bacterial population enter exponential phase as seen on the graph a theoretial maximum specific growth rate can be derived from from the graph.

(The difference between the theoretical and actual growth rate is determined by the concentration of limiting nutrient which is an essential growth factor necessary for bacterial growth that is consumed by bacteria before exhausting any other of the essential nutrients in the media.) The actual maximum specific growth rate or true maximum specific growth rate is determined in a chemostat. see http://mic.sgmjournals.org/cgi/reprint/151/10/3153 (for ref which states the reason they are growing approximately exponentially) They therefore could grow exponentially but they don't for these reasons.

Determining maxium specific growth rate is a two step calculation.

Step one: Determine the doubling time (generation time) the amount of time taken for the amount of cells in a population to double. (Also called doubling time) for the population. The time taken for the y value (bacterial cell number or turbidity of culture) to double. If the value doesn't increase extrapolate the line and read off your values.

Step two:

Derive maximum specific growth rate

maximum specific growth rate=Ln 2/doubling time

For the sake of the calculation, the fact that it is an approx value is close to the actual value is only going to make a small difference in the calculation of growth rate. (follow this methodology and repeat it a number of times to reduce your error). Bacteria have different maximum specific growth rates depending on the experimental conditions such as the media used if not stressed diverting the energy used for growth into non-growth processes into adaptation I think the only variable is the concentration of limiting nutrient which changes depending on the media used.

If you would like to determine the actual growth rate you need to establish a bacterial culture in a chemostat.

Alter the dilution rate of the chemostat such that the bacterial population (as measured by culture turbidity, or cell number cfu/ml) remains constant over time.

Oh yeah dilution rate = flow rate (the rate of addition of media to the chemostat) divided by the volume of the chemostat culture. also see paper maths explained better http://mic.sgmjournals.org/cgi/reprint/151/10/3153

Compare to values obained for batch culture and volia you have calculated your actual maximum specific growth rate and validated your result using two methods. The results agree (I've done it myself)

So exponential phase or is where a close approximation of exponential growth is used to calculate a close approximation of doubling time which is in turn used to derive a close approximation of maximum specific growth rate as obtained by a graph monitoring bacterial growth in batch culture is a method of determining growth.

A graph displaying exponential growth and does not look all that different from the one displayed in the figure depicting a bacterial population experiencing log growth occuring during log phase associated with this article. However it is not quite exactly strictly speaking true as true log growth cannot be derived because of the dependency on concentration of limiting nutrient in the media Lilypink (talk) 18:03, 24 January 2008 (UTC)

Actually this is part of a much larger discussion about what happens in nature and what happens in culture; the question might be phrased: "What is acclimation and what is evolution?" It is a problem inherent in typological thinking. As a point of fact, bacteria are never (it seems) adapted to an environment in which every nutrient is present completely in excess. Instead, they have all sorts of throttles on their growth, which can be removed by various means. The 'deeper' the throttle, the more difficult to remove and the more difficult to reestablish. So there are all sorts of little things that a bacteria can do to adapt to slightly more rich environs for a short time, but over time it becomes further and further adapted to a regularly rich environment. Eventually it will start picking up mutations, some more routine and predictable than others (like cassette mechanisms), to more or less permanently alter its maximum doubling rate. The shortest term up and down regulation we probably never see in the lab, unless we produce microscale nutrient patches in a microfluidics device (see the work of F. Azam, J. Seymour, or R. Stocker). The medium scale is probably what we describe as lag phase, where the growth rate is less than we will see later in the culture. People who work on this know that max. growth rate is actually highly dependent not only on strain and media and temperature, but on inoculation size and observable population density. Anyway, you can create a system in which there is no limiting nutrient - every nutrient is in excess - and try to measure the growth rate, but this rate keeps changing as the organisms continue to adapt. Anyway, you do have periods of true log growth, with a fixed doubling time, to be sure. You just have to observe at the appropriate temporal and spatial scales. Bckirkup (talk) 15:26, 25 January 2008 (UTC)

I think "Bacterial Growth Curve" should redirect to this page. It doesn't seem to exist as a page on its own, but it would make sense for it to point here. No? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 24.47.186.143 (talk) 17:37, 2 April 2008 (UTC)

 * As I understand it, exponential growth refers to the population, which doubles at a constant rate. An alternative term is "logarithmic growth" and this is defined in the Oxford Dictionary of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology as "when the number of cells, or the cell mass, increases logarithmically (exponentially) with time. The rate of increase at any time is proportional to the number of cells, or cell mass, present." The diagram with the growth phases colored in various shades of blue is a little inaccurate, as the period between lag phase and the onset of exponential growth is marked as log phase, rather than lag phase. Log phase is only the portion of the semi-log graph that is a straight line. Tim Vickers (talk) 17:07, 14 September 2009 (UTC)
 * I think that the term "logarithmic growth" should not be used in a general encyclopedia like Wikipedia and I replaced it in some articles. No one but microbiologists will understand it because the log is the Inverse function of the exponential, and many processes with a very slow growth N(t)~log(t) are called logarithmic elsewhere (e.g. Binary search algorithm). No one would use "quadratic growth" and "square-root growth" synonymously, either. --Tinz (talk) 15:22, 30 May 2010 (UTC)
 * As a mathematician, I agree that the term "log phase" is an awful misuse. "exponential phase" makes a lot more sense. But we are not in a position to change the terms people use.
 * Another point I would make is that Michael Hardy's complaint that the growth cannot be maximal because it is increasing is merely a matter of choosing the right definition. The growth rate is best defined by something like the inverse of the time it takes the number of organisms to double. This growth rate remains constant in the ideal exponential growth.

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Covid-19 R0 and Re example?
Can anybody help how these Ro and Re fit in a bacterial growth formula? Thy SvenAERTS (talk) 09:05, 19 July 2020 (UTC)
 * 1) Re = effective reproduction number, sometimes also called Rt, is the number of people in a population who can be infected by an individual at any specific time. It changes as the population becomes increasingly immunized, either by individual immunity following infection or by vaccination, and also as people die; and
 * 2) R0 = the basic reproduction number is defined as the number of cases that are expected to occur on average in a homogeneous population as a result of infection by a single individual, when the population is susceptible at the start of an epidemic, before widespread immunity starts to develop and before any attempt has been made at immunization - so if one person develops the infection and passes it on to two others, the R0 is 2.

Irrelevant information added
Myakubu has now added the following sentence three times:
 * it should be noted that rapid growths of bacteria in the bloodstream causes an exaggerated and destructive intravascular inflammatory response, which in turn leads to progressive circulatory collapse.

I have reverted the addition twice for several reasons, the most important of which is that it is irrelevant to this article. The article is about the process by which bacteria grow and replicate. It is not about the effects of bacterial infections. It appears that Myakubu randomly googled the term "bacterial growth" and added a factoid from any random article containing the phrase to this article without concertn for its relevancy to the article. I have not reverted a third time, for fear of entering into a WP:3RR violation, so I bring the matter here for discussion. Myakubu, please explain why you feel that this sentence is relevant to this article. Other editors are, of course, free to weigh in. WikiDan61 ChatMe!ReadMe!! 20:35, 1 November 2022 (UTC)

 * I meant to tag you in this post. WikiDan61 ChatMe!ReadMe!! 21:09, 1 November 2022 (UTC)
 * Give your lack or response, I'll proceed to remove the content. WikiDan61 ChatMe!ReadMe!! 21:05, 2 November 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Bacterial growth


text:
Royal Flight

Royal Flight may refer to:

 * Royal Canadian Air Force VIP aircraft, air transport for the Canadian Royal Family and other VIPs in Canada
 * No. 32 Squadron RAF, the air transport provider for the British Royal Family and other VIPs in the United Kingdom
 * Royal Flight (airline), a Russian charter airline based at Moscow Vnukovo Airport

title: Royal Flight


text:
Prefix grammar

In theoretical computer science and formal language theory, a prefix grammar is a type of string rewriting system, consisting of a set of string rewriting rules, and similar to a formal grammar or a semi-Thue system. What is specific about prefix grammars is not the shape of their rules, but the way in which they are applied: only prefixes are rewritten. The prefix grammars describe exactly all regular languages.

Formal definition
A prefix grammar G is a 3-tuple, (Σ, S, P), where
 * Σ is a finite alphabet
 * S is a finite set of base strings over Σ
 * P is a finite set of production rules of the form u → v where u and v are strings over Σ

For strings x, y, we write x →G y (and say: G can derive y from x in one step) if there are strings u, v, w such that $x = vu, y = wu$, and v → w is in P. Note that $→_{G}$ is a binary relation on the strings of Σ.

The language of G, denoted $L(G)$, is the set of strings derivable from S in zero or more steps: formally, the set of strings w such that for some s in S, s R w, where R is the transitive closure of $→_{G}$.

Example
The prefix grammar describes the language defined by the regular expression
 * Σ = {0, 1}
 * S = {01, 10}
 * P = {0 → 010, 10 → 100}
 * $$ 01(01)^* \cup 100^* $$

title: Prefix grammar