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Talk:Gustave Doré

Untitled
Perhaps it should be mentioned he's know for his line drawing illustrations?

An example?
Is by Doré? If so, you could insert it in the page.
 * It is Don Quixote 7th illustration by Doré.--Garcilaso 17:27, 10 April 2007 (UTC)

drawings
- there are numerous references in the article to published books with "drawings" (& above here). These are not drawings as such but prints, but in what technique? Lithographs perhaps. Someone should check it out & correct the article Johnbod 14:59, 22 November 2006 (UTC)

Poor Formatting
Due to the amount of pictures in this article, the formatting is messy. Take note of the horizontal rules in between sections, especially. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 1000Faces (talk • contribs) 07:21, 21 January 2007 (UTC).

 * We have Commons. Perhaps the number of pictures should be cut down to just give a representive sample.  Goldfritha 19:10, 21 January 2007 (UTC)

Cartoonstock external links
I see that the external link added by Cartoonstock to the Dore was deleted. I have also deleted and seen deleted external links by Cartoonstock on the Aubrey Beardsley page (myself) and elsewhere that I don't remember right now. I think the Cartoonstock external links are marketing and not in the spirit of wikipedia.

Xineann 07:18, 6 March 2007 (UTC)

Poor Formatting, Works now listed in table format
I moved some of the pictures along the side to the gallery at the bottom. The pictures on the side were obscuring the edit tag on the right for the Works section.

Also, I put the works section in a tabular format and listed the sources for the information. Since originally creating the list of works, I noticed that three enterprising people had entered new data about Gustave Doré works. And, although one of the entries was correct, the other two were terribly flawed (in one extreme case, they had Inferno being published 24 years after its original publication date, by an American publisher no less (the only book originally published by an American publishing house was The Raven, and that was done posthumously. All the rest were French and British publishers.).

Brian Cunnie 03:55, 30 April 2007 (UTC)

WikiProject class rating
This article was automatically assessed because at least one article was rated and this bot brought all the other ratings up to at least that level. BetacommandBot 03:35, 27 August 2007 (UTC)

Censorship of Doré's Works
I've noticed that many prints of Doré's two works which show God in human form, "The Creation of Light" and "The Formation of Eve," have replaced the human form of God with a blot of light. Does anybody know when these censored prints first surfaced and why? Lefilsdudiable 03:01, 9 September 2007 (UTC)
 * In Jewish editions, at a guess. Johnbod (talk) 05:38, 30 November 2021 (UTC)

Doré worked primarily with wood engraving and steel engraving.
I don't think so. Doré drew drawings, and the real masters of wood engraving (xylography) were two other people RPSM (talk) 19:46, 19 January 2009 (UTC)

Gallery tag
I'm removing the cleanup tag for the image gallery. If you look at the wikimedia commons category for this subject, this are quite a few images present, and the gallery in this article serves to give a good overview of his works. The images are also properly captioned and seem to coincide with the image MOS. -Verdatum (talk) 18:02, 30 July 2009 (UTC)

Doré's influence
I was working on a review of the Jackson King Kong, and was reminded that the backgrounds -- particularly the skies -- of the 1932 original look as if they were lifted from Doré. A section on his influence -- the copying of his style by others -- might be interesting. WilliamSommerwerck (talk) 12:20, 27 August 2009 (UTC) Also look at both of Cecil B. DeMille's two films on "The Ten Commandments" for probable Dore' influences on how scenes were staged. Notably, view the scene where the people are dancing and worshipping the false idol (shaped like a golden calf).Lindisfarnelibrary (talk) 14:58, 1 July 2012 (UTC)

Doré's illustrations to La Fontaine
Could someone please place in Wikimedia Commons, photos of Doré's illustrations to La Fontaine's Fables? Nihil novi (talk) 09:17, 4 January 2010 (UTC)

The book The Rime of the Ancient Mariner[14] says in its' introduction that the images were done with steel etchings. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 99.247.194.142 (talk) 03:29, 4 January 2011 (UTC)

Works
Could someone who knows French add translations to the names of the works collected in the article? Thanks 109.65.16.158 (talk) 14:46, 31 May 2011 (UTC)

First names
Doré was baptized "Louis Auguste Gustave". What is the "Paul" doing in this article?--62.47.139.76 (talk) 21:00, 18 August 2011 (UTC)

Poor use of wikilinks
Wikilinks are poorly used throughout this article. For instance, text about Doré's illustrations for an edition of the Bible is linked, not to that edition, but to Bible. This does not lead the reader to more information about Doré or his work, and I invite other editors to help me fix the wikilinks. WCCasey (talk) 22:34, 20 June 2012 (UTC)

Vandalism?
...see Parker74 at 23:42, 9 October 2012. Qexigator (talk) 07:51, 10 October 2012 (UTC)

From the French

Suggestion: The gallery should be sorted into multiple galleries by groups, as has been done in the his French WP page. The French article also has list of sculptures, but I don't know how complete it is. Also suggest that his paintings be better represented; for example, Les Saltimbanques ("The Magicians", right) has an entire article devoted to its analysis:. Really, the gallery is a bit of overkill; it should represent a few examples of each type and/or source. The reader can access the Wikimedia collection for more. ~Just my ₣0.10 worth (2¢), ~E:74.60.29.141 (talk) 17:28, 7 December 2012 (UTC) P.s.: I was going to add the following informative link to 'External links' - but that is already over-spamified.
 * Gustave Doré and The Private Library ← (also a potential source for citing)

Missing King James Bible from the list of his notable illustrations
Gustave Doré also illustrated the King James Bible in 1865, but it is not shown in the list, being one of his most notable projects it should be added to the list. Abrahamic Faiths (talk) 18:18, 13 December 2014 (UTC)

we are — Preceding unsigned comment added by 172.4.252.232 (talk) 01:56, 16 February 2017 (UTC)

External links modified
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title: Talk:Gustave Doré


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Kosiv Raion

Kosiv Raion (Косівський район) is a raion (district) of Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast of Ukraine. The city of Kosiv is the administrative center of the raion. Its population is

Subdivisions
On 18 July 2020, as part of the administrative reform of Ukraine, the number of raions of Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast was reduced to six, however, the area of Kosiv Raion was essentially unchanged. The January 2020 estimate of the raion population was

Both before and after 2000, the raion consisted of five hromadas:
 * Kosiv urban hromada with the administration in the city of Kosiv;
 * Kosmach rural hromada with the administration in the selo of Kosmach;
 * Kuty settlement hromada with the administration in the urban-type settlement of Kuty;
 * Rozhniv rural hromada with the administration in the selo of Rozhniv;
 * Yabluniv settlement hromada with the administration in the urban-type settlement of Yabluniv.

General information
The district is located in the Precarpathian region of Ukraine. The total area is 903 km2 with 91,100 inhabitants.

The climate is moderately continental.

The mountains go up to 1000 m above the sea level in the mountainous part of the raion. There are a few big rivers among the mountains: Cheremosh — 80 km, Pistynka — 56 km, Rybnytsa — 54 km.

Archaeological finds show that the territory of the raion was inhabited from the Neolithic times. The first written information about Kosiv is from 1424. Firstly, the town was called Rykiv, and only later it was renamed to Kosiv. Other old settlements of the raion are Kobaky (15th century), Kuty (1448), Vyzhnii Bereziv (1412).

Notable residents
Famous people that were born, lived or worked in Kosiv district:

 * Marko Cheremshyna (1874–1927) was a Ukrainian writer of Hutsul background.
 * Dmytro Pavlychko (1929–2023) is a Ukrainian poet, translator, scriptwriter, culturologist, political and public figure, and dissident.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Kosiv Raion


text:
Strategic Hamlet Program

The Strategic Hamlet Program (SHP; Ấp Chiến lược ) was implemented in 1962 by the government of South Vietnam, with advice and financing from the United States, during the Vietnam War to combat the communist insurgency. The strategy was to isolate the rural population from contact with and influence by the National Liberation Front (NLF), more commonly known as the Viet Cong. The Strategic Hamlet Program, along with its predecessor, the Rural Community Development Program, attempted to create new communities of "protected hamlets". The rural peasants would be provided protection, economic support, and aid by the government, thereby strengthening ties with the South Vietnamese government (GVN) which was hoped would lead to increased loyalty by the peasantry towards the government.

Colonel Phạm Ngọc Thảo, a communist sleeper agent of North Vietnam who had infiltrated the South Vietnamese army, was made overseer of the Strategic Hamlet Program and had hamlets built in areas with a strong NLF presence and forced the program forward at an unsustainable speed, causing the production of poorly equipped and poorly defended villages and the growth of rural resentment towards the government.

The Strategic Hamlet Program was unsuccessful, failing to stop the insurgency or gain support for the government from rural Vietnamese, it alienated many and helped contribute to the growth in influence of the NLF. After President Ngo Dinh Diem was overthrown in a coup in November 1963, the program was cancelled. Peasants moved back into their old homes or sought refuge from the war in the cities. The failure of the Strategic Hamlet and other counterinsurgency and pacification programs were causes that led the United States to decide to intervene in South Vietnam with air strikes and ground troops.

Background and precursor program
In 1952, during the First Indochina War (19 December 1946 — 1 August 1954) French commander François de Linares, in Tonkin began the construction of "protected villages," which the French later named agrovilles. By constructing quasi-urban amenities, the French designed the agrovilles to attract peasants away from their villages. This policy was known as "pacification by prosperity." In addition to offering social and economic benefits, the French also encouraged villagers to develop their own militias, which the French trained and armed. "Pacification by Prosperity" had some success, but it was never decisive, because the settlers felt insecure, a feeling which the numerous French guard posts along the perimeter could do little to dispel so long as the Việt Minh operated at night, anonymously, and intimidated or gained the support of village authorities.

Between 1952 and 1954, French officials transplanted approximately 3 million Vietnamese into agrovilles, but the project was costly. To help offset the cost, the French relied partially on American financial support, which was "one of the earliest objects of American aid to France after the outbreak of the Korean War." According to a private Vietnamese source, the U.S. spent about "200,000 dollars on the 'show' agroville at Dong Quan." After visiting the villages of Khoi Loc in Quảng Yên Province and Đông Quan in Ha Dong Province, noted Vietnam War correspondent Bernard Fall stated that, "the French strategic hamlets resembled British [Malayan] prototypes line for line." However, in contrast to the British, the French were reluctant to grant Vietnam its independence, or allow the Vietnamese a voice in government affairs; therefore, the agroville program had little effect.

The First Indochina War terminated and the 1954 Geneva Conference partitioned Vietnam into communist (north) and non-communist (south) parts and the terms North Vietnam and South Vietnam became the common usage.

Beginning in 1954, Việt Minh sympathizers in the South were subject to escalating suppression by the Diem government, but by December 1960 the National Liberation Front of Southern Vietnam had been formed and soon rapidly achieved de facto control over large sections of the South Vietnamese countryside. At the time, it is believed that there were approximately 10,000 Communist insurgents throughout South Vietnam.

In February 1959, recognizing the danger that the guerrillas posed if they had the support of the peasants, President Diem and his brother, Ngô Đình Nhu, made a first attempt at resettlement. A plan was put forth to develop centers of agglomeration. Through force and/or incentives, peasants in rural communities were separated and relocated. The primary goal of the centers was to concentrate the villagers, so they were not able to provide aid, comfort, and information to the Viet Cong.

The Government of Vietnam (GVN) developed two types of centers of agglomeration.
 * The first type, qui khu, relocated Viet Cong (VC) families, people with relatives in North Vietnam, or people who had been associated with the Viet Minh into new villages; thus, providing easier government surveillance.

The second type of relocation center, qui ap, relocated into new villages those families that supported the South Vietnamese government but lived outside the realm of government protection and were susceptible to Viet Cong attacks. By 1960, there were twenty-three of these centers, each consisting of many thousands of people.

This mass resettlement created a strong backlash from peasants and forced the central government to rethink its strategy. A report put out by the Caravelle group, consisting of eighteen signers, leaders of the Cao Đài and Hòa Hảo sects, the Dai Viet, and dissenting Catholic groups described the situation as follows:

"Tens of thousands of people are being mobilized… to take up a life in collectivity, to construct beautiful but useless agrovilles which tire the people, lose their affection, increase their resentment and most of all give an additional terrain for propaganda to the enemy."

Ideological origins
Truman's Point Four Program in 1949 aimed to integrate 'third world' countries—i.e., those not aligned with NATO nor the Soviets—into the capitalist liberal economy to win 'hearts and minds.' The U.S. believed that by developing the 'third world' through education, sanitation, and reforming their economic and political systems, it could bring countries ‘out of the phase where rural revolutionary forces could come to power’ and create a path towards democracy. This was a similar to the stance that the U.S. took towards colonising the Philippines.

After the failure of the Truman and Eisenhower administration, Kennedy enacted a ‘flexible response’ program, which would increase the spectrum of military responses available to the U.S. to fight counterinsurgency. This response aimed to pre-empt the conditions which lead to guerrilla warfare and ultimately local support for communist nationalism: poverty, disease and hunger. The Strategic Hamlet Program was one such example of Kennedy's 'flexible response' initiative. The strategy was guided by an integrated model of social, economic and political change, in which the intensification of the war would lead to a transformation in Vietnamese society. It was hoped that an awareness of the material benefits of capitalism would catalyse the development of a new set of modern values and loyalties.

The Strategic Hamlet Program was also closely tied to modernisation theory promoted by W.W. Rostow, underpinning US Foreign Policy during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. "Kennedy, his advisers, and the American foreign aid mission began to shift away from conventional military tactics and toward a comprehensive counterinsurgency program that integrated military action with a strategy of social engineering. By the end of 1961, the administration would become committed to defeating the Vietcong through modernisation". The Program was designed to strike at the heart of the Revolution’s political and social roots. US policymakers believed that, if Diem’s regime became the focus of popular aspirations, “nation-building and political development might stem the tide.” W.W. Rostow believed that responses to Communist warfare would have to harness the modernisation process that the insurgents sought to exploit. Thus, efforts at containment “needed to accelerate social progress” - it was anticipated that, if momentum could take hold in undeveloped areas, and social problems could be solved, the chances of insurgents seizing power would dramatically decline. Hence the promotion of modernization was regarded as means by which to “shut the narrow window of opportunity on which aggressors depended”.

In utilising the practice of modernisation, the US expressed a confidence on a global scale that it should be a “universal model for the world”. This approach "contributed directly to justifying the militaristic approach to third world politics, above all in Vietnam”.

The concept of modernisation relied on the belief that all societies, including Vietnam, passed along a linear trajectory from 'traditional' and economically unsophisticated, to 'modern' and able to harness nature through industrialisation, technology, and literacy rates.

The practice of village relocation within the Strategic Hamlet Program, holds foundations in Rostow’s modernisation theory which recommended “destroying the external supports to guerrilla insurgents”. Relocation aimed to reduce the connections between the Vietcong and the Southern Vietnamese population, aiming to deter communist influence. “Modernizers aimed to replicate—by force if necessary—the stable, democratic, capitalist welfare state that they believed was being created in the United States”.

The Strategic Hamlet Program also reflected wider ideas of American Exceptionalism. In their approach towards Vietnam, the US saw itself as a moderniser and an exemplary form of democracy. “The Strategic Hamlet Program projected a national identity for the US as a credible world power ready to meet revolutionary changes”. Perceptions of Vietnamese as "backwards" and subordinate to "Western Progress" resulted in the conclusion by US analysts that the Vietnamese were “incapable of self-government and vulnerable to foreign subversion".

The US media and government spokesmen presented the Strategic Hamlet Program and its projects of village relocation and social engineering as “reflections of benevolent American power”. In challenging communism against the backdrop of the Cold War, the Strategic Hamlet Program “revised older ideologies of imperialism and manifest destiny” stemming from notions of American Exceptionalism.

In aiming to deter the Vietnamese peoples from Communist and Vietcong influence, the US retained the “sense of national mission projected by an ideology of modernisation”. The US government aimed to defeat the threat of Communism in Vietnam to maintain its exceptionalist vision of “America's superior society and its transformative potential”. The adoption of modernisation theory “reflected a sense that the United States should be a universal model”.

The Program also had roots in Vietnamese policymaking. Diem's government had its own views of how to deal with the related issues of counter-insurgency and nation building, modern ideas which presented an alternative to the political agenda of both his regime's US ally and his Communist opponent. The Strategic Hamlet Program was, arguably, the clearest embodiment of these ideas. Although strategic hamlets aimed to separate the Communist-led guerrillas from the peasantry by regrouping and fortifying thousands of rural settlements, they were not merely a device to defeat the armed insurgency. Ngo Dinh Diem also saw them as a way of mobilizing the population politically and generating support for his regime; they were the centre-piece of the government's plans to modernize the RVN and simultaneously free it from dependence on the United States.

Ngo Dinh Diem made efforts to limit foreign involvement in the hamlet programme, particularly as the United States put a great deal of pressure on the regime in 1961 to accept US policy prescriptions for defeating the insurgents. Such demands further solidified notions within the Diem regime that its ally was overbearing and meddlesome; indeed, US pressure encouraged the Ngos to see the hamlet programme as a way to free South Vietnam from dependence on the United States for economic and military aid, as well as a way to satisfy their other political goals. Whilst the United States eventually supported the hamlet scheme, most US officials were 'somewhat bewildered by the sudden appearance of a major activity that had not been processed through their complex co-ordinating staffs'.

Stages of the Strategic Hamlet Program
According to Thompson's memories, the Strategic Hamlet Program would be split into three stages: Clearing, holding and winning.

In the ‘clearing’ stage, areas for settlements were located which were usually next to an already secured area. These areas were then ‘saturated’ with police and military forces to either repel the insurgents or force them to depart to neighbouring territories, which could then also be ‘cleared’ for more settlements.

In the ‘holding’ stage, the government officials suggested that this would ‘restore government authority in the area and establish a firm security network.’ This was achieved by ensuring that military troops and police did not merely leave the hamlet once it had been cleared, so insurgents would not return at a late date.

The ‘winning’ stage involved the construction of schools, irrigation systems, new canals and road repairs to give the impression that the U.S. government was working for the people’s benefit in a ‘permanent capacity’. They also believed that educating the population into the modern world would counter communism, which many young men and women found appealing due to its ability to find ‘stable elements in their already unstable societies’. This was confirmed by W.W. Rostow on his trip to Saigon in October 1961, where he found that many young men were joining the Viet Cong in the hope of fitting into the modern world. But this survey was only conducted on a small sample size.

The stages of the program were designed to ultimately prevent communist re-infiltration.

However, this ‘clear and hold’ strategy came under some criticism from the U.S. Military Advisory Group who preferred the ‘search and destroy’ operations. This was due to the fact they had already trained the South Vietnamese to fight a conventional war which embraced counterinsurgency, so they preferred the fighting tactics used in Korea and World War One.

Implementation
In late 1961, President Kennedy sent Roger Hilsman, then director of the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research, to assess the situation in Vietnam. There Hilsman met Sir Robert Thompson, head of the British Advisory Mission to South Vietnam (BRIAM). Thompson was a veteran of the Malayan counter-insurgency effort and a counter-insurgency advisor to the Diem government. Thompson shared his revised system of resettlement and population security, a system he had proposed to Diem that would eventually become the Strategic Hamlet Program. Thompson's proposal, adopted by Diem, advocated a priority on winning control of the South Vietnamese rural population rather than killing insurgents. The police and local security forces would play an important role coupled with anti-insurgent sweeps by the South Vietnamese army (ARVN).

After his meetings with Thompson, on 2 February 1962 Hilsman described his concepts of a Strategic Hamlet Program in a policy document entitled "A Strategic Concept for South Vietnam", which President Kennedy read and endorsed. Hilsman proposed heavily fortified strategic hamlets. "Each strategic village will be protected by a ditch and a fence of barbed wire. It will include one or more observation towers...the area immediately around the village will be cleared for fields of fire and the area approaching the clearing, including the ditch, will be strewn with booby-traps...and other personal obstacles. The Strategic Hamlet Program "aimed to condense South Vietnam’s roughly 16 000 hamlets (each estimated to have a population of slightly less than 1000) into about 12000 strategic hamlets”.

Hilsman proposed that each strategic hamlet be protected by a self-defense group of 75 to 100 armed men. The self-defense group would, in addition to defending the hamlet, be responsible for "enforcing curfews, checking identity cards, and ferreting out hard-core Communists." The objective was to separate, physically and politically, the Viet Cong guerrillas and supporters from the rural population.

The first step in the establishment of a strategic hamlet would be a census carried out by the South Vietnamese government. Next, villagers would be required to build fortifications and the members of the self-defense force identified and trained. The villagers would be registered and be given identity cards, and their movements would be monitored. Outside the fortifications would be a free-fire zone.

The South Vietnamese government on its part would provide assistance to the strategic hamlet and build an "essential socio-political base" that would break old habits and orient the residents toward identification with the country of South Vietnam.

President Diem in an April 1962 speech outlined his hopes for the Program: "... strategic hamlets represented the basic elements in the war undertaken by our people against our three enemies: communism, discord, and underdevelopment. In this concept they also represent foundation of the Vietnamese society where values are reassessed according to the personalist revolution where social, cultural, and economic reform will improve the living conditions of the large working class down to the remotest village."

The U.S. military commander in Vietnam, General Lionel C. McGarr, was initially skeptical of the Strategic Hamlet Program, especially because it emphasized police and local security forces rather than military action against insurgents. The U.S. military also objected to the proposed focus of the program on the most populated areas of South Vietnam; the U.S. wished to focus on areas where communist influence was greatest. After compromises were made to secure U.S. agreement, the Strategic Hamlet Program began implementation in March 1962.

Life in the Strategic Hamlet
As George Kahin suggests, life in the strategic hamlets was about more than fighting communism, it underpinned ‘a deeper globalisation problem within Cold War politics’; imperialism.

In the hamlets, the peasants were subjected to social control including constant surveillance from troops and watchtowers, identification cards needing to be carried by peasants at all times, and permission being needed to travel beyond the confines of the hamlet.

From the 1950s onwards, Non-government organisations (NGOs), or Civic action groups like the Peace Corps, were called into Vietnam, including in the hamlets, to help build infrastructure like dams and public roads. Kennedy believed that the provision of livestock, cooking oil and fertiliser alongside the establishment of local elections and community projects would give peasants a ‘stake in the war’.

A key strategy for hamlet residents was the U.S. 'self-help' projects. These projects would increase the connections between officials and the peasantry to create loyalty to Diem’s regime. According to Hilsman, giving the hamlet people a ‘choice’ on which projects would most benefit their hamlet community would earn ‘an enormous political gain’ to counter the NLF’s portrayal of the U.S. as an imperial power. But, as former USOM official stated, whilst the projects undertaken were supposed to be decided by the hamlet people in local meetings, it was often the case that high-profile officials working within the hamlets decided on such projects. There was 62 projects made in 1964, with expansions expected in 1965, but as Latham suggests, ‘U.S. policies ignored the contradiction between the promotion of freedom and the construction of forced labour camps.’

Building schools and educating the peasants were also encouraged in the hamlets as the U.S. felt that education would instil new political values which would create a new cultural perspective for the Vietnamese population. This links to American interventionism, which suggested that intervening in foreign relations would preserve American values and maintain Western security.

Hence non-state actors played a role in the programs' implementation. Aid workers from the United States Operations Mission oversaw hamlet school construction and teacher-training programs. IVS education volunteers provided grassroots-level assistance to Vietnamese instructors and served as teachers in the strategic hamlets. As Elkind writes, the volunteers primary mission in the hamlets was to inspire a “desire for education” among the local population. They strove to accomplish this goal through “the mental conditioning of villagers to accept change and development.” Elkind also wrote that the volunteers’ had a disregard for the negative consequences of the program in the people forced to move to the hamlets and that this ultimately contributed to a widespread belief among the Vietnamese people that neither the South Vietnamese government nor its American supporters had their best interests in mind. Elkind wrote that their vision of helping Vietnam’s people was incompatible with the counterinsurgency goals of the strategic hamlet program.

Operation Sunrise
Operation Sunrise began on 19 March 1962 in Bình Dương Province, bordering the city of Saigon on the North. The province was heavily influenced by the Viet Cong, especially in the Iron Triangle, a Viet Cong stronghold. The selection of Binh Duong was contrary to Thompson's advice to choose a more secure area for the initial phase of the Strategic Hamlet Program. The United States Agency for International Development provided $21 per family to compensate farmers for their loss of property when forced to move into a strategic hamlet. Of the first 210 families relocated, 140 were reported to have been moved at gunpoint. South Vietnamese soldiers burned their former villages. By May, South Vietnam's government-owned newspaper reported that only 7 percent of 38,000 rural dwellers in the target area had been relocated either voluntarily or by force.

Problems
Although many people in both the U.S. government and government of South Vietnam (GVN) agreed that the Strategic Hamlet Program was strong in theory, its actual implementation was deficient on several grounds. Roger Hilsman himself later claimed that the GVN's execution of program constituted a "total misunderstanding of what the [Strategic Hamlet] program should try to do."

The speed of the implementation of the Program was one of the main causes for its eventual failure. The Pentagon Papers reported that in September 1962, 4.3 million people were housed in 3,225 completed hamlets with more than two thousand still under construction. By July 1963, over eight and a half million people had been settled in 7,205 hamlets according to figures given by the Vietnam Press. In less than a year, both the number of completed hamlets and its population had doubled. Given this rapid rate of construction, the GVN was unable to fully support or protect the hamlets or its residents, despite funding by the United States government. Viet Cong insurgents easily sabotaged and overran the poorly defended communities, gaining access to the South Vietnamese peasants. Only twenty percent of the hamlets in the Mekong Delta area were controlled by the GVN by the end of 1963. In an interview, a resident of a hamlet in Vinh-Long described the situation: "It is dangerous in my village because the civil guard from the district headquarters cross the river to the village only in the daytime…leaving the village unprotected at night. The village people have no protection from the Viet Cong so they will not inform on them to the authorities."

Alongside the execution and intimidation of hamlet officials, the Viet Cong opposition to the Strategic Hamlet program included a fierce propaganda campaign, which portrayed U.S. strategy in Vietnam as imperialism. When Robert Thompson sent Filipino field operatives into local hamlet settlements, they reported that South Vietnamese peasants accepted Viet Cong propaganda as they believed that ‘America had replaced France as a colonial power in Vietnam’.

The U.S. officials tried to counter Viet Cong propaganda with their own, which included hiring Asian operatives in provinces, particularly Filipino. In theory, this would convince the South Vietnamese of the purpose of American assistance through their shared ethnicity, or ‘indigenous nationalism.’ This became known as the ‘demonstration effect’ as Filipinos were deemed a prime example of a country which had been ‘modelled on the enlightenment and benevolence of American tutelage.’

Another propaganda technique was using the forced relocations to inform South Vietnamese peasants that if they supported the North, then they would allow them to return home once the communist revolution had been won.

The Viet Cong also escalated their recruitment program by using women. This was not only through presenting women as victims by drawing on Vietnamese atrocities such as the rape of women, but Northern officials believed that women were the ideal political and psychological weapon for infiltration within the Strategic Hamlets. Their usefulness as operatives was underpinned by the fact that Northern officials thought that the U.S. government would not suspect women of being Communist allies. Although the U.S. also attempted to mobilise women, namely the Women’s Solidarity Movement, which Thompson believed could be trained alongside the Republican Youth Movement to protect the hamlets if they needed, this was unsuccessful. Not only were the members upper class and educated women, therefore not representative of the Vietnamese peasant population, but the founder; Madame Nhu, eventually instructed the Movement to oppose U.S. intervention strategies.

There are several other important problems that the GVN faced in addition to those created by the failure to provide basic social needs for the peasants and over-extension of its resources. One of these was wide public opposition to the Program stemming partly from the inability of the committee to choose safe and agriculturally sound locations for the hamlets. However, according to the Pentagon Papers, the most important source of failure was the inflexible nature of the ruling Ngo family.

In 1962, Ngô Đình Nhu, President Diem's brother, headed the Strategic Hamlet Program, attempting to build fortified villages that would provide security for rural Vietnamese. The objective was to lock the Viet Cong out so that they could not operate among the villagers. Colonel Phạm Ngọc Thảo supervised these efforts, and when told that the peasants resented being forcibly removed from their ancestral lands and put into forts they were compelled to build, he advised Nhu it was imperative to build as many hamlets as fast as possible. The Ngôs were unaware Thảo, ostensibly a Catholic, was in fact a communist double agent acting to turn the rural populace against Saigon. Thảo helped to ruin Nhu's scheme by having strategic hamlets built in communist strongholds. This increased the number of communist sympathizers who were placed inside the hamlets and given identification cards. As a result, the Viet Cong were able to more effectively penetrate the villages to access supplies and personnel.

Forced relocation
In the best case scenario, restructuring peasant villages to create a defensible perimeter would require the forced relocation of some of the peasants on the outskirts of the existing villages. To ease the burden, those forced to move were supposed to be financially compensated, but they were not always paid by the GVN forces. Sometimes relocated villagers had their old homes burnt. This occurred during Operation Sunrise. Some relocated people also had to build new homes with their own labor and at their own expense. There was also the compulsory labor the South Vietnamese government forced on relocated peasants, leading Noam Chomsky to compare the hamlets to "virtual concentration camps."

President Diem and his brother Nhu, who oversaw the program, decided — contrary to Hilsman's and Thompson's theory—that in most cases they would relocate entire villages rather than simply restructuring them. This decision led to large-scale forced relocation that was deeply unpopular among the peasantry. The mostly-Buddhist peasantry practiced ancestor worship, an important part of their religion that was disrupted by being forced out of their villages and away from their ancestors' graves and their ancestral homes. Some who resisted resettlement were summarily executed by GVN forces.

Corruption
Promised compensation for resettled peasants was not always forthcoming and instead found its way in the pockets of South Vietnamese government officials. Peasants were promised wages for their labor building the new villages and fortifications; some corrupt officials kept the money for themselves. Wealthier peasants sometimes bribed their way out of working on construction, leaving more labor for the poorer peasants. Although the U.S. provided materials like sheet metal and barbed wire, corrupt officials sometimes forced the locals to buy the materials intended to provide them with protection.

Security shortcomings
Perhaps the greatest shortcoming of the Strategic Hamlet Program was its failure to provide the basic security envisioned by its proponents. This failure was partly due to poor placement of the hamlets. Ignoring the "oil-blot" principle (establish first in secure areas, then spread out), the South Vietnamese government began building strategic hamlets as quickly as possible and seemingly without considering "geographical priorities," according to a U.S. official. The randomly placed hamlets were isolated, not mutually supporting, and tempting targets for the Vietcong.

Each hamlet was given a radio with which to call for South Vietnamese army ARVN support, but in fact ARVN forces were unreliable in responding to calls for help, especially when attacks occurred after nightfall. The villagers were also given weapons and training, but were only expected to hold out until conventional reinforcements arrived. Once it became clear that ARVN could not be relied upon, many villagers proved unwilling to fight even small Vietcong detachments, which could then capture the villagers' weapons. "Why should we die for weapons?" asked one Vietnamese peasant.

Failure
Despite the Diem government's attempt to put a positive spin on the Strategic Hamlet Program, by mid-1963 it was clear to many that the program was failing. American military advisors such as John Paul Vann criticized the program in their official reports. They also expressed concerns to reporters who began to investigate more closely. David Halberstam's coverage of the Strategic Hamlet Program's shortcomings caught the eye of President Kennedy.

The Strategic Hamlet Program was exposed as an almost complete failure in the aftermath of the November 1, 1963 coup that left Diem and his brother Nhu murdered. US officials discovered, for example, that only 20% of the 8600 hamlets that the Diem regime had reported "Complete" met the minimum American standards of security and readiness. The situation had passed the point of possible recovery. The program officially ended in 1964.

On the ground in Vietnam, the demise of the program was visible. By the end of 1963, empty hamlets lined country roads, stripped of valuable metal by the Vietcong and the fleeing peasants. According to Neil Sheehan, "The rows of roofless houses looked like villages of play huts that children had erected and then whimsically abandoned."

In his book Vietnam: a History (Viking,1983) Stanley Karnow describes his observations:
 * In the last week of November . . I drove south from Saigon into Long An, a province in the Mekong Delta, the rice basket of South Vietnam where 40 per cent of the population lived.
 * There I found the strategic hamlet program begun during the Diem regime in shambles.
 * At a place called Hoa Phu, the strategic hamlet built during the previous summer now looked like it had been hit by a hurricane. The barbed wire fence around the enclosure had been ripped apart, the watchtowers were demolished and only a few of its original thousand residents remained, sheltered in lean-tos... A local guard explained to me that a handful of Vietcong agents had entered the hamlet one night and told the peasants to tear it down and return to their native villages. The peasants complied...
 * From the start, in Hoa Phu and elsewhere, they had hated the strategic hamlets, many of which they had been forced to construct by corrupt officials who had pocketed a percentage of the money allocated for the projects. Besides, there were virtually no government troops in the sector to keep them from leaving. If the war was a battle for "hearts and minds,"...the United States and its South Vietnamese clients had certainly lost Long An.
 * My cursory impression, I later discovered, was confirmed in a more extensive survey conducted by Earl Young, the senior U. S. representative in the province. He reported in early December that three quarters of the two hundred strategic hamlets in Long An had been destroyed since the summer, either by the Vietcong or by their own occupants, or by a combination of both.

Years later Roger Hilsman stated his belief that the strategic hamlet concept was executed so poorly by the Diem regime and the GVN "that it was useless."

title: Strategic Hamlet Program


text:
CBXT-DT

CBXT-DT (channel 5) is a CBC Television station in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. It is part of a twinstick with Ici Radio-Canada Télé station CBXFT-DT (channel 11). Both stations share studios at the Edmonton City Centre (across from Churchill Square) in Downtown Edmonton, while CBXT-DT's transmitter is located on Wye Road in Sherwood Park.

History
The station first went on the air on October 1, 1961 as Edmonton's second television station; the previous CBC affiliate, CFRN (channel 3), switched to the newly established CTV on the same day. Initially, it was branded as "CBXT 5", or "Channel 5". After being known as "Edmonton/5" in the late 1970s, it became known as "XTV" in 1980. It reverted to the "Edmonton 5" brand in the mid-1980s and then, on January 1, 1986, became "CBC Television Edmonton". Its local newscasts were originally known as Metro.

When CBXT signed on, it was the first television station in Canada to use television cameras that could be remotely controlled from a control room, and did not need constant adjustment. In 2004, the CBC's Edmonton operations moved into a new digital broadcast facility downtown, bringing all operations of radio and television, under one roof. The old television facility on 75th Street was 70000 sqft, while the radio building on 51st Avenue was 48000 sqft. The new combined facility at the Edmonton City Centre totals 38700 sqft. At the same time, master control was consolidated with those of CBRT in Calgary into a single facility based at the CBC Studios in Calgary.

When Red Deer's CKRD disaffiliated from CBC Television in 2005 (switching to E!, reverting to its original calls CHCA-TV), CBXT was given control of the transmitter in Coronation, Alberta (CKRD-1) on channel 10. CBXT added a transmitter on channel 22 in Red Deer, broadcasting the full CBXT/CBC schedule to Red Deer and Central Alberta.

News operation
CBXT airs 12 hours of local news programming; in regards to the number of hours devoted to news programming, it is the lowest local newscast output out of any English-language television station in the Edmonton market.

CBC Edmonton News is broadcast live at 6 and 11 p.m. on weekdays from its studios at Edmonton City Centre Mall. Hourly 1-minute summaries at :59 past the hour are also produced by CBC Edmonton, and are broadcast in the afternoons and evenings.

In addition, the station produces a weekend provincial newscast for both CBC stations in Calgary and Edmonton. CBC Alberta News airs at 11:30 p.m. or following Hockey Night in Canada on Saturdays, and at 11 p.m. on Sundays.

The 11 p.m. edition of CBC Edmonton News, and the Saturday and Sunday editions of CBC Alberta News are simulcast on CBC North. Forecasts for Northwest Territories, Nunavut, and Yukon Territory are included in the weather segments.

CBXT also simulcasts Edmonton AM from CBX weekday mornings from 6–7 a.m. The radio program is presented with an enhanced news/weather/traffic ticker alongside live shots of its radio studio.

A weekly current affairs program, Our Edmonton also airs on weekend mornings.

As of May 22, 2017, CBXT began broadcasting all live TV news programming originating from its Edmonton studios using a control room in Toronto. The technical change has enabled the station to produce its local news in high-definition, the fourth and final station in Edmonton to do so.

Analog-to-digital conversion
On April 1, 2011, CBXT began broadcasting its digital signal on UHF channel 42. On August 31, 2011, when Canadian television stations in CRTC-designated mandatory markets transitioned from analog to digital broadcasts, the station's digital signal remained on UHF channel 42. Through the use of PSIP, digital television receivers will display CBXT's virtual channel as 5.1. On March 20, 2021, CBXT-DT changed its frequency to channel 25.

Transmitters
CBXT had nearly 30 rebroadcasters in certain Central and Northern Albertan communities. Due to federal funding reductions to the CBC, in April 2012, the CBC responded with substantial budget cuts, which included shutting down CBC's and Radio-Canada's remaining transmitters on July 31, 2012. None of CBC or Radio-Canada's television rebroadcasters were converted to digital, leaving those areas dependent on cable television to receive CBC Television programming.

title: CBXT-DT


text:
Ronald Parise

Ronald Anthony Parise (May 24, 1951 – May 9, 2008) was an Italian American scientist who flew aboard two NASA Space Shuttle missions as a payload specialist.

Parise was born in Warren, Ohio, to Henry and Catherine Parise (nee Pasha). His father was born in Carovilli. By age 11, he became a licensed amateur radio operator. In his teens, he developed an interest in astronomy and aviation and became a pilot. He attended Western Reserve High School, graduating in 1969 before attending Youngstown State University. In 1973, he obtained a bachelor of science degree in physics, with minors in mathematics, astronomy, and geology. He went on to receive a master's degree in 1977 and a doctorate in 1979 from the University of Florida, both in astronomy. He and his wife Cecelia Sokol Parise had two children.

Parise died from a brain tumor on May 9, 2008, at the age of 56.

Career
Upon graduation in 1979, Parise accepted a position at Operations Research Inc. (ORI) where he was involved in developing avionics requirements definitions and performing failure mode analyses for several NASA missions. In 1980 he began work at Computer Sciences Corporation in the International Ultraviolet Explorer (IUE) operations center as a data management scientist and in 1981 became the section manager of the IUE hardcopy facility.

In 1981 he began work on the development of a new Spacelab experiment called the Ultraviolet Imaging Telescope (UIT). His responsibilities involved flight hardware and software development, electronic system design, and mission planning activities for the UIT project. In 1984 he was selected by NASA as a payload specialist in support of the newly formed Astro mission series. During his twelve years as a payload specialist he was involved in mission planning, simulator development, integration and test activities, flight procedure development, and scientific data analysis, in addition to his flight crew responsibilities for the Astro program. At the completion of the Astro program, Parise assumed an advanced planning and communications engineering support role for a variety of human space flight projects including Mir, International Space Station (ISS), and the X-38.

Parise engaged in a number of astronomical research projects utilizing data from ground-based observatories, the Copernicus satellite (OAO-3), IUE, and the Astro observatory. His research topics, including circumstellar matter in binary star systems and the evolutionary status of stars in globular clusters, resulted in several professional publications. A veteran of two space flights, Parise logged more than 614 hours and 10.6 million miles in space. He served as a payload specialist aboard STS-35 in 1990 and STS-67 in 1995. At the end of his career, Parise supported the Goddard Space Flight Center, Networks and Mission Services Project, in the area of advanced communications planning for human spaceflight missions. He was also involved with projects in the Advanced Architectures and Automation Branch that developed the use of standard Internet Protocols (IP) in space data transmission applications.

Spaceflight experience
STS-35/Astro-1 Columbia (December 2–December 10, 1990). The Astro observatory is a unique complement of three telescopes designed to simultaneously record spectral data, polarimetric data and imagery of faint astronomical objects in the far ultraviolet. The mission duration was 215 hours and 5 minutes. The Shuttle landed at Edwards Air Force Base in California.

STS-67/Astro-2 Endeavour (March 2–18, 1995). This was the second flight of the Astro observatory. During this record-setting 16-day mission, the crew conducted observations around the clock to study the far ultraviolet spectra of faint astronomical objects and the polarization of ultraviolet light coming from hot stars and distant galaxies. The mission duration was 399 hours and 9 minutes. The landing was at Edwards Air Force Base in California.

Coincidentally, Parise's fellow payload specialist on both his missions was Sam Durrance.

Parise was instrumental in bringing amateur radio equipment to the Shuttle and operated on the air during his own missions. His amateur radio call sign was WA4SIR.

Organizations

 * American Astronomical Society
 * Astronomical Society of the Pacific
 * Association of Space Explorers
 * International Astronomical Union
 * Sigma Xi
 * Phi Kappa Phi
 * Warren Amateur Radio Association, Inc.
 * AMSAT
 * ARISS
 * Space Hams International
 * Abruzzo Molise Heritage Society of Washington D.C.

Awards and honors

 * NASA Space Flight Medal (1991, 1995)
 * Distinguished member of Phi Kappa Phi (1996)
 * Honorary Doctor of Science degree, Youngstown State University (1996)
 * NASA/GSFC Special Act Award (1995)
 * Computer Sciences Corp., Space and Earth Technology Systems, Award for Technical Innovation (1999)
 * NASA Group Achievement Award (1988, 1991, 1992, 1996, 1998, 2000)
 * NASA/GSFC Community Service Award (1990)
 * Allied Signal, Quest for Excellence Award (1997)
 * Ohio Historical Marker: Ronald A. Parise, Ph.D., Astronaut / Scientist

title: Ronald Parise


text:
Kosovo, Vologda Oblast

Kosovo (Косово) is a rural locality (a village) in Nozemsky Selsoviet of Mezhdurechensky District in Vologda Oblast, Russia.

title: Kosovo, Vologda Oblast


text:
Metropolitan Borough of Wigan

The Metropolitan Borough of Wigan is a metropolitan borough of Greater Manchester, England. It is named after its largest town, Wigan but covers a far larger area which includes the towns of Atherton, Ashton-in-Makerfield, Golborne, Hindley, Ince-in-Makerfield, Leigh and Tyldesley. The borough also covers the villages and suburbs of Abram, Aspull, Astley, Bryn, Hindley Green, Lowton, Mosley Common, Orrell, Pemberton, Shevington, Standish, Winstanley and Worsley Mesnes. The borough is also the second-most populous district in Greater Manchester.

The borough was formed in 1974, replacing several former local government districts. It is the furthest west part of Greater Manchester, and it is bordered by the Greater Manchester boroughs of City of Salford and Bolton to the east, the Cheshire borough of Warrington to the south, the Merseyside borough of St Helens to the south west, and the Lancashire boroughs of West Lancashire to the west and Chorley to the north.

History
Wigan metropolitan borough was created on 1 April 1974 by the Local Government Act 1972. It was formed from the former county borough of Wigan along with other local government units from the administrative county of Lancashire. These were the Municipal Borough of Leigh, the urban districts of Abram, Aspull, Atherton, Hindley, Ince-in-Makerfield, Orrell, Standish and Tyldesley. Ashton-in-Makerfield except for the parish of Seneley Green, the Golborne Urban District except for the parish of Culcheth and Glazebury in Warrington, the Higher End part of Billinge and Winstanley Urban District and the civil parishes of Haigh, Shevington and Worthington from the Wigan Rural District were included.

Before its creation, the name Wigan-Leigh was used in the Redcliffe-Maud Report. It was also suggested that the new metropolitan borough be named Makerfield. However, both names were rejected by a vote of 12 to 2. According to an opinion poll in 2003, 26% of 299 residents surveyed felt they belonged "very strongly" or "fairly strongly" (4% very strongly) to Greater Manchester, 64% (28% very strongly) to the borough of Wigan, and 63% (31% very strongly) to Lancashire.

The metropolitan borough was created from a highly industrialised area of Lancashire that was part of the Lancashire Coalfield and had an important textile industry.

Geography
Wigan borough covers an area of 77 sqmi, and is the 9th-largest metropolitan borough (out of 36) in England. The borough is the most north western in Greater Manchester. Within Greater Manchester it borders the Metropolitan Borough of Bolton to the north-east and east, and the City of Salford to the east. Outwith Greater Manchester, in the south it borders Warrington (a unitary authority in Cheshire); to the south-west it borders the Metropolitan Borough of St Helens in Merseyside. To the west it borders the West Lancashire borough, and to the north it borders the Chorley borough, both in Lancashire.

Wigan borough has seven Local Nature Reserves: including Wigan Flashes LNR, Borsdane Wood LNR, between Hindley and Aspull, Greenslate Water Meadows LNR within Orrell Water Park in Orrell, Low Hall LNR between Hindley and Platt Bridge, Pennington Flash LNR, Kirkless LNR at Ince and Three Sisters LNR, Ashton-In-Makerfield.

Local government
For 12 years from the creation of Greater Manchester in 1974, the borough had a two-tier system of local government, and Wigan Council shared power with the Greater Manchester County Council. The county council was abolished in 1986 by the Local Government Act 1985. Since April 2011, some of the borough's responsibilities have been pooled with neighbouring authorities and subsumed into the Greater Manchester Combined Authority, which covers ten boroughs including Wigan.

The first elections to the borough council were held on 10 May 1973. The Metropolitan Borough Council is divided into 25 wards, each of which elects three councillors. Elections are by thirds, with one councillor from each ward up for re-election in each election year. The borough council has a leader and cabinet system. The current leader is David Molyneux who took over from Peter Smith, who resigned in May 2018, having been leader since 1991. The council rejected the idea of a directly elected mayor following a consultation in 2001.

The Metropolitan Borough of Wigan is traditionally a Labour Party stronghold - the council has been Labour-controlled since its creation. The local elections in 1998 resulted in a council with only two non-Labour members.

Labour had a majority with 43 seats at the 2006 election. The second-largest party was the local Community Action Party which had 15 seats. Community Action first contested Wigan elections in 2002, and won 18 seats in the 2004 election following the re-warding - their councilors are for wards in the middle of the borough, between Wigan and Leigh. The Conservative Party had nine seats, and the Liberal Democrats eight.

At the 2008 elections Labour was the largest party with 41 seats out of a total of 75; the Conservative Party had 14 seats, Community Action Party eight seats, Independent seven seats, Liberal Democrats four seats, and one was vacant.

In November 2010 (after elections in May), Labour was the largest party with 51 seats out of a total of 75; the Conservative Party had eight seats, Independents seven seats, Community Action Party four seats, Liberal Democrats three seats (one member currently suspended) and two members were 'Independent Conservative'.

As of June 2011 (after May elections), Labour continued to be the largest party with 58 seats out of 75, the Independent Councillor group with 8 seats form the official opposition, the Conservative Party had 5 seats, the Liberal Democrats hold 2 seats, Community Action Party 1 seat and 1 Independent councillor.

In May 2012 (post 2012 Local Elections) the composition of the council was Labour 63 (+5), Others 9 (-1), Liberal Democrats 2 (No change) and Conservatives 1 ( -4).

Presently in May 2018, the Council's political composition is: Labour 60, Conservatives 7, Independent 4, Independent Network 2, Shevington Independents 1, and Standish Independents 1.

The council uses Wigan Town Hall as its main headquarters. Leigh Town Hall is used as a secondary base.

Localities and wards
The borough is divided into 25 electoral wards, each of which elect three councillors. The present wards were adopted in 2023, following a review by the Boundary Commission, the previous review took place in 2003. Prior to 2003 the borough was divided in 24 wards. From the 2003 Boundary Review until the 2020s, Wigan Council divided the borough into ten areas by the name of townships, each with a Township Manager (council liaison) and a regularly scheduled Township Forum meeting. However with Austerity cuts This has been replaced with an ad hoc community consultation structure without regularly scheduled community forums or permanent council liaisons consisting of 16 communities or 'Places' divided into 3 unnamed 'Localities', the Locality at the centre of the Borough consists of Ashton, Bryn, Abram, Platt Bridge, Hindley and Hindley Green with all areas to the northwest forming a locality centred on Wigan and all areas to the southwest forming one centred on Leigh. However two Town Centre Managers were appointed in Wigan and Leigh primarily to act as liaisons between the Council and local business.

Civil & ecclesiastical parishes
The borough has three civil parishes: Haigh, Shevington and Worthington. The rest of the borough is an unparished area. Church of England ecclesiastical parishes in the west of the borough are part of the Diocese of Liverpool, those in the east of the Metropolitan Borough are part of the Diocese of Manchester and the northern section part of the Diocese of Blackburn.

Parliamentary
The Wigan Metropolitan Borough is currently covered by four parliamentary constituencies, Wigan, Makerfield, Leigh, and Bolton West. (Atherton is the only Wigan ward included in Bolton West, with the rest of the constituency made up of wards from Bolton Borough). New constituency boundaries recommended by the Boundary Commission for the 2010 general election saw the link to Salford broken by the removal of Wigan areas from the Worsley constituency. This resulted in the Worsley constituency wards of Tyldesley and Astley-Mosley Common being placed in the Leigh Constituency with the Atherton ward becoming part of Bolton West. Makerfield is the only constituency to have returned Labour MPs continuously since 1906.

Coat of arms
Wigan council's new coat of arms is based on various elements from the arms of the councils of its predecessor districts.

Demography
With a population of around 300,000, Wigan is the second most populous borough of Greater Manchester, after Manchester. It has one of the lowest ethnic minority populations, with the 2001 census reporting 98.7% of the population as white. Unemployment is around the average for England and Wales. Approximately 9.5% of the population was recorded as being permanently sick or disabled compared to a national average of 5.5%.

Population change
The table details the population change since 1801, including the percentage change since the last available census data. Although the Metropolitan Borough of Wigan has existed since 1974, figures have been generated by combining data from the towns, villages, and civil parishes that became constituent parts of the borough.

The population of the borough has remained roughly static since the 1970s at around 300,000, second to Manchester within Greater Manchester.

The ONS identify the Wigan Built-up Area as the western part of the district, as well as Skelmersdale and Upholland in West Lancashire, with a population of 166,840.

It considers towns in the east of the borough, Hindley, Leigh, Golborne, Atherton and Tyldesley to be part of the Greater Manchester Built-up Area.

Aspull and Shevington are identified as standalone urban areas and Ashton-in-Makerfield is considered to be part of the Liverpool Built-up area, sitting at the border with St Helen’s. The entirety of the Wigan borough forms part of the Manchester Larger Urban Zone

Transport
Public transport in Wigan MBC is co-ordinated by Transport for Greater Manchester (TfGM).

The borough is served by an extensive bus network with most services operated by Stagecoach Manchester, Arriva North West First Greater Manchester and Diamond North West. There are two major bus stations in both Wigan and Leigh town centres. Services operate from the bus stations to Bolton, Manchester, the Trafford Centre, St Helens and Chorley, as well as local inter-urban routes, with three high frequency services between Wigan and Leigh bus stations, operated by Stagecoach Manchester. Leigh, Atherton and Tyldesley are also served by the high frequency Vantage services, via a guided busway, connecting the towns to Central Manchester in 30-40 minutes outside of peaks.

Several railway lines cross the borough. Wigan Wallgate railway station is served by Northern trains on the Manchester to Southport and Kirkby lines. There are services to stations towards Manchester, serving all city centre stations including Manchester Victoria and Manchester Piccadilly via two routes: one through Bolton and one via Atherton, with connections to other local and national destinations. Wigan North Western railway station is on the West Coast Main Line served by Northern and Avanti West Coast. There are services to Liverpool Lime Street, Blackpool North, London Euston, Birmingham, Glasgow and Edinburgh. Other stations in the borough are Atherton, Hag Fold, Bryn, Gathurst, Hindley, Ince, Orrell, and Pemberton. Appley Bridge railway station just outside the border with West Lancashire is managed by TfGM and serves the far north-western part of the borough. There is a campaign for Golborne railway station and Kenyon Junction station to be re-opened. The Liverpool-Manchester line (Chat Moss route) crosses the far south of the borough but has no railway station since the 60's after Kenyon Junction railway station, Astley railway station, Lamb's Cottage railway station, Flow Moss railway station and Glazebury and Bury Lane railway station closed.

Leigh is one of the largest towns in the UK without a railway station. Westleigh station, on the Bolton and Leigh Railway, closed in 1954. Leigh and Tyldesley stations on the Tyldesley Loopline were closed in 1969.

The Leeds and Liverpool and Bridgewater canals meet in Leigh town centre. The M6 motorway crosses the west of the borough, and serves Ashton-in-Makerfield at junctions 23 and 24 (north only) and 25 (south only), Wigan at junction 25 (south only), Wigan/Orrell at junction 26 and Standish junction 27. The M58 motorway, to Liverpool, terminates at junction 26 of the M6 near Orrell. The dual carriageway A580 East Lancashire Road linking Liverpool to Manchester crosses the south of the borough.The A579 runs from Bolton to the M6 via Atherleigh Way, which runs from the west of Atherton, bypassing Leigh town centre to reach the East Lancashire Road at the Warrington border.

Twinning
The Metropolitan Borough of Wigan has one twin town in France.

Freedom of the Borough
The following people and military units have received the Freedom of the Borough of Wigan.

Individuals

 * James Lindsay, 26th Earl of Crawford: January 1900.
 * Sir William Gorman: 1954.
 * David Whelan: 30 August 2007.
 * Lord Smith of Leigh: 7 December 2011.

Military units

 * D Squadron (TA Reserve) Royal Mercian and Lancastrian Yeomanry: 27 February 2008.
 * The Duke of Lancaster's Regiment: 2 December 2019.

title: Metropolitan Borough of Wigan


text:
Kosovo, Novgorod Oblast

Kosovo (Косово) is a village in Batetsky District of Novgorod Oblast, Russia.

title: Kosovo, Novgorod Oblast


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Copenhagen Free University (0th nomination)

Copenhagen Free University Self publicising semi-vanity page of non-famous and fraudulently named "university", which does not belong with encyclopedic content.
 * Delete. Mat-C 19:49, 4 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Yes, vanity, but I NPOVed it a little and made it more descriptive. If they're making a political/philosophical statement by establishing CFU, then it may be of interest. Check it out and decide. I say keep. Alcarillo 20:54, 4 May 2004 (UTC)
 * No vote: But from the website - Events: "Thru Tool Auto Academy we are exploring ways to exist. T.a.a could be a microsystem where concentrated thinking and useful communication are taking place. The umbrella under which we want to try out practical experiments with thoughts we find ourselves concerned with and feel like setting flames to. The stuff we dream about. We treat T.a.a as a temporary mechanism with selfdestruction-function and every possibility to disorganisation, change of structure and its founders" - Competition? ;o)  But not a threat... --bodnotbod 21:01, May 4, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. - Lucky 6.9 21:26, 4 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Deus Ex 22:14, 4 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. They appear to be neither a student prank nor a diploma mill. TB 08:37, 5 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. Famous. Not vanity.  Encylopedic. anthony (see warning) 15:35, 9 May 2004 (UTC)


text:
CBRT-DT

CBRT-DT (channel 9) is a CBC Television station in Calgary, Alberta, Canada. The station's studios are located in the Cambrian Wellness Centre, in the University Heights neighbourhood, and its transmitter is located near Old Banff Coach Road/Highway 563 and 85 Street on the city's southwest side.

History
CBRT first signed on the air at 6 p.m. on September 1, 1975. Before then, CBC programming had aired on private affiliate CFAC-TV (channel 2, now CICT), making Calgary the largest market in Canada without a CBC owned-and-operated station of its own. The station initially branded as "CBC 9" or "CBC Calgary", later branding as "CBRT", then returning to "CBC 9" by 1982. CBRT was one of the first, if not the first, to use the network/channel number branding in North America that has become commonplace in the United States since the mid-1990s.

Up until 2008, CBRT's Calgary studios were used by the 24-hour news channel CBC Newsworld as a production centre for programs including Newsworld Today, Your Call, and a Newsworld edition of Canada Now.

In January 2016, the CBC announced that its Calgary operations would move from their long-time home on Westmount Boulevard to a new, smaller facility at the Cambrian Wellness Centre near Foothills Hospital. The CBC cited the age of the facility, and its opinion that it was too large for its current operation, as justification for the re-location. The move was completed in October 2017.

News programming
As of October 5, 2015, CBRT airs over 11 hours a week of local news programming. On weekdays, CBC Calgary News broadcasts six 1-minute news updates at :59 past the hour from 2 to 10 p.m. A thirty-minute evening news magazine airs at 6 p.m., and a late evening newscast is shown at 11 p.m., following The National. On weekends, CBC Alberta News, originating from CBC Edmonton (CBXT), is broadcast on Saturday evenings after Hockey Night in Canada, and at 11 p.m. on Sunday evenings. However, since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, CBC Alberta News has been put on hiatus and replaced with entertainment programming on Saturday evenings, and a rebroadcast of The National on Sunday nights.

CBRT also simulcasts CBC Radio One's local morning news and current affairs program, The Calgary Eyeopener, from 6 to 7 a.m. weekdays.

The station also produces Our Calgary, a thirty-minute weekly local current affairs program on Saturdays at 10 a.m. and repeated on Sundays at 1 p.m..

CBC Calgary's first supper-hour newscast on CBRT was named Evening Eye-Opener and later, The CBC Evening News. The original late-night news was called Night Final. In 1991, the CBC cancelled the local newscast on CBRT due to corporate budget cuts and began producing a provincial newscast, CBC Alberta News, co-produced and presented from Calgary and CBXT-DT in Edmonton. Following a sharp drop in ratings, localized newscasts from Calgary were restored in 1997.

The local supper-hour programs were cut to 30 minutes in length in 2000 with the launch of a national and international news program, Canada Now from Vancouver. Seven years later, the sole Calgary newscast returned to its hour-long format under the umbrella title of CBC News at Six.

Notable current on-air staff

 * Rob Brown – anchor

Analogue-to-digital conversion
On April 1, 2011, CBRT began broadcasting its digital signal on channel 21. On August 31, 2011, when Canadian television stations in CRTC-designated mandatory markets transitioned from analogue to digital broadcasts, the station's digital signal remained on UHF channel 21. However, through the use of PSIP, digital television receivers display CBRT-DT's virtual channel as 9.1.

Transmitters
CBRT operated 16 analog television rebroadcasters in certain Southern Alberta communities such as Lethbridge. Due to federal funding reductions to the CBC, in April 2012, the CBC responded with substantial budget cuts, which included shutting down CBC's and Radio-Canada's remaining analog transmitters on July 31, 2012.

CBRT-6 in Lethbridge, a mandatory market, was required to go digital or be taken off the air by the transition deadline of August 31, 2011. CBC had originally decided that none of its rebroadcasters will transition to digital. On August 16, 2011, the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) granted the CBC permission to continue operating 22 repeaters in mandatory markets, including CBRT-6, in analog until August 31, 2012, at which point the transmitters had to be converted to digital or shut down.

title: CBRT-DT


text:
Metropolitan Borough of Bolton

The Metropolitan Borough of Bolton is a metropolitan borough in Greater Manchester, England, named after its largest town, Bolton, but covering a larger area which includes Blackrod, Farnworth, Horwich, Kearsley, Westhoughton, and part of the West Pennine Moors. It had a population of in, making it the third-most populous district in Greater Manchester.

The borough is in the historic county of Lancashire, and was created in 1974 under the Local Government Act 1972, covering the area of seven former local government districts and part of an eighth; being seven urban districts from the administrative county of Lancashire, and the County Borough of Bolton. The metropolitan districts of Bury, Salford and Wigan lie to the east, south and west respectively; and the unitary authority of Blackburn with Darwen and the non-metropolitan district of Chorley in Lancashire to the north and north-west.

History
Bolton Metropolitan Borough was formed on 1 April 1974 under the Local Government Act 1972, covering the combined areas of seven former local government districts and part of an eighth, which were all abolished at the same time: As a county borough, the old borough of Bolton had been administratively independent from any county council, but was deemed part of Lancashire for ceremonial purposes. The other seven districts had all been part of the administrative county of Lancashire prior to 1974, with Lancashire County Council serving as their upper tier authority. When the metropolitan borough of Bolton was created in 1974 it was transferred to the new metropolitan county of Greater Manchester, with Greater Manchester Council providing county-level services. The Greater Manchester Council was abolished in 1986, after which Bolton became a unitary authority, providing all local government services.
 * Blackrod Urban District
 * Bolton County Borough
 * Farnworth Municipal Borough
 * Horwich Urban District
 * Kearsley Urban District
 * Little Lever Urban District
 * Turton Urban District (southern part; remainder became parish of North Turton in Blackburn district.)
 * Westhoughton Urban District

Bolton Council unsuccessfully petitioned Elizabeth II for the Metropolitan Borough of Bolton to be granted city status in 1992 (the Queen's 40th year as monarch), in 2000 (for the Millennium celebrations), in 2002 (Queen's Golden Jubilee), and 2012 (Queen's Diamond Jubilee).

Parishes
Horwich, Westhoughton and Blackrod are now constituted as civil parishes, each having a town council: Westhoughton Town Council, Horwich Town Council and Blackrod Town Council. The rest of the metropolitan borough, covering the town of Bolton itself, Farnworth, Kearsley, Little Lever, and South Turton, have remained unparished areas since 1974.

Population change
The table below details the population change since 1801, including the percentage change since the last available census data. Although the Metropolitan Borough of Bolton has only existed since 1974, figures have been generated by combining data from the towns, villages, and civil parishes that would later be constituent parts of the borough.

Ethnicity
According to the 2021 census, of the 295,963 people living in Bolton Metropolitan Borough, the following list shows the population of Bolton by ethnicity: • 71.9% White

• 20.1% Asian

• 3.8% Black

• 2.2% Mixed

• 1.9% other

Religion
The following table shows the religious identity of people residing in Bolton at the 2021 census.

Transport
The Bolton metropolitan area is served by the following railway stations:

 * Bolton Trinity Street
 * Bromley Cross
 * Hall i' th' Wood
 * Blackrod
 * Horwich Parkway (for the University of Bolton Stadium – Bolton Wanderers)
 * Lostock
 * Westhoughton
 * Moses Gate
 * Farnworth
 * Kearsley
 * Daisy Hill

Television
In terms of television, the area is served by BBC North West and ITV Granada with television signals received from the Winter Hill TV transmitter near Belmont.

Radio
Radio stations for the area are:

BBC Local Radio

 * BBC Radio Manchester

Independent Local Radio

 * Heart North West
 * Smooth North West
 * XS Manchester
 * Capital Manchester and Lancashire
 * Greatest Hits Radio Bolton & Bury

Community Radio

 * 96.5 Bolton FM

Newspapers
The area is served by these local newspapers:
 * The Bolton News
 * Horwich Advertiser (serving Horwich)
 * Manchester Evening News
 * North West Enquirer

Education
In 2007, Bolton was ranked 69th out of the 149 Local Education Authorities – and sixth out of ten in Greater Manchester – for its National Curriculum assessment performance. Measured on the percentage of pupils attaining at least 5 A*–C grades at GCSE including maths and English, the Bolton LEA was 111th out of 149: 40.1% of pupils achieved this objective, against a national average of 46.7%. Unauthorised absence from Bolton's secondary schools in the 2006/2007 academic year was 1.4%, in line with the national average, and authorised absence was 6.0% against the national average of 6.4%. At GCSE level, Bolton School (Girls' Division) was the most successful of Bolton's 21 secondary schools, with 99% of pupils achieving at least 5 A*–C grades at including maths and English.

The University of Bolton is one of Greater Manchester's four universities. In 2008, The Times Good University Guide ranked it 111th of 113 institutions in Britain. There are 4,440 students (83% undergraduate, 17% postgraduate); 2.6% come from outside Britain. In 2007 there were 8.8 applications for every place, and student satisfaction was recorded as 74.4%. It is one of Britain's newest universities, having been given this status in 2005.

GCSE Examination Performance 2009

 * Schools highlighted in yellow are above the LEA average; those highlighted in orange are below the average.
 * Another secondary school, Bolton Muslim Girls' School, has opened since January 2007; no results are available.
 * Source: Department for Children, Schools and Families

Governance
The local authority is Bolton Metropolitan Borough Council, which styles itself "Bolton Council". Since 2011 it has been a constituent member of the Greater Manchester Combined Authority, providing strategic co-ordination of local government across the ten metropolitan boroughs of Greater Manchester. Since 2017 the combined authority has been led by the directly-elected Mayor of Greater Manchester.

Twin towns
The Metropolitan Borough of Bolton has two twin towns, one in France and another in Germany.

Freedom of the Borough
The following people and military units have received the Freedom of the Borough.

Individuals

 * William Lever, 1st Viscount Leverhulme: 10 November 1902.
 * John Pennington Thomasson: 10 November 1902.
 * Andrew Carnegie: 29 September 1910.
 * Field Marshall Lord Montgomery : 5 November 1949.
 * Nat Lofthouse: 2 December 1989.
 * Robert Howarth: 16 June 2001.
 * Sir Jason Kenny: 16 March 2022.

Military units

 * 253rd Regiment Royal Artillery (TA): 18 April 1964.
 * 5th Battalion Loyal Regiment (North Lancashire) (TA): 18 April 1964.
 * HMS Dido, RN: 14 April 1973.
 * 216 (The Bolton Artillery) Battery 103rd (Lancashire Artillery Volunteers) Regiment Royal Artillery: 18 May 1994.
 * 1st Battalion The Duke of Lancaster's Regiment: 14 March 2009.

title: Metropolitan Borough of Bolton


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Kosovo, Tver Oblast

Kosovo (Косово) is a rural locality (a village) in Molokovsky District of Tver Oblast, Russia.

title: Kosovo, Tver Oblast


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Kosovo, Medynsky District, Kaluga Oblast

Kosovo (Ко́сово) is a village in Medynsky District of Kaluga Oblast, Russia.


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James A. Pawelczyk

James Anthony "Jim" Pawelczyk (born September 20, 1960) is an American physiology and kinesiology researcher who flew aboard the NASA STS-90 Space Shuttle mission as a Payload Specialist.

Family background
Pawelczyk was born in Buffalo, New York, although he considers Elma, New York, a suburb of Buffalo, as his hometown. He has two children. His hobbies include cycling, swimming, woodworking, philately, and outdoor activities. Pawelczyk is the first American astronaut of full-blooded Polish descent to go into space. (Polish Cosmonaut Mirosław Hermaszewski was the first Pole in space in 1978 when he flew aboard a Soyuz 30 spacecraft as part of a Soviet bloc program 'Interkosmos'.) In 1999, Pawelczyk and three other astronauts from the STS-90 crew were guests of State of the Republic of Poland. He presented the president with the Polish flag that flew with him aboard space shuttle, Columbia. His parents, Joe and Rita, along with representatives of the Polish American Congress from Buffalo and Chicago accompanied the crew on their visit. He has two children.

Education
Pawelczyk graduated from Iroquois Central High School, Elma, New York, in 1978. He went on to earn a BA degree in biology and a BA degree in psychology from the University of Rochester, New York in 1982. Subsequently, he obtained a MS degree in physiology in 1985, and a PhD degree in biology (physiology) from the University of North Texas in 1989.

Academic career
He conducted a post-doctoral fellowship in cardiovascular neurophysiology at the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center between 1989–1992. Pawelczyk was also a visiting scientist at the Department of Anaesthesia of the Rigshospitalet in Copenhagen, Denmark, in 1990. Next, he became an assistant professor of medicine (cardiology) at the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center from 1992 to 1995. Between 1992 and 1995, he was director of the Autonomic and Exercise Physiology Laboratories at the Institute for Exercise and Environmental Medicine of the Presbyterian Hospital of Dallas; in 1995, he was assistant professor of bioengineering at the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center; since 1995, Pawelczyk is an associate professor of physiology and kinesiology at Penn State University, University Park, Pennsylvania. Pawelczyk took leave from Penn State University to fly as a payload specialist on STS-90 (Neurolab).

Pawelczyk is co-editor of Blood Loss and Shock, published in 1994. He has been a principal investigator or co-investigator on 11 federal and state grants and contracts, and has over 20 refereed journal articles and 3 invited book chapters in the areas of cardiovascular regulation and cardiovascular physiology.

NASA career
User design group, GASMAP (Gas Analysis System for Metabolic Analysis Physiology); Unit principal investigator for the NASA Specialized Center for Outreach, Research and Training (NSCORT) grant in integrative physiology. He received a NASA Young Investigator Award in 1994 for his work in the area of autonomic neurophysiology. Pawelczyk was a co-investigator for experiments flown on the Neurolab mission, and two Shuttle-Mir (Phase 1B) flights. Pawelczyk served as a payload specialist on STS-90 Neurolab (April 17 to May 3, 1998). During the 16-day Spacelab flight the seven person crew aboard Space Shuttle Columbia served as both experiment subjects and operators for 26 individual life science experiments focusing on the effects of microgravity on the brain and nervous system. The STS-90 flight orbited the Earth 256 times, covered 6.3 million miles, and logged over 381 hours in space. Pawelczyk testified before the U.S. Senate Committee on Commerce, Science & Transportation in 2003. His testimony advocated strengthening research on board the International Space Station. He is a standing member of NASA's Life Sciences Advisory Subcommittee, and served as a member of the Research Maximization and Prioritization (ReMAP) Taskforce in 2002.

Honors and awards
Research Scientist, United States Olympic Swimming Trials, 1984; Pre-doctoral training award, National Institutes of Health, 1988–1989; Research award, Texas Chapter of the American College of Sports Medicine, 1988; Post-doctoral training award, National Institutes of Health, 1989–1992; Young Investigator Award, Life Sciences Project Division, NASA Office of Life and Microgravity Science Applications, 1994, NASA Space Flight Medal (1998).

title: James A. Pawelczyk


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Pohatcong Mountain

Pohatcong Mountain is a ridge, approximately 6 mi (10 km) long, in the Appalachian Mountains of northwestern New Jersey in the United States. It extends from west Phillipsburg northeast approximately to Allamuchy Township, New Jersey.

The ridge continues on north past Washington as Upper Pohatcong Mountain. It is located in eastern Warren County, and extends northeast of Washington approximately 6 mi (10 km) to the vicinity of Hackettstown. The ridge has an average height of approximately 800 ft (240 m) and reaches a maximum summit of 1235 ft (374 m).

The term "Pohatcong Mountain" is sometimes taken to include both Pohatcong and Upper Pohatcong Mountain. The ridge is approximately 800 ft (244 m) high along much of its length. The mountain divides the watersheds of Pohatcong Creek on its northwestern flank and the Musconetcong River on its southeastern flank.

title: Pohatcong Mountain


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Kosovka (river)

The Kosovka (Косовка) is a river in Krasnoyarsk Krai, Russia. It is a left tributary of the Chuna. It is 27 km long.

title: Kosovka (river)


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Obertauern

Obertauern is a tourist destination which is located in the Radstädter Tauern in the Salzburger Land of Austria. The winter sports resort is separated in two communities: Tweng and Untertauern.

Geography
Obertauern lies in the southeast of the state of Salzburg in the Radstädter Tauern mountains at heights of between 1,630 and 2,526 metres above sea level. The village is near to the highest point of the Radstädter Tauern Pass over which the Katschberg road (Katschberger Straße, the B 99) runs. Obertauern belongs to two districts: St. Johann/Pongau and Tamsweg, hence why the community is separated into the two municipalities of Untertauern (Pongau) and Tweng (Lungau). The municipal boundary runs at the height of the pass and hence through the centre of the village.

Climate
Obertauern has a subarctic climate (Köppen Dfc).

Celts and Romans
Obertauern has a long history, which goes back to the era of the Celts (4th – 1st century B.C.). Also, the Roman road led over the Tauern Pass (in Alpe) to Iuvavum (Salzburg). The tracks of old Roman wagons have been uncovered on this road. The relics of old milestones attest to Roman use of the pass. The upgrade of the road probably dates back to the time of the Emperor Claudius (41-54).

Development of the village
The first definite mention of the Radstädter Tauern was in the year 1207. In 1224, the records note that there was already a small church at the top of the pass. In 1517, it is documented that there were two innkeepers on the Tauern, referring to the houses of Schaidberg and Wisenegg. These two buildings are still in good order today. In 1519, the road was widened for to take coaches and wagons. In 1764, Archbishop Sigismund of Schrattenbach opened the posting house of Untertauern and there were two post runs per week. In 1870 this increased to four per week, and, in 1895, to twice daily. In 1902, the first skiers are recorded.

The tourist resort of Obertauern
In 1920, after the First World War, the first skiers came to Obertauern – on foot. Their baggage was transported by horse-drawn sleighs. From 1925 to 1927, the so-called Tauern races for cars and motorcycles took place, attracting many visitors. The people of Obertauern date the foundation of their village to 8 December 1929, because it was on that day that regular winter traffic over the Tauern Pass began for the first time. In 1948, the first lift was installed at the Seekarhaus. From 1948 to 1960, the slope was posted by skiers. For one hour of piste preparation, they got 3 free runs. Roads and avalanche protection were extended in 1950 and the first button lifts were built. The creation of the hotel village of Obertauern began in 1952. Between 1952 and 1961, a large number of modern cable cars, gondola lifts and drag lifts were installed.

From the 1960s to the present day
In 1961, the modern cable car on the Zehnerkar was taken into service. In 1962, Obertauern became the official name of the village. One year later, the first motorised piste basher in Austria started work in Obertauern and the pistes no longer had to be tamped down by foot by the skiers. At that time the "Skiing Comprehensive School" (Schifahrende Volksschule) became well-known; the school incorporating skiing in the afternoons, after following the normal timetable in the mornings.

In 1965, Obertauern was used by The Beatles in their film, "Help!". The town was chosen as it was one of the few areas to have snow at the time.

1967 saw piste construction using bulldozers took place for the first time. This resulted in radical changes to the terrain in order to make the runs easier to negotiate for piste maintenance equipment and also for a wider range of tourists. By linking several of the lifts, a precursor to the present day Tauern Circuit (Tauernrunde) was created.

In 1985 the first snow cannon was installed and in the years that followed numerous drag lifts and chair lifts were replaced. Between 1991 and 1998 many modernization projects were completed – such as the floodlit ski slope and the introduction of the contactless ski pass system. In December 1999, the German, Christian Flühr, set the world marathon skiing record in Obertauern – skiing for three days non-stop (68 hours and 23 minutes). This is the distance between America and Europe. One season later, in February 2001, Christian Flühr set the world record again by skiing for more than 4 days (103 hours and 21 minutes) non-stop. Later, he beat this world record several times but in other locations.

Obertauern has also established itself as one of the top après ski resorts in Austria. The Edelweißalm and the area around the Lürzer Alm are internationally renowned.

Cemetery of the Unknown
At the top of the pass is the Cemetery of the Unknown (Friedhof der Namenlosen). The name comes from the time when people crossed the Tauern Pass on foot with poor clothing and equipment, often in bad weather, losing their lives as a result. Often these travellers could not be identified and were thus buried "nameless". Today it is the cemetery for the population of the ski village of Obertauern.

Skiing and snowboarding
Skiing is the most popular sporting activity in Obertauern, followed by snowboarding. The ski region has around 100 kilometres of prepared pistes and 26 lifts that are capable of transporting 48,000 - 49,000 people per hour. The area is served by 1 gondola, 19 chair lifts and 6 drag lifts, and has 100 km of runs. The pistes are graded using a colour scheme: blue (61%) for easy runs, red (35%) for runs of medium difficulty and black (4%) for difficult pistes, the piste alongside the Gamsleiten 2 lift being the second steepest run in Austria. All the lifts will take non-skiers to the top as well, but only the Zehnerkarbahn and Grünwaldkopfbahn will take passengers down again. Daytime visitors may park on the 24,000 m2 of car parks in the vicinity of the slopes. The Liftgemeinschaft Obertauern (LGO) is responsible for all the lifts.

The Tauern Circuit
Because the lifts are laid out in a circle around the village, it is possible to do a "Tauern Circuit" (Tauernrunde), either clockwise (following the red signs) or anti-clockwise (following the green signs). To cross the B 99 (Katschberg-Straße) there are ski bridges by the Gamsleiten/Edelweiß, Kirchbühel (two bridges) and Grünwaldkopf/Zehnerkar pistes. The circuit may begin at any lift and returns the skier to the start. Good signposting also enables pistes outside the circuit to be skied.

Cross-country skiing
In addition to downhill skiing and snowboarding, Obertauern offers other winter sport activities. Visitors may used the 26 kilometres of cut cross-country skiing tracks, including one used for the world cup, as well as hiking trails.

Ski passes
Obertauern has its own ski pass that, since the 2012/13 season, is also valid for the Großeck-Speiereck ski region some 15 kilometres away. The Lungo Ski Pass (for the Obertauern - Lungau - Katschberg region) and the "Super Salzburg Ski Card" (Salzburger Land) are also valid, but not the Ski Amadé pass.

Summer tourism
In summer, Obertauern is a popular base for numerous hiking trails because the village lies on the Central Alpine Way (Zentralalpenweg). The two Alpine huts, Oberhütte towards Styria and the Südwiener Hütte in the direction of Flachau may be reached in 2 hours on foot.

In August and September, motorcycle gatherings take place.

However, Obertauern is mostly a winter resort and many hotels and businesses are closed in the summertime.

Obertauern sports centre
Obertauern has a sports centre (the Sportzentrum Obertauern) where visitors may play various sports. Facilities include: 2 tennis indoor courts, 3 squash courts, 1 badminton court, 3 fully automatic bowling alleys, a bodybuilding and fitness room with a cardio area, a multi-purpose hall as well as a billiards facility. There is also a big vitality centre (600 square metres) and sports medical advice is available. In earlier times, famous sportsmen like Hermann Maier and Michael Walchhofer trained in this centre between races. Heinz Schilchegger, a world-class skier, is also from Obertauern.

Flora and fauna
Obertauern is also popular with scientists and friends of nature. In this region you can find the rare red-breasted bluethroat.

title: Obertauern


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Octopodidae

The Octopodidae comprise the family containing the majority of known octopus species (about 175 species).

Genera
The World Register of Marine Species lists these 23 genera:

 * Abdopus Norman & Finn, 2001 (7 species)
 * Ameloctopus Norman, 1992 (monotypic)
 * Amphioctopus P. Fischer, 1882 (16 species)
 * Callistoctopus Taki, 1964 (11 species)
 * Cistopus Gray, 1849 (4 species)
 * Euaxoctopus Voss, 1971 (3 species)
 * Galeoctopus Norman, Boucher & Hochberg, 2004 (monotypic)
 * Grimpella Robson, 1928 (monotypic)
 * Hapalochlaena Robson, 1929 (4 species)
 * Histoctopus Norman, Boucher-Rodoni & Hochberg, 2009 (2 species)
 * Lepidoctopus Haimovici & Sales, 2019 (monotypic)
 * Macrochlaena Robson, 1929 (monotypic)
 * Macroctopus Robson, 1928 (monotypic)
 * Macrotritopus Grimpe, 1922 (2 species)
 * Octopus Cuvier, 1798 (99 species)
 * Paroctopus Naef, 1923 (3 species)
 * Pinnoctopus d'Orbigny, 1845 (2 species)
 * Pteroctopus P. Fischer, 1882 (6 species)
 * Robsonella Adam, 1938 (2 species)
 * Scaeurgus Troschel, 1857 (5 species)
 * Teretoctopus Robson, 1929 (2 species)
 * Thaumoctopus Norman & Hochberg, 2005 (monotypic)
 * Wunderpus Hochberg, Norman & Finn, 2006 (monotypic)

title: Octopodidae