text:
Talk:Vlaams Blok

Banned, really?
Is this correct: "Because of Belgian funding laws the party was effectively banned."? Has the party been really banned? I don't think so. Can anybody confirm? -- Edcolins 19:28, 6 May 2004 (UTC) No, this would not be deemed correct, the party didn't receive any fundings form the government anymore becasue of the law but the party changed their name and refurbished their program to align more to central right wing. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 194.203.215.254 (talk) 17:29, 3 December 2010 (UTC)

Above part removed. Needs confirmation. Not what is reported in (IHT): "The verdict cannot lead to an immediate ban on the party"... -- Edcolins 19:40, 6 May 2004 (UTC)
 * As I understand it, what the party could loose is is its public funding as well as its fund raising associations, not its existence as such. Anyway, the sentence has been brought to appeal and will have no consequences until confirmed.

Some details on the "cordon sanitaire" (the ban by other parties that doesn't allow a coalition between Vlaams Blok and other parties) should definitely be discussed on the Vlaams Blok page. --Aliekens

The verdict got confirmed but the head of the flemish parlament says he is not willing to kill the funding of the party. --pvaneynd 14:26, 10 Nov 2004 (UTC)

The banned question; The VB itself has nog legal identity. Three non-profit organisations that formed the core of the VB (funding, propaganda, etc) were charged for racism in the VB trial. (Racisme commited between 1999 and 2001 (when the trial started)). The result was a conviction and a fine. That was it. No further implications. The party hasn't been banned and judges can't do that in Belgium. However, there is legislation (it is already voted and published but without the needed "executable decisions") in the pipeline that could deny racist parties their subsidies. The arrest of 17 november could not lead to a loss of subsidies, because there were no executables (sorry, but I don't the Englis term - if there is one - for this juridical concept) for the law. From the juridical point of view, the VB only needed to cease comiting racist crimes. The 17 november arrest did lead to the creation of a "new" party, the Vlaams Belang. This was a carefull prepared marketing move. The party's organisation is still the same, but the leaders try to look softer. (Hoping that this will eventually lead to a coalition with other parties). There are also some other mistakes in the article, more nuance is needed in regarding to the institutional structure of Belgium, and very little is said about the driving forces after the success of the VB.

Antisemitism
Is Vlaams Blok an antisemitic political party? I tend to believe it is the case when I read from the article:
 * "In 2002 party ideologue and vice-president Roeland Raes publicly cast doubt over the murdering of 6 million Jews by the Nazis and the existence of gas chambers "at such a scale"."

Also supported by the Guardian. The Stephen Roth Institute for the Study of Contemporary Anti-Semitism and Racism at Tel Aviv University wrote about Vlaams Blok:
 * "Its founding members included former World War II collaborators (such as ex-members of the Flemish SS) and leaders of the neo-fascist, neo-Nazi and Holocaust denial movements of the period.".

In other words; The Stephen Roth Institute is racist!

The burden of proof is on you to explain why Vlaams Blok would not be antisemitic despite these elements. --Edcolins 22:24, Nov 10, 2004 (UTC)

typical - what about this - here's your proof - you're still alive!

 * I added some info to clarify the statements that Raes made. Regarding the use of the word anti-Semitic, I would err on the side of caution and not use it until evidence is presented that either:

 * 1. The Vlaams Blok party currently holds anti-Semitic positions as policy

 * show it! proof it! what you do is slander - you're the criminal here!

 * 2. Party officials have made anti-Semitic statements while acting in an official capacity (speaking for the party, not themselves) which have not later been repudiated by the party.

 * show it - proof it!! where's the link?where's the quote???

 * IMO both of these are likely to exist but I have yet to see any examples (I can't read Dutch). Until evidence is presented I recommend moving the claim from the first sentence where its anti-Semitism is being declared as a fact to the second paragraph where the charge of anti-Semitism can be attributed to someone. For example: "The party has been characterized by the international media as being neo-nazi, racist, and anti-Semitic..." --Milquetoast 13:51, 12 Nov 2004 (UTC)

your opinion has no value, as you have no facts. = your remarks are racist!

 * I did a quick search in the official programme which can be found on their website, and in the integral text of the "70-points programme" of 1992, and in none of these two I found the Word Jood (Jew in Dutch) or its plural form. Hence, I would propose to remove antisemitic from the first sentence, but a bit further in the text mention that "Although the party as a whole does not specifically talk about Jews in its programme, some of its individual members have made antisemitic statements in the past." Would everyone agree with this? Fhimpe 20:06, 15 Nov 2004 (UTC)

 * exactly!!

 * Even though Fhimpe's proposal is better than the original form, I would rather opt for Milquetoast's solution. The "characterizing by the (...) media" part along with the paragraph about Roeland Raes's interview looks fine to me. Modified accordingly.
 * Have a look at the new issue now, on Vlaams Belang's talk page... --Edcolins 21:16, Nov 15, 2004 (UTC)

 * Well, now that I've been thinking a bit more about it, I don't think the two proposals exclude each other. First could come the sentence about the perception of the international media, and in the next sentence a clarification that although nazism and antisemitism are not part of the official programme, some of its individual members have made nazistic or antisemtic statements in the past. Fhimpe 09:18, 16 Nov 2004 (UTC)

 * all you're saying is that you're a racist and therefor are willing to believe any lie, as long it's against the Flemish people.

where are the links, the quotes, the proof??

Thank god you're not in officialy politics. This is a great example of the µDumb propaganda VB has been spreading for over 30 years. VB is a neo-nazi, fascist Scam (started by Gladio Gangmembers if you ask me). Probeer ook eens serieuze uitleg te schrijven in plaats van 1 zin exclusief gramatica. Maakt Vlaanderen nog wat belachelijker en vooral blijven roepen en tieren.

The true story of Roeland Raes (and of the fatal trial in Ghent)
Anonymous I.P. added here on Nov 25-26, 2004 a long text which is a mere copy of a blog entry elsewhere (by the same author, I suspect). Original here. Removed from this talk page by --FvdP 17:24, 13 May 2005 (UTC).

Move to [Vlaams Blok]
Like it was done for Vlaams Belang, this article should probably move to Vlaams Blok (short discussion in Talk:Vlaams Belang). I can't do that because [Vlaams Blok] already redirects to here : admin wanted. --FvdP 17:29, 13 May 2005 (UTC)

I agree. Why hasn't this been done yet? 1652186 16:38, 18 April 2006 (UTC)
 * Done now. — Nightst a  llion  (?) 09:44, 2 June 2006 (UTC)

Removed from intro
I changed far-right to right-wing. Nothing in this article shows Vlaams Blok is "far-right", and that term isn't much more than an invective, anyway. I also took out "The party had been characterised by the international media as being neo-nazi, racist and openly antisemitic"—this kind of broad generalization needs to be sourced, if it is to be included at all. - Nat Krause 08:25, 26 May 2005 (UTC)

That party was/is widely considered an "extreme-right" party in Belgium, to the point that there is an agreement between all other (mainstream) Flemish parties not to make coalitions with it. Until now, this agreement extends to the current successor of Flemish Block : Flemish Interest. That (at least) should be mentioned, IMO. --FvdP 16:53, 26 May 2005 (UTC)

As with all other nationalist parties, they seem all to be lobbed in with 'extreme right wing' or 'the far right', even though most of these parties have economic policies that are 'extreme left wing'. This all stems from the propaganda since 1945 that the NSDAP of Hitler was 'extreme right wing' when on average, considering it's policies it should be considered 'centre-left'. Labeling the Flemish Block 'extreme right wing' is socialist POV. --Marcel1975 21:32, 18 August 2005 (UTC)

POV check
This article does not have the same kind of NPOV equilibrum obtained in the new Vlaams Belang article. Please refer to the talk page of that article for more information. 1652186 16:50, 15 April 2006 (UTC)

 * I agree with the POV-check. The article should include some of the party's racist program points, and certainly the 70-steps plan that had as goal the ethnic cleansing of Flanders.
 * The present article is sympathetic towards the party. --LucVerhelst 11:03, 16 April 2006 (UTC)

 * That is not what I meant. Of course you are free to include any authentic program points, but I was referring to the absence of any indication that the trial was possibly politically motivated, as brought forward even by some neutral observers. 1652186 12:06, 16 April 2006 (UTC)
 * What do you mean, "authentic program points" ? Please remember that we are writing a neutral article on the party, not the party propaganda. This means that the reader should get the complete truth about the party, also if it is not sympathetic towards the present party line, or if it are things the party and it's leaders would rather forget.
 * Please remember that history can't be changed by rewriting or "revising" it. --LucVerhelst/82.174.61.134 09:21, 17 April 2006 (UTC)

 * That is exactly what I meant. If you wish to publish these program points, you should copy them directly from a reliable source. The fact that you call it racist program points is an indication of POV. Maybe you don't remember, but the party itself (and therefore the program) was not condemned for racism. 1652186 10:23, 17 April 2006 (UTC)
 * The party sensu strictu was not condemned for racism, because 1. in Belgium most parties aren't legal persons, and therefore can't be brought to trial, and 2. for this same reason all party publications are published through the foundations that have been condemned because of these publications.
 * That is why, of course, the party sensu latu has been condemned. Otherwise, I don't see why it had to be dismantled, and a so called new party had to be created.
 * On the "reliable source" you mention : I hope you don't mean the party's own propaganda ? --LucVerhelst 10:39, 17 April 2006 (UTC)

 * Well, I don't see where else you can find a party's official program points than in that party's program (not propaganda)? Or am I missing something here? 1652186 11:57, 17 April 2006 (UTC)

 * You obviously are missing something here. We're not writing a pamphlet for the VB, we're trying to write an encylopaedic article on the party.
 * Which means that you don't just copy material from the party's program (which of course is part of it's propaganda), because that information is biased, but that you try and describe the facts (the whole "truth") about the party.--LucVerhelst 19:18, 17 April 2006 (UTC)

 * This is actually getting funny. I understand that you want the truth and the whole truth. But I don't understand how the bare facts of a political program of a party can be biased. I'm talking about the list of points they want to realize. You either agree with them or you don't. But if you're going to give your interpretation of what these program points mean, then we are getting unencylopaedic... But I'm going to stop it here. Not to admit my defeat, but because reasoning is obviously useless. As you probably know, in Flemish there is a nice saying about that, with an owl, a candle and glasses... 1652186 19:37, 17 April 2006 (UTC)

 * An encyclopaedia is not about providing people just with lists of things. If someone would want to know the party programme of the VB, they could just as easily go the the party's web site.
 * An encyclopaedia is more than that. It is supposed to give background information, that the reader can use to understand, and to look beyond the bare facts.
 * If you just give the bare facts about the party's programme, a reader that never heard of the VB or Belgian politics wouldn't understand why Belgian democratic parties refuse to form coalition governments with the VB.
 * You might want to read up on what Wikipedia is about : WP:8W --LucVerhelst 20:03, 17 April 2006 (UTC)

Political trial

 * On the "political trial"-thing : I don't think the racism trial against the Vlaams Blok was a political trial. It is true that the laws have been changed to be able to punish the party for its racism, but in my views that's part of the normal legislative process.
 * You can't and shouldn't regulate everything. There are some acts of which it is that obvious you can't do them, that a law against them would seem unnecessary. For example : it's obvious that you shouldn't rape children. A normal person doesn't do this. A law against raping children was only voted, when it became clear that common sense wasn't enough, that some people actually raped children, and therefore had to be punished by law.
 * The same goes for racism. It is obvious that a normal person (and certainly a party) doesn't discriminate, based on so-called race. But when it became obvious that a certain party didn't have the normal moral standards, it became clear that the common sense wasn't enough, and that it had to be made possible to punish these crimes, committed by that party, by law.
 * Is this therefore a political trial ? No, it's not a trial against the party, it's a trial against the crimes, committed by the party. Of course, if these crimes constitute the core business of the party, the result of a punishment would be the destruction of the party. But that was not the aim, that is a consequence. --LucVerhelst/--82.174.61.134 09:39, 17 April 2006 (UTC)

 * The fact that you write a whole paragraph about this proves that there is doubt about the nature of the trial. Again, you are absolutely free to include this opinion, but then you should also allow others. 1652186 10:23, 17 April 2006 (UTC)
 * Of course there is doubt about the nature of the trial. You doubted it. --LucVerhelst 10:39, 17 April 2006 (UTC)

Is some vague, unspecified charge of 'racism' really the equivalent of raping a child? Moreover, if 'racism' in the Vlaams Blok sense -- i.e. that Flanders should be preserved for Flemish people -- then normal people everywhere outside of the West are 'racist', e.g. Japan, Han Chinese in Singapore, India. None of these countries allows significant levels of immigration of those not of their ethic/racial group. Let me correct, the Han Chinese of Singapor manipulate immigration to ensure their continuing majority in that city-state. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 158.143.31.56 (talk) 20:06, 19 March 2008 (UTC)
 * The racism charge is not vague, nor unspecified.
 * Racism is a crime in Belgium, as is rape.
 * Japan, China, Singapore and India are not Belgium.
 * --193.190.154.22 (talk) 11:26, 20 March 2008 (UTC)

Vlaams/Vlaamse
Could somebody please explain for non-dutch/flemish speakers, the difference between 'Vlaams' and 'Vlaamse'? Why is the page located at 'Vlaams Blok' but the article begins 'Vlaamse Blok'?

 * I think it was a typo. -- C mon 07:08, 30 June 2006 (UTC)

 * It was a typo, because "Vlaams Blok" is a proper noun. Used as a common noun, "a Flemish bloc" would be translated as "een Vlaams blok", where as "the Flemish bloc" would be "het Vlaamse blok" and "(the) Flemish blocs" would be "(de) Vlaamse blokken". (See also Declension) --LucVerhelst 07:41, 30 June 2006 (UTC)

But Steve Jobs' co-workers aren't Apples ... ;) —Preceding unsigned comment added by 81.165.195.246 (talk) 02:46, 31 October 2010 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Vlaams Blok


text:
French aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle

Charles de Gaulle is the flagship of the French Navy. The ship, commissioned in 2001, is the tenth French aircraft carrier, the first French nuclear-powered surface vessel, and the only nuclear-powered carrier completed outside of the United States Navy. She is named after French president and general Charles de Gaulle.

The ship carries a complement of Dassault Rafale M and E-2C Hawkeye aircraft, AS365F Dauphin Pedro, EC725 Caracal and AS532 Cougar helicopters for combat search and rescue, as well as modern electronics and Aster missiles. She is a CATOBAR-type carrier that uses two 75 m C13‑3 steam catapults of a shorter version of the catapult system installed on the US Nimitz-class aircraft carrier aircraft carriers, one at the bow and one at the waist. As of July 2021, Charles de Gaulle was the only non-American carrier-vessel that had a catapult launch system, which has allowed for operation of F/A-18E/F Super Hornets and C-2 Greyhounds of the United States Navy.

Construction
The carrier replaced FRENCH AIRCRAFT CARRIER Foch, a conventionally powered aircraft carrier, in 2001. FRENCH AIRCRAFT CARRIER Clemenceau and Foch were completed in 1961 and 1963 respectively; the requirement for a replacement was identified in the mid-1970s.

The hull was laid down in April 1989 at the DCNS Brest naval shipyard. The carrier was launched in May 1994 and at 42,000 tonnes (full load) was the largest warship launched in Western Europe since HMS Ark Royal (R09) in 1950. She was to be named Richelieu in 1986 by the French president at the time, François Mitterrand, after the famous French statesman Armand-Jean du Plessis, Cardinal Richelieu. On 18 May 1987, however, the name of the ship was changed to Charles de Gaulle by the Gaullist Prime Minister Jacques Chirac.

Construction quickly fell behind schedule as the project was starved of funding, which was worsened by the economic recession in the early 1990s. Total costs for the vessel would top €3 billion. Work on the ship was suspended altogether on four occasions: 1990, 1991, 1993, and 1995. The ship was commissioned on 18 May 2001, five years behind the projected deadline.

In 1993, it was alleged by The Guardian that a group of engineers inspecting the vessel during her construction were British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6) operatives, believed to have been learning the method of shielding the nuclear reactors, amongst other technical details. However, the newspaper published a denial by both the British government and the Direction de la surveillance du territoire (DST) (in English: Directorate of Territorial Surveillance) that there had been any incident.

Trials and technical problems
Charles de Gaulle entered sea trials in 1999 which identified the need to extend the flight deck to safely operate the E-2C Hawkeye. This operation sparked negative publicity, however, as the same tests had been conducted on both Foch and Clemenceau when the F-8E (FN) Crusader fighter had been introduced. The 5 million francs for the extension was 0.025% of the total budget for the Charles de Gaulle project.

The ship left Toulon for her fourteenth and final sea trial on 24 October 2000. During the night of 9–10 November, in the Western Atlantic while en route toward Norfolk, Virginia, the port propeller broke, and the ship had to return to Toulon to have a replacement fitted. Although the supplier, Atlantic Industrie, was not believed to have intentionally been at fault, it was nevertheless blamed for poor-quality construction. Not long after the French defence minister ordered an investigation on quality management, a fire destroyed the archives of the supplier. As a temporary solution, the less advanced spare propellers of Clemenceau were used, limiting the maximum speed to 25 kn instead of the contractual 27 kn.

On 5 March 2001, Charles de Gaulle returned to sea with the ex-Clemenceau propellers and reached 25.2 kn on her trials.

On 16 September 2001 the French press reported slightly higher than acceptable radioactivity levels aboard Charles de Gaulle, thought to be caused by a faulty isolation element. It was later discovered that the radioactivity levels matched the design, but that the regulations concerning acceptable radioactivity levels had changed. While the United States was preparing its response to the 11 September attacks in the form of Operation Enduring Freedom, French media complained about the lack of deployable French military power. At the same time, the Defence Commission reported the maintenance of the Fleet to be substandard. In this context, Charles de Gaulle, then under repairs, was again an object of criticism, with former President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing describing it as a "half-aircraft-carrier" and requesting the launching of the second carrier vessel (named PA2) to guarantee an availability rate of 100%.

Maintenance and upgrades
Charles de Gaulle first major overhaul began in September 2007. The highlight of this 15-month refit was the refueling of the nuclear power plant, a necessary step after six years in service, during which Charles de Gaulle sailed the equivalent of 12 times around the world, spent 900 days at sea, and performed 19,000 catapult launches. Several improvements were also made, including the installation of new propellers. These allow Charles de Gaulle to reach her design speed of 27 knots, replacing the vintage propellers used as a stop-gap since 2001. Aircraft maintenance and weapons stores were also upgraded to allow the operation of new Rafale F3 fighters armed with ASMP-A nuclear missiles and SCALP EG cruise missiles, and satellite communications bandwidth will be increased tenfold. This refit increased displacement to 42500 tonnes and was completed in December 2008. After technical problems in March 2009, the carrier was back in Toulon for repairs. An intensive work-up period was planned to bring Charles de Gaulle and her air group back to operational status.

On 14 October 2010, a four-month cruise was cut down to a single day when the ship suffered an electrical fault in its propulsion system.

The aircraft carrier underwent an 18-month midlife upgrade and refit begun in February 2017 and returned to service in September 2018. The nuclear reactor was refueled, standard maintenance was completed, and the ship's combat system was modernized, to better communicate with allies and support the Rafale fighters employed by the carrier.

Operational service
On 11 October 2001, the frigate FRENCH FRIGATE Cassard, four AWACS aircraft and Charles de Gaulle were involved in a successful trial of the Link 16 high-bandwidth secure data network. The network allows real-time monitoring of the airspace from the South of England to the Mediterranean Sea. The collected data were also transmitted in real-time to the frigate FRENCH FRIGATE Jean Bart through the older MIL-STD-6011 system.

Afghanistan
On 21 November 2001, France decided to send Charles de Gaulle to the Indian Ocean in support of Operation Enduring Freedom against Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. Task Force 473, with 2,900 men under the command of Contre-Amiral François Cluzel, sailed on 1 December 2001. The task force was composed of Charles de Gaulle, frigates FRENCH FRIGATE Lamotte-Picquet, FRENCH FRIGATE Jean de Vienne and FRENCH FRIGATE Jean Bart, the nuclear attack submarine FRENCH SUBMARINE Rubis, the tanker FRENCH TANKER Meuse and the D'Estienne d'Orves-class aviso FRENCH AVISO Commandant Ducuing.

Embarked air power comprised sixteen Super Étendards, one E-2C Hawkeye, two Rafale Ms, and several helicopters. The Super Étendards carried out their first missions above Afghanistan on 19 December, executing reconnaissance and bombing missions, covering over 3000 kmApproximately 770 sorties were carried out from the carrier.

On 18 February 2002, a Helios observation satellite spotted abnormal activities near Gardez. The next day, after American Special Forces in the region confirmed these observations, Charles de Gaulle launched two reconnaissance Super Étendards. On 20 February 2002, British and US forces entered the valley and Operation Anaconda began in early March 2002.

In March 2002, Super Étendards and six land-based Mirage 2000 aircraft carried out airstrikes against targets claimed to be al Qaeda. A few targets suggested by U.S. forces were denied out of fear of hitting civilians. Nevertheless, French involvement was complimented on 11 March 2002 by US President George W. Bush, who mentioned "our good ally, France, has deployed nearly one-fourth of its navy to support Operation Enduring Freedom". At this point, the French air complement had been increased to 16 Super Étendards, 6 Mirage 2000 D, 5 Rafales, and 2 Hawkeye AWACS. From February 2002, the air wings of Charles de Gaulle and USS John C. Stennis landed on each other's decks as a means of strengthening the ties between the allies.

On 2 May 2002, Charles de Gaulle arrived in Singapore for relief, and returned to Oman on 18 May 2002.

Indian-Pakistani crisis
In June 2002 while Charles de Gaulle was in the Arabian Sea, armed Rafale fighters conducted combat air-patrols with the United States Navy off the coast of India and Pakistan, marking a significant point in the Rafale M's operational career and its integration with the carrier.

Continuing operations
Charles de Gaulle participated in further actions as part of Operation Enduring Freedom in 2005. She returned to Southwest Asia in May 2006 and shortly after supported coalition efforts over Afghanistan. The aircraft carrier regularly participates in the annual bilateral naval exercises between the Indian and French navies called 'Varuna'.

Fifth overseas deployment: Task Force 473 and Operation Agapanthus 2010
A French naval task group, designated Task Force 473, led by Charles de Gaulle departed Toulon on 30 October 2010 for a four-month deployment, code-named Operation Agapanthus 2010, to the Mediterranean Sea, Red Sea, Indian Ocean, and Persian Gulf. The task group also included the frigates FRENCH FRIGATE Forbin and FRENCH FRIGATE Tourville; the nuclear attack submarine FRENCH SUBMARINE Améthyste; the replenishment oiler FRENCH TANKER Meuse, 3,000 sailors, and an Embarked Aviation Group (EAG) consisting of 12 Super Étendard attack aircraft, 10 Rafale multi-role fighters, and two E-2C Hawkeye 2000 AEW aircraft. The task group commander, Rear Admiral Jean-Louis Kerignard, defined force's mission as follows:

On 28 November 2010, according to an Associated Press dispatch, the French Ministry of Defense announced that a French Rafale fighter jet crashed near Charles de Gaulle, which was operating 60 mi off the coast of Pakistan in the Arabian Sea in support of coalition forces in Afghanistan. The pilot parachuted to safety and was picked up by helicopter, and, the cause of the crash was under investigation.

In December 2010, during its deployment to the Persian Gulf, the British Type 22 frigate HMS Cumberland (F85) and the United States destroyer USS Halsey (DDG-97) rotated from maritime security patrol to escort Charles de Gaulle in support of coalition military operations in Afghanistan. This represented an example of interoperability pursuant to the recently ratified Anglo-French defence cooperation treaty.

Between 7–14 January 2011, Task Force 473 participated in bilateral naval exercises, code-named Varuna 10, with the Indian Navy. Indian naval units participating in Varuna 10 included the aircraft carrier INS Viraat (R22), the frigates INS Godavari (F20) and INS Ganga (F22); and the diesel-electric submarine INS Shalki (S46). Varuna 10 was a two-phase naval exercise, with the harbor phase taking place between 7–11 January and the sea phase between 11 and 14 January in the Arabian Sea. Task Force 473 paid a port visit to Goa between 7–14 January 2011. The carrier Charles de Gaulle and the frigate Forbin also paid a goodwill visit to Khor Fakkan, United Arab Emirates, on 30 January 2011, docking at its container terminal facilities.

Operation Agapanthus 2010 concluded on 21 February 2011. Task Force 473 completed more than 1,000 flying hours flown from Charles de Gaulle in support of NATO's International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) deployed in Afghanistan. Task Force 473 also participated in bilateral exercises with armed forces of India, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates to test the interoperability of French military forces and share expertise with the regional partners.

2011 Mediterranean operations
On 20 March 2011, Charles de Gaulle was deployed to the Mediterranean Sea to enforce United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973 which called for a no-fly zone over Libya. Accompanying Charles de Gaulle were the frigates FRENCH FRIGATE Dupleix and FRENCH FRIGATE Aconit and the fleet replenishment tanker Meuse.

During Unified Protector, the air fleet had flown 1,350 sorties during the intervention in Libya. Charles de Gaulle was then withdrawn for maintenance at Toulon on 10 August.

Following this deployment, Charles de Gaulle underwent maintenance and upkeep during an at-sea underway period in December 2011.

2012 FANAL exercises
On 2 February 2012, Charles de Gaulle was underway for three days of sea trials. Beginning on 5 February 2012, carrier qualifications began for the pilots of its air group. This included transitioning of pilots flying Super Étendard Modernisé (SEM) strike fighters to the new Rafale M fighters.

On 16 March 2012, Charles de Gaulle departed for a one-month deployment to the Mediterranean Sea. Charles de Gaulle's task force was under the overall command of Rear Admiral Philippe Coindreau, and it consisted of the frigates FRENCH FRIGATE Chevalier Paul, FRENCH FRIGATE Dupleix, FRENCH FRIGATE Montcalm, and FRENCH AVISO Enseigne de vaisseau Jacoubert; the replenishment tanker Meuse; and the nuclear-powered submarine Émeraude. Charles de Gaulle's embarked air group consisted of 7 Rafale fighters, 7 Super Étendards Modernisés (SEM) strike fighters, and 2 E-2C Hawkeye airborne early warning (AEW) aircraft. The highlight of the deployment for the task group was 2012 FANAL exercises that began on 5 April 2012 which also included land-based Atlantique 2 maritime patrol aircraft. 2012 FANAL concluded on 12 April, and this was the first major exercise involving the French Navy's new Caïman helicopter.

Operations against Islamic State
In January 2015, Charles de Gaulle began being prepared for exercises in the Indian Ocean. In late February, the carrier and its battle group entered the Persian Gulf to participate in Opération Chammal against Islamic State militants in Iraq. France was the first country to join the American-led intervention and has 15 fighters, a patrol aircraft, and refueling aircraft based on land in neighboring countries. The addition of Charles de Gaulle added up to another 30 aircraft to France's commitment to operations. The carrier battle group arrived in the Persian Gulf on 15 February 2015 and began launching airstrikes on 22 February; this occurred seven weeks after the Charlie Hebdo attacks, as France vowed to be more responsive to jihadist terrorism. Sailing off the north coast of Bahrain, the carrier's 12 Rafale and 9 Super Étendard fighters could reach targets in half the time it would take French fighters based in the United Arab Emirates. Charles de Gaulle left the Persian Gulf in late-April 2015 after launching strike and surveillance missions against IS targets to participate in exercises with the Indian military; the carrier launched 10–15 sorties per day during its two-month deployment.

On 5 November 2015, France announced Charles de Gaulle would return to the area to conduct operations and the ship departed from its base in Toulon, southern France, on 18 November. Although originally planned to redeploy to the Persian Gulf, the carrier and its strike group was re-routed to the Eastern Mediterranean Sea off the Syrian coastline, much closer to targets within Syria. Sources claim Charles de Gaulle has a larger than normal air wing of 26 fighters consisting of 18 Rafales and 8 Super Étendards; the carrier has approximately 31–34 aircraft total (the official limit is 40 aircraft). The carrier began operations on 23 November 2015, 10 days after the ISIL terrorist attacks in Paris. On 7 December 2015, Rear Admiral René-Jean Crignola of the French Maritime Force, embarked in Charles de Gaulle, took command of U.S. Naval Forces Central Command's Task Force 50, leading coalition naval strike operations. He was the first non-American to do so. In June 2016, the United States Navy awarded the crew of the Charles de Gaulle a Meritorious Unit Commendation for its accomplishments.

In late September 2016, Charles de Gaulle was deployed from Toulon to the Syrian coast for the Battle of Mosul. Its squadron of 24 Rafale M aircraft supported the international coalition against ISIL through airstrikes and reconnaissance missions.

In 2020, while continuing Opération Chammal in the Eastern Mediterranean, Charles de Gaulle was joined by the US Navy Arleigh Burke-class destroyer USS Ross (DDG-71). They joined forces on Operation Inherent Resolve, an international coalition against the Daesh. Throughout the mission, the carrier strike group was joined by allied navy vessels from Germany, Belgium, Denmark, Greece, Spain, the Netherlands and Portugal. The cooperation illustrated common operational efficiency in the Mediterranean. During the operation, the Charles de Gaulle carrier group, its 2,000-member crew, a Durance-class tanker and a Hellenic Navy frigate docked at the Port of Limassol for a five-day port call. The President of Cyprus, Nicos Anastasiades, and ambassador Isabelle Dumont addressed the aircraft crew in the presence of Captain Guillaume Pinget.

Mission Clemenceau
The aircraft carrier led the carrier strike group Task Force 473 on a five-month long operation that began in March 2019, through the Mediterranean Sea. Aircraft from Charles de Gaulle participated in the last major combat against the Islamic State in the Battle of Baghuz Fawqani and then sailed for the Indian Ocean. Arriving in Singapore on 28 May, the aircraft carrier participated in a bilateral exercise with the Singapore Armed Forces.

COVID-19 pandemic
In April 2020, 40 crew members began to show symptoms of COVID-19, requiring Charles de Gaulle to return to her home port Toulon arsenal earlier than planned, as reported on 8 April by the Ministry of Armed Forces.

After 66 tests were conducted, the ministry announced on 10 April that 50 tests had returned positive. Three sailors were evacuated by helicopter to Saint Anne Army Teaching Hospital.

On 19 April, The New York Times reported that 1,081 crew members in the carrier's naval group had tested positive, nearly all of which were on board Charles de Gaulle. The figure equated to nearly 60 percent of the carrier's total complement.

On 11 May 2020, Florence Parly reported to the National Assembly the conclusions of two investigations into the outbreak on board the carrier, stating that the virus had first arrived before a stopover made in Brest, and that although the command and medical team aboard the carrier had "excessive confidence" in their ability to deal with the virus, the investigations did not consider them at fault.

Parly further explained that the introduction of the virus on board the carrier happened sometime between when it left Limassol, Cyprus, on 26 February 2020, and when it arrived at Brest on 13 March 2020. During this time, personnel had been brought on board via air from either Cyprus, Sicily, the Balearic Islands, Spain, or Portugal. The spread of the virus, however, was exacerbated by the stopover at Brest. Social distancing and other measures were taken after the stopover, but they weighed heavily on crew morale, so after enforcing the strict measures for a fortnight, they were relaxed, and a concert on board was authorized for 30 March 2020. Parly also noted that all soldiers aboard Charles de Gaulle have since recovered from the disease except for one sailor, who was still hospitalized after leaving the ICU. Later analysis by physicians at the Military Instruction Hospital Sainte Anne in Toulon found that 60% of Charles de Gaulle's 1,706 crewmembers were antibody-positive by the end of quarantine.

Clemenceau 21
Charles de Gaulle led the carrier strike group (CSG), as part of the “Clemenceau 21” mission, which set sail on 21 February 2021. The CSG is deployed for several months to the Mediterranean Sea, then to the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf and is set to return to Toulon in June.

From 18 November to 2 December 2021, the Charles de Gaulle took part in Exercise POLARIS 21 in the western Mediterranean sea.

Clemenceau 22
Charles de Gaulle set sail on 1 February, leading the French carrier strike group (CSG) to the Mediterranean as part of Clemenceau 22 from February to April 2022. This CSG consisted of one air defence destroyer, FRENCH FRIGATE Forbin; one air defence frigate, FRENCH FRIGATE Alsace; one anti-submarine frigate, FRENCH FRIGATE Normandie; one Rubis-class submarine; and one Durance-class replenishment oiler, FRENCH TANKER Marne. The CSG was joined by other three other allies' ships and one submarine.

Carrier air group
The carrier air group (le groupe aérien embarqué) operates three squadrons (11F, 12F, 17F) of fifteen Rafale M aircraft each, and one squadron (4f) of three E-2C Hawkeye aircraft: Typically two Rafale squadrons are expected to rotate in the Charles de Gaulle carrier air group, and a pair of E-2Cs would supplement them. In peacetime, the number of aircraft on board may be lower: 30 (of 40 maximum) Rafale M, 2 E-2C Hawkeye, and 2 (of 4 maximum) AS365 Dauphin helicopters. Although 30 Rafales, divided into two squadrons, are expected to be on board, usually some aircraft remain in France for upgrade or training. US Navy F-18 Hornets and C-2 Greyhounds regularly conduct qualification arrested landings and catapult launches from Charles de Gaulle. In June 2011, two US Navy C-2A(R) Greyhounds were assigned to the French Navy to conduct operational carrier on-board delivery (COD) missions for Charles de Gaulle during the NATO intervention in Libya.
 * Flottille 11F
 * Flottille 12F
 * Flottille 17F
 * Flottille 4F

In 2019, Charles de Gaulle operated 35 aircraft during exercises, its record: 2 Dauphin helicopters, 30 Rafale M, 2 E-2C Hawkeye, and 1 NH90 NFH Caiman. In the event of war, the carrier is expected to operate close to its full complement of 40 aircraft. The air group took part in combat operations in Afghanistan, Syria, and Libya.

French aircraft carrier procurement
The French Navy aimed to remain a two-carrier navy, mainly to ensure that at least one ship is operational at all times even when the other is under repair. This scheme required another aircraft carrier to be built; however, Charles de Gaulle is the only aircraft carrier currently serving.

Cost considerations have made equipment standardization a necessity. In this context, there is a possibility of collaboration with Britain for future aircraft carriers. Thales UK (with BMT) made the design for the Queen Elizabeth-class aircraft carrier suitable for construction for France as the French aircraft carrier PA2. Both countries took steps to make such a scenario possible: The new carrier had to be conventionally propelled to meet the requirements of the Royal Navy. France favoured nuclear propulsion, and a study was conducted to see if it was more cost-efficient than gas turbines. However, the 2013 French Defence White Paper cancelled the plan for a second carrier.

Following completion of the midlife upgrade, in October 2018 the French armed forces minister announced an 18-month study to determine the requirements for a future carrier. In December 2020, President Macron announced that construction of the New Generation Aircraft Carrier would begin in around 2025 with sea trials to start in about 2036. The carrier is planned to have a displacement of around 75,000 tons and to carry about 32 next-generation fighters, 2 to 3 E-2D Advanced Hawkeyes, and a yet-to-be-determined number of unmanned carrier air vehicles.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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Roy Bhaskar

Ram Roy Bhaskar (15 May 1944 – 19 November 2014) was an English philosopher of science who is best known as the initiator of the philosophical movement of critical realism (CR). Bhaskar argued that the task of science is "the production of the knowledge of those enduring and continually active mechanisms of nature that produce the phenomena of the world", rather than the discovery of quantitative laws, and that experimental science makes sense only if such mechanisms exist and operate outside the lab as well as inside it.

Roy Bhaskar is certainly the most prominent advocate for "critical realism," but he did not initiate either the term or the concept. The term was used earlier by Donald Campbell (1974/1988, p. 432), and the concept of combining ontological realism and epistemological constructivism goes back at least to Herbert Blumer (1969). Bhaskar went on to apply that realism about mechanisms and causal powers to the philosophy of social science, and he also elaborated a series of arguments to support the critical role of philosophy and the human sciences. According to Bhaskar, it is possible and desirable for the study of society to be scientific.

Bhaskar was a World Scholar at the Institute of Education, University College London.

Background
Bhaskar was born on 15 May 1944 in Teddington, London, the first of two sons. His Indian father and English mother were Theosophists. Bhaskar said his childhood was unhappy, with his father having high expectations of him.

In 1963, Bhaskar attended Balliol College, Oxford, on a scholarship to read philosophy, politics and economics. The scholarship freed him from his father's influence over his chosen academic path. Having graduated with first-class honours in 1966, he began work on a PhD thesis about the relevance of economic theory for under-developed countries. His DPhil changed course and was written at Nuffield College, Oxford, where Rom Harré became his supervisor, on the philosophy of social science and then the philosophy of science. His thesis was failed twice, which he believed to be partly for political reasons, but the second version was published largely unchanged in 1975 as his influential text, A Realist Theory of Science.

Bhaskar lectured at the University of Edinburgh from 1975 and later moved to the University of Sussex. He held visiting positions in several Scandinavian universities - adjunct professor in philosophy at the Centre for Peace Studies at the University of Tromsø, Norway, and guest professor in philosophy and social science, Department of Caring Sciences, Örebro University, Sweden. From 2007, Bhaskar was employed at the Institute of Education, in London, where he was working on the application of CR to Peace Studies. He was a founding member of the Centre for Critical Realism, International Association for Critical Realism and the International Centre for Critical Realism (2011), the latter at the Institute of Education.

Bhaskar married Hilary Wainwright in 1971. The couple remained close lifelong friends after their separation and never divorced. He died in Leeds with his partner, Rebecca Long, by his side on 19 November 2014.

Influences
Bhaskar himself lists ten main influences on his early work, including philosophical work on the philosophy of science and language; the sociology of knowledge; Marx "and particularly his conception of praxis"; structuralist thinkers including Levi-Strauss, Chomsky and Althusser; the metacritical tradition of Hegel, Kant, and even Descartes; and perspectivalism in the hands of Nietzsche, Fanon, Gramsci and Gandhi.

His dialectical turn engaged more deeply with Hegel, and he called his work in that phase "a non-preservative sublation of Hegelian dialectic" since it draws heavily on Hegel's work but moves beyond and improves on it. He also saw it as preserving and building on his own earlier work and on Marx's work and claimed that "Marx was a proto-dialectical critical realist" but that there remained residues of Hegelian thought in his work.

He abandoned further work on dialectical critical realism, however, after he experienced transcendental meditation. He turned his attention to a variety of Eastern traditions of philosophy, which were the major influences on his later turn to the philosophy of metareality.

Critical realism
Bhaskar's consideration of the philosophies of science and social science resulted in the development of critical realism, a philosophical approach that defends the critical and emancipatory potential of rational (scientific and philosophical) enquiry against both positivist, broadly defined, and 'postmodern' challenges. Its approach emphasises the importance of distinguishing between epistemological and ontological questions and the significance of objectivity properly understood for a critical project. Its conception of philosophy and social science is socially situated but not socially determined; it maintains the possibility for objective critique to motivate social change, with the ultimate end being a promotion of human freedom.

The term "critical realism" was not initially used by Bhaskar. The philosophy began life as what Bhaskar called "transcendental realism" in A Realist Theory of Science (1975), which he extended into the social sciences as critical naturalism in The Possibility of Naturalism (1978). The term "critical realism" is an elision of transcendental realism and critical naturalism and was accepted by Bhaskar after it had been proposed by others.

Critical Realism should not be confused with various other critical realisms, including Georg Lukács' aesthetics, and Alister McGrath's Scientific Theology (or Theological Critical Realism) although they share common goals. In contemporary critical realist texts, "critical realism" is often abbreviated to CR.

Bhaskar's critical realism can be divided into several phases, but he insisted that the later phases preserved and extended the earlier phases of his work, rather than invalidating them. The simplest and most common division is into three phases: original, dialectical, and transcendental. However, original critical realism can also be divided further into transcendental realism and critical naturalism.

Original critical realism
The first 'phase' of Critical Realism accrued a large number of adherents and proponents in Britain, many of whom were involved with the Radical Philosophy Group and related movements. The Radical Philosophy journal was where much of the early CR scholarship first appeared. It argued for an objectivist realist approach to science based on a Kantian transcendental analysis of scientific experimental activity. Stressing the need to retain both the subjective epistemological, or 'transitive', side of knowledge and the objective ontological, or 'intransitive', side, Bhaskar developed a theory of science and social science that he thought would sustain the reality of the objects of science and their knowability but would also incorporate the insights of the 'sociology of knowledge' movement, which emphasised the theory-laden, historically contingent and socially-situated nature of knowledge.

What emerged was a marriage of ontological realism with epistemological relativism that formed an objectivist yet fallibilist theory of knowledge. Bhaskar's main strategy was to argue that reality has depth and that knowledge can penetrate more or less deeply into reality without ever reaching the bottom. Bhaskar said that he reintroduced ontology into the philosophy of science when that was almost heresy. He argued for an ontology of stratified emergence and differentiated structure, which supported the ontological reality of causal powers independent of their empirical effects. Such a move opened up the possibility for a non-reductivist and non-positivistic account of causal explanation in the human and social domain.

That explanatory project was linked with a critical project, the main idea of which is the doctrine of Explanatory Critique. Bhaskar developed it fully in Scientific Realism and Human Emancipation (1987), which developed the critical tradition of ideology critique within a CR framework by arguing that certain kinds of explanatory accounts could lead directly to evaluations and so science could function normatively, not just descriptively, as positivism has assumed since Hume's law. Such a move, it was hoped, would provide the Holy Grail of critical theory, an objective normative foundation.

Transcendental realism
'Transcendental realism' was the term used by Bhaskar to describe the argument that he developed in his first book, A Realist Theory of Science (1975). (Not to be confused with F. W. J. Schelling's transcendental realism, or Arthur Schopenhauer's transcendental realism.) The position is based on Bhaskar's transcendental arguments for certain ontological and epistemological positions based on what reality must be like for scientific knowledge to be possible.

Transitive and intransitive domains
A Realist Theory of Science starts with a proposed paradox: how do people create knowledge as a product of social activities since knowledge is of things that are not at all produced by people?

The former is inspired by Kuhnian arguments of how scientific communities develop knowledge and asserts all observation is theory-laden based on previously acquired concepts. As such, it is not a naïve realist perspective of knowledge being a direct acquisition of facts through observation of the real world, but it rather considers knowledge to be fallible. That aspect of knowledge is described as the transitive domain of knowledge in that knowledge can change over time.

The second part of the paradox is asserted to be based on a real world, which exists and behaves in the same manner regardless of whether or not people exist or whether they know about the real world. That is described as the intransitive objects of knowledge.

Bhaskar refers to the elimination of the intransitive objects of knowledge and thus the reduction of ontology to epistemology as the epistemic fallacy, which Bhaskar asserts has been made repeatedly over the last 300 years of philosophy of science. The epistemic fallacy "consists in the view that statements about being can be reduced to or analysed in terms of statements about knowledge".

Transcendental argument from experimental science
The core argument of A Realist Theory of Science begins as a critique of positivist/empiricist understandings of how science works. Bhaskar focuses on the empiricist argument that science produces true knowledge of invariant causal laws by observing causal regularities: "a constant conjunction of events perceived". Bhaskar develops what he calls an immanent critique of empiricism in which he takes some of its core assumptions as correct for the purpose of the argument and then shows that to lead to an incoherence in the empiricist argument. In particular, he accepts the premise that experimental science produces useful knowledge (although he does not commit himself to the claim that the knowledge that it produces is true) and then asks what the world must be like if that is the case. In that sense, his arguments take a similar form to Kant's transcendental arguments, a term that he employs to describe them.

He argues that experimental science is necessary only when and because "the pattern of events forthcoming under experimental conditions would not be forthcoming without it". In experiments, scientists manipulate the conditions to exclude some causal factors so that they can focus on others. Any causal regularity observed is then in part the product of their activity, which is necessary only because the causal regularities do not occur consistently in the outside world, which Bhaskar calls open systems. The regularities are therefore not constant conjunctions in the sense required by empiricism. They are however believed to produce useful knowledge of how the world works, and in particular, scientists form beliefs about how the world outside the laboratory works on the basis of their experiment; however, scientists know that outside the laboratory, the constant conjunctions do not occur. Indeed, doing experimental science makes sense only if it tells us something useful about what occurs beyond the laboratory.

What experimental scientists are learning about, therefore, cannot be causal laws, which are understood as invariant patterns of events. Instead, Bhaskar argues that they are learning about causal mechanisms, which operate as tendencies in the sense that they tend to but do not always bring about certain outcomes. They may operate only under certain conditions, or they may be obstructed by other causal mechanisms since multiple mechanisms interact to produce any given event. The role of experimental scientists is to prevent such obstructions to allow the isolation of a particular mechanism. Mechanisms, or generative mechanisms, as he often calls them, are in turn properties of things (objects), and he usually identifies them as well with the causal powers of those things.

Real, actual and empirical domains
On that basis, Bhaskar argues that the world can be divided into nested domains of the real, the actual and the empirical. The empirical contains the events that people actually experience. It is a subset of the actual, the full set of events that actually occur, regardless of whether or not people are aware of them. That, in turn, is a subset of the real which includes objects, their structures and their causal powers as well. It is important to note that the objects and structures may be able to exert certain causal powers, but the powers may not affect a given situation if the triggering conditions are not present, and even if they are triggered, their characteristic effects may not be actualized if other causal powers obstruct them. The error of empiricism, then, is to build its ontology purely on the category of experience and thus to collapse all three domains into one.

Stratification and emergence
For Bhaskar, the causal powers of things depend on their structure as complex objects. They are emergent in the sense that they are properties of the whole that appear only as a result of the parts being structured as they are in this type of whole. As Collier explains in his book on Bhaskar's critical realism, that leads to a view of wholes as composed of parts, which are themselves wholes with their own emergent powers. Reality is thus stratified in two senses: in the sense implicit in the division between the empirical, the actual and the real and also in the sense that it consists of things composed of parts that are themselves things at a lower level of stratification.

The relationships between objects and the combinations of their causal powers may create entirely new structures with new causal powers. A typical example is water, which has a causal power of extinguishing fire, but it is made up of hydrogen and oxygen that have causal powers of combustion. That stratification spans in all sciences: physics, chemistry, biology, sociology etc. That implies that objects in sociology (labour markets, capitalism etc.) are just as real as those in physics. The position is not reductionist: each stratum depends on the objects and their relationships in the strata below it, but the difference in causal powers means that they are necessarily different objects.

Critical naturalism
Critical naturalism is the term that Bhaskar used to describe the argument that he develops in his second book The Possibility of Naturalism (1979). He defines naturalism as the view that "social objects can be studied in essentially the same way as natural ones, that is, 'scientifically'". On one hand, Bhaskar argues for naturalism in the sense that the transcendental realist model of science is equally applicable to both the physical and the human worlds. On the other hand, however, he argues that studying the human world is studying something fundamentally different from the physical world and so the strategy to study it must be adapted. Critical naturalism, therefore, implies social scientific methods that seek to identify the mechanisms producing social events but with a recognition that they are in a much greater state of flux than events of the physical world (human structures change much more readily than those of, say, a leaf). In particular, it must be understood that human agency is made possible by social structures that themselves require the reproduction of certain actions/preconditions. Further, the individuals that inhabit the social structures are capable of consciously reflecting upon and changing the actions that produce them, a practice that is in part facilitated by social scientific research.

Transformational model of social activity (TMSA)
Bhaskar rejects the methodological individualist doctrine that social events can be explained purely in terms of facts about individual persons, but accepts that society has no other material presence than persons and the products of their actions. Equally, he rejects the collectivist notion, which he associated with Émile Durkheim, that reifies social groups and explains the social in terms of the influence of groups to the exclusion of the influence of persons. In fact, Durkheim does not reject psychology in toto. Durkheim spends two chapters of Suicide on psychological explanations of suicide. Durkheim's real position is that not only psychology but also social facts play a role in explaining suicide rates. Instead, Bhaskar argues for an iterative relation between people and society, which he understands as "an ensemble of structures, practices and conventions". People never create society from scratch because it always pre-exists them and provides the context in which they act, but society depends on human activity for its reproduction and/or transformation over time. Society is thus a necessary condition of human action and influences it, but human action is in turn a necessary condition of society, which it continually shapes and reshapes. Bhaskar initially saw the work of Anthony Giddens on duality of structure as consistent with the TMSA, but he later accepted the critique of Giddens by Margaret Archer, who argued that Giddens conflated structure and agency. Archer's own concept of the morphogenetic cycle, which was developed independently, is remarkably similar to the TMSA. That led to both working together under the banner of critical realism.

Social structures
Bhaskar sees social structures as having emergent properties on the same model as structures in the natural world. However, he enumerates three key differences between social and natural structures, which affect both how they may behave and how they may be studied. Firstly, as described in the TMSA, they "do not exist independently of the activities they govern", which implies that they cannot be empirically identified independently of those activities. Secondly, they depend on "agents' conceptions of what they are doing", which gives a somewhat constructionist understanding of social structures and their dependence on human beliefs and thus the potentials for transforming them. Thirdly, that dependency on beliefs tends to make them less enduring and more easily transformed than natural structures.

Agency
Bhaskar understands human beings primarily as material beings who have the capacity of intentional action as an emergent consequence of their neurophysiological complexity. On that basis, he rejects reductionist explanations of human action as determined purely physiologically, and he argues instead for what he calls "synchronic emergent powers materialism". He concludes, "The powers associated with the mind are both real, that is, causally efficacious... and irreducible, that is, emergent from matter". That enables him to argue that reasons can be causes of human behaviour since reasons are examples of emergent mental powers, which entails that humans can explain human action (at least partly) in terms of intentionality.

Explanatory critique and ethical naturalism
One of the core themes of Bhaskar's work, which he returns to several times across its different phases, is that philosophical arguments can be provided to support sociopolitical critique. His first attempt to provide such support comes in the form of the concept of explanatory critique, which was first introduced in The Possibility of Naturalism but developed more fully in Scientific Realism and Human Emancipation (1987). His argument is that if other things are equal, if something (S) is responsible for producing a false belief, one may proceed to a negative ethical evaluation of S and to a positive evaluation of action directed at its removal. It helps to explain the argument to think of it as related to Marxist ideology critique in which S is some sort of social structure, say capitalism, that produces false beliefs (ideology) but in which the basis of the critical response is not the harms caused by capitalism but that it misleads people about its true nature. The importance of that argument, Bhaskar suggests, is that it underpins the critical potential of the human sciences since they can provide a basis for political action by revealing the falsity of beliefs and their sources.

Bhaskar later extends the argument from that cognitive form of explanatory critique, which argues that the sources of false knowledge should be removed, to a needs-based form, which applies a similar argument to sources of failures to meet human needs. In terms of the previous example, that would be like arguing that capitalism should be removed because it causes human suffering, rather than because it misleads people.

Bhaskar claims that argument refutes what is sometimes known as 'Hume's Law': the claim that an ethical conclusion cannot be derived from purely-factual premises. Indeed, he argues that as long as a belief is known to be false, there is sufficient grounds for a negative evaluation of it and for action directed at its removal. That, on his account, provides sufficient grounds for ethical naturalism, the belief that ethical conclusions can be derived from purely-factual premises, which also seems to entail moral realism, the belief that some ethical claims are objectively correct.

Dialectical critical realism
The second phase of Critical Realism, the dialectic turn initiated in Dialectic: the Pulse of Freedom (1993) and developed further in Plato, etc (1994), won some new adherents but drew criticism from some critical realists. It argued for the 'dialecticising' of CR, by an elaborate reading of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and Karl Marx. Arguing against Hegel and with Marx that dialectical connections, relations and contradictions are themselves ontological (objectively real), Bhaskar developed a concept of real absence, which he claimed could provide a more robust foundation for the reality and the objectivity of values and criticism. He attempted to incorporate critical rational human agency into the dialectic figure with his 'Fourth Dimension' of dialectic, which would ground a systematic model for rational emancipatory transformative practice.

Transcendental dialectical critical realism
In 2000, Bhaskar published From East to West: The Odyssey of a Soul in which he first expressed ideas related to spiritual values that came to be seen as the beginning of his so-called 'spiritual' turn, which led to the final phase of critical realism, dubbed 'Transcendental Dialectical Critical Realism'. That publication and the ones that followed it were highly controversial and led to something of a split among Bhaskar's proponents. Some respected Critical Realists cautiously supported Bhaskar's 'spiritual turn', but others took the view that the development had compromised the status of critical realism as a serious philosophical movement.

In his Reflections on Meta-Reality, he describes meta-reality as "a new philosophical standpoint". The main departure, it seems, is an emphasis on the shift away from Western dualism to a non-dual model in which emancipation entails "a breakdown, an overcoming, of the duality and separateness between things." Jamie Morgan's paper 'What is Meta-Reality' provides a very clear introduction to that phase of Bhaskar's work.

Politics
Bhaskar's programme was intensely political. He thought of it as "underlabouring" for the work done in the human sciences in pursuit of "the project of human self-emancipation". One of the threads that unites the different phases of his work is a continuing commitment to providing philosophical support for emancipatory politics.

He is sometimes described as a Marxist thinker, but his relationship to Marxism was ambivalent. In a debate with Bhaskar, a well-known Marxist, Alex Callinicos, identified him as "a significant contributor to contemporary Marxist thought, broadly understood". In the same discussion, Bhaskar endorsed some key elements of Marx's thought, including his explanatory account of the deep structures of the capitalist mode of production. Bhaskar clearly admired Marx as a philosopher of emancipation and both drew on and built on aspects of that work, at least up to and including the period of dialectical critical realism.

However, during the same debate with Callinicos, Bhaskar referred to "The Marxists", as if the term did not include himself, and criticised them for neglecting the role of women in domestic labour. When he pinned his colours to a political flag, it was the more general flag of socialism. Despite his endorsement in the debate with Callinicos, he rarely paid much attention to the less philosophical aspects of Marx's work, including political economy and class politics. It might be fairer to see Bhaskar's work as intersecting with the Marxist tradition, rather than as being part of it. His work relates to politics primarily at a philosophical level. He rarely involved himself with questions of practical politics, with the exception of his late collaborative work on climate change.

Transcendental realism
Criticisms have been levelled at the substance of Bhaskar's arguments at various points.

One objection, raised by Callinicos and others, is that Bhaskar's so-called "transcendental arguments" are not really that. They are not typical transcendental arguments as philosophers such as Charles Taylor have defined them, the distinguishing feature of which is the identification of some putative condition on the possibility of experience. (However, his arguments function in an analogous way since they try to argue that scientific practice would be unintelligible and/or inexplicable in the absence of the ontological features he identifies.)

On the other hand, some critics have taken Bhaskar at his word by criticising his use of transcendental arguments on the grounds that the term suggests (because of its usage by Kant) that such arguments provide foundational conclusions with absolute certainty, but Bhaskar elsewhere advocated a fallibilist view of knowledge. Bhaskar, however, repeatedly clarified that "transcendental realism is fallible, as corrigible as the outcome of any other piece of human argument".

Bhaskar's claim that the theory of explanatory critique justifies ethical naturalism and/or moral realism has also been criticised, including by other critical realists, as committing the naturalistic fallacy. Martyn Hammersley argues, for example, that the needs-based version of explanatory critique smuggles a value premise into the supposedly purely-factual premises of the argument because the concept of need already carries an ethical implication that the need should be met. Similarly, Dave Elder-Vass argues that the cognitive version of explanatory critique rests on the ethical premise that false knowledge is a bad thing. If Bhaskar's argument rests on ethical premises like either of these, then it fails to provide examples of the derivation of ethical conclusions from purely-factual premises, which would appear to disprove his claim that the theory of explanatory critique provides a justification for ethical naturalism.

Dialectical critical realism
His early books were considered "models of clarity and rigour", but Bhaskar has been criticised for the "truly appalling style" (Alex Callinicos, 1994) in which his "dialectical" works were written. He won the Bad Writing Contest in 1996, for a passage taken from Plato etc. (1994).

Bhaskar's concept of real absence has been questioned by some like Andrew Collier, who argues that it fails to distinguish properly between real and nominal absences.

Transcendental dialectical critical realism
Bhaskar's most recent 'spiritual' phase has been criticised by many adherents of early critical realism for departing from the fundamental positions that had made it important and interesting without providing philosophical support for his new ideas. Jamie Morgan's summary of meta-reality provides a number of careful challenges to Bhaskar's argument.

title: Roy Bhaskar


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Talk:James Dobson

Pre-Civil Rights Southern Upbringing
James Dobson was nearly thirty years old during the time of voting rights expansion for poor Southern African Americans. What do we know about causes and politicians that he might have supported during this time, which presented many changes to the beliefs and values of white Southerners? In his publications and broadcasts, all of which were developed and presented well after his PhD in psychology, and long after he had left the South, he simply does not mention any family value themes relating to matters of poverty or any admonition to Christian followers regarding care for and supporting attitudes toward the disadvantaged. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 68.97.65.236 (talk) 15:52, 10 August 2016 (UTC)
 * That sounds like a valid topic for inclusion in the article if any reliable sources have discussed it. Do you know of any?  If we include editor suppositions without supporting evidence, that is called original research, and is not appropriate, especially about a living person like Mr. Dobson. Jclemens (talk) 19:50, 10 August 2016 (UTC)

A third

 * Dobson is cited by social observers and the press as a leading figure in the Dominionism movement.

Neither reference, though critical of Dobson, calls him a Dominionist. The second one doesn't even reference the term. The citations are fine and probably should be in the article, but not until they're placed in context with assertions that they actually support. Jclemens (talk)

POV language: "traditional marriage"
"James Dobson is a strong proponent of traditional marriage." As User:99.74.99.206 commented earlier (and as suggested by User:173.3.206.86's recent edit comment), the phrase "traditional marriage" is sloppy and biased because its definition requires context that is currently supplied only by the POV primary source citation itself. The simplest fix would be to remove the sentence altogether, leaving the remainder of the text (suitably tweaked) to neutrally describe Dobson's views on marriage. Rostz (talk) 14:08, 1 January 2012 (UTC)
 * I fixed it with a citation to RS -- all RS say he is famous as a supporter of traditional marriage. When telling readers a person's position, Wiki rules allow citing that person's writings as a RS on his views. It is the person's POV that is involved (which is OK) not the editor's POV (which is not allowed). Rjensen (talk) 14:18, 1 January 2012 (UTC)
 * That still does not define the phrase; put another way, the sentence adds no value to the article and should simply be removed. (And no, of course "all RS" do not say that, for example the top NYT hit.) Rostz (talk) 14:28, 1 January 2012 (UTC)
 * defining the phrase is another article entirely. "traditional family" is standard language not an absgtract sociological concept.  The sentence adds a lot--Dobson and his supporters and opponents always bring it up. And yes the RS who wrote the NY Times article (Laurie Goodstein) does use the term: as in her article in NY Times May 30, 2004 "strengthening the traditional family, in part a reaction to the growing gay rights movement. ... By 2000, Mr. Colson and James Dobson, the broadcaster who founded...." Rjensen (talk) 15:39, 1 January 2012 (UTC)
 * I see no problem with the use of the quotation as stated. Can someone please articulate an actual problem (not liking the terms that our RS use is not something we can fix) or remove the tag? Jclemens (talk) 21:09, 1 January 2012 (UTC)
 * I don't think the problem is with the quote. The problem was with the first sentence in the section, which until recently read "James Dobson is a strong proponent of traditional marriage." The quote that comes after it has a source, but the point of contention is stated in a way that makes it appear as an established fact. Sorry, it's confusing, but I think the current configuration (JD is a strong proponent of heterosexual marriage. ... quote with explicit reference to so-called traditional marriage) is acceptable to both sides. addy12 (talk) —Preceding undated comment added 21:40, 1 January 2012 (UTC).
 * The source doesn't say "heterosexual marriage", it says "traditional marriage". Sourcing either statement to a source that states the other is a misuse of sourcing, since the terms are not the same.  As such, the willful falsification of what the source said has been reverted, and future attempts to make this source say something it does not will be met with blocks: we do not make up stuff about living people, even if we believe it to be true, that is in conflict with the source used to support that statement.
 * Jclemens, thank you for sharing many Wikipedia resources with me, including the Five Pillars. I was excited to read them, but I am discouraged to see you violating them openly here. Your allegation of "willful falsification" is very accusatory, and it certainly does not assume good faith. I also would like you to substantiate the allegations that you have used to calumniate me. Namely: I would like you to enumerate the specific ways that saying "strong supporter of heterosexual marriage" is a misuse of that source. I believe it shows that he is a very strong supporter of heterosexual marriage. Despite your accusations, I truly thought that so called traditional marriage was synonymous with heterosexual marriage, and sought a more specific, less-emotional term for people who might not understand its connotation. If you disagree, please explain why. This is not a matter of "not stated, not proven." This is easily inferred and strongly implied by the article; if you want everything on the Wikipedia to come from sources who state things explicitly, that is a slippery slope. The exception I suppose is that there really is a substantive difference between the two, which you seem to imply. If you can provide a nuanced description of how heterosexual marriage and traditional marriage differ, that might be helpful for future users. I think the onus is on you to share those differences, and then to make an argument for why your criteria for why the terms can and should be distinguished are superior.  Finally, I will admit that while it wasn't intentional, I overlooked the problem with the sources, and would not have made the edit had I realized that the source linked to something else. Since this was the case, I will revert your last change, and remove the source, which should satisfy your objection until the above can be covered. Addy12 01:55, 2 January 2012 (UTC)
 * Having said THAT, it's entirely possible to come up with another source to document a "heterosexual marriage" quote, but I can't see that replacing the "traditional marriage" quote, merely augmenting/adding to it. That is all up for fair debate. Sourcing wording "A" to a document that says "B" is not. Jclemens (talk) 00:58, 2 January 2012 (UTC)
 * See above. Will give you the benefit of the doubt that there is a good faith difference between hetero and traditional marriage and will remove the citation (and reversal) Addy12 01:55, 2 January 2012 (UTC)
 * I have blocked Addy12 until such time as he agrees to sourcing policies with respect to WP:BLPs: That each cited fact or statement must have a matching reference, and that is improper to replace a cited statement with an unreferenced statement in order to use wording not supported by the original reference.
 * It's entirely possible that Addy12, a brand-new single purpose account, is in fact a sockpuppet of a banned editor. I can think of at least three separate blocked sockmasters who might be inclined to argue in such a manner.  I'll ask some more experienced CU's to see if they see any evidence of such. Jclemens (talk) 02:40, 2 January 2012 (UTC)
 * Now, having said and done all that, please don't let that hubub interrupt the ongoing discussion. It's entirely possible to qualify or add to the existing statement, provided we do so with appropriate sourcing.  I haven't seen anyone propose a specific cite they want added to the paragraph in question, which would probably be the next step in the discussion. Jclemens (talk) 02:40, 2 January 2012 (UTC)

the term "traditional marriage" is not a neutral term and should not be used without explanation/contextualization
the term "traditional marriage" is not a neutral term -- when it is used by persons such as dobson, it refers to the evangelical christian concept of "traditional marriage", which is between one man and one woman, permenantly, until death. globally, there are myriad forms of "traditonal marriage", therefore, it is imperative that wikipedia -- as a global, neutral source -- specify precisely what is meant by dobson when he uses the phrase "traditional marriage".

the meaning and connotations of the phrase "traditional marriage" are only self-evident to those who live in cultures where the term "traditional" equals "christian". if this article -- and any other article that refers to "traditional marriage" where what is meant is a "traditional christian definition of marriage" -- is to be truly neutral and universally understood, it is imperative that the term "traditional marriage" either be explained/contextualized, or replaced by an alternate term, such as:

 * traditional Christian definition of marriage
 * orthodox Christian definition of marriage

personally, i prefer the term "orthodox Christian definition of marriage", as there are an ever-increasing number of christian denominations who have expanded their understanding of marriage...

the wikipedia entry for "traditonal marriage" provides a rock-solid basis for a wiki-wide consideration of a nomenclature change/clarification... oedipus (talk) 04:17, 10 February 2013 (UTC)

Amazing how much you people argue over nothing. Don't you have real lives? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 72.92.86.26 (talk) 00:46, 3 February 2017 (UTC)

External links modified
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Edits by James Smith1967 rolled back
Hello. I rolled back James Smith1967's edits per my comments on his talk here. I don't have time at this moment to go through and add archive links (or even research every reference he removed) but having found two ref removals that were unnecessary indicates there were likely more bad edits. Killiondude (talk) 20:20, 9 July 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:James Dobson


text:
Lance Henriksen

Lance Henriksen (born May 5, 1940) is an American actor. He is known for his works in various science fiction, action and horror films, such as that of Bishop in the Alien film franchise, and Frank Black in Fox television series Millennium (1996–1999) and The X-Files (1999). He has also done extensive voice work, as Kerchak the gorilla in the 1999 Disney film Tarzan (1999), General Shepherd in Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 2 (2009) and Fleet Admiral Steven Hackett (as well as Narl) in BioWare's Mass Effect video game trilogy (2007–2012). He also appeared as Hal Vukovich in The Terminator (1984), Ed Harley in the cult horror film Pumpkinhead (1988), Chains Cooper in Stone Cold (1991), and Emil Fouchon in Hard Target (1993).

Early life
Henriksen was born on May 5, 1940, in Manhattan, New York. His father, James Henriksen, was a Norwegian merchant sailor and boxer nicknamed "Icewater" who spent most of his life at sea, while his mother, Margueritte Werner, struggled to find work as a dance instructor, waitress and model. His parents divorced when he was two years old, and his mother struggled to raise him and his brother, leading to his spending part of his childhood in foster care. During an interview, Henriksen recounted how, at the age of seven, his mother handed him his birth certificate and said, "You'll always know who you are", then pushed him out of his home. Henriksen did not actually leave home until he was 12, saying he'd "had enough" of his home life, and that he had been physically assaulted by multiple family members: "I got bludgeoned a lot. Different people, relatives. I remember every single face from my childhood. My alcoholic uncles, whoever. I'm not having a pity party here; I'm not Quasimodo. That's just how it was". On another occasion, two of his uncles tried to persuade him to take Methadrine and then take part in a staged car accident for the insurance money.

Growing up, Henriksen had a reputation for getting into trouble in the various schools he attended, and even spent time in a children's home. He left school after completing first grade, and was illiterate until the age of 30.

Career
Henriksen found work as a muralist and as a laborer on ships. For a time, he worked in Europe. His first theater work, around age 30, was as set designer, and he received his first acting role because he built the set for a production. Illiterate until then, it was around this time that he taught himself to read. For his first role, he put the entire script to tape with the help of a friend, learning everyone's part in addition to his own. Soon afterward, he graduated from the Actors Studio and began acting in New York City.

Henriksen's first film appearance was in It Ain't Easy in 1972. It was followed by supporting roles in a variety of films, including Dog Day Afternoon (1975), Close Encounters of the Third Kind (1977), and Damien - Omen II (1978). He played Police Chief Steve Kimbrough in Piranha Part Two: The Spawning (1982), the astronaut Walter Schirra in The Right Stuff (1983), and actor Charles Bronson in the television film Reason for Living: The Jill Ireland Story (1991).

When James Cameron was writing The Terminator (1984), he originally envisioned Henriksen, with whom he had worked on Piranha II: The Spawning, playing the title role, a cyborg. The role ultimately went to Arnold Schwarzenegger. Henriksen does appear in the film as Hal Vukovich, a Detective in the Los Angeles Police Department. Henriksen played the android Bishop in Cameron's film Aliens (1986), and as Bishop's designer Michael Weyland in Alien 3 (1992). He also played Charles Bishop Weyland, the man upon whom Bishop was based, in Alien vs. Predator (2004). He played the vampire leader Jesse Hooker in Kathryn Bigelow's cult film Near Dark.

He portrayed gunfighters in the Westerns Dead Man and The Quick and the Dead, and appeared with British actor Bruce Payne in Aurora: Operation Intercept in 1995. That year, he also played Sheriff Doug Barnum in the film Powder. He appeared with Payne again in Face the Evil (1997), and the dystopian classic Paranoia 1.0 (2004).

In 1996, Henriksen starred in the television series Millennium, created and produced by Chris Carter, the creator of The X-Files. Henriksen played Frank Black, a former FBI agent who possessed a unique ability to see into the minds of killers. Carter created the role specifically for the actor. His performances on Millennium earned him critical acclaim, a People's Choice Award nomination for Favorite New Male TV Star, and three consecutive Golden Globe nominations for Best Performance by an Actor in a TV Series (1997–1999). The series was cancelled in 1999. On television, Henriksen appeared in the ensemble of Into the West (2005), a miniseries executive-produced by Steven Spielberg. He appeared in a Brazilian soap opera, Caminhos do Coração (Ways of the Heart) from Rede Record, aired in 2007–2008. Henriksen guest-starred on a Season 6 episode of NCIS (2009) playing an Arizona sheriff, and appeared in a recurring role as The Major on NBC's The Blacklist. In the years after Millennium, Henriksen has become an active voice actor, lending his distinctive voice to a number of animated features and video game titles. In Disney's Tarzan (1999) and its direct-to-video followup, he is Kerchak, the ape who serves as Tarzan's surrogate father. He provided the voice for the alien supervillain Brainiac in Superman: Brainiac Attacks (2006) and for the character Mulciber in Godkiller (2009). Henriksen is the voice of the character Molov in the video game Red Faction II (2002) and has also contributed to GUN (2005), Run Like Hell (2002), the canceled title Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse (2004), and the role-playing game Mass Effect (2007) as Admiral Hackett of the Human Systems Alliance. Henriksen was also the voice behind PlayStation 3's internet promotional videos.

In 2005, Henriksen was the voice of Andrei Rublev in Cartoon Network's IGPX. The actor lent his voice to the animated television series Transformers: Animated as the character Lockdown. In 2009, Henriksen voiced Lieutenant General Shepherd in the award-winning game Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 2. He would later voice Karl Bishop Weyland in Aliens vs. Predator; also, this character's appearance resembles Henriksen's. Henriksen voiced Master Gnost-Dural in Star Wars: The Old Republic, and he also reprised his role as Admiral Hackett in Mass Effect 3. Henriksen reprised his role as Bishop in Aliens: Colonial Marines.

He starred in a 2003 series of Australian television commercials for Visa, titled Unexplained (about the raining of fish from the sky over Norfolk) and Big Cats (about the Beast of Bodmin Moor). In these commercials, Henriksen speaks as a Frank Black-type character about these phenomena as Mark Snow-inspired mysterious music plays in the background, as a link to Henriksen's TV series Millennium. Unexplained went on to a gold world medal at the 2004 New York Festivals.

He made a cameo appearance in the 2009 horror comedy Jennifer's Body, and starred in the After Dark Horrorfest film, Scream of the Banshee, released in 2011. He played Henry Gale in Leigh Scott's The Witches of Oz.

In January 2015, he was signed for the lead in the indie thriller Monday at 11:01 A.M. In 2016, he starred in the feature film Deserted, a psychological thriller. Henriksen played the role of Hopper.

In 2018, Henriksen performed motion capture and vocal performance for the character of Carl Manfred in the video game Detroit: Become Human. The game's plot involves androids gaining sentience and free will, topics explored briefly with Henriksen's Bishop character in Aliens.

In October 2018, Henriksen was signed for one of the two leads in Falling, the directorial debut of actor Viggo Mortensen, who also wrote, produced and co-starred. Reviewing the film's 2020 premiere, The Hollywood Reporter's John DeFore noted not only the quality of Henriksen's performance, but the opportunity Mortensen's script presented: "[F]ew moviegoers who've enjoyed him over the years will be surprised, but many will resent that we, and he, have waited so long for a role like this."

He received a Canadian Screen Award nomination for Best Actor at the 9th Canadian Screen Awards in 2021, for his performance in Falling.

In 2022, Henriksen was cast in the upcoming American horror film, Awaken the Reaper. The film is currently shooting in New York and slated for a 2023 release date. It is directed by Justin Paul and Dave Campfield and produced by Fourth Horizon Cinema, Impact Media Studios and Design Weapons.

Personal life
Henriksen has been married three times. He was married to Mary Jane Evans from 1985 to 1989 and to Jane Pollack from 1995 to 2006.

Henriksen has four children; three with Pollack and one with Lunde. Henriksen currently resides in Santa Clarita, California.

Art
Henriksen continues to produce art. He worked as a muralist before he became an actor, and he has worked with clay since 1960. In September 2017, Henriksen set up a  website to showcase and find homes for some of his most recent clay works. He "still believes that there is nothing as simple and beautiful as raw clay... And that Potters have the remaining soul of the nomads...always searching...."

Books

 * Autobiography
 * Not Bad for a Human – The Life and Films of Lance Henriksen – Lance Henriksen with co-author Joseph Maddrey, published in 2011 by Bloody Pulp Books, featuring art by Bill Sienkiewicz, Mike Mignola, Tom Mandrake, Tim Bradstreet, Eric Powell and Ashley Wood.

 * Comic books
 * To Hell You Ride (five-issue comic book from Dark Horse Comics) (2012) – Lance Henriksen and Joseph Maddrey (co-authors) with Tom Mandrake (artist); a motion-comic video was also made by Dark Horse Comics) (2012) – Lance Henriksen and Joseph Maddrey (co-authors), Tom Mandrake (artist), Lance Henriksen (narrator), TKU: Tecamachalco Underground (Cesar Gallegos/Mateo Latosa) (musical score)

title: Lance Henriksen


text:
Wunda (crater)

Wunda is a large crater on the surface of Uranus' moon Umbriel. It is 131 km in diameter and is located near the equator of Umbriel. The crater is named after Wunda, a dark spirit of Australian aboriginal mythology.

Wunda has a prominent albedo feature on its floor, which takes the shape of a ring of bright material at least 10 km in radial width. The reason for its brightness, which stands out from the very dark composition of the moon as a whole, is unknown. It may be either a fresh impact deposit or a deposit of carbon dioxide ice, which formed when the radiolytically formed carbon dioxide migrated from all over the surface of Umbriel and got trapped inside relatively cold Wunda.

title: Wunda (crater)


text:
User:Hemanshu/Wikipedia and Wiktionary

I have been talking about this since quite a while (although without any concrete proposal)... using Wikipedia's popularity to benefit Wiktionary.

Jimbo Wales showed up in IRC and I took the opportunity to talk with him about it. I had already discussed it on the IRC channel.

Here's a transcript of the chat  hello Hello!  I was wondering if Wikipedia should incorporate links to Wiktionary in articles?  Wiktionary is really lacking interest It sounds like a reasonable concept to me.  we need to use Wikipedia's popularity to make Wiktionary more popular I agree with that.  good I can think of two ways... First, encourage more interwiki linking with wiktionary, somehow. Possibly even go so far as to have a bit of new markup.  yes  maybe we can have a small icon link next to words Second, we could put a link on every page of wikipedia, "Look for a definition of 'Article Title' in Wiktionary".  yeah That second one might generate resistance, though, because many many times the article title is not really a word that needs defining, per se. Take a look at this: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prime_Minister_of_Japan just an example for us to brainstorm about. Now, that article has interlanguage links for 'fr' and 'ja' versions of the same topic. Perhaps a simple extension of the interlanguage syntax, but for definitions, would be sensible.  yeah I see  yes Here's a better brainstorm:  that would make it possible to link to definitions of article titles http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cladistics  and that could be implemented really easily There are 4 interlanguage links there. We could have a new one, like:  being able to provide quicklinks to definitions of word used in the article could be more difficult definiton:paraphyletic could be the simple new markup.  yeah And that magically makes a a link, in the text at that point, to wiktionary. I would support something along those lines. Will you run this by wikipedia-l and wikitech-l? I'll make noises of joy.  :) Maybe it will excite someone and then it might happen.  I haven't joined the mailing list <Hemanshu> I just have to send an email to? <Hemanshu> wikipedia-1@? <Hemanshu> can I post this conversation on the wiki? Yeah <Hemanshu> ok Anyhow, talk to you later I'm going to have to go. <Hemanshu> ok <Hemanshu> nice talking

title: User:Hemanshu/Wikipedia and Wiktionary


text:
Wunda

Wunda is a dark spirit in Indigenous Australian aboriginal mythology.

Wunda may also refer to:
 * Wunda (crater), an enigmatic bright feature on Uranus's moon Umbriel.

title: Wunda