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Breaching experiment

In the fields of sociology and social psychology, a breaching experiment is an experiment that seeks to examine people's reactions to violations of commonly accepted social rules or norms. Breaching experiments are most commonly associated with ethnomethodology, and in particular the work of Harold Garfinkel. Breaching experiments involve the conscious exhibition of "unexpected" behavior/violation of social norms, an observation of the types of social reactions such behavioral violations engender, and an analysis of the social structure that makes these social reactions possible. The idea of studying the violation of social norms and the accompanying reactions has bridged across social science disciplines, and is today used in both sociology and psychology.

The assumption behind this approach is not only that individuals engage daily in building up "rules" for social interaction, but also that people are unaware they are doing so. The work of sociologist Erving Goffman laid the theoretical foundation for ways to study the construction of everyday social meanings and behavioral norms, especially by breaking unstated but universally accepted rules. Garfinkel expanded on this idea by developing ethnomethodology as a qualitative research method for social scientists. Later, in the 1970s and 80s, famous social psychologist Stanley Milgram developed two experiments to observe and quantify responses to breaches in social norms to empirically analyze reactions to violation of those norms.

Erving Goffman on social interaction
Goffman published two seminal works related to this domain: Behavior in Public Places in 1963 and Relations in Public: Microstudies of the Public Order, published in 1971. Goffman draws on his earlier studies of individuals in mental asylums, as well as other stigmatized social groups, in order to highlight the often taken-for-granted rules of social interaction, as well as the results when rules are broken. He argues that the most common rule in all social situations is for the individual to "fit in". He defines norms as a kind of guide for action supported by social sanctions or reactions, in that there are penalties for infraction, or breaking norms, while individuals are generally rewarded for compliance. If an individual breaches a social norm, the act is often attributed to some property of the individual, such as that the person is sick or mentally ill. For example, a person who is observed talking to himself in a public place is assumed to be mentally ill by any strangers who may notice.

Goffman further states that social gatherings have significant importance for organizing social life. He argues that all people in a social setting have some concern regarding the rules governing behavior. Infractions, or violation of an unstated rule, may be "taken as a sign that the offender cannot be trusted" not to take advantage of the situation "even though the original infraction itself" may actually be harmless. Individuals come to "feel that rules for participating in gatherings are crucial for society’s well-being" and that these "rules are natural, inviolable, and fundamentally right".

Harold Garfinkel and "making commonplace scenes visible"
Garfinkel suggests that each member of society uses "background expectancies" to interpret and decide how to act in a social situation. However, individuals are unable to explicitly describe what each of these expectancies, or rules, are. One way to help make background expectancies more visible is to be a "stranger to the life as usual character of everyday scenes". For instance, saying "hello" at the termination of a conversation. Although the term "breaching experiment" developed as a result of Garfinkel's approach, he warns it should not properly be called an experiment, but more accurately, a demonstration meant to produce disorganized interaction in order to highlight how the structures of everyday activities are ordinarily created and maintained.

Some examples of everyday scenes include the home, school, or workplace. One task Garfinkel assigned to his graduate students was to challenge everyday understandings by frequently asking for clarification during a normal conversation with a friend or family member. Below is an example of an excerpt quoted in Garfinkel's text, Case 2 of Studies in Ethnomethodology:

This is a breaching experiment in the form of interpersonal conversation. The violation of the expectancy of shared verbal understanding between friends results in the subject expressing confusion and irritation. Garfinkel conducted other experiments—often using his students:

 * Students were to return to their parental homes and observe their family as if each student was a lodger. Many students found this difficult as their distanced assessments of their family were discordant with their everyday beliefs (e.g., how often people argued). They were happy to return to what one student described as the "real me".
 * Students were to do the same as above, but actually behave as if they were lodgers. The associated distance and politeness resulted in reports of "astonishment, bewilderment, shock, anxiety, embarrassment, and anger, and with charges by various family members that the student was mean, inconsiderate, selfish, nasty, or impolite".
 * Students were to engage in conversation with others with the assumption that what the other person said was directed by hidden motives. Family members and friends were reported as having hurt feelings, and the two students who tried this with strangers were unable to complete the interaction.
 * Students were to participate in an evaluation in which their assessments of others was contradicted by subsequent information revealed by other assessors. Subsequently, many students tried to reconcile their initial opinion with the information and assessment provided by others.
 * They were asked to bargain for standard-priced merchandise in a store. Students felt anxiety in anticipation of the task and approaching the salesperson. However, this lessened once they began their interactions and were surprised by the possibility of succeeding.
 * Subjects played tic-tac-toe where the experimenter asked the subject to make the first move, then erases that mark and moves it to another square before making the responding move. Subjects were confused by this and interpreted the action as a sexual pass, a comment on their own stupidity, or as the impudence of the experimenter. Eventually, most demanded a reckoning of this behavior.
 * Subjects were asked to stand very, very close to a person while engaging in otherwise innocuous conversation.

Garfinkel instructed his students to treat such everyday, implicit understandings as problematic phenomena to be studied. Breaching experiments reveal the resilience of social reality, since the subjects respond immediately to normalize the breach. They do so by rendering the situation understandable in familiar terms. It is assumed that the way people handle these breaches reveals much about how they handle their everyday lives.

Social psychology approach to breaching norms
Later work in the field of social psychology adapted this approach, but often refers to the phenomena as social norm breaking. Two of the most well known studies of violation of social norms by a social psychologist were carried out by Stanley Milgram, well known for his infamous obedience experiments. One was conducted on the New York City Subway in the 1970s, when experimenters boarded crowded trains and asked able-bodied but seated riders, with no explanation, to give up their seats. The other was conducted in the 1980s, and studied the reactions to graduate student experimenters cutting ahead in lines of people waiting to purchase railroad tickets. These experiments build on the sociological work on breaching norms, but note that they are approached quantitatively by being structured so the experimenter can observe and count people's reactions.

"On maintaining social norms: a field experiment in the subway"
Milgram defines “residual rules” as rules that fulfill two criteria:
 * 1) People must substantially agree on them.
 * 2) People don't notice them until a violation occurs.

A residual rule of everyday interaction on the New York City Subway is that seats are on a first-come, first-served basis and individuals are not supposed to talk to one another in such close quarters.

The experimenters violated this implicit rule by asking people to give up their seats. They then measured the responses as the number of times individuals consented or refused to give up their seats, and also noted people's verbal and physical reactions to the request. Experimenters approached individuals under three conditions:

 * 1) The experimenter approached the subject and said, "Excuse me. May I please have your seat?" No justification was offered.
 * 2) The second condition tested the hypothesis that subjects gave up their seats because they assumed the experimenter had some important reason for requesting it.  To rule out this assumption, experimenters were instructed to ask "Excuse me.  May I please have your seat?  I can't read my book standing up."
 * 3) The third condition was included because the experimenters believed that subjects might have been so startled by the request that they didn't have time to think about an adequate reply.  Therefore, in this condition, to alert the subject that a seat might be requested, two experimenters entered the subway car from different doors: one would say "Excuse me. Do you think it would be all right if I asked someone for a seat?" and the other "I don't know."

The experimenters reasoned that subjects in the no justification condition engaged in normalization of the breach by attributing a meaning to the violation that would make it seem not to be a violation at all. An example of such a normalization would be "he is asking for a seat because he is sick." Since the second condition, the trivial justification, prevented the process of normalization, subjects could not as easily imagine an appropriate justification for the request, and therefore, a much lower number gave up their seats. In the third, overheard condition, the experimenters reasoned that the warning of the pending seat request allowed subjects to be better prepared to refuse the request.

An important aspect of the maintenance of social norms is also revealed in the emotional reactions felt by the experimenters. Most of the experimenters reported great difficulty in carrying out the task. They reported that, when standing in front of the subject, they felt anxious, tense, and embarrassed. Many felt unable to verbalize the request for a seat and had to withdraw. They sometimes feared they were the center of attention in the car and were often unable to look directly at the subjects. Once they made a successful request for a seat, they felt pressure to act in a way that would actually justify the request, such as pretending to be ill. Milgram proposes that the experimenters were playing the social role of subway rider, and they felt an extreme emotional reaction as a result of breaking implicit rules for that role. These extreme emotional reactions reflect how important it is to people to engage in routine, everyday activities.

"Response to intrusion into waiting lines"
Another norm breaching study led by Milgram sought to examine the response of people waiting in line to intruders, again violating first-come, first served. This was done by having experimenters break into naturally formed lines around New York City and noting how people respond to them. The experimenters encroached on a total of 129 waiting lines, formed at railroad ticket counters, betting parlors, and other New York City locations.

The lines had an average of six people waiting. The experimenter calmly approached a point between a 3rd and 4th person in line and said in a neutral tone "Excuse me, I’d like to get in here.” Before anyone in the line could respond, the intruder cut in line and faced forward. If the experimental intruder was directly admonished to leave the line, he or she did so. Otherwise, the intruder stayed in the line for one minute before departing. Three female and two male graduate students acted as intruders, with an observer watching nearby to record physical, verbal, and nonverbal reactions to the intrusion. The experiment manipulated conditions by having either one or two intruders break into the line, as well as varying one or two buffers, or experimenters standing passively by in the line. This enabled the researchers to test whether the responsibility of addressing the intruder would extend from the person closest behind in line to the rest of those in line.

Broadly, results indicated that others in line objected with greatest frequency (91.3%) when there were two intruders and no buffers. One intruder and no buffer resulted in the next highest frequency of objections (54%). The least amount of objection (5.0%) occurred when there was only one intruder and two buffers. Thus, objections occurred most frequently when there were more intruders and fewer buffers. The researchers noted the following rates for each type of objection: physical action (10%), verbal interjections (21.7%), nonverbal objections such as dirty looks, hostile stares, and gestures (14.7%). Verbal responses were the most common, with comments such as, "No way! The line's back there. We've all been waiting and have trains to catch".

As reported in Milgram's subway study, experimenters in this study also experienced a high level of negative emotion associated with the task of intrusion into lines. Experimenters described feeling nauseated, anxious, and struggling to get up the "nerve" to intrude in a line. Milgram reasons that these feelings make up the "inhibitory anxiety that ordinarily prevents individuals from breaching social norms" and indicate that the internal restraints against intruding into lines play a significant role in assuring the integrity of the line.

Other examples
Social science researcher Earl R. Babbie instructed his students to experiment fixing problems for which they had no prior responsibility, such as picking up garbage from the street or mending street signs. Their self-consciousness while doing this, and the negative reactions they encountered, showed that "in the normal course of things, it is simply not acceptable for people to take responsibility for public things". Babbie claims that people have negative reactions when they see somebody fixing something that is not his/her "job" to fix; in some cases, altruistic actions are viewed as personal intrusions. However, he noted that these negative reactions were often based on incorrect assumptions, and when those assumptions were corrected the bystanders stopped reacting negatively. For instance, when a student picked up trash bystanders assumed that the student was responsible for the mess and either felt guilty or was being forced to clean it up. When the truth was explained, bystanders often joined in and assisted the students.

title: Breaching experiment


text:
Joint Force Harrier

Joint Force Harrier, initially known as Joint Force 2000 and towards the end of its life as Joint Strike Wing, was the British military formation which controlled the British Aerospace Harrier II and British Aerospace Sea Harrier aircraft of the Royal Air Force and Fleet Air Arm between 2000 and 2011. It was subordinate to RAF Air Command.

Upon its disbandment there were two operational Joint Strike Wing squadrons, one Fleet Air Arm and one Royal Air Force, plus an RAF Operational Conversion Unit.

History
Joint Force Harrier (JFH) was established on 1 April 2000 in response to the proposal brought by the British Government as part of Strategic Defence Review. Originally called Joint Force 2000, it combined the Royal Navy's two Sea Harrier FA2 squadrons with the RAF's four Harrier GR7/7A squadrons under a single command structure within RAF Strike Command. This force was to be deployable from both Invincible-class aircraft carriers, Royal Air Force stations and deployed air bases.

The Royal Navy's contribution to the force was the Sea Harrier previously part of Naval Air Command.

In 2006, No. 3 Squadron RAF converted to the Eurofighter Typhoon. In the same year, the Sea Harrier was retired and 800 Naval Air Squadron re-equipped with former 3 Squadron Harrier GR7 and GR9 aircraft. At the same time, the size of operational squadrons reduced from 12 aircraft to nine. The Naval Air Squadron operated but did not own the aircraft.

801 Naval Air Squadron was also intended to reform with Harrier GR7/9s in 2007. However, on 9 March 2007, the Naval Strike Wing (NSW) was formed. This saw elements of both Fleet Air Arm squadrons amalgamate into a single operational squadron for deployment either on land (such as Afghanistan) or aboard the Royal Navy's two aircraft carriers (HMS Illustrious (R06) and HMS Ark Royal (R07)). On 1 April 2010, NSW reverted to the identity of 800 Naval Air Squadron.

On 31 March 2010, the force was reduced by one squadron with the disbandment of No. 20 Squadron RAF, the Harrier Operational Conversion Unit (OCU). No. 4 Squadron also disbanded and reformed as No. 4 (Reserve) Squadron at RAF Wittering, taking over as the OCU. At the same time, Joint Force Harrier was renamed Joint Strike Wing and all remaining Harrier GR7 aircraft were retired. Until 2010, it was intended that the Harrier GR9 fleet would continue in service until replaced by 138 STOVL-capable F-35B Lightning II aircraft around 2018. However, on 19 October 2010, as part of the UK government's Strategic Defence and Security Review, it was announced that the Harrier out-of-service date was to be brought forward to April 2011.

HMS Ark Royal, the last of the Invincible-class carriers, launched her final fixed wing aircraft on 24 November 2010 when the four embarked Harrier GR9s left the ship to return to land. On 15 December 2010, a 16 aircraft flypast from RAF Cottesmore marked the final operational flights of British Harriers. 1(F) Squadron, 4(R) Squadron and 800 NAS were disbanded on 28 January 2011.

Royal Air Force

 * No. 1 Squadron RAF (2000–2011)
 * No. 3 Squadron RAF (2000–2006)
 * No. 4(R) Squadron RAF (2000–2011)
 * No. 20(R) Squadron RAF (2000–2010)

Fleet Air Arm

 * 800 Naval Air Squadron (2000–2006 and 2010–2011)
 * 801 Naval Air Squadron (2000–2006)
 * Naval Strike Wing (2007–2010)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Joint Force Harrier


text:
Meriden

Meriden may refer to:

United Kingdom

 * Meriden, Hertfordshire, England, a suburb of Watford; see List of United Kingdom locations
 * Meriden, West Midlands, England
 * Meriden (UK Parliament constituency), in the West Midlands

United States

 * Meriden, Connecticut
 * Meriden station, railway facility
 * Meriden Markham Municipal Airport
 * Meriden, Illinois
 * Meriden, Iowa
 * Meriden, Kansas
 * Meriden, New Hampshire
 * Meriden, West Virginia
 * Meriden, Wyoming
 * Meriden Township, Steele County, Minnesota

Other

 * Meriden (tribe), a subgroup of the Quinnipiac
 * Meriden School, an Anglican school for girls in Strathfield, New South Wales, Australia

title: Meriden


text:
Talk:Baikonur Cosmodrome

Old talk
During the Soviet period, the complex was operated almost exclusively by residents of Russia and created very little benefit for the Kazakh economy -- 1. People who operated the complex had to live there which effectively makes them residents of Kazakh SSR. 2. Back in Soviet times there was no such thing as a Kazakh, Russian, Latvian, etc. economy. So the second part of the sentence makes no sense either. I am removing it. Whoever wrote it in the first place, do you think it's an apparently NPOV way of saying Evil (ethnic) Russians came and built this polluting monster on Kazakh soil and no (ethnic) Kazakh ever benefitted from it? -- apoivre 15:46, 21 May 2004 (UTC)~
 * I second that, but for different reasons. (1) Where did you see cosmodromes contribute to economy? Ususlly they gobble nation's resources, probably making contractors rich. (2) While it was "operated" by Russians (who provided skilled labor) but someone else fed them, dressed them, delivered them fuel, machine parts (and pretty Kazakh girls), removed garbage, etc. In better times all this alone could have made the "placeholder" rich (And I have no slightest doubt that a couple of Kazakh "bais" did some black profit). Mikkalai 16:50, 21 May 2004 (UTC)

The Kvaleberg co-ordinates in the top right corner of the page, refer to Baikonur staff village and not the cosmodrome proper Paul venter 16:19, 27 July 2006 (UTC)

I doubt that the coordinates of the launchsite are correct. I looked them up on google earth, and I found the launchpad of the N-1 rocket and the Energia rocket. The launchsite of Youri Gagarin, I think, is more to the east, 45°55'12.60"N, 63°20'36.01"E. It is still used today for the launch of the Soyuz space ship. If someone can confirm that, it can be changed in the article. Ckiki lwai 00:02, 27 December 2006 (UTC)

You're all forgetting that no one made profit in the U.S.S.R. 96.55.183.132 (talk) 22:19, 29 September 2011 (UTC)

 * В пожаре по официальным по официальным данным, погибло 74 человека. Позже от ожогов и ран скончались ещё четверо (по другим данным погибло от 92 до 126 человек),цифры есть но 100 еще не доказано Цйфыву (talk) 20:46, 22 November 2022 (UTC)
 * this is about the Nedelinsky catastrophe, and Tobonov is a scientist with his own opinion, very controversial, with which other scientists and public figures do not agree Цйфыву (talk) 20:50, 22 November 2022 (UTC)

WikiProject class rating
This article was automatically assessed because at least one WikiProject had rated the article as start, and the rating on other projects was brought up to start class. BetacommandBot 05:04, 10 November 2007 (UTC)

Shorter names in Spaceport template

 * Regarding the template Spaceport used on this page, please join the discussion at Template talk:Spaceport.
 * (sdsds - talk) 23:20, 22 November 2007 (UTC)

WIkiality
That dispute has prompted Russia to begin upgrading its own Plesetsk Cosmodrome in the Arkhangelsk Oblast of Northern Russia as a fallback option.

The above statement isn't sourced. It's 100% pure speculation. And most probably wholly untrue. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 86.149.140.187 (talk) 13:32, 23 November 2007 (UTC)
 * I'm not sure about this statement either; it was probably based on rumours, so I removed it. I replaced it with a statement regarding the Vostochny Cosmodrome, sourced by an interview with the head of Kazakhstan's space agency. Mlm42 (talk) 19:50, 5 January 2011 (UTC)

Name
A lot of Russian historians (Gudilin for example) have said that "Baikonur" was chosen to misdirect the USA away from Tyura-Tam. The reference to the entire region being called Baikonur is a quote from an American astronaut. The comment about the town of Baikonur only being named in the 1990s is a confused reference to the renaming of Tyura-Tam to "Baikonur", not the name of the original town which was 350 km north of Tyura-Tam. This issue needs some fact checking, the validity of the section in this article is questionable. DonPMitchell (talk) 16:10, 27 August 2008 (UTC)

the worlds oldest
It's not the worlds oldest spaceport. Cape Canaveral Air Force Station had its first launch in 1950, Baikonur in 1955. Leuband (talk) 19:18, 18 October 2008 (UTC)

 * It wasn't the space launch in 1950, russians had the same launches in 1950 R-1 (missile), but it's not enough to call it spaceport--80.66.69.228 (talk) 06:26, 2 December 2008 (UTC)

In the Kazakh language, Tyuratam means "broken arrow", which would seem obvious as a reason why it was not used as the public name of the launch site[citation needed].

Actually, Kazakh "Tyuratam" (correctly Tore Tam) means "Hose of Tore", Tore is a Kazakh tribe, anchestors of Genghis Khan. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 95.56.250.199 (talk) 14:20, 21 May 2009 (UTC)

I don't know which is correct, but the Wikipedia entry on Tyuratam itself says the name means "Töre's grave", Töre being "a descendant of Genghis Khan". That's 3 different explanations -- apparently none sourced. Who's right? Digitante (talk) 03:49, 30 March 2010 (UTC)

Visitor center
Does anyone know if there is a visitor center or somewhere where you can get a tour? I think it would be interesting. The Kennedy Space Center page says there is are public tours of that facility. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 98.218.86.48 (talk) 18:22, 29 August 2009 (UTC)

Unlike Kennedy Space Center, which is on the coast of Florida (a major tourist destination, including beaches, Disneyworld, etc.), the Cosmodrome is in a remote area which is harder to visit.

The closest thing to a visitor's center might be the museum. The article talks about the museum at length, but I am not sure how accurate it is, because is "Buran, a Soviet shuttle that was tested and orbited on a single unmanned spaceflight sits right next to the museum entrance", even though the article on Buran says it was destroyed in 2002.

71.109.145.205 (talk) 01:53, 24 February 2013 (UTC)\\

 * Baikonur hosted the destroyed shuttle, the second flight article OK-2K1 ("Ptichka"), the OK-M airframe a shake test article, and the OK-MT engineering mockup. The OK-1K1 remains where it was destroyed, the OK-2K1 and OK-MT were moved to the MZK building after the collapse of the MIK building roof, and the OK-M remained on a pad in area 112 until removed to the Gagarin museum in 2007 for refurbishment and placed there on outdoors display.

 * As for visiting, the town of Baikonur has hotels and lots of rocket monuments, including the monument and grave of the 120 engineers and other officials that died in the Nedelin disaster. I don't think there are any guest facilities in the Cosmodrome itself, so the museum would be the natural place to see. The cosmodrome is huge, and the transportation system is rail. SkoreKeep (talk) 15:13, 23 February 2015 (UTC)

In addition to the basic points here of making sure the on-site museum is described accurately, a link or list to the best spaceflight museums featuring Soviet spaceflight would be useful. Baikonur is remote, so I am looking for other places I can get much of the same knowledge. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 185.69.144.112 (talk) 11:26, 24 August 2016 (UTC)

Soviet map
Although Kazakhstan & Russia are officially partners in Baikonur Cosmodrome, it is perfect obvious than Kazakhstan is very much the subordinate partner. That aside, since the most significant portion of Baionur's history is the Soviet space program, could we include a map which shows Baikonur relative to the entire old Soviet Union? V. Joe (talk) 03:47, 20 November 2009 (UTC)

 * Not sure where you get the "senior partner" bit. Kazakhstan is very much in the driver's seat concerning ownership issues, with Russia in the lessor role.  True, Russia supplies the expertise, but Kazakhstan is raising up its own crop of scientists and engineers. While you're at it, include the Semipalatinsk Atomic Test Site (also ceded to Kazakhstan, and permanently closed by the latter, the Sary Shagan missile test area, and the nearby Kapustin Yar military rocket test site. SkoreKeep (talk) 15:28, 23 February 2015 (UTC)
 * "'Russia supplies the expertise, but Kazakhstan is raising up its own crop of scientists and engineers'" Vous semblez vous contredire ici! De toute évidence, la Russie est le "senior partner", n'est-ce pas? Henrilebec (talk) 06:24, 20 June 2023 (UTC)

Environmental impact
" Dead wildlife and livestock were usually incinerated, and the participants in these incinerations, including Tobonov, his brothers and inhabitants of his native village of Eliptyan Horulinskogo naslega commonly died from stroke or cancer." I doubt the significance of this statement. 75% of the western word dies of stroke and cancer so it does not seem unusual that "Tobonov, his brothers and inhabitants" would. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 75.61.72.7 (talk) 03:51, 28 November 2013 (UTC)

format of article
The format of the article is scrambled and there are unnecessary tags etc.

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The advantage of launching closer to the equator.
"Also, it is advantageous to place space launch sites closer to the equator, as the surface of the Earth has higher rotational speed in such areas."

I doubt that's the main reason, the energy speed boost of launching from, say, Guiana Space Center at 5° North over Kennedy Space Center, at 28° North, is 180 kph compared to 28,000 kph which is the normal LEO orbital velocity. I would say the main advantage is the ability to launch to very low-inclination orbits with less rocket-power. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Galopujacyjez (talk • contribs) 12:08, 10 April 2019 (UTC)

Kazakhstan Seizes Russian Assets At Baikonur Spaceport
Could someone with access to the article (paywall), or to local news reports, please check what this is about? Aviationweek.com is reporting that Kazakh authorities have seized Russian assets at Baikonur spaceport. Renerpho (talk) 03:36, 14 March 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Baikonur Cosmodrome


text:
Syntactic monoid

In mathematics and computer science, the syntactic monoid $$M(L)$$ of a formal language $$L$$ is the smallest monoid that recognizes the language $$L$$.

Syntactic quotient
The free monoid on a given set is the monoid whose elements are all the strings of zero or more elements from that set, with string concatenation as the monoid operation and the empty string as the identity element. Given a subset $$S$$ of a free monoid $$M$$, one may define sets that consist of formal left or right inverses of elements in $$S$$. These are called quotients, and one may define right or left quotients, depending on which side one is concatenating. Thus, the right quotient of $$S$$ by an element $$m$$ from $$M$$ is the set
 * $$S \ / \ m=\{u\in M \;\vert\; um\in S \}.$$

Similarly, the left quotient is

 * $$m \setminus S=\{u\in M \;\vert\; mu\in S \}.$$

Syntactic equivalence
The syntactic quotient induces an equivalence relation on $$M$$, called the syntactic relation, or syntactic equivalence (induced by $$S$$).

The right syntactic equivalence is the equivalence relation

 * $$s \sim_S t \ \Leftrightarrow\ S \,/ \,s \;=\; S \,/ \,t \ \Leftrightarrow\ (\forall x\in M\colon\ xs \in S \Leftrightarrow xt \in S)$$.

Similarly, the left syntactic equivalence is

 * $$s \;{}_S{\sim}\; t \ \Leftrightarrow\ s \setminus S \;=\; t \setminus S \ \Leftrightarrow\ (\forall y\in M\colon\ sy \in S \Leftrightarrow ty \in S)$$.

Observe that the right syntactic equivalence is a left congruence with respect to string concatenation and vice versa; i.e., $$s \sim_S t \ \Rightarrow\ xs \sim_S xt\ $$ for all $$x \in M$$.

The syntactic congruence or Myhill congruence is defined as

 * $$s \equiv_S t \ \Leftrightarrow\ (\forall x, y\in M\colon\ xsy \in S \Leftrightarrow xty \in S)$$.

The definition extends to a congruence defined by a subset $$S$$ of a general monoid $$M$$. A disjunctive set is a subset $$S$$ such that the syntactic congruence defined by $$S$$ is the equality relation.

Let us call $$[s]_S$$ the equivalence class of $$s$$ for the syntactic congruence. The syntactic congruence is compatible with concatenation in the monoid, in that one has

 * $$[s]_S[t]_S=[st]_S$$

for all $$s,t\in M$$. Thus, the syntactic quotient is a monoid morphism, and induces a quotient monoid

 * $$M(S)= M \ / \ {\equiv_S}$$.

This monoid $$M(S)$$ is called the syntactic monoid of $$S$$. It can be shown that it is the smallest monoid that recognizes $$S$$; that is, $$M(S)$$ recognizes $$S$$, and for every monoid $$N$$ recognizing $$S$$, $$M(S)$$ is a quotient of a submonoid of $$N$$. The syntactic monoid of $$S$$ is also the transition monoid of the minimal automaton of $$S$$.

A group language is one for which the syntactic monoid is a group.

Myhill–Nerode theorem
The Myhill–Nerode theorem states: a language $$L$$ is regular if and only if the family of quotients $$\{m \setminus L \,\vert\; m\in M\}$$ is finite, or equivalently, the left syntactic equivalence $${}_S{\sim}$$ has finite index (meaning it partitions $$M$$ into finitely many equivalence classes).

This theorem was first proved by Anil Nerode and the relation $${}_S{\sim}$$ is thus referred to as Nerode congruence by some authors.

Proof
The proof of the "only if" part is as follows. Assume that a finite automaton recognizing $$L$$ reads input $$x$$, which leads to state $$p$$. If $$y$$ is another string read by the machine, also terminating in the same state $$p$$, then clearly one has $$x \setminus L\,= y \setminus L$$. Thus, the number of elements in $$\{m \setminus L \,\vert\; m\in M\}$$ is at most equal to the number of states of the automaton and $$\{m \setminus L \,\vert\; m\in L\}$$ is at most the number of final states.

For a proof of the "if" part, assume that the number of elements in $$\{m \setminus L \,\vert\; m\in M\}$$ is finite. One can then construct an automaton where $$Q=\{m \setminus L \,\vert\; m\in M\}$$ is the set of states, $$F=\{m \setminus L \,\vert\; m\in L\}$$ is the set of final states, the language $$L$$ is the initial state, and the transition function is given by $$\delta_y \colon x \setminus L \to y\setminus(x \setminus L) =(xy) \setminus L$$. Clearly, this automaton recognizes $$L$$.

Thus, a language $$L$$ is recognizable if and only if the set $$\{m \setminus L \,\vert\; m\in M\}$$ is finite. Note that this proof also builds the minimal automaton.

Examples

 * Let $$L$$ be the language over $$A = \{a, b\}$$ of words of even length. The syntactic congruence has two classes, $$L$$ itself and $$L_1$$, the words of odd length.  The syntactic monoid is the group of order 2 on $$\{L, L_1\}$$.
 * For the language $$(ab+ba)^*$$, the minimal automaton has 4 states and the syntactic monoid has 15 elements.
 * The bicyclic monoid is the syntactic monoid of the Dyck language (the language of balanced sets of parentheses).
 * The free monoid on $$A$$ (where $$\left|A\right| > 1$$) is the syntactic monoid of the language $$\{ww^R \mid w \in A^*\}$$, where $$w^R$$ is the reversal of the word $$w$$. (For $$\left|A\right| = 1$$, one can use the language of square powers of the letter.)
 * Every non-trivial finite monoid is homomorphic to the syntactic monoid of some non-trivial language, but not every finite monoid is isomorphic to a syntactic monoid.
 * Every finite group is isomorphic to the syntactic monoid of some regular language.
 * The language over $$\{a, b\}$$ in which the number of occurrences of $$a$$ and $$b$$ are congruent modulo $$2^n$$ is a group language with syntactic monoid $$\mathbb{Z} / 2^n\mathbb{Z}$$.
 * Trace monoids are examples of syntactic monoids.
 * Marcel-Paul Schützenberger characterized star-free languages as those with finite aperiodic syntactic monoids.

title: Syntactic monoid


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Paris Peace Accords

This page is an archive of the discussion surrounding the proposed deletion of the page entitled Paris Peace Accords.

This page is kept as an historic record.

The result of the debate was to transwiki the article to Wikisource.

Complete text of a treaty: ''SOURCE: U.S. Secretary of State (ed.) United States Treaties and Other International Agreements, 1974, passim. '' from. Maybe Wikisource and delete -- Chris 73 | Talk 15:51, 21 May 2004 (UTC)

 * Wikisource this version, but we do need something on the Paris Peace Accords (how the negotiations progressed, etc.). - jredmond 16:01, 21 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Ditto. -- Jmabel 17:09, 21 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Agreed. Ambivalenthysteria 13:17, 22 May 2004 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue or the deletion should be placed on other relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


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Viscount Somerset

Viscount Somerset, of Cashell in the County of Tipperary, was a title in the Peerage of Ireland. It was created in 1626 for Sir Thomas Somerset, the second son of Edward Somerset, 4th Earl of Worcester, and the brother of Henry Somerset, 1st Marquess of Worcester. The title became extinct on his death in 1649.

Viscounts Somerset (1626)

 * Thomas Somerset, 1st Viscount Somerset (1579–1649)

title: Viscount Somerset


text:
Artin conjecture

In mathematics, there are several conjectures made by Emil Artin:
 * Artin conjecture (L-functions)
 * Artin's conjecture on primitive roots
 * The (now proved) conjecture that finite fields are quasi-algebraically closed; see Chevalley–Warning theorem
 * The (now disproved) conjecture that any algebraic form over the p-adics of degree d in more than d2 variables represents zero: that is, that all p-adic fields are C2; see Ax–Kochen theorem or Brauer's theorem on forms.
 * Artin had also conjectured Hasse's theorem on elliptic curves

title: Artin conjecture


text: User talk:82.34.83.208

title: User talk:82.34.83.208


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Meriden, West Midlands

Meriden is a village and civil parish in the Metropolitan Borough of Solihull, West Midlands, England. Historically, it is part of Warwickshire and lies between the cities of Birmingham and Coventry. It is located close to the North Warwickshire district border within a green belt of the countryside known as the Meriden Gap and is in the ecclesiastical parish of the Diocese of Coventry.

The village is 7 mi east-northeast of Solihull, 7 mi west-northwest of Coventry and 13 mi east-southeast of Birmingham city centre. It was known as "Alspath" in the Domesday Book. The village gives its name to the Meriden parliamentary constituency, which was created in 1955 and covers the Meriden Gap. In the 2011 Census, the population of the Meriden parish was 2,719. The population is estimated to have risen to 3,096 by 2017.

History
The area has been occupied since the Stone Age, as evidenced by flints in the Blythe valley. Bronze Age swords have also been found in Meriden. In 43 AD, nearby Corley Rocks marked the southern limit of the cattle rearing Cornovii tribe.

The original name of the village was Alspath, meaning "Aelle's path" in Old English. The village was centred on the site of the parish church, overlooking the current village, at the Coventry end of Meriden.

Alspath is listed in the Domesday Book of 1086 as the property of Godiva, the former Countess of Mercia. For the few centuries after the conquest, the whole area was the Forest of Arden. The importance of the hilltop location of Alspath as the hub of the village declined as the 'king's highway' main route from London to Chester and Holyhead developed—in turn encouraging the development of Meriden. The name 'Meriden' derives from the Old English myrge, pleasant, and denu, valley. Between the 15th and 17th centuries, the name 'Meriden' gradually supplanted that of Alspath as the straggling settlement at the foot of the hill grew in importance.

In the late 11th century, the village was small and impoverished, with a population of only nine families (45 persons). The first mention of it as a separate hamlet was in 1230. By the time of Edward I (1272–1307) there was a thriving community 'worth encouraging' in the eyes of the Lord of Alspath. By the reign of Henry VIII, the village was growing more substantial and stretched from the foot of Meriden Hill to where the Bull's Head is now. Ogilivy's Traveller's Guide Book in 1675 describes Meriden as "... A scattering village consisting chiefly of inns". By 1686 the population had grown to 290 people. By 1772 there were 93 cottages and houses. In 1811 the village had 152 homes, 171 families and 817 people."

Meriden was a local distribution point in the 16th-century cattle-driving trade, with the pool at the centre of the old village used to water the animals. Cattle would rest in Meriden before continuing either to the cattle pens at the top of Meriden Hill for the Coventry cattle market, or towards the cattle market then held in Berkswell.

The path of the London-Chester/Holyhead road gained strategic and commercial importance over time. The section which ran through Coventry to the bottom of Meriden Hill became a turnpike in 1723. Thomas Telford renovated the whole route to Holyhead in 1810, lowering Meriden Hill and thus bypassing the Queen's Head Pub and the 'Old Road'. This 'Telford road' remained the main Coventry to Birmingham Road until 1958, when the village was bypassed by the A45 dual carriageway. The old, narrow road past the Queen's Head is the site of the pre-Telford turnpike.

The shape of the current centre of the village, around the green, was another product of enclosure post-1785. Whilst the west end of the village had previously been the meeting place of lanes coming in to the main London-Chester road from Fillongley, Maxstoke and Packington; the ultimate shape was completed with another enclosure provision "staking out a new road to Hampton-in-Arden across the Heath".

Manor and overlordship

Following the Norman Conquest, the overlordship of Alspath/Meriden passed successively through the hands of the Earls of Chester (1080), the Segrave family (1220), the Mowbray Earls of Norfolk (late 14th century), the Stanley Earls of Derby (1468/1501), and the Earls of Aylesford (1784).

Of the Lords of the Manor owing fealty to those overlords, two in particular who contributed to events in English history or to the parish church. Ivo of Alspath was the first Norman holder of the Knight's fee that was Alspath/Meriden. He took his name from the village. Under the overlordship of the Earl of Chester, he built the core of the current church of St. Laurence (circa 1150) for reasons covered below. After his death the manor was split amongst his four daughters:
 * A manor based on the original siting, around the church and occupied since 1481 by the building of Moat House farm.
 * The manor of Alspath Hall, the remains of which are sited in a field off the access to the A45 from Showell Lane.
 * A manor that became the property of Meriden Hall.
 * The building and land known as Walsh Hall (formerly and alternately as Wyard's Place).
 * The fifth subdivision (Marbrook Hall) near Hollyberry End, near the junction of Shaft Lane and Becks Lane, is now considered a later claim.

The second was Gerard (or Gerald) II of Alspath (d. 1282). He was involved with the escape from the Tower of London of Roger Mortimer, 1st Earl of March. His wife Millicent gave the name to what is now known as Millisons Wood, at the far east end of the village, at the top of Meriden Hill.

In history
Meriden has never itself been a significant location in English and British history. It is, however, located within a narrow band of castles with significant historical interest. 3 mi to the north is Maxstoke Castle, one of the three seats of the Stafford Dukes of Buckingham in the mid-to-late 15th century and deemed to be a favourite residence of Lady Margaret Beaufort after her second marriage into the Stafford family. 8 mi south is Kenilworth Castle, site of the longest siege in English history; and 15 mi south is Warwick Castle, the seat of Warwick the Kingmaker, Richard Neville, 16th Earl of Warwick.

The escape of the powerful Marcher lord, Roger Mortimer, 1st Earl of March, one of only two escapes from the Tower of London in its history, involves a critical Meriden connection. Constable Stephen Segrave and Deputy Constable of the Tower Gerard Alspath were Overlord and Lord of the Manor of Meriden/Alspath, respectively. Gerard was implicated in the escape; but Segrave escaped the initial reprisal, as described by the 14th-century chronicler Henry Knighton from St Mary de Pratis Abbey, Leicester, better known as Leicester Abbey: listing Stephen's excuse being that he had been duped by a supposedly loyal servant in whom he had confidence, Gerard Alspath. Another person involved in the escape was a progenitor of John Wyard of what is now Walsh Hall, whose effigy resides in the parish church.

After the death in 1460 of Humphrey Stafford, 1st Duke of Buckingham, the previous owner of Maxstoke Castle, at the Battle of Northampton, an inquisition was held in Alspath to determine the heirs and liabilities for his estates.

By the late 15th century the overlord of Alspath/Meriden was Thomas Stanley, 1st Earl of Derby.

Queen Elizabeth I stayed at the previous house on the site of Meriden Hall in 1575.

The last male Walsh owner of Walsh Hall, Sir Richard Walsh, was the Sheriff of Worcestershire who cornered the last group of Gunpowder Plot conspirators in 1605.

Shortly before the first battle of the English Civil War in 1642, 30 mi south at Edgehill, the royal army camped on Meriden Heath whilst the King slept at nearby Packington Hall.

When Bonnie Prince Charlie marched south in the last of the great Jacobite rebellions in 1745, the government forces, recalled from the continent and assembled to oppose him, waited on Meriden Heath under the command of the Duke of Cumberland.

The novelist George Eliot visited her sister in Meriden repeatedly until 1854. Her sister is buried in the churchyard of St Laurence's parish church.

In 1897, Jane (Jeannie) Monckton founded Meriden School, located in Strathfield, an inner-western suburb of Sydney, New South Wales, Australia, which took the name 'Meriden' from this town. It was named due to the happy memories that her husband had as a child holidaying in Meriden, and the hope that the school would be a similar place of happy childhood memories. Today, it is an independent Anglican single-sex day school for girls, with approximately 1600 students from early learning, through Year K to Year 12.

The grindcore band Napalm Death was formed in Meriden in 1981

Traditional 'Centre of England'

Meriden was identified as the centre of England as early as 1829. That designation was shown to be inaccurate in 1920, when the first systematic attempt was made to validate the claim.

A grade II listed sandstone monument on the village green carries a plaque commemorating Meriden's status as 'Centre of England'. Traditionally known as the 'sandstone cross', a photograph from 1879 shows a garland that would have originally enclosed a cross on top of the monument, like the one at Hockwold cum Wilton. The garland was lost between 1879 and 1885. The cross was originally located in the old centre of the village, where the road initially came in from Berkswell before the junction was straightened in 1785. The monument was moved to the village green in 1822. It was moved yet again to its current position on the green in 1952–1953.

Also on the village green is a memorial bench to Walter MacGregor 'Robbie' Robinson (died 17 September 1956). He was also known as 'Wayfarer' and had a major role in promoting cycle touring for the general public in the UK from the 1920s onwards through writing, giving lectures and as a cycling role model. The bench was installed by the Cyclists' Touring Club.

St Laurence Parish Church
The parish church of St. Laurence was built on the site of a simple Saxon church, dedicated to St. Edmund, erected on her own land by Lady Godiva—the wife of Leofric, Earl of Mercia in the years prior to the Norman conquest.

The present church was built in several stages. The nave and two-thirds of the chancel were finished by the late 12th century—late Norman—and were probably built as an expiation for sins committed during the civil war between Stephen and Matilda by Ivo de Alspath. St Mary's Priory, Coventry, and the Benedictine Priory at Monk's Kirby near Rugby being two notable targets of his overlord, the Earl of Chester's, raiding parties—the earl having remained aloof from taking sides and instead forming marauding bands to raid, pillage and to pocket crown taxes.

The chancel was extended in the 13th century, and the south aisle and the tower were added in the late 14th. The north aisle was added, and the Norman roof was replaced in the 15th century.

Around 1831, both aisles were demolished and rebuilt with galleries to provide more space for the congregation. It is possible see the industrial quality of the stonework outside the building compared to the 14th or 15th century stone used inside. A few gravestones have been used in the external stonework.

In 1883, the church was restored again, and those galleries were removed. At some point the 15th century wooden ceilings of both nave and chancel had been plastered over, and these were uncovered during a restoration in 1924. Finally, extensive restorations of the medieval roof and tower were carried out circa 2006–10.

The current siting of alabaster effigies in the church is of 20th-century origin. There are pictures of an earlier 19th century siting in the centre of the nave. To the right, where his chantry was located is John Wyard, a late 14th century man at arms (never knighted) who was part of the retinue for the then Beauchamp Earl of Warwick. The effigy to the left represents Sir Thomas Bottiler who died at the Battle of Northampton (at the same time as the 1st Duke of Buckingham.

On the left is a squint, an opening allowing penitents from a side chapel to witness the raising of the Host at the main altar.

The Saint Laurence/Lawrence (spelling interchangeable) to whom the church is dedicated may be either Lawrence of Rome who was one of the seven deacons of the early church martyred during the persecution of Emperor Valerian in 258 AD; or it may have been Laurence of Canterbury who became the second Archbishop of Canterbury in 604 AD. Legend favors the latter, although, from 1318 onward, the choice of 10 August for the Patronal feast day and the village fair (until 1959) would indicate the Roman Lawrence.

The Heart of England Way long-distance path, linking the Staffordshire Heathlands together with the Cotswolds and the Forest of Arden, passes through the churchyard.

National Cyclists Memorial

Meriden is home to a memorial obelisk dedicated to the cyclists who died in the First World War. National cycling organisations commemorate these deaths with an annual mid-May service on the green. The 30 ft grey granite memorial originally cost £1,100 and was unveiled on 21 May 1921 in the presence of over 20,000 cyclists.

The village's own war memorial is at the Berkswell Road turn-off from the Meriden main road, opposite the pool. It takes the form of a wayside shrine with a crucified Jesus and is located on the land donated by Letitia Banks, heiress of Meriden Hall and wife of Captain Edward Banks. Edward Banks was the first WWI death from the village, due to friendly fire at the Battle of St Julien in 1915. He is commemorated in a stained glass window in the church.

Triumph motorcycles

From 1941 until 1983, Meriden was associated with the large Triumph motorcycles production plant. Its original Priory Street factory in Coventry was destroyed by the Luftwaffe during World War II. As documented in the book Forty Summers Ago, the factory was visited by Steve McQueen and Bud Ekins with the rest of the 1964 U.S. International Six Day Trials team to collect their specially prepared Triumphs. In 1973, Triumph workers blockaded the factory from the new owners, Norton Villiers Triumph (NVT), to prevent closure. The government loaned the subsequent Meriden Workers Co-Operative money to buy the factory and later to market the Triumph motorcycles they produced. The sit-in and formation of the co-operative were the subject of much media interest including David Edgar's play, Events Following The Closure Of A Motorcycle Factory. Trading later as Triumph Motorcycles (Meriden) Ltd., the co-operative eventually closed in August 1983, the factory being demolished the following year. A new company, Triumph Motorcycles Ltd was established in 1984, and moved to Hinckley, Leicestershire, in 1988.

A housing development was built on the site of the Triumph motorcycle factory at Meriden, now known as Millisons Wood, up the hill out of the main village. Road names on the estate include Triumph motorcycle model names Bonneville Close and Daytona Drive. A plaque commemorating the site's former use stands outside Bonneville Close.

title: Meriden, West Midlands


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Powell Peralta

Powell Peralta is an American skateboard company founded by George Powell and Stacy Peralta in 1978. The company rose to prominence in the 1980s as skateboarding began maturing as a sport. The company featured the Bones Brigade, a team featuring the era's top competitors. Peralta left the company in 1991 and Powell continued to produce skateboard equipment as Powell, Bones Bearings and RollerBones. The two company founders reunited to produce the company's now classic inventory under the name Powell Classic.

Background
George Powell studied engineering at Stanford University and started making homemade skateboards in 1957. In 1974, Powell's son came and asked for a skateboard. When Powell pulled an old one out of the garage, his son complained it did not ride smoothly. Powell became interested in skateboarding again, as he realized urethane wheels improved a skateboard's ride. With this prompting, Powell started making his own skateboards and wheels. He bought urethane and baked his own wheels. He also used some new materials like aluminum and fiberglass to fabricate his own composite boards. One of the test riders of one of his flexible slalom boards was Stacy Peralta.

When Powell was laid off from his job in the aerospace industry, he moved from Los Angeles to Santa Barbara to start his own skateboard manufacturing business. In 1976, Powell built the Quiksilver ProSlalom deck which he marketed through Sims. This was followed by the Quicktail.

Foundation of Powell Peralta
In 1978, Powell teamed up with Stacy Peralta forming Powell Peralta. Peralta took over team management and advertising. In 1979 they created a skateboarding team called the Bones Brigade (name unrelated to the wheels).

Members
The Bones Brigade was a skateboarding team that rode under the Powell Peralta, and later, Powell banner. Notable Bones Brigade members throughout the years have included:

 * Ray 'Bones' Rodriguez
 * Steve Saiz
 * Ray Barbee
 * Steve Caballero
 * Alan Gelfand
 * Tommy Guerrero
 * Nicky Guerrero
 * Kevin Harris
 * Tony Hawk
 * Brandon Novak
 * Bucky Lasek
 * Andy Macdonald
 * Guy Mariano
 * Cameron Martin
 * Mike McGill
 * Colin McKay
 * Lance Mountain
 * Rodney Mullen
 * Steve Rocco
 * Chris Senn
 * Jim Thiebaud
 * Mike Vallely
 * Danny Way
 * Frankie Hill
 * Per Welinder
 * Ray Underhill
 * Steve Steadham
 * Jason Ellis

Filmography
Powell Peralta produced the Bones Brigade videos, starting in 1982, and they became some of the most influential skateboarding videos of the era:

 * The Bones Brigade Video Show (1984)
 * Future Primitive (1985)
 * The Search for Animal Chin (1987)
 * Public Domain (1988)
 * Axe Rated (1988)
 * Ban This (1989)
 * Propaganda (1990)
 * Eight (1991)
 * Celebrity Tropical Fish (1991)

Downturn and formation of Powell Corporation
In the late 1980s, smaller companies like World Industries appeared and took market share from the bigger companies. Powell Peralta suffered as many of their riders defected and either set up or rode for those new independent companies. At the end of 1991, Stacy Peralta left Powell Peralta and the company was then re-branded as Powell Corporation.

Filmography as Powell

 * Hot Batch (1992)
 * Chaos (1992)
 * Play (1993)
 * Suburban Diners (1994)
 * Scenic Drive (1995)
 * Strip Mall Heroes (1998)
 * Magic (1999)
 * Bones Bearings Class of 2000 (1999)
 * FUN (2009)

Bones Bearings
Bones specializes in wheels. Powell continues to make skateboard products, including Bones Bearings and skateboard wheels.

Reunion
Powell Peralta has re-issued decks under the brand Powell Classic. George Powell and Stacy Peralta have teamed up once again to re-issue some of the original pro models under the Powell-Peralta brand. Current reissues include models from Steve Caballero, Ray "Bones" Rodriguez, Mike McGill, Steve Steadham, and Mike Vallely. In late 2010, Powell Skateboards and Powell Classic were folded into Powell-Peralta. The current team is Pros, which includes Steve Caballero.

In March 2011 it was announced that artist VCJ (Vernon Courtlandt Johnson) has returned to Powell-Peralta, and is working on new art for the brand.

Cultural references
Powell-Peralta Skateboards appeared in several films:
 * The 1992 film Encino Man features Brendan Fraser's character Link riding a Lance Mountain Family (art by Lance's son) skateboard deck near the end. There is a Powell-Peralta poster clearly visible in Dave's room.
 * In the teen-angst/skateboard movie Gleaming The Cube (1989) starring Christian Slater, and featuring an early cameo from Tony Hawk, the 'Crew' can be witnessed in one scene to be stickering skate transfers on public property, one or many of which are of Powell-Peralta design. Also, the main character Brian, as played by Slater, can be seen wearing some Powell-Peralta Lizard Bones Black Sweat Pants.
 * Most of the Bones Brigade appeared in a skateboard sequence in Police Academy 4: Citizens on Patrol in 1987.
 * In the 2009 single "Skate or Die" by Teenage Bottlerocket, the Bones Brigade was mentioned in the lyrics. "We're waging war against the poseurs of the day, If we play our cards right, Someday we might be on the Bones Brigade."
 * The lead track "Hornets! Hornets!" on the Hold Steady's 2005 album Separation Sunday references Bones Brigade with the lyrics "She's got those Bones Brigade videos. She knew 'em back and forth. She slept with so many skaters."

The name of a Chilean hip-hop dance duo "Power Peralta" may possibly be inspired by the skateboard brand.

title: Powell Peralta


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Dino Stamatopoulos

Konstantinos Pollux Alexandros "Dino" Stamatopoulos (born December 14, 1964) is an American writer, producer, and actor. He has worked on TV programs such as Mr. Show, TV Funhouse, Mad TV, The Dana Carvey Show, Late Show with David Letterman, and Late Night with Conan O'Brien. He has also created multiple animated TV shows such as Moral Orel, Mary Shelley's Frankenhole, and High School USA!. As an actor, he is best known for his recurring role as the character Alex "Star-Burns" Osbourne on the NBC comedy series Community, on which he also worked as a producer, a consulting writer, and wrote two animated episodes.

Early life
Stamatopoulos attended Ridgewood High School in Norridge, Illinois.

Career
Stamatopoulos was hired on The Ben Stiller Show after Andy Dick convinced him to submit a spec script for a Simpsons episode. There, he met and worked with Bob Odenkirk. After Stiller's show was canceled, he moved to New York City, where he wrote during the 1990s for The Dana Carvey Show, Late Night with Conan O'Brien (also with Odenkirk), Late Show with David Letterman, and Mr. Show with Bob and David.

In 2000, Stamatopoulos and Robert Smigel pitched Comedy Central a spin-off of Smigel's TV Funhouse cartoons (which were appearing singly as animated shorts on Saturday Night Live episodes) as a half-hour sketch comedy show. The standalone TV Funhouse show premiered in 2000 but was canceled after one season. He later joined the writing staff on Mad TV.

Stamatopoulos worked as a creative consultant and contributing writer on the first season of Tom Goes to the Mayor, with Tim & Eric and Bob Odenkirk. He also provided the voice of Drinky Crow on The Drinky Crow Show, which aired for one season on Adult Swim. His stop motion animated series Moral Orel premiered on Adult Swim on Christmas 2005 and aired for three seasons, airing its final episode in December 2008; a follow-up special aired in 2012. Following Moral Orel, Stamatopoulos created Mary Shelley's Frankenhole, a stop motion series, for Adult Swim. It ran for two seasons from 2010 to 2012.

Stamatopoulos was a writer, consulting writer, producer and actor on the 2009 NBC sitcom Community. He wrote two animated episodes for the series, "Abed's Uncontrollable Christmas" (2010) and "G.I. Jeff" (2014). He played the recurring role of Alex "Star-Burns" Osbourne, a character whose nickname derived from his large star-shaped sideburns. Together with Community creator Dan Harmon, Stamatopoulos started production company Starburns Industries.

A long-time fan of radio personality Steve Dahl, Stamatopoulos hosted a podcast, Sorry About Everything, from May 2012 until June 2013 on Dahl's Steve Dahl Network.

Stamatopoulos and friend Andy Dick hosted a weekly podcast, Dino and Andy's Skull Juice, which premiered in late 2016 and was initially produced by Feral Audio. Due to an on-air incident of hostility in mid-2018, Dick was asked to leave the podcast. Stamatopoulos asked friend and recurring guest Dana Snyder to replace Dick as co-host, and the podcast was renamed Dino & Dana's Safe Space. Additional co-hosts Laetitia "Tish" Burns and Spencer Crittenden were also given billing in the podcast.

Personal life
Stamatopoulos was married and has one daughter. He is a vocalist and guitarist in a rock band called Sorry About Everything.

title: Dino Stamatopoulos


text:
Gillian Gilbert

Gillian Lesley Gilbert (born 27 January 1961) is an English musician and singer, best known as the keyboardist and guitarist of the band New Order.

Early life
Gilbert's family moved from her birthplace, Manchester, to the nearby market town of Macclesfield when she was young. She disliked living in Cheshire as a teenager and had wanted to live in Manchester. In the late 1970s, seeing Siouxsie and the Banshees play live on UK television was a life changing experience for her. "Me dad always says to us, 'You changed as soon as you saw Siouxsie and the Banshees on television'... And I really liked Gaye Advert out of the Adverts, who played bass, and I thought, 'Oh, there's nobody playin' guitar' - you know, women in bands." Her uncle taught her how to play guitar.

She then was in a punk band with three girls, The Inadequates, who rehearsed at premises next to Joy Division. In a 1987 interview with Option, Gilbert reflected on the first time she became familiar with Joy Division: "We didn't have a car and us three needed a lift home. So we asked them, and they said, 'Alright, but you have to buy one of our singles.' So we did and got it home and played it on this horrible record player. We'd known Stephen before. We thought, 'My God, this sounds horrible.'" She would later begin dating Stephen Morris.

Career
After Ian Curtis's death in May 1980, the three remaining members of Joy Division started a new band called New Order. Wishing to complete their line-up with someone they knew well and whose musical skill and style was compatible with their own, New Order invited Gilbert to join the band during the early part of October 1980, as keyboardist and guitarist. She had already played with Joy Division a number of times, filling in for both Curtis and Bernard Sumner playing guitar. New Order's manager Rob Gretton suggested she should join. Gilbert's first live performance with them occurred at The Squat in Manchester on 25 October 1980.

Her voice can be heard on several New Order tracks: the 1981 single "Procession"; the 1983 single "Confusion"; "Avalanche" from the album Republic on which she sang a single word, "faith"; and "Doubts Even Here" from their first album, Movement, on which she provided a spoken-word background vocal.

Given that fellow band members Sumner and Peter Hook had already produced music outside New Order, Gilbert and Morris formed their own band, The Other Two. They released their first single "Tasty Fish" in 1991, and recorded two albums: The Other Two & You, released in 1993, and Super Highways in 1999. Gilbert and Morris were engaged in 1993, and married the following year. The couple live in Rainow, outside Macclesfield, and have two daughters. Gilbert stopped touring with New Order in 1998 so that she could care for their children, one of whom suffers from neuromyelitis optica. Her husband had briefly offered to care for the children, but Gilbert reasoned that it would be easier for the band to replace her than her husband. She participated in the recording of 2001's Get Ready, after which she was replaced by Phil Cunningham in New Order's line-up.

In 2007, Gilbert and Morris remixed two tracks for the Nine Inch Nails remixes album Year Zero Remixed. That year, she was diagnosed with breast cancer, from which she recovered.

She rejoined New Order in 2011, after a 10-year absence from their albums. She performed alongside Cunningham (who remained a member), expanding the group to a quintet. She is quoted as being glad that she did other things during that time. Since 2011, New Order have performed across the world. Their album Music Complete was released in September 2015. Gilbert's vocals were featured on a Koishii & Hush remix album titled Lifetime; it was released on 3 February 2016, and featured four tracks remixed by artists such as Saltmarine, Lavigne, FM Attack and Re:Locate.

With The Other Two

 * The Other Two & You (1993)
 * Super Highways (1999)

title: Gillian Gilbert


text:
ROBODoc

ROBODoc is a documentation tool similar to Javadoc and licensed under the GPL. It is used to extract API documentation from source code. It can be used with any language that supports comments and works by extracting specially formatted headers. These are then reformatted into HTML, DocBook, TROFF, ASCII, LaTeX, PDF, or RTF.

It can be used to document any programming artifact, such as: classes, functions, tests, makefile entries, etc.

ROBODoc works with C, C++, Fortran, Perl, shell scripts, Assembler, DCL, DB/C, Tcl/Tk, Forth, Lisp, COBOL, Occam, Basic, HTML, Clarion, and any other language that supports comments.

History
The first version of ROBODoc was written by Jacco van Weert in 1995. ROBODoc was inspired by the Autodocs program that was available on the Amiga. Autodocs produced ASCII output only. Jacco created a version that created output in Amigaguide format. This made it possible to create hyperlinks between the various documentation parts.

Example
A typical ROBODoc header and the resulting output

title: ROBODoc


text:
Governorate of Estonia

The Governorate of Estonia, also known as the Esthonia (Estland) Governorate,  was a province (guberniya) and one of the Baltic governorates of the Russian Empire. It was located in the northern Estonia with some islands in the West Estonian archipelago, including Hiiumaa and Vormsi. Previously, the Reval Governorate existed during Peter I's reign and was confirmed by the Treaty of Nystad, which ceded territory from Sweden to the newly established Russian Empire. The Estonia Governorate was established in 1796 when Paul I's reforms abolished the Reval Viceroyalty. The port city of Reval (known in Russian as Revel, contemporary Tallinn) was the administrative centre where the governor had his seat.

From the 1850s to 1914, the Estonian national awakening influenced and characterized the governorate by general modernization, the reorganization into a modern European society, and the success of the newly emerged nationalist awareness. The accession of Alexander III in 1881 marked the beginning of a period of more rigid Russification; the previous Baltic civil and criminal codes were replaced with Russian ones, and the Russian language replaced the German language and Estonian language. Jaan Tõnisson founded the National Liberal Party and organized its first congress in 1905, in the course of the First Russian Revolution; in response, the Russian government suppressed the revolution by declaring martial law, causing Konstantin Päts and the radical leader Jaan Teemant to flee abroad. The governorate gained more territories from the Governorate of Livonia and was granted autonomy on 12 April 1917, and lasted for nearly a year. The Estonian independence that came on 24 February 1918 marked the permanently end for the governorate.

Until the late 19th century the governorate was administered independently by the local Baltic German nobility through a feudal Regional Council.

History
From 1561, Estonia had been under the control as a dominion of the Swedish Empire following the annexation of the northern part of the Livonian Confederation, in which nobilies swore obedience to the Swedish king Eric XIV as the Russians, in 1558, invaded Livonia, which prompted the Livonian War. The Treaty of Plussa forced Russia to cede to Sweden possessions along the southern shore of the Gulf of Finland, including northern Livonia and Ingria.

Seeking to regain lost territories, in 1701, Tsar Peter I and his allies invaded Sweden, beginning the Great Northern War. He initially met with setbacks by King Charles XII but later gained triumphs. In 1710, the Russians advanced into Estonia and Livonia, which were incorporated into Russia. In the Treaty of Nystad of 1721, Sweden formally ceded its former dominion of Estonia, Livonia, and its other territories to Russia, whereas Russia paid Sweden compensation of 2 million efimki (1.3 million rubles).

Initially named Reval Governorate after the city of Reval (now known as Tallinn), it was established in 1719 by decree of Peter the Great on 29 May, on the territory that was acquired from Sweden, along with the Riga Governorate. In 1783, the Reval Viceroyalty was formed from Reval Governorate, and in 1796, together with Narva county, which was separated from Saint Petersburg Governorate, Estonia Governorate was formed. During the reign of the Swedish kings, there was a tendency towards granting more autonomy to the peasantry, but under the Russian tsars, there was a shift towards tighter regulation. Serfdom remained in place until its abolition in 1816.

Rise of the Estonian cultural identity
The early course of the reign of Alexander II marked the emergence of the Estonian national movement, which periodised the so-called Estonian age of awakening that led to the birth of a distinctive Estonian national culture and laid the groundwork for its growing roles in Baltic politics. As agricultural reforms, the spread of education, increasing communication beyond the Baltic, and the spirit of reformation were factors in the national awakening, from 1860, the Estonian national movement had gained more support from rising Estonians. Although many Estonians still continued to assimilate into the German and Russian cultures, many nationwide efforts to promote the Estonian culture were seen, especially for the Estonian-language Alexander School, the Society of Estonian Literati, and the all-Estonian song festivals.

The prominent figure in the period was Carl Robert Jakobson from the neighbouring Governorate of Livonia; he opposed the Baltic German dominance and took an anti-clerical position on the Luteran Church. He had also begun campaigning for the introduction of zemstvo, which had already existed in the empire; in June 1881, seventeen Estonian societies requested that they do so with equal representations for Germans and Estonians, in a memorandum to Alexander III. As a result, four of the ten points of the memorandum were implemented at the end of the 1880s.

Also in this era, poet Lydia Koidula had been a prominent figure in the advocation of Estonian literature; she wrote her most important work, Emajõe ööbik (The Nightingale of Emajõgi), which was published in 1867. Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald composed his epic Kalevipoeg, in which he portrayed the mythological adventures of the eponymous hero, who had ended up in chains at the gate of Hell and the promise of a return to home; Kalevipoeg has been later considered the national epic. Among Koidula and Kreutzwald were Mihkel Veske, Ado Reinvald, Friedrich Kuhlbars, and others. Many works in this era reflected the condition of rural people and satirised the elites. Publication of Estonian-language print grew rapidly from 1860 to 1900, and the number of books and brochures six times increased, from 55 to 312. According to the 1897 census, 96.9 per cent of Estonians, 10 years and older, could read and write, making the northern Baltic area the most literate region of the empire.

Russification
In 1885, the new governor of Estonia, Sergey Shakhovskoy, was appointed by Emperor Alexander III, who had seemed to think the father's reforms were a threat to Russian culture; this marked the beginning of the Russification process in Estonia. In 1877, the Russian urban reform of 1870 took place in the Baltic area. The new law enfranchised men 25 years of age and over, which was divided into three curiae according to the city taxes they paid, replacing the medieval estate-based system that had excluded Estonians from participation in the municipal government. Virtually all Estonians, in fact, belonged to the third curia since their begeoisie was only beginning to improve its economic position. The 1892 municipal law, in which the franchise base was determined by property value, was implemented in the Baltic provinces; for Estonians, it would increase the possibility of winning over the Baltic German hegemony, and for the begeoisie, it would be a step forward to put all voters in the same place.

In 1888–1889, the Russification of the police system took place: the Baltic Germans lost all police powers in the rural township, although they retained powers on their estates; and the police system at county and urban levels was reorganised and placed under the Minister of Internal Affairs, by which all higher police officers were appointed. The new Russian officers regarded Estonian local affairs with disinterest, and its population was more impartial than the German ones, although they were non-Estonian. The Russification of jurisdiction, although the Baltic legal codes remained unchanged, was taken as well, by which the peasantry had its own courts, the township court, with appeals to the higher court for the peasantry. In 1864, the Russian institution reform was introduced, which brought more impartial justice: the justice of the peace with appeals to the conference of justices of the peace; and the circuit court with appeals to the court chamber. The major problem was that proceedings in the higher court were conducted exclusively in Russian, which meant the Estonians, who did not fluent in Russian, were forced to hire translators or lawyers, involving a prohibitive expense for destitute Estonians.

Russification policies had also been taken in education: placing all Lutheran rural elementary schools under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education; creating the position of director and inspector so the ministry insured the state control; and introducing Russian as an instruction language in the third year of the school in 1887 and then the first year in 1892. Initially, the result of Russification was disorganised: many schools, which the Baltic Germans withdrew support for as a protest, were closed; much of the teaching personnel were unable to teach Russian; and the number of pupils in the governorate declined, from 25,646 to 20,565 between 1886 and 1892.

The Russian Orthodoxy came unexpectedly into the Baltic area in the 1840s, causing the struggle between the Orthodox and the Luteran churches, which had attended since the Northern Crusades, for the allegiance of Estonians. There, the Russification process was also performed for religious purposes. In 1883, in Wiek county, the conversation movement among 3,400 Estonian peasants began, which had the motivation of strong anti-German sentiment. During his first tenure as governor, Shakhovskoy sought to propagate Orthodoxy in his ruling governorate, which caused spiritual dissatisfaction among the Baltic natives who lived under a German-controlled Protestantism. In 1886, Shakhovskoy suggested to the procurator of the Holy Synod, Konstantin Pobedonostsev, that Orthodoxy was the quickest way to unite the Estonians into the "great Russian family". Furthermore, in 1885, Alexander III reinstated that children of mixed Lutheran-Orthodox marriages be only baptised as Orthodox, and the reconverts to Luteranism were again considered members of the state church.

The major factor that was unavoidable in internal affairs was the gradual introduction of Russian as the language in administration in 1885; by 1889, Russian had become the language in municipal government and exclusively in higher courts, as well as in communication among all administrative organs. Estonian intelligentsia, which had sought equal rights for Estonian as an administrative language and had been rooted in a Baltic Weltanschauung, proved this aspect of Russification disorienting. Some of them, who had received their education in German, were able to retool themselves, but it was a long process.

1905 Revolution
With the rise of the liberation movement in Russia, all-Empire questions began to impinge on Estonian life, as well as a new generation emerged in Estonia. The crucial point in social and political thought was the appearance of journalistic voices for the lower class, engaging in the fade of loyalty to the crown. Many intellectuals emerged in the post-Russification era; among them were Jaan Tõnisson, who represented a renewal of the moderate political orientation, and Konstantin Päts, the editor of Teataja in Reval.

In 1905, the massacre on Bloody Sunday became the final straw that brought about the revolution, whose impulse had spread into the rural area of the Baltic region; the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party organised activity in Estonia, with its counterpart formed in August. The worker strikes broke out in Reval, Narva, and Pernau in January 1905. In the rural area, 120 manor houses, which were the symbol of Baltic German power, were put to the torch by Estonians. Mass meetings called for peaceful reform in Reval, and the situation remained calm until 16 October; the Russian Army on that day, however, opened fire on a peaceful demonstration on a market square, which was later known as the Tallinn Bloodbath.

In November 1905, Jaan Tõnisson founded the Estonian Progressive People's Party, which, along with the Baltic German-led Baltic Constitutional Party, was the only legal party in the governorate at that time. The All-Estonian Congress was held by Tõnisson and his moderates on 27–29 November, with the authority permitting that. Following the dispute over the election of vice-chairs, the congress was split into two factions: the moderates, known as the Bürgermusse; and the radicals, known as the Aula. Nevertheless, both factions demanded the repeal of Russification; the moderates demanded the unification of Estonia and northern Livonia with an autonomous self-government.

In early December, the Russian government began to react with force to what it described as "revolutionary excesses": martial law was declared in Reval and the Harrien County on 10 December; the Russian army and local Baltic German militias, known as Selbstschutz, began to scour cities and the countryside for participants in the 1905 revolution; and much of the local committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party and Estonian intellectuals were arrested. In the governorate alone, 300 people were executed, 600 received some form of corporal punishment, and 500 were sentenced to hard labour in Siberia or elsewhere. Konstantin Päts and Jaan Teemant, the radical leader, fled to Finland and then to Western Europe; both had reasons to fear for their freedom.

World War I and path to independence

The outbreak of World War I was greeted by mixed reactions in the governorate. Within the Estonian population, there was some enthusiasm for a struggle against a historical enemy; for the Baltic Germans, however, it was unthinkable to fight against their co-nationals—the imperial Germans. Increasingly suspicious of possible collaboration with the imperial Germans, the Russian authorities closed down German schools and forbade using German in public. Restrictions were also included for using Estonian. About 100,000 men, nearly 10 percent of the Estonian population, were mobilised into the Russian Imperial Army; their extent of casualties is little known, and no reliable sources are available. The Estonians considered that fighting against foes—the Germans and the Austrians—was easy to transfer the enmity they felt towards the Baltic Germans, who were the representatives of the German-speaking cultural world; however, the Baltic German leadership also declared encouragement for Russia.

By the time the Russian Empire was crumbling, the Estonian desire for unification of the Estonian-speaking area, especially the entire Estonia and northern Livonia, had come into focus. Following the February Revolution in Russia, the Russian Provisional Government was proclaimed, and the clash on the Eastern Front was still ongoing. Seeing this moment as an opportunity to fulfil what they had wanted, Jaan Tõnisson and his moderate politicians lobbied the provisional government for changes in the northern Baltic area. In conjunction with a mass demonstration attended by 40,000 Estonians in Petrograd, the government agreed on to reorganise the self-government in the northern Baltic. The decree consisted of the merger of the governorate of Estonia with the northern counties of the governorate of Livonia—Dorpat, Fellin, Ösel, Pernau, Werro, and some portions of Walk—into the consilidated governorate, which accomplished what Carl Robert Jakobson had expressed, creating the autonomous polity known as "Estonia". The decree also established a temporary zemstvo with the provincial assembly as its head. In addition, Baltic German-controlled diets and imperial local administrative organs were dissolved.

In April, the provisional government appointed the Reval Mayor Jaan Poska as the first commissar, followed by, in May, elections of the provincial assembly known as Maapäev, in which political parties emerged on a broad basis for the first time, with the largest blocs being the Agrarian League and the Labour Party. The municipial elections in 1917, however, proved the significant fractionalisation of the political spectrum, as the configuration of party groupings was unstable. Predominantly, the moderates dominated the smaller urban areas, while the lefts dominated stronger in the larger industrial cities. In the early course, the soviets that emerged in Estonia were the Mensheviks and the Socialist Revolutionaries, whom concentrated in major cities and military garrisons. Although permission of principle for the formation of national military units was granted in April, the Minister of War Alexander Kerensky restricted the establishment of a single regiment due to pressure from the Soviets. Nevertheless, the first Estonian regiment had grown to 8,000 men by the end of July, twice as large as originally intended, and the provisional government approved the formation of a second regiment in September.

After the successful October Revolution in Petrograd, the Estonian Military Revolutionary Committee, led by Viktor Kingissepp, took power from the provisional government's commissar. The Bolsheviks were, however, unable to consolidate their power owing to the lack of Bolshevik officials who could replace the former government's public officials; the latter refused and launched the strike. The Estonian Bolsheviks had lost much of their popular support by the end of January 1918, engaging in the cancellation of the Estonian Constituent Assembly election held on. With the German advance in southern Livonia and Estonia and the Bolsheviks fleeing to Soviet Russia, the Estonian Provincial Assembly asserted Estonia "independent and democratic republic" within its "historical and ethnographical borders" on 24 February, with Konstantin Päts being the leader of the new provisional government. This was nonetheless a symbolic indication, and the Germans, on the following day, entered Reval.

Geography
The Governorate of Estonia was the northernmost of the Baltic governorates, located on the southern shore of the Gulf of Finland. It was bordered with the Baltic Sea in the west, the Gulf of Finland in the north, the Saint Petersburg Governorate in the east, and the Governorate of Livonia and Lake Peipus in the south. The westernmost point was Cape Kalana in Hiiumaa; in the east, the Narva river near the city of Narva; Cape Stenskär in the north; Kõrksaar in the Pärnu Bay in the south. The land border was 297 verst in the west, 469 verst in the north, 75 verst in the east with Saint Petersburg Governorate along the Neva, and 371 verst with Lake Peipus and Governorate of Livonia in the south. The provincial border between Wierland and Dorpat counties was 20,377 fathom long, and between Wierland and Fellin counties was 18,669.3 fathom long.

Physically, the governorate was situated on the East European Plain, where the uplands and plateau structures were interspersed with lowlands and valley structures. It consisted of the limestone plateau, the northern part of which formed the North Estonian Klint. The highest areas were Pandivere and Jõhvi Uplands; the Pandivere was where the Emumägi, the highest point in the governorate, was located. In the west, the large area was entirely flat, forming the lowlands of West Estonia and the Moonsund archipelago. The scarps of the Ösel and Moon islands and those in the western continental area formed the Silurian Klint. Crystalline rocks formed in the lowest part of the basement; in the northeastern part, the crystalline rocks were 60–70 metres below the surface. Below the surface, the area also consisted of a large amount of phosphorite, especially in Wesenberg deposits, and kukersite oil shales within the Baltic Oil Shale Basin.

In the west, it is the location of the Moonsund archipelago, which was shared with the Governorate of Livonia. There are about 80 islands in the governorate, of which Dagö (known in modern times as Hiiumaa) was the largest, with an area of 989 km2. Other islands in the archipelago were Worms, Kassar, Groß Pakri and Klein Pakri, and Nargen.

The area of the Governorate of Estonia was 17791.7 verst2; of this, 16290.5 verst2 were the mainland and 1032.7 verst2 were the islands, with 468.5 verst2 were the of Lake Peipsi as a part the governorate.

The governorate consisted of the northern Estonia, approximately corresponding to: Harju, Lääne-Viru, Ida-Viru, Rapla, Järva, Lääne and Hiiu counties, and a small portion of Pärnu County.

Administrative divisions
The districts (уѣзды, uezdy; kreise) of the Governorate of Estonia in 1897 were as follow:

Governors

 * 1786–1797 Heinrich Johann Freiherr von Wrangell
 * 1797–1808 Andreas von Langell
 * 1808–1809 Duke Peter Friedrich Georg of Oldenburg
 * 1809–1811 vacant
 * 1811–1816 Duke Paul Friedrich August of Oldenburg
 * 1816–1819 Berend Freiherr von Uexküll
 * 1819–1832 Gotthard Wilhelm Freiherr von Budberg-Bönninghausen
 * 1832–1833 Otto Wilhelm von Essen
 * 1833–1841 Paul Friedrich von Benckendorff
 * 1842–1859 Johann Christoph Engelbrecht von Grünewaldt
 * 1859–1868 Wilhelm Otto Cornelius Alexander von Ulrich
 * 1868–1870 Mikhail Nikolaiyevich Galkin-Vraskoy
 * 1870–1875 Prince Mikhail Valentinovich Shakhovskoy-Glebov-Strezhnev
 * 1875–1885 Viktor Petrovich Polivanov
 * 1885–1894 Prince Sergey Vladimirovich Shakhovskoy
 * 1894–1902 Yefstafiy Nikolaiyevich Skalon
 * 1902–1905 Aleksey Valerianovich Bellegarde
 * 16 March 1905 – October 1905 Aleksey Aleksandrovich Lopukhin
 * 1905–1906 Nikolay Georgiyevich von Bünting
 * 1906–1907 Pyotr Petrovich Bashilov
 * 1907–1915 Izmail Vladimirovich Korostovets
 * 1915–1917 Pyotr Vladimirovich Veryovkin

Demographics

The first general census in the Estonia Governorate, conducted in 1881, returned a population of 376,337, consisting of 184,323 men and 192,014 women. By 1887, the population was 393,983, increasing 17,646 over 6 years. The first-and-only organised nationwide census was conducted in 1897, which turned out a population of 412,716 on, including 202,409 men and 210,307 women. The majority of the population indicated Estonian to be their mother tongue, with significant Russian and German speaking minorities.

The urban population of the governorate was 77,081, making up 18.68 per cent of the total population. The largest settlements included Reval (64,572), Wesenberg (5,890), Hapsal (3,212), and Weißenstein (2,507). Of the preceding cities, Estonian-speakers formed majorities.

Religion
It's urban population was 18.68% and rural was 81.32%.

title: Governorate of Estonia


text:
Talk:Female suicide bomber

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article is or was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Itsmefarfar. Peer reviewers: Issanasr, Ayshasuwaidi.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 21:09, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article is or was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Uriahdavis.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 21:16, 16 January 2022 (UTC)

Untitled
The subject of "Female Suicide Bombers" is a notable topic by Wikipedia's definition. Many reputable academic journals and books discuss the term and support this conclusion (Amal Amireh, Jessica Davis, Margaret Gonzalez-Perez, etc.). This page has the potential to grow and communicate relevant, educational information about the subject, and I think the topic deserves its own page. AmyPell (talk) 05:39, 8 December 2015 (UTC)

Requested move 27 December 2015

 * The following is a closed discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

The result of the move request was: MOVED  Vanjagenije  (talk)  12:20, 4 January 2016 (UTC)

Female Suicide Bombers → Female suicide bomber – Per WP:TITLEFORMAT. Nick Number (talk) 22:00, 27 December 2015 (UTC)
 * Of course – This isn't even controversial, and should be been BOLDly moved instead. --IJBall (contribs • talk) 23:57, 27 December 2015 (UTC)
 * Support - No reason for "bombers" to be plural when the page refers to a single individual. Also, we should use singular form to abide by WP:TITLEFORMAT. Meatsgains (talk) 00:20, 28 December 2015 (UTC)
 * Support speedy move., this isn't contentious at all... should be non capitalised and singular. requires administrator to move. EDIT: on second thought... why does this article even need to exist at all? we have a gender section in the suicide attack article already. InsertCleverPhraseHere InsertTalkHere 02:51, 28 December 2015 (UTC)
 * Pinging major contributors to comment on this:
 * Mixed – I support lowercase plural for this class of individuals. Dicklyon (talk) 06:19, 28 December 2015 (UTC)
 * Is there a reason to deviate from WP:TITLEFORMAT and WP:PLURAL in this case? Nick Number (talk) 15:28, 28 December 2015 (UTC)
 * It seems to fit well under the exceptions section there.  Dicklyon (talk) 15:33, 28 December 2015 (UTC)
 * Which one? "Articles on people groups" generally refers to ethnicities and nationalities. Articles for human occupations (for lack of a better word; it's obviously stretching the definition to call suicide bombing a job) such as sapper, soldier, and warrior are usually singular. Nick Number (talk) 15:41, 28 December 2015 (UTC)

 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on this talk page or in a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

Updating info/ adding content
I'm looking to update this page with proper citations and try and add a bit more content from more locations where this has occurred.Uriahdavis (talk) 18:46, 11 April 2017 (UTC)

sources i plan to use: Sawicki, John. "A tragic trend. Why terrorists use female and child suicide bombers." Health progress (Saint Louis, Mo.) 97.4 (2016): 38-42. Straub, Verena. "The making and gendering of a martyr: images of female suicide bombers in the Middle East." Image Operations: Visual Media and Political Conflict (2016): 137. Berko, Anat. The smarter bomb: Women and children as suicide bombers. Rowman & Littlefield, 2016. Narozhna, Tanya, and W. Andy Knight. Female Suicide Bombings: A Critical Gender Approach. University of Toronto Press, 2016.

title: Talk:Female suicide bomber