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Dave Kingman

David Arthur Kingman (born December 21, 1948), nicknamed "Kong", "King Kong", and "Sky King", is an American former Major League Baseball left fielder, first baseman, third baseman, and designated hitter who was a three-time MLB All-Star with 442 career home runs and 1,210 runs batted in (RBI) in 16 seasons. In his career, Kingman averaged a home run every 15.11 at bats, tied for 14th best all-time.

The 6' 6" Kingman was a power hitter, who twice led the National League in home runs. Known for his long home runs, Kingman hit one measured at over 530 feet. Kingman struck out frequently, and posted a low batting average and on-base percentage. His 1,816 strikeouts was the fourth-highest total in MLB history at the time of his retirement. As a result of the increase in frequency of strikeouts in the intervening period, he ranked 23rd as of May 2024. Kingman finished in the top 25 voting for National League Most Valuable Player four times (1972, 1975, 1976, and 1979) and American League Most Valuable Player once (1984). Upon retiring, Dave Kingman was 16th on the all-time home run list and tied for 4th on the all-time grand slam list with 16 (tied with Hank Aaron and Babe Ruth).

Early life
Born in Pendleton, Oregon, in 1948, Kingman moved with his family to Denver, Colorado, in 1951, then to Los Angeles, California, in 1954 and finally to Mount Prospect, Illinois. Kingman's father worked for United Airlines and moved the family as needed for his career. Kingman attended Prospect High School, where he was a center and a forward on the basketball team, being named All-Area; a wide receiver and safety on the football team; and a star pitcher on the baseball team. Kingman threw a no-hitter against Niles North High School on April 6, 1967. In his final high school game, he hit four home runs and pitched a two-hit shutout.

Amateur career
He was drafted by the California Angels out of high school in the second round of the 1967 Major League Baseball draft, and by the Baltimore Orioles in the first round of the 1968 draft, but chose, instead, to attend the University of Southern California (USC) to play college baseball for the USC Trojans under coach Rod Dedeaux, after a year at Harper Junior College in Palatine, Illinois. Kingman began as a pitcher before being converted to an outfielder.

In 1969, Kingman had a 11–4 win–loss record with a 1.38 earned run average (ERA) and batted .250 with four home runs and 16 runs batted in (RBIs) as a part-time hitter for USC. In the 1970 USC NCAA Championship Season, Kingman hit .355 with nine home runs and 25 RBIs, exclusively as a hitter, despite missing time mid-season due to injury.

In 1970, Kingman was named an All-America and led the Trojans to the College World Series championship, along with teammates, pitchers Steve Busby, Jim Barr and Brent Strom. Kingman was then selected by the San Francisco Giants with the first pick of the 1970 secondary phase draft.

Minor leagues (1970–1971)
After signing with the Giants, Kingman played for the Class AA Amarillo Giants in 1970 after the College World Series victory. He hit .295 with 15 home runs and 45 RBIs in 60 games. Moving to the Class AAA Phoenix Giants in 1971, he hit .278 with 26 home runs and 99 RBIs in 105 games before being called up by the San Francisco Giants.

San Francisco Giants (1971–1974)
Kingman came up as an outfielder and first baseman with the San Francisco Giants. He made his major league debut on July 30, 1971, pinch running for Willie McCovey, and finishing the game at first base. He hit a home run in his next game, a grand slam, and hit two more a day later. He finished his rookie season with a .278 average with 6 home runs and 24 RBI in 41 games. Kingman appeared in the postseason when the Giants won the National League West and advanced to the National League Championship Series. Kingman went 1-for-10 with three strikeouts as the Giants lost in four games. It would be his only career postseason appearance.

On April 16, 1972, the second day of the season, Kingman hit for the cycle in the Giants' 10–6 victory over the Houston Astros. A day earlier, he made his debut at third base, a position he would play off and on for the remainder of his Giants career. Kingman also made his major league debut on the mound with the Giants, pitching two innings of "mop up duty" in an 11–0 loss to the Cincinnati Reds on April 15, 1973. He pitched again in the mop up role on May 13 in a 15–3 loss to the Los Angeles Dodgers. In both games, he pitched the final two innings and gave up two earned runs.

In 1974, he committed twelve errors in 59 chances at third, and lost his starting job to Steve Ontiveros. Following the season, the Giants sold their rights to him to the New York Mets.

In four seasons and 409 games with the Giants, Kingman hit .224 with 77 home runs and 217 RBI.

New York Mets (1975–1977)
Kingman's contract was purchased by the New York Mets from the Giants for $150,000 on February 28, 1975.

Kingman played twelve games at third with the Mets; however, the Mets eventually abandoned the idea of Kingman as a third baseman and kept him primarily in the outfield. He emerged as a slugger upon his arrival in New York City, setting a club record with 36 home runs in 1975. Kingman also scored 65 runs, the highest percentage of runs scored on homers for any player who hit more than 30 in a season. A year later, he broke his own record with 37 homers, and was elected to start in right field for the 1976 National League All-Star team. Kingman's single season home run record for the Mets stood until 1987, when it was broken by Darryl Strawberry.

New York Mets/San Diego Padres/California Angels/New York Yankees (1977)
Kingman was batting .209 with nine home runs when he became one of the three players traded in the "Midnight Massacre" by the New York Mets. On June 15, 1977, the Mets traded Kingman to the San Diego Padres for minor league pitcher Paul Siebert and Bobby Valentine; Tom Seaver was traded to the Cincinnati Reds for Pat Zachry, Doug Flynn, Steve Henderson and Dan Norman; and Mike Phillips was traded to the St. Louis Cardinals for Joel Youngblood.

Kingman was claimed off waivers by the California Angels from the Padres on September 6, 1977. On September 15, Kingman became one of only a handful of players to play for four major league teams in the same season (and the only one to play in each division in baseball in a single year since the establishment of divisional play in 1969) when he was traded by the Angels to the New York Yankees, for Randy Stein and cash. Although Kingman's four home runs and seven RBI in eight games helped propel the Yankees into the post-season over the second place Boston Red Sox and Baltimore Orioles, he could not participate in the team's push to a World Series crown as he was added to the roster after the August 31 cutoff date for postseason eligibility.

Overall, Kingman hit .221 with 26 home runs and 78 RBI in 132 games for the four teams in 1977.

Chicago Cubs (1978–1980)
Kingman signed as a free agent with the Chicago Cubs on November 30, 1977. He wanted to stay with the Yankees who denied his request for a no-trade clause and offered him $1,250,000 with the expectation that no other team would pay him more money. Kingman's five-year $1,375,000 contract included a $225,000 annual salary, a $250,000 bonus and an additional $50,000 in any year that the Cubs reached the 1.6 million mark in home attendance.

In 1978, Kingman hit .266 with 28 home runs and 78 RBI in 119 games with the Cubs.

Kingman had an excellent performance in Los Angeles on May 14, 1978, when he again hit three home runs against the Dodgers, including a three-run shot in the top of the 15th inning that gave the Cubs a 10–7 victory. Eight of the Cubs' ten runs were driven in by Kingman. Following the game, radio reporter Paul Olden asked Dodgers' manager Tommy Lasorda his opinion of Kingman's performance that day, inspiring an oft-replayed (and censored) obscenity-laced tirade.

In 1979, Kingman batted .288 with a National League-leading 48 homers, as well as 115 runs batted in (second to San Diego's Dave Winfield's 118) and 97 runs scored. He hit three home runs in a game twice that season, both coming in Cubs losses. The first was a slugging duel with Mike Schmidt on May 17 at Wrigley Field; Kingman hit three home runs and drove in six while Schmidt hit two in the game, with Schmidt delivering his second in the top of the tenth inning to give the Phillies a 23–22 victory. Kingman's third home run during this game is likely the longest home run of his career, and believed to be the longest in the history of Wrigley Field. There is a street called Kenmore Avenue that T's into Waveland Avenue behind left-center field. Kenmore is lined with houses, and the ball Kingman launched landed on the third porch roof on the east side of Kenmore, a shot estimated at 550 feet.

The second three-homer game for Kingman that year came against his former team on July 28 at Shea Stadium in a 6–4 loss to the Mets.

His .613 slugging percentage in 1979 was almost 50 points higher than that of his next closest National League competitor, Schmidt. Kingman finished eleventh in NL MVP balloting that year and led the league in strikeouts for the first time in his career (131).

In 1980, Kingman (whose personality former Mets teammate John Stearns had once compared to a tree trunk) dumped a bucket of ice water on Daily Herald reporter Don Friske's head late in spring training. Kingman regularly insisted he was misquoted, and he began appearing regularly in the Chicago Tribune, as the nominal author of a column ghostwritten by Chicago Park District employee Gerald Pfeiffer. Mike Royko, then writing for the rival Chicago Sun-Times, parodied Kingman's column with a series using the byline "Dave Dingdong."

The Cubs held a Dave Kingman T-shirt Day promotion in conjunction with its game with the Pittsburgh Pirates on August 7, but Kingman instead spent the afternoon at Navy Pier promoting Kawasaki Jet Skis at ChicagoFest.

Injured, Kingman played in 81 games in 1980, hitting .278 with 18 home runs and 57 RBI.

Overall, in his three seasons with the Cubs, Kingman hit .278 with 94 home runs and 251 RBI and a .907 OPS in 345 games.

New York Mets II (1981–1983)
In January 1980, the Payson heirs sold the Mets franchise to the Doubleday publishing company for $21.1 million. Nelson Doubleday, Jr. was named chairman of the board while minority shareholder Fred Wilpon took the role of club president. Kingman was reacquired by the Mets from the Cubs for Steve Henderson and cash on February 28, 1981. In separate deals, the new organization also reacquired Rusty Staub, and two seasons later, Tom Seaver.

Kingman primarily played first base upon his return to the Mets in 1981, and exclusively there in his second season back in New York. In 1982, he tied his own Mets' single-season home run record while hitting .204, the lowest batting average for a first baseman with enough plate appearances to qualify for the batting title. It was also the first time where the Cy Young award winner (Steve Carlton) had a higher batting average than the home run champion. Leading the league in home runs that year, it is also the lowest batting average for any season's home run leader, and he drove in 99 runners that season.

Kingman led the NL in strike outs both of the first two seasons of his return to the Mets (105 in 1981 & 156 in 1982). On June 15, 1983, the sixth anniversary of the Midnight Massacre, the Mets acquired first baseman Keith Hernandez from the St. Louis Cardinals for pitchers Neil Allen and Rick Ownbey. Kingman remained with the team for the remainder of the season in a limited role. He was released at the end of the season, and signed as a free agent with the Oakland Athletics.

In six total seasons with the Mets, Kingman hit .219 with 154 home runs and 389 RBI in 664 games.

Oakland Athletics (1984–1986)
On April 16, 1984, Kingman collected his fifth and final three-homer game, in a 9–6 win over the Seattle Mariners. Kingman made just nine appearances at first base in 1984, and was the A's regular designated hitter the remainder of the time. For the 1984 season, Kingman hit .268 with 35 home runs and 118 RBI. He was named the American League's Comeback Player of the Year, and finished 13th in MVP balloting.

After hitting 30 home runs in 1985, Kingman's 35 homers in 1986 were a record for a player in his final season, until the mark was surpassed by David Ortiz in 2016.

In three seasons as a DH in Oakland, he collected at least 30 home runs and 90 RBIs in each season. He also had two at-bats in this period which did not result in home runs, but nonetheless were noteworthy: in the Metrodome against the Minnesota Twins, on May 4, 1984, he hit a pop-up that flew into a hole in the roof and got stuck for a ground rule double. In a game in Seattle on April 11, 1985, he hit a hard drive to left field which struck a speaker hanging from the roof of the Kingdome, bounced back and was caught for an out.

During his final year in Oakland in 1986, Kingman sent a live rat in a pink box to Sue Fornoff, a sportswriter for The Sacramento Bee. The rat had a tag attached to it that read, "My name is Sue." Fornoff claimed that Kingman had told her that women do not belong in the clubhouse, and that he harassed her several times since she began covering the team the year before. Kingman himself said it was intended as a harmless practical joke. The A's fined Kingman $3,500 and warned that he would be released if a similar incident occurred again.

When Kingman's contract expired after the 1986 season, Oakland did not renew his contract and he became a free agent. Oakland signed former Athletic and future Hall of Famer Reggie Jackson for his final year as the team's designated hitter for the 1987 season to play alongside the new blood in homerun hitting in Jose Canseco and rookie Mark McGwire.

In three seasons with Oakland, under managers Steve Boros, Jackie Moore, and Tony LaRussa, Kingman hit .230 with 100 home runs and 303 RBI.

Overall, in his career, Kingman hit .236 with 442 home runs and 1210 RBI. He had an .302 OB%, a 780 OPS with 608 walks and 1816 strikeouts in 1941 career games. Kingman averaged a home run every 15.11 at bats, tied with Juan González for 14th best all-time. Dave Kingman was awarded over $829,000 in damages for collusion by MLB owners against him (and other MLB players who were free agents).

Retirement
On July 11, 1987, Kingman signed a minor league deal with the San Francisco Giants during the 1987 season. After twenty games at AAA Phoenix in which he batted .203 with two home runs and 11 RBI, he retired from baseball.

In 1989, Kingman played for the West Palm Beach Tropics of the Senior Professional Baseball Association, alongside other former major league players. He hit .271 with 8 HR and 40 RBI, as the Tropics had the best record in the Senior League. The league folded in 1990.

In 1992, his first year of eligibility for the Baseball Hall of Fame, he appeared on just three ballots, excluding him from future Baseball Writers' Association of America voting. He was the first player to hit 400 or more home runs without being eventually inducted into the Hall of Fame.

Personal
Kingman lives in the Lake Tahoe area. He has three children, Adam, Abby and Anna and operates a local tennis club. His son Adam won season 3 of Making It and was crowned Master Maker.

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Mustafa Pasha

Mustafa Pasha may refer to:

People

 * Çoban Mustafa Pasha (died 1529), Ottoman vizier and governor of Egypt (1522–23)
 * Koca Mustafa Pasha (fl. 1511–1512), Ottoman grand vizier (1511–12)
 * Kara Şahin Mustafa Pasha (fl. 1524–1566), Ottoman governor of Egypt (1560–63) and founder of the Ridwan dynasty
 * Mustafa Pasha, governor-general of Lahsa in 1559, see Lahsa Eyalet
 * Lala Kara Mustafa Pasha (died 1580), Ottoman general and grand vizier (1580)
 * Manuchar II Jaqeli (died 1614), known as Mustafa Pasha during his tenure under the Ottomans
 * Mustafa Pasha, governor of Damascus in 1623, see Mount Lebanon Emirate
 * Kemankeş Mustafa Pasha (1592–1644), Ottoman grand vizier (1638–44)
 * Lefkeli Mustafa Pasha (died 1648), Ottoman grand vizier (1622) and governor of Egypt (1618)
 * Kara Mustafa Pasha (c. 1630–1683), Ottoman grand vizier (1676–83)
 * Kara Mustafa Pasha (governor of Egypt) (died 1627), Ottoman governor of Egypt (1623, 1624–26)
 * Bozoklu Mustafa Pasha (died 1698), Ottoman grand vizier (1693–94)
 * Mustafa Pasha ( 1748), Ottoman governor of Rhodes, see Manuel Pinto da Fonseca
 * Köse Bahir Mustafa Pasha (died 1765), Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire and governor of Egypt
 * Mustafa Pasha Kara Mehmed-zade (fl. July 1755), Ottoman governor of Skopje
 * Hadži Mustafa Pasha (1733—1801)
 * Mustafa Pasha (Egypt) ( 1800), Ottoman commander defeated by Napoleon Bonaparte in 1799
 * Mustafa Naili Pasha (1798–1871), Ottoman grand vizier (1853–54, 1857)
 * Mustafa Reşid Pasha (1800–1858), Ottoman statesman, diplomat, reformer, and grand vizier (1846–58) during Tanzimat
 * Mustafa Pasha (naval officer) (1804–1877), British naval officer Adolphus Slade, known as Mustafa Pasha in Ottoman service
 * Mustafa Celalettin Pasha (1826–1876), participant in Polish and Ottoman uprisings, strategist, and writer
 * Mustafa Fazl Pasha (1830–1875), Egyptian prince, grandson of Muhammad Ali Pasha
 * Mustafa Zihni Pasha (1838–1911), Ottoman official and founding member of the nationalist Kürt Teali Cemiyeti society
 * Mustafa Fahmi Pasha (1840–1914), former Prime Minister of Egypt
 * Mustafa Hilmi Pasha (1840–1922), general of the Ottoman Army
 * Mustafa Yamulki (1866–1936), Ottoman general and Minister of Education of the Kingdom of Kurdistan (previously Nemrud Mustafa Pasha)
 * Mustafa Kamil Pasha (1874–1908), Egyptian nationalist, lawyer, and journalist
 * Mustafa el-Nahhas Pasha (1879–1965), former Prime Minister of Egypt
 * Mustafa Fevzi Çakmak (1876–1950), Turkish field marshal and politician
 * Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881–1938), founder of the Republic of Turkey

Other

 * Koca Mustafa Pasha Mosque, a former Byzantine church converted into a mosque by the Ottomans, located in Istanbul, Turkey
 * Atik Mustafa Pasha Mosque, a former Byzantine church converted into a mosque by the Ottomans, located in Istanbul Turkey
 * Mustafa Pasha Mosque, an Ottoman-era mosque located in the Old Bazaar of Skopje, Macedonia
 * Mustafa Pasha Bridge, a bridge located in Svilengrad, Bulgaria

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Mustafa Pasha


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Art department

Art department in filmmaking terms means the section of a production's crew concerned with visual artistry. Working under the supervision of the production designer and/or art director, the art department is responsible for arranging the overall look of the film (i.e. modern/high-tech, rustic, Victorian, etc.) as desired by the film director. Individual positions within this department include: production designer, art director, assistant art director, storyboard artist, concept artist, draftsman, art department coordinator, set decorator, set dresser, makeup artist, painter, property master, leadman, swing gang, production buyer, Film sculptor, and property assistant.

title: Art department


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Promachoteuthis

Promachoteuthis is a genus of small, weakly-muscled squid found at bathypelagic depths. Three species have been formally described, while another two await description.

title: Promachoteuthis


text: Talk:Promachoteuthis

title: Talk:Promachoteuthis


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Houstonia

Houstonia may refer to:
 * Houstonia, Missouri, a city in Missouri
 * Houstonia (plant), a genus of flowering plants, belonging to the madder family (Rubiaceae)
 * Houstonia (magazine), a magazine
 * Houstonia (insect), a genus of wasp, belonging to the family Eurytomidae

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Art director

Art director is the title for a variety of similar job functions in theater, advertising, marketing, publishing, fashion, film and television, the Internet, and video games.

It is the charge of a sole art director to supervise and unify the vision of an artistic production. In particular, they are in charge of its overall visual appearance and how it communicates visually, stimulates moods, contrasts features, and psychologically appeals to a target audience. The art director makes decisions about visual elements, what artistic style(s) to use, and when to use motion.

One of the biggest challenges art directors face is translating desired moods, messages, concepts, and underdeveloped ideas into imagery. In the brainstorming process, art directors, colleagues and clients explore ways the finished piece or scene could look. At times, the art director is responsible for solidifying the vision of the collective imagination while resolving conflicting agendas and inconsistencies between contributors' ideas.

In advertising
Despite the title, an advertising art director is not necessarily the head of an art department. In modern advertising practice, an art director typically works with a copywriter as a creative team. In advertising, an art director makes sure the client's message is conveyed to their desired audience. They are responsible for the advertising's visual aspects, while working with other team members such as the graphic designer. They work together to devise an overall concept (also known as the "creative" or "big idea") for the commercial, mailer, brochure, or other advertisements. The copywriter is responsible for the textual content, and the art director for the visual aspects. But the art director may come up with the headline or other copy, and the copywriter may suggest a visual or aesthetic approach. Each usually welcomes suggestions and constructive criticism from the other, as such collaboration often improves the work.

Although a good art director is expected to have good graphic design judgment and technical knowledge of production, it may not be necessary for an art director to hand-render comprehensive layouts, or even be able to draw, now that virtually all but the most preliminary work is done on computer.

Except in the smallest organizations, the art director/copywriter team is overseen by a creative director, senior media creative or chief creative director. In a large organization, an art director may oversee other art directors and a team of junior designers, image developers and/or production artists, and coordinate with a separate production department. In a smaller organization, the art director may fill all these roles, including overseeing printing and other production.

In film
An art director, in the hierarchical structure of a film art department, works directly below the production designer, in collaboration with the set decorator and the set designers. A large part of their duties include the administrative aspects of the art department. They are responsible for assigning tasks to personnel such as the art department coordinator and the construction coordinator, keeping track of the art department budget and scheduling, and overall quality control. They are often also a liaison to other departments, especially construction, special effects, property, transportation (graphics), and locations departments. The art director also attends all production meetings and tech scouts in order to provide information to the set designers in preparation for all departments to have a visual floor plan of each location visited.

The term "art director" was first used in 1914 by Wilfred Buckland when this title was used to denote the head of the art department (hence the Academy Award for Best Art Direction), which also included the set decorator. Now the award includes the production designer and set decorator. On the movie Gone with the Wind, David O. Selznick felt that William Cameron Menzies had such a significant role in the look of the film that the title art director was not sufficient, and so he gave Menzies the title of production designer. This title is now commonly used as the title for the head of the art department, although the title actually implies control over every visual aspect of a film, including costumes.

On films with smaller art departments, such as small independent films and short films, the terms "production designer" and "art director" are often synonymous, and the person taking on the role may be credited as either.

In publishing
Art directors in publishing typically work with the publication's editors. Together, they work on a concept for sections and pages of a publication. Individually, the art director is mostly responsible for the visual look and feel of the publication, and the editor has ultimate responsibility for the publication's verbal and textual contents.

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Shalim Ortiz

Shalim Ortiz (born February 26, 1979) is a Puerto Rican actor and singer.

Personal life
Ortiz is the son of Dominican singer, actress, and host Charytín Goyco and Puerto Rican actor and comedian Elín Ortiz. Ortiz married Leslie Ann Machado in 2008. The couple welcomed a son in 2009 and later welcomed twins sons in 2016 before divorcing in 2017. Ortiz and Machado divorced in 2017 and Ortiz began dating actress Thanya López in 2018.

Television
In 2007, Ortiz starred as Miguel in the romantic, web-only series "Engaged" and also portrayed Alejandro Herrera on Heroes. His character was killed in the penultimate episode of the second season. He guest starred in an episode of Cory in the House as Bahavian singer Nanoosh. He also is featured in the Hallmark Channel movie Expecting a Miracle, which first premiered January 10, 2009.

Shalim has also guest-starred in mainstream series such as Cold Case (TV series) and CSI Miami.

He was also part of Maneater (2009 miniseries) for Lifetime (TV network) as Pablo.

in 2012 Shalim joined the cast of Una Maid en Manhattan for NBC-Telemundo as engineer Frank Varela who fought for the love of Marisa, played by Litzy

Film
Recently he has been involved in a film project that also stars Robert Miano, Leo Fong and Raymond Forchion.

International tour
In 2003 and 2004, Ortiz completed a world tour that included stops in Europe and in South America. He is also an advocate of the American Diabetes Association; his father Elin had diabetes. Ortiz has also become a spokesman of the ADA for the Hispanic population of the United States.

Discography

 * Shalim
 * Cuarto sin Puerta

title: Shalim Ortiz


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Light entertainment

Light entertainment encompasses a broad range of television and radio programming that includes comedies, variety shows, game shows, quiz shows and the like.

In the UK
In the early days of the BBC, virtually all broadcast entertainment would be considered light by today's standards, as great pains were taken not to offend audiences—which is not to say that they always succeeded in this. Singers, magicians and comedians were drafted from the music hall circuit to fill the schedules. Stage acts were transferred directly to screen; in the case of productions such as Sunday Night at the London Palladium, the broadcasts actually came from large theatres. Many future household names, including The Beatles, were given their first public airings during these programmes, which attempted to cater for varying tastes through staging variety acts. Bruce Forsyth was one of several hosts for the show. He went on himself to present the studio-based Generation Game, which remains a landmark in the light entertainment genre. The Generation Game revolved around the now-common television standby of getting members of the public to provide the entertainment themselves by doing silly things for prizes. The show's format was somewhere between the old variety programmes and the increasingly ubiquitous quiz shows and it and its descendants still appear in the television schedules.

1970s
The 1970s continued the move away from the music hall format to studio-based shows. Staged concert acts lived on through television magicians such as Paul Daniels and Royal Variety Performances. The Comedians was another programme which looked back at the live entertainment of the music halls and was also a prototype of many later stand-up comedy series. It employed a number of comics from the working men's club circuit to do their routines on camera.

1980s
In the 1980s the budgets available for light entertainment increased, and shows had dazzling sets and expensive prizes. With the simultaneous ascendancy of alternative comedy, however, the popularity of light entertainment shows started to decline among audiences. An example of this phenomenon is found in the name of a lesser-known panel show Bring Me the Head of Light Entertainment (which is also a pun on a broadcasting job description). Part of the complaint was that light entertainment sought to amuse, yet younger audiences found the attempts at humour weak and watery.

1990s
Popular light entertainment in the 1990s included Barrymore, Des O'Connor Tonight, Noel's House Party, Surprise Surprise, Stars in Their Eyes and The Paul Daniels Magic Show as well as radio shows such as Wake Up to Wogan. Shows typically averaged over ten million viewers and over fifteen was not unusual.

21st century
In spite of critical reaction, light entertainment continues to be popular, perhaps because it provokes no awkward questions when the viewing is shared by different generations of the same family. Current light entertainment stars include the Geordie double act Ant & Dec. They have in the past included the late Bruce Forsyth and the late Cilla Black. Ant & Dec's Saturday Night Takeaway achieved a viewing figures ratings high of 8.5 million viewers in 2020.

Canada
During the 1970s, CBC Television introduced Sunday at Nine, a time slot where '"dramas [such as Corwin] alternate with light entertainment [such as The Hart and Lorne Terrific Hour] and special documentaries."

title: Light entertainment


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Psychroteuthis glacialis

Psychroteuthis glacialis, the glacial squid, is the only known species in the monotypic genus Psychroteuthis, in the family Psychroteuthidae. While only one species has been confirmed, two undescribed species also probably exist. The species occurs in coastal waters near Antarctica and South America. It grows to a mantle length of 44 cm.

Ecology
P. glacialis is known to feed on many crustaceans, fish, lanternfish, Antarctic krill, and Antarctic silverfish, and has been known to practice cannibalism. Animals known to routinely feed on glacial squid include the Antarctic petrel, light-mantled albatross, Ross seal, southern elephant seal, Weddell seal, Patagonian toothfish, wandering albatross, grey-headed albatross, the Adélie penguin, and the emperor penguin.

Distribution
The squid inhabits the pelagic zone in subtropical regions. It is found in depths of 300 - 1000 m.

title: Psychroteuthis glacialis


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Prince Edward—Hastings (federal electoral district)

Prince Edward—Hastings was a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that existed in the House of Commons of Canada from 1968 to 2015. Its population in 2006 was 113,227. It was redistributed between Bay of Quinte electoral district and Hastings—Lennox and Addington electoral district as a result of the Canadian federal electoral redistribution, 2012.

History
The electoral district was created in 1966 from parts of Hastings South, Hastings—Frontenac, Northumberland, and Prince Edward—Lennox ridings.

It consisted of the County of Prince Edward, the Townships of Rawdon and Sidney (excluding the City of Belleville) in the County of Hastings, and the Townships of Brighton, Cramahe, Murray and Seymour in the County of Northumberland.

The electoral district was abolished in 1976 when it was redistributed between Northumberland and Prince Edward ridings, but Prince Edward riding was renamed "Prince Edward—Hastings" in 1978 before an election was held.

In 1976, Prince Edward riding was defined to consist of the County of Prince Edward, and, in the County of Hastings, the Townships of Hungerford, Huntingdon, Thurlow and Tyendinaga, the City of Belleville, and the Town of Deseronto, the Village of Frankford, and Tyendinaga Indian Reserve No. 38.

In 1996, it was redefined to consist of the County of Prince Edward, and the part of the County of Hastings lying south of and including the townships of Hungerford, Huntingdon and Rawdon, south of but excluding the Village of Stirling, and excluding the City of Trenton.

In 2003, it was redefined to consist of the County of Prince Edward and the County of Hastings (except the City of Quinte West).

As part of the Canadian federal electoral redistribution, 2012, the southern portion of district forms the bulk of the new Bay of Quinte district, while the northern portion becomes part of Hastings—Lennox and Addington.

Members of Parliament
This riding has elected the following members of Parliament:

Election results
Note: Conservative vote is compared to the total of the Canadian Alliance and Progressive Conservative votes in the 2000 election.

Note: Canadian Alliance vote is compared to the Reform Party vote in the 1997 election.


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Cachoeiro de Itapemirim

Cachoeiro de Itapemirim is a municipality and a major town, located in the south of Espírito Santo, Brazil, on the banks of the Itapemirim River. It is the economic hub of southern Espírito Santo, being the most important producer of marble and granite in Brazil. Home to one of the biggest intercity bus companies, it is a very well-connected city. The population is about 210,000. Location: 138 km south of Vitória.

History
Cachoeiro de Itapemirim's first commercial establishment opened in 1853, and in 1889 its first post office and telegram services were begun. Since its early days, transport has played a major role in this town. Since it was established by a waterfall, where it would be impossible to continue the journey up the river, it became an important stop for gold prospectors traveling to Minas Gerais. Many immigrant families which travelled to southern Espírito Santo established in the region.

Transport
The railway line to Rio de Janeiro was completed in 1900, allowing both cultural and economical influence from the latter. In 1911 the railway to Vitória was completed, strengthening links to the north.

The city is served by Cachoeiro de Itapemirim Airport.

Attractions
The municipality contains the 451 ha Pacotuba National Forest, created in 2002. The quilombola community of Monte Alegre offers ethnic, cultural and environmental tourism in partnership with the forest and the ministry of tourism. This includes crafts and gastronomy, expression of traditions and community lifestyle, and guided tours of the forest. The municipality contains part of the protected area of the Frade e a Freira Natural Monument. It contains the 452 ha Itabira Natural Monument. The city is nicknamed A capital oculta do mundo, meaning "the secret capital of the world".

Notable people

 * Bujica (Marcelo Ribeiro), retired professional footballer
 * Didi Louzada, former NBA player
 * Roberto Carlos, singer known as The King of Brazilian Music
 * Maxwell Cabelino Andrade, retired professional footballer
 * Rubem Braga, a chronist writer
 * Luz del Fuego, actress, famous in the United States in the 1950s, starred on Broadway IMDB
 * Noemi Cavalcanti, actress IMDB
 * Sérgio Sampaio, actor IMDB
 * Raul Sampaio, actor IMDB
 * Carlos Imperial, actor
 * Charles Fricks, actor IMDB
 * Ramon de Morais Motta, footballer
 * Larissa França, professional beach volleyball player and holder of the Guinness World Record for most women’s FIVB Beach Volleyball World Tour gold medals won by an individual.

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Talk:Psychroteuthis glacialis

Picture
This article would great benefit from any pictures that could be provided Iciac 02:57, 28 April 2007 (UTC)

Requested move 11 January 2020

 * The following is a closed discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review after discussing it on the closer's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

The result of the move request was: page moved (non-admin closure)   CAPTAIN MEDUSA   talk  07:06, 21 January 2020 (UTC)

Psychroteuthis glacialis → Glacial squid – per WP:Common name  User:Dunkleosteus77 |push to talk 05:13, 11 January 2020 (UTC)
 * This is a contested technical request (permalink). — Amakuru (talk) 09:43, 11 January 2020 (UTC)

 * Oppose. From a Google search it looks like Galiteuthis glacialis is also sometimes called the "glacial squid". In that circumstance it's preferable to use the unambiguous scientific name. — Amakuru (talk) 09:43, 11 January 2020 (UTC)

 * Oppose Scientific name is more commonly used than "glacial squid" (which is also a vernacular name for a different species). Plantdrew (talk) 03:08, 14 January 2020 (UTC)

 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on this talk page or in a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

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Assistant director

The role of an assistant director on a film includes tracking daily progress against the filming production schedule, arranging logistics, preparing daily call sheets, checking cast and crew, and maintaining order on the set. They also have to take care of the health and safety of the crew. The role of an assistant to the film director is often confused with assistant director but the responsibilities are entirely different. The assistant to the film director manages all of the directors in development, pre-production, while on set, through post-production and is often involved in both personnel management as well as creative aspects of the production process.

Historically, assistant directing was a stepping stone to directing work; Alfred Hitchcock was an assistant, as well as Akira Kurosawa. This was when the role was more general and encompassed all aspects of filmmaking such as set design and script editing. This transition into film directing is no longer common in feature films, as the role has evolved into a more logistical and managerial position. It is more common now for an assistant director to transition to a theatre production management or producer role than to directing, with contemporary exceptions such as James McTeigue.

Sub-roles
Often, the role of assistant director is broken down into the following sub-roles:
 * The first assistant director (first or 1st AD) has overall AD responsibilities and supervises the second AD (2AD). The "first" is directly responsible to the director and "runs" the floor or set. The first AD and the unit production manager are two of the highest "below the line" technical roles in filmmaking (as opposed to creative or "above the line" roles) and so, in this strict sense, the role of first AD is non-creative. Their responsibility is to keep the production on schedule throughout the day, communicate to the entire crew, and to maintain the safety and security of the staff and shot itself. An assistant director must be very good at estimating how long a scene will take. (Sometimes a scene running a few pages long on the screenplay can be shot relatively quickly, while a half page emotional key moment may take all day). The first AD is paid very well to keep the production on track, and is usually the first person to be replaced (i.e., fired) if the production strays too far from its original schedule or budget.
 * The second assistant director (second or 2nd AD) creates the daily call sheets from the production schedule, in cooperation with the production coordinator. The "second" also serves as the "backstage manager", liaising with actors, putting cast through make-up and wardrobe, which relieves the "first" of these duties. Supervision of the second second assistant director, third assistant director, assistant director trainees, and the setting of background (extras) are parts of the "second's" duties.
 * The second second assistant director (second second or 2nd 2nd AD) deals with the increased workload of a large or complicated production. For example, a production with many cast may require the division of the aspects of backstage manager and the call sheet production work to two separate people.
 * The third assistant director (third or 3rd AD) works on set with the "First" and may liaise with the "Second" to move actors from base camp (the area containing the production, cast, and hair and makeup trailers), organize crowd scenes, and supervise one or more production assistants (PA). There is sometimes no clear distinction between a 2AD and a 3AD. Although some industry bodies such as the Directors Guild of America have defined the roles in an objective way, others believe it to be a subjective distinction. In general the 3rd AD is a term used outside the United States and is sometimes synonymous with the role of a 2nd 2nd AD inside the US.
 * The additional assistant director (AAD or Additional) or fourth assistant director (4AD or "fourth") or "key production assistant" (key PA) may have a number of duties. Most commonly, the AAD has two broad job functions. One is the contraction of the duties of an AD where the AD acts as both second AD and third AD simultaneously. For example, a production with many cast may pass the 2AD call sheet production work to that of the AAD, especially when the 2AD is already performing the additional work of a third AD. The other main use of an AAD is as an adjunct to the 3AD and 1AD for logistically large scenes where more ADs are needed to control large numbers of extras. The "Additional" may also serve where the complexity of the scene or specialized elements within it (stunts, period work) require or are best served by a dedicated AD in most respects equal to a first AD - directing and controlling a number of other ADs to direct action to the satisfaction of the 1AD and the director.
 * A production assistant is one of the lowest crew in a film's hierarchy in terms of salary and authority. They perform various duties required of them by ADs.

The sub-roles of assistant directors differ among nations. For example, the distinction between second second AD and third AD is more common in North America. British and Australian productions, rather than having a second second AD, will hire a "second" 2AD experienced in the same duties, and trained to the same level, to allow a division of the duties. 3ADs in Britain and Australia have different duties from a second second AD, and the terms are not synonymous.

Calling the roll
One of the first AD's most important responsibilities is to "call the roll" — that is, call out a series of specific cues for each take to ensure that all cast and crew on set are aware of exactly what is going on so they can perform their particular role at the appropriate moment. Over the years, special procedures have been developed for this task to achieve maximum efficiency during shooting, which are usually some variant of the following:

 * 1) "Waiting on..." Though not technically part of calling the roll, first ADs may keep the set focused by frequently calling out which department is responsible for a delay in rolling a take. If the lights need to be adjusted, the first AD calls out, "waiting on lighting". If the actors are still in their trailer, the first AD calls out "Waiting on talent", etc. However, such calls can be regarded as applying excessive pressure to the department in question.
 * 2) "Final checks, please" (or "last looks"). Once everyone is in place, and rehearsals and blocking have finished, the first AD calls out, "final checks" or "checks". This is the signal for any last minute adjustments, especially to hair, makeup, wardrobe and props.
 * 3) Traditionally, the first AD calls "quiet on the set". However, it is more common in current productions to hear first "Picture is up!" (or "Rehearsal's up" accordingly) followed by "Quiet please!" to alert everyone that the take is ready and imminent. "Lock it down" or more commonly "Lock it Up" is also a signal (particularly on location) to ensure nothing interrupts the take. This call is crucial for third assistant directors, as this is their primary responsibility during a take.
 * 4) "Turnover". While most AD's say both "roll sound" and "roll camera", "turnover" signals both the camera and sound departments to start rolling. The sound department will roll first. After a second or two, the sound recordist will confirm that the recording equipment is running at the correct speed by calling "Speed" or "Sound Speed". Hearing this, the clapper loader immediately calls out the "Scene" and "Take" numbers so that these details are on the recording. Simultaneously (or within a very few seconds) the Camera Operator or focus puller will roll the camera, and immediately the camera is confirmed as running at the correct speed, will call for the clapper-loader to "mark it" (or "smack it", "bang it", "tag it", etc.). This is done by showing the slate ("clapperboard") on camera, and bringing the clapper down to make a synchronisation point for audio (the sound of the clapper) and picture (the two parts of the clapper being seen to come together). With the slate quickly taken out of shot, and the camera refocused or repointed as necessary for the opening framing, the camera operator calls "set" or "frame" to indicate that all is ready to capture the action.
 * 5) The responsibility to call "action" is shared by either the first assistant director or the director, depending on the director's preference. "Action" may be preceded by "background action" if extras must be in motion in the shot, which is called by one of the lower AD's or sometimes the first.
 * 6) Usually the director says "cut", but camera operators may also "cut" to save film if they know the take is unusable. The operator may also call "cut" if the camera has "rolled out", i.e. run out of film. The operator will not cut if there are other cameras still rolling or an interruption would ruin the actor's focus.
 * 7) After the director has called "cut", the first AD will check whether the director is happy with the take, and conclude the roll with a direction such as "going again" or "that's a take two" if another take is required. If the director does not want another take, the AD will call "check the gate" (a signal for the focus puller or camera assistant to confirm that the camera has not malfunctioned during a take, and that there is no hair or fluff in the aperture ("gate") where the film is exposed). When the camera has been checked, the call from the focus puller or camera assistant will be "clear gate!". Then, if that set up is complete, the AD may call "moving on" or "next set up". These announcements cue all departments and the ADs on set as to the next steps they must take. For example, "reset", "going again" and/or "back to one" may require a reset of elements in the frame extras, cars - anything that moved back to where they started, which the third AD will oversee.

The above roll sequence can be varied by, for example, eliminating the sound calls and the clapping of the slate if the shot is mute or "MOS" ("MOS" is an abbreviation of unknown origin for shooting without sound). At other times, for expediency (e.g. if the shot begins with a closeup of a closed door which then opens), the slate may be shown at the end of the take rather than the beginning. In this case, once the sound is rolling, there is an audible announcement of "End board" (also "end slate", "tails", "tail slate", or "tail sticks") so that the editing department knows to look for the sync marks at the end of the action. At the conclusion of the action, the director will still call "cut", but the first AD (and possibly others) will immediately call "end board!" or so that the camera and sound recorder are not turned off before the clapper is clapped. Also, as a visual cue to the editors, the clapper-board will be shown inverted on camera.

Demographics
According to a 2019 study of the top grossing American films, the percentages of women in each job were 9% of first assistant directors, 33.6% of second assistant directors, and 31.9% of second second assistant directors.

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Payday loan

A payday loan (also called a payday advance, salary loan, payroll loan, small dollar loan, short term, or cash advance loan) is a short-term unsecured loan, often characterized by high interest rates. These loans are typically designed to cover immediate financial needs and are intended to be repaid on the borrower's next payday.

The term "payday" in payday loan refers to when a borrower writes a postdated check to the lender for the payday salary, but receives part of that payday sum in immediate cash from the lender. However, in common parlance, the concept also applies regardless of whether repayment of loans is linked to a borrower's payday. The loans are also sometimes referred to as "cash advances", though that term can also refer to cash provided against a prearranged line of credit such as a credit card. Legislation regarding payday loans varies widely between different countries, and in federal systems, between different states or provinces.

To prevent usury (unreasonable and excessive rates of interest), some jurisdictions limit the annual percentage rate (APR) that any lender, including payday lenders, can charge. Some jurisdictions outlaw payday lending entirely, while others have very few restrictions on payday lenders.

Payday loans have been linked to higher default rates.

History
According to a 2007 study by economist Michael A. Stegman, payday loan firms were extremely rare prior to the 1990s, but have grown substantially since then.

Impact
A 2019 study found that payday loans in the United States "increase personal bankruptcy rates by a factor of two ... by worsening the cash flow position of the household." A second 2019 study looking at the UK found that payday loans "cause persistent increases in defaults and cause consumers to exceed their bank overdraft limits."

The loan process
The basic loan process involves a lender providing a short-term unsecured loan to be repaid at the borrower's next payday. Typically, some verification of employment or income is involved (via pay stubs and bank statements), although according to one source, some payday lenders do not verify income or run credit checks. Individual companies and franchises have their own underwriting criteria.

In the traditional retail model, borrowers visit a payday lending store and secure a small cash loan, with payment due in full at the borrower's next paycheck. The borrower writes a postdated check to the lender in the full amount of the loan plus fees. On the maturity date, the borrower is expected to return to the store to repay the loan in person. If the borrower does not repay the loan in person, the lender may redeem the check. If the account is short on funds to cover the check, the borrower may now face a bounced check fee from their bank in addition to the costs of the loan, and the loan may incur additional fees or an increased interest rate (or both) as a result of the failure to pay.

In the more recent innovation of online payday loans, consumers complete the loan application online (or in some instances via fax, especially where documentation is required). The funds are then transferred by direct deposit to the borrower's account, and the loan repayment and/or the finance charge is electronically withdrawn on the borrower's next payday.

User demographics and reasons for borrowing
According to a study by The Pew Charitable Trusts, "Most payday loan borrowers [in the United States] are white, female, and are 25 to 44 years old. However, after controlling for other factors, there are five groups that have higher odds of having used a payday loan: those without a four-year college degree; home renters; African Americans; those earning below $40,000 annually; and those who are separated or divorced." Most borrowers use payday loans to cover ordinary living expenses over the course of months, not unexpected emergencies over the course of weeks. The average borrower is indebted about five months of the year.

This reinforces the findings of the U.S. Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) study from 2011 which found black and Hispanic families, recent immigrants, and single parents were more likely to use payday loans. In addition, their reasons for using these products were not as suggested by the payday industry for one time expenses, but to meet normal recurring obligations.

Research for the Illinois Department of Financial and Professional Regulation found that a majority of Illinois payday loan borrowers earn $30,000 or less per year. Texas' Office of the Consumer Credit Commissioner collected data on 2012 payday loan usage, and found that refinances accounted for $2.01 billion in loan volume, compared with $1.08 billion in initial loan volume. The report did not include information about annual indebtedness. A letter to the editor from an industry expert argued that other studies have found that consumers fare better when payday loans are available to them. Pew's reports have focused on how payday lending can be improved, but have not assessed whether consumers fare better with or without access to high-interest loans. Pew's demographic analysis was based on a random digit dialing survey of 33,576 people, including 1,855 payday loan borrowers.

In another study, by Gregory Elliehausen, Division of Research of the Federal Reserve System and Financial Services Research Program at the George Washington University School of Business, 41% earn between $25,000 and $50,000, and 39% report incomes of $40,000 or more. 18% have an income below $25,000.

Criticism
In the UK Sarah-Jayne Clifton of the Jubilee Debt Campaign said, "austerity, low wages, and insecure work are driving people to take on high cost debt from rip-off lenders just to put food on the table. We need the government to take urgent action, not only to rein in rip-off lenders, but also to tackle the cost of living crisis and cuts to social protection that are driving people towards the loan sharks in the first place."

Draining money from low-income communities
The likelihood that a family will use a payday loan increases if they are unbanked or underbanked, or lack access to a traditional deposit bank account. In an American context the families who will use a payday loan are disproportionately either of black or Hispanic descent, recent immigrants, and/or undereducated. These individuals are least able to secure normal, lower interest rate forms of credit. Since payday lending operations charge higher interest rates than traditional banks (with notable exceptions, e.g., Barclays and Nationwide charge 35% and 39.99%, respectively), they have the effect of depleting the assets of low-income communities. The Insight Center, a consumer advocacy group, reported in 2013 that payday lending cost U.S communities $774 million a year.

A report from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York concluded that, "We ... test whether payday lending fits our definition of predatory. We find that in states with higher payday loan limits, less educated households and households with uncertain income are less likely to be denied credit, but are not more likely to miss a debt payment. Absent higher delinquency, the extra credit from payday lenders does not fit our definition of predatory." The caveat to this is that with a term of under 30 days there are no payments, and the lender is more than willing to roll the loan over at the end of the period upon payment of another fee. The report goes on to note that payday loans are extremely expensive, and borrowers who take a payday loan are at a disadvantage in comparison to the lender, a reversal of the normal consumer lending information asymmetry, where the lender must underwrite the loan to assess creditworthiness.

A 2012 law journal note summarized the justifications for regulating payday lending. The summary notes that while it is difficult to quantify the impact on specific consumers, there are external parties who are clearly affected by the decision of a borrower to get a payday loan. Most directly impacted are the holders of other low interest debt from the same borrower, which now is less likely to be paid off since the limited income is first used to pay the fee associated with the payday loan. The external costs of this product can be expanded to include the businesses that are not patronized by the cash-strapped payday customer to the children and family who are left with fewer resources than before the loan. The external costs alone, forced on people given no choice in the matter, may be enough justification for stronger regulation even assuming that the borrower him or herself understood the full implications of the decision to seek a payday loan.

Payday lenders have also been criticized for perpetuating a cycle of debt in their users as they leave people with less money overall. While most payday loans advertise themselves as "the solution to life's little surprises", this is rarely the case; 69% of payday loans are taken out to cover everyday recurring expenses such as electricity bills, gas, or groceries. This perpetuates the cycle of debt as payday lenders are more likely to resort to payday loans again once they are charged with the same recurring expense in the next few months.

Advertising practices
In May 2008, the debt charity Credit Action made a complaint to the United Kingdom Office of Fair Trading (OFT) that payday lenders were placing advertising which violated advertising regulations on the social network website Facebook. The main complaint was that the APR was either not displayed at all or not displayed prominently enough, which is clearly required by UK advertising standards.

In 2016, Google announced that it would ban all ads for payday loans from its systems, defined as loans requiring repayment within 60 days or (in the US) having an APR of 36% or more.

Unauthorized clone firms
In August 2015, the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) of the United Kingdom has announced that there has been an increase of unauthorized firms, also known as 'clone firms', using the name of other genuine companies to offer payday loan services. Therefore, acting as a clone of the original company, such as the case of Payday Loans Now. The FCA strongly advised to verify financial firms by using the Financial Services Register, prior to participating in any sort of monetary engagement.

Aggressive collection practices
In US law, a payday lender can use only the same industry standard collection practices used to collect other debts, specifically standards listed under the Fair Debt Collection Practices Act (FDCPA). The FDCPA prohibits debt collectors from using abusive, unfair, and deceptive practices to collect from debtors. Such practices include calling before 8 o'clock in the morning or after 9 o'clock at night, or calling debtors at work.

In many cases, borrowers write a post-dated check to the lender; if the borrowers do not have enough money in their account by the check's date, their check will bounce. In Texas, payday lenders are prohibited from suing a borrower for theft if the check is post-dated. One payday lender named The Money Center in the state instead gets their customers to write checks dated for the day the loan is given. Customers borrow money because they do not have any, so the lender accepts the check knowing that it would bounce on the check's date. If the borrower fails to pay on the due date, the lender sues the borrower for writing a hot check.

Payday lenders will attempt to collect on the consumer's obligation first by simply requesting payment. If internal collection fails, some payday lenders may outsource the debt collection, or sell the debt to a third party.

A small percentage of payday lenders have, in the past, threatened delinquent borrowers with criminal prosecution for check fraud. This practice is illegal in many jurisdictions and has been denounced by the Community Financial Services Association of America, the industry's trade association.

Pricing structure of payday loans
The payday lending industry argues that conventional interest rates for lower dollar amounts and shorter terms would not be profitable. For example, a $100 one-week loan, at a 20% APR (compounded weekly) would generate only 38 cents of interest, which would fail to match loan processing costs. Research shows that, on average, payday loan prices moved upward, and that such moves were "consistent with implicit collusion facilitated by price focal points".

According to some consumer advocates and industry experts, such as the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), the Office of Fair Trading (OFT), and The Pew Charitable Trusts, payday loans are an example of a classic market failure. In a perfect market, sellers and buyers would compete rationally and prices would vary based on the market capacity. However, payday lenders have no incentive to lower their prices, since they cannot patent their loans. If one lender reduces its fees or interest rates to attract more customers, other lenders will quickly follow suit, canceling out any advantage. As a result, most payday lenders charge the maximum amount allowed by law, which can be as high as 400% annual percentage rate (APR).

Industry profitability
In a profitability analysis by Fordham Journal of Corporate & Financial Law, it was determined that the average profit margin from seven publicly traded payday lending companies (including pawn shops) in the U.S. was 7.63%, and for pure payday lenders it was 3.57%. These averages are less than those of other traditional lending institutions such as credit unions and banks.

Comparatively the profit margin of Starbucks for the measured time period was just over 9%, and comparison lenders had an average profit margin of 13.04%. These comparison lenders were mainstream companies: Capital One, GE Capital, HSBC, Moneytree, and American Express Credit.

Charges are in line with costs
A study by the FDIC Center for Financial Research found that "operating costs are not that out of line with the size of advance fees" collected and that, after subtracting fixed operating costs and "unusually high rate of default losses", payday loans "may not necessarily yield extraordinary profits."

However, despite the tendency to characterize payday loan default rates as high, several researchers have noted that this is an artifact of the normal short term of the payday product, and that during the term of loans with longer periods there are frequently points where the borrower is in default and then becomes current again. Actual charge offs are no more frequent than with traditional forms of credit, as the majority of payday loans are rolled over into new loans repeatedly without any payment applied to the original principal.

The propensity for very low default rates seems to be an incentive for investors interested in payday lenders. In the Advance America 10-k SEC filing from December 2011 they note that their agreement with investors, "limits the average of actual charge-offs incurred during each fiscal month to a maximum of 4.50% of the average amount of adjusted transaction receivables outstanding at the end of each fiscal month during the prior twelve consecutive months". They go on to note that for 2011 their average monthly receivables were $287.1 million and their average charge-off was $9.3 million, or 3.2%. In comparison with traditional lenders, payday firms also save on costs by not engaging in traditional forms of underwriting, relying on their easy rollover terms and the small size of each individual loan as method of diversification eliminating the need for verifying each borrower's ability to repay. It is perhaps due to this that payday lenders rarely exhibit any real effort to verify that the borrower will be able to pay the principal on their payday in addition to their other debt obligations.

Markets provide services otherwise unavailable
Proponents of minimal regulations for payday loan businesses argue that some individuals that require the use of payday loans have already exhausted other alternatives. Such consumers could potentially be forced to illegal sources if not for payday loans. Tom Lehman, an advocate of payday lending, said:
 * ... payday lending services extend small amounts of uncollateralized credit to high-risk borrowers, and provide loans to poor households when other financial institutions will not. Throughout the past decade, this "democratization of credit" has made small loans available to mass sectors of the population, and particularly the poor, that would not have had access to credit of any kind in the past.

These arguments are countered in two ways. First, the history of borrowers turning to illegal or dangerous sources of credit seems to have little basis in fact according to Robert Mayer's 2012 "Loan Sharks, Interest-Rate Caps, and Deregulation". Outside of specific contexts, interest rates caps had the effect of allowing small loans in most areas without an increase of "loan sharking". Next, since 80% of payday borrowers will roll their loan over at least one time because their income prevents them from paying the principal within the repayment period, they often report turning to friends or family members to help repay the loan according to a 2012 report from the Center for Financial Services Innovation. In addition, there appears to be no evidence of unmet demand for small dollar credit in states which prohibit or strictly limit payday lending.

A 2012 report produced by the American libertarian think tank Cato Institute found that the cost of the loans is overstated, and that payday lenders offer a product traditional lenders simply refuse to offer. However, the report is based on 40 survey responses collected at a payday storefront location. The report's author, Victor Stango, was on the board of the Consumer Credit Research Foundation (CCRF), an organization funded by payday lenders, until 2015, and he received $18,000 in payments from CCRF in 2013.

Household welfare increased
A staff report released by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York concluded that payday loans should not be categorized as "predatory" since they may improve household welfare. "Defining and Detecting Predatory Lending" reports "if payday lenders raise household welfare by relaxing credit constraints, anti-predatory legislation may lower it." The author of the report, Donald P. Morgan, defined predatory lending as "a welfare reducing provision of credit". However, he also noted that the loans are very expensive, and that they are likely to be made to under-educated households or households of uncertain income.

Brian Melzer of the Kellogg School of Management at Northwestern University found that payday loan users did suffer a reduction in their household financial situation, as the high costs of repeated rollover loans impacted their ability to pay recurring bills such as utilities and rent. This assumes a payday user will rollover their loan rather than repay it, which has been shown both by the FDIC and the Consumer Finance Protection bureau in large sample studies of payday consumers.

Petru Stelian Stoianovici, a researcher from Charles River Associates, and Michael T. Maloney, an economics professor from Clemson University, found "no empirical evidence that payday lending leads to more bankruptcy filings, which casts doubt on the debt trap argument against payday lending."

The report was reinforced by a Federal Reserve Board (FRB) 2014 study which found that while bankruptcies did double among users of payday loans, the increase was too small to be considered significant. The same FRB researchers found that payday usage had no positive or negative impact on household welfare as measured by credit score changes over time.

Aid in disaster areas
A 2009 study by University of Chicago Booth School of Business Professor Adair Morse found that in natural disaster areas where payday loans were readily available consumers fared better than those in disaster zones where payday lending was not present. Not only were fewer foreclosures recorded, but such categories as birth rate were not affected adversely by comparison. Moreover, Morse's study found that fewer people in areas served by payday lenders were treated for drug and alcohol addiction.

Australia
Prior to 2009 regulation of consumer credit was primarily conducted by the states and territories. Some states such as New South Wales and Queensland legislated effective annual interest rate caps of 48%. In 2008 the Australian states and territories referred powers of consumer credit to the Commonwealth. In 2009 the National Consumer Credit Protection Act 2009 (Cth) was introduced, which initially treated payday lenders no differently from all other lenders. In 2013 Parliament tightened regulation on the payday lending further introducing the Consumer Credit and Corporations Legislation Amendment (Enhancements) Act 2012 (Cth) which imposed an effective APR cap of 48% for all consumer credit contracts (inclusive of all fees and charges). Payday lenders who provided a loan falling within the definition of a small amount credit contract (SACC), defined as a contract provided by a non authorised-deposit taking institution for less than $2,000 for a term between 16 days and 1 year, are permitted to charge a 20% establishment fee in addition to monthly (or part thereof) fee of 4% (effective 48% p.a.). Payday lenders who provide a loan falling within the definition of a medium amount credit contract (MACC), defined as a credit contract provided by a non-deposit taking institution for between $2,000–$5,000 may charge a $400 establishment fee in addition to the statutory interest rate cap of 48%. Payday lenders are still required to comply with Responsible lending obligations applying to all creditors. Unlike other jurisdictions Australian payday lenders providing SACC or MACC products are not required to display their fees as an effective annual interest rate percentage.

Canada
Bill C28 supersedes the Criminal Code of Canada for the purpose of exempting Payday loan companies from the law, if the provinces passed legislation to govern payday loans. Payday loans in Canada are governed by the individual provinces. All provinces, except Newfoundland and Labrador, have passed legislation. For example, in Ontario loans have a maximum rate of 14.299% Effective Annual Rate (EAR) ($21 per $100, over two weeks). As of 2017, major payday lenders have reduced the rate to $18 per $100, over two weeks.

United Kingdom
The Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) estimates that there are more than 50,000 credit firms that come under its widened remit, of which 200 are payday lenders. Payday loans in the United Kingdom are a rapidly growing industry, with four times as many people using such loans in 2009 compared to 2006 – in 2009 1.2 million people took out 4.1 million loans, with total lending amounting to £1.2 billion. In 2012, it is estimated that the market was worth £2.2 billion and that the average loan size was around £270. Two-thirds of borrowers have annual incomes below £25,000. There are no restrictions on the interest rates payday loan companies can charge, although they are required by law to state the effective annual percentage rate (APR). In the early 2010s there was much criticism in Parliament of payday lenders.

In 2014 several firms were reprimanded and required to pay compensation for illegal practices; Wonga.com for using letters untruthfully purporting to be from solicitors to demand payment—a formal police investigation for fraud was being considered in 2014 —and Cash Genie, owned by multinational EZCorp, for a string of problems with the way it had imposed charges and collected money from borrowers who were in arrears.

Changes in the UK law
On 1 April 2014 there was a major overhaul in the way payday loans are issued and repaid.

First of all the FCA made sure all lenders can abide by two main goals:

 * to ensure that firms only lend to borrowers who can afford it
 * to increase borrowers' awareness of the cost and risk of borrowing unaffordably and ways to help if they have financial difficulties

On top of the main goals Martin Wheatley, the FCA's chief executive officer, said:

 * "For the many people that struggle to repay their payday loans every year this is a giant leap forward. From January next year, if you borrow £100 for 30 days and pay back on time, you will not pay more than £24 in fees and charges and someone taking the same loan for fourteen days will pay no more than £11.20. That’s a significant saving.
 * "For those who struggle with their repayments, we are ensuring that someone borrowing £100 will never pay back more than £200 in any circumstance.
 * "There have been many strong and competing views to take into account, but I am confident we have found the right balance.
 * "Alongside our other new rules for payday firms – affordability tests and limits on rollovers and continuous payment authorities – the cap will help drive up standards in a sector that badly needs to improve how it treats its customers."

In order to achieve these goals the FCA has proposed the following:

 * Initial cost cap of 0.8% per day
 * Fixed default fees capped at £15
 * Total cost cap of 100%

United States

In the United States, the rates of these loans used to be restricted in most states by the Uniform Small Loan Laws (USLL), with 36–40% APR generally the norm.

Payday loans are legal in 27 states, and 9 others allows some form of short term storefront lending with restrictions. The remaining 14 and the District of Columbia forbid the practice. The annual percentage rate (APR) is also limited in some jurisdictions to prevent usury. And in some states, there are laws limiting the number of loans a borrower can take at a single time.

As for federal regulation, the Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act gave the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) specific authority to regulate all payday lenders, regardless of size. Also, the Military Lending Act imposes a 36% rate cap on tax refund loans and certain payday and auto title loans made to active duty armed forces members and their covered dependents, and prohibits certain terms in such loans.

The CFPB has issued several enforcement actions against payday lenders for reasons such as violating the prohibition on lending to military members and aggressive collection tactics. The CFPB also operates a website to answer questions about payday lending. In addition, some states have aggressively pursued lenders they felt violate their state laws.

Payday lenders have made effective use of the sovereign status of Native American reservations, often forming partnerships with members of a tribe to offer loans over the Internet which evade state law. However, the Federal Trade Commission has begun to aggressively monitor these lenders as well. While some tribal lenders are operated by Native Americans, there is also evidence many are simply a creation of so-called "rent-a-tribe" schemes, where a non-Native company sets up operations on tribal land.

Alternatives to payday loans
Other options are available to most payday loan customers. These include pawnbrokers, credit union loans with lower interest and more stringent terms which take longer to gain approval, employee access to earned but unpaid wages,     credit payment plans, paycheck cash advances from employers ("advance on salary"), auto pawn loans, bank overdraft protection, cash advances from credit cards, emergency community assistance plans, small consumer loans, installment loans and direct loans from family or friends. The Pew Charitable Trusts found in 2013 their study on the ways in which users pay off payday loans that borrowers often took a payday loan to avoid one of these alternatives, only to turn to one of them to pay off the payday loan.

If the consumer owns their own vehicle, an auto title loan would be an alternative for a payday loan, as auto title loans use the equity of the vehicle as the credit instead of payment history and employment history.

Other alternatives include the Pentagon Federal Credit Union Foundation (PenFed Foundation) Asset Recovery Kit (ARK) program.

Basic banking services are also often provided through their postal systems.

Comparisons payday lenders make
Payday lenders do not compare their interest rates to those of mainstream lenders. Instead, they compare their fees to the overdraft, late payment, penalty fees and other fees that will be incurred if the customer is unable to secure any credit whatsoever.

The lenders may list a different set of alternatives (with costs expressed as APRs for two-week terms, even though these alternatives do not compound their interest or have longer terms):

 * $100 payday advance with a $15 fee = 391% APR
 * $100 bounced check with $54 NSF/merchant fees = 1,409% APR
 * $100 credit card balance with a $37 late fee = 965% APR
 * $100 utility bill with $46 late/reconnect fees = 1,203% APR

Variations on payday lending
A minority of mainstream banks and TxtLoan companies lending short-term credit over mobile phone text messaging offer virtual credit advances for customers whose paychecks or other funds are deposited electronically into their accounts. The terms are similar to those of a payday loan; a customer receives a predetermined cash credit available for immediate withdrawal. The amount is deducted, along with a fee, usually about 10 percent of the amount borrowed, when the next direct deposit is posted to the customer's account. After the programs attracted regulatory attention, Wells Fargo called its fee "voluntary" and offered to waive it for any reason. It later scaled back the program in several states. Wells Fargo currently offers its version of a payday loan, called "Direct Deposit Advance", which charges 120% APR. Similarly, the BBC reported in 2010 that controversial TxtLoan charges 10% for seven-days advance which is available for approved customers instantly over a text message.

Income tax refund anticipation loans are not technically payday loans (because they are repayable upon receipt of the borrower's income tax refund, not at his next payday), but they have similar credit and cost characteristics. A car title loan is secured by the borrower's car, but are available only to borrowers who hold clear title (i.e., no other loans) to a vehicle. The maximum amount of the loan is some fraction of the resale value of the car. A similar credit facility seen in the UK is a logbook loan secured against a car's logbook, which the lender retains. These loans may be available on slightly better terms than an unsecured payday loan, since they are less risky to the lender. If the borrower defaults, then the lender can attempt to recover costs by repossessing and reselling the car.

Postal banking
Many countries offer basic banking services through their postal systems. The United States Post Office Department offered such a service, called the United States Postal Savings System, but it was discontinued in 1967. In January 2014 the Office of the Inspector General of the United States Postal Service issued a white paper suggesting that the USPS could offer banking services, to include small dollar loans for under 30% APR. Support and criticism quickly followed; opponents of postal banking argued that as payday lenders would be forced out of business due to competition.

title: Payday loan


text:
Pyroteuthidae

Pyroteuthidae (the fire squids) is a family of squids. The family comprises two genera. Species are diurnally mesopelagic, migrating into surface waters during the night. The family is characterised by the tentacles, which have a permanent constriction and bend near the base; and photophores occurring on the tentacles, eyeballs, and viscera. Members reach mantle lengths of 23–50 mm. Paralarvae of the family are common around the Hawaiian Islands, with up to 17% of collected specimens in the area belonging to Pyroteuthidae.

Species

 * Genus Pterygioteuthis
 * Pterygioteuthis gemmata
 * Pterygioteuthis giardi, roundear enope squid
 * Pterygioteuthis hoylei
 * Pterygioteuthis microlampas
 * Genus Pyroteuthis
 * Pyroteuthis addolux
 * Pyroteuthis margaritifera, jewel enope squid
 * Pyroteuthis serrata

title: Pyroteuthidae


text:
Cloverleaf interchange

A cloverleaf interchange is a two-level interchange in which all turns are handled by slip roads. To go left (in right-hand traffic; reverse directions in left-driving regions), vehicles first continue as one road passes over or under the other, then exit right onto a one-way three-fourths loop ramp (270°) and merge onto the intersecting road. The objective of a cloverleaf is to allow two highways to cross without the need for any traffic to be stopped by traffic lights. The limiting factor in the capacity of a cloverleaf interchange is traffic weaving.

Overview
Cloverleaf interchanges, viewed from overhead or on maps, resemble the leaves of a four-leaf clover or less often a 3-leaf clover. In the United States, cloverleaf interchanges existed long before the Interstate system. They were originally created for busier interchanges that the original diamond interchange system could not handle. Their chief advantage was that they were free-flowing and did not require the use of such devices as traffic signals. This not only made them a viable option for interchanges between freeways (where such devices are typically not an option), but they could also be used for very busy arterials where signals could present congestion problems.

They are common in the United States and have been used for over 40 years as the Interstate Highway System expanded rapidly. One problem is that, frequently, large trucks exceeding the area speed limit roll over. Another problem is the merging of traffic (see below). For these reasons, cloverleaf interchanges have become a common point of traffic congestion at busy junctions.

At-grade cloverleaf configurations with full four leaves and full outside slip ramps are extremely rare, though one exists in Toms River, New Jersey. Any other intersection with merely one, two, or three leaf ramps with outer ramps would not be designated a "cloverleaf" and simply be referred to as a jughandle or parclo intersection.

Background
The first cloverleaf interchange patented in the US was by Arthur Hale, a civil engineer in Maryland, on February 29, 1916.

A modified cloverleaf, with the adjacent ramps joined into a single two-way road, was planned in 1927 for the interchange between Lake Shore Drive (US 41) and Irving Park Road (ILL 19) in Chicago, Illinois, but a diamond interchange was built instead.

Beginning
The first cloverleaf interchange built in the United States was the Woodbridge Cloverleaf at intersection of the Lincoln Highway (Route 25) and Amboy—now St. Georges—Avenue (Route 4) (now U.S. 1/9 and Route 35) in Woodbridge Township, New Jersey. It opened in 1929, although it has since been replaced with a partial cloverleaf interchange. Before the cloverleaf was replaced in the late-2000s, it was judged eligible for inclusion in the National Register of Historic Places. Because of this, a commemorative film was made of the cloverleaf. The original cloverleaf interchange design was adapted by the Rudolph and Delano building firm from Philadelphia, from a photo Delano saw on a magazine cover about a highway in Buenos Aires, Argentina. The original inventor is unknown.

The first cloverleaf west of the Mississippi River opened on August 20, 1931, at Watson Road and Lindbergh Boulevard near St. Louis, Missouri, as part of an upgrade of U.S. 66.

The first cloverleaf interchange in Canada opened in 1937 at the junction of the Queen Elizabeth Way (QEW) and Provincial Highway 10 in Port Credit, Ontario (now a part of Mississauga, Ontario). As originally built, Highway 10 passed over the QEW. In 1962, the interchange was rebuilt with sub-collector roads along the QEW, and the orientation was also changed so that Highway 10 then passed under the QEW. The interchange was further modified between 2008 and 2010 by removing all but one loop ramp, creating a partial cloverleaf/diamond hybrid.

The cloverleaf was patented in Europe in Switzerland on October 15, 1928. The first cloverleaf in Europe opened in October 1935 at Slussen in central Stockholm, Sweden, followed in 1936 by Schkeuditzer Kreuz near Leipzig, Germany. This is now the interchange between the A 9 and A 14, and has a single flyover from the westbound A 14 to the southbound A 9. Kamener Kreuz was the first in continental Europe to open fully in 1937, at A 1 and A 2 near Dortmund, Germany.

Problems
The primary drawback of the classic design of the cloverleaf is that vehicles merge onto the highway at the end of a loop immediately before other vehicles leave to go around another loop, creating conflict known as weaving. Weaving limits the number of lanes of turning traffic. Most road authorities have since been implementing new interchange designs with less-curved exit ramps that do not result in weaving. These interchanges include the diamond, parclo and single-point urban interchanges (SPUI) when connecting to an arterial road in non free-flowing traffic on the crossroad and the stack or clover and stack hybrids when connecting to another freeway or to a busy arterial in free-flowing traffic where signals are still not desired.

Not only are these ideas true for new interchanges, but they also hold when existing cloverleaf interchanges are upgraded. In Norfolk, Virginia, the interchange between US 13 and US 58 was originally a cloverleaf—it has since been converted to a SPUI. Also, many cloverleaf interchanges on California freeways, such as U.S. 101, are being converted to parclos. In Hampton, Virginia, a cloverleaf interchange between Interstate 64 and Mercury Boulevard has been partially unwound into a partial stack interchange. During 2008 and 2009, four cloverleaf interchanges along I-64/US 40 in St. Louis, Missouri, were replaced with SPUIs as part of a major highway-renovation project to upgrade the highway to Interstate standards. The original cloverleaf interchange in Delmont, Pennsylvania between Routes 22 and 66 was also converted to an SPUI.

A compromise is to add a collector/distributor road next to the freeway; this does not eliminate weaving but moves it off the main lanes of the freeway. An example of this is the State Highway 23/Interstate 43 interchange in Sheboygan, Wisconsin, where the exit/entrance roads on and off Highway 23 are two lanes next to the main I-43 freeway on the north and southbound sides of the road.

A few cloverleaf interchanges in California have been rebuilt to eliminate weaving on the freeway while keeping all four loop ramps, by adding bridges, similar to braided ramps.

Several cloverleaf interchanges have been eliminated by adding traffic lights on the non-freeway route. Sometimes, this is even done at the intersection of two freeways, particularly when one freeway terminates at an interchange with another. An example of this is in Lakewood, Washington, at the interchange between Interstate 5 and Washington State Route 512, where a visible ramp stub shows that one of the four leaves was removed, thus eliminating weave on I-5. In the future, the traffic signal will be replaced by a two-lane flyover, completing the freeway-to-freeway interchange once again. Cloverleaf interchanges also tend to occupy much more land than any other kind of interchange.

Numerous cloverleaf intersections in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia, Canada, require the merging of traffic from the clover directly onto the collector/distributor lane. This requires the slowly moving driver coming around the loop ramp to merge with the quickly moving driver exiting on the collector/distributor lane with no opportunity to accelerate to match the flow of the oncoming driver. This speed differential in merging can be as great as 65 km/h (approx. 43 mph).

The cloverleaf interchange was not implemented in great numbers in the United Kingdom, because of these performance problems. There were originally three, one in Redditch and two in Livingston. One of the Livingston examples was remodeled in the mid-2000s as part of a public transport project. The Girton interchange near Cambridge was a "half"-cloverleaf interchange that regularly experienced peak-time congestion due to A14 westbound traffic weaving with M11 traffic. This interchange was redesigned in 2019 to remove one of the loops. In Ireland, partial cloverleaf set-ups exist at the interchanges of the main roads out of Dublin and the M50, allowing free-flow movements in all directions. The Red Cow Interchange is an example.

Most cloverleaf interchanges have been phased out in Ontario, but some close variants do remain with similar traffic flows. The main difference however is that adjacent on and off ramps are shared together by single bidirectional carriageways. Examples include the Highway 62 and Highway 401 interchange in Belleville, Ontario, the Highway 4 and Highway 401 in London, Ontario, as well as the Lawrence Avenue and Don Valley Parkway interchange in Toronto. The Don Mills Road and Don Valley Parkway and the Highway 27 and Dixon Road are also other examples; however, one quadrant of each has a loop missing.

title: Cloverleaf interchange


text:
Steel (comics)

Steel, in comics, may refer to one of several DC Comics characters:

 * Commander Steel, a World War II hero and his grandsons, also known as simply "Steel" and "Citizen Steel".
 * John Henry Irons, an armored hero inspired by Superman and the folk hero John Henry
 * Natasha Irons, the niece of John Henry Irons, also known as "Starlight" and "Vaporlock".

title: Steel (comics)