text:
International political economy

International political economy (IPE) is the study of how politics shapes the global economy and how the global economy shapes politics. A key focus in IPE is on the power of different actors such as nation states, international organizations and multinational corporations to shape the international economic system and the distributive consequences of international economic activity. It has been described as the study of "the political battle between the winners and losers of global economic exchange."

A central assumption of IPE theory is that international economic phenomena do not exist in any meaningful sense separate from the actors who regulate and control them. Alongside formal economic theories of international economics, trade, and finance, which are widely utilised within the discipline, IPE thus stresses the study of institutions, politics, and power relations in understanding the global economy.

The substantive issue areas of IPE are frequently divided into the four broad subject areas of 1. international trade, 2. the international monetary and financial system, 3. multinational corporations, and 4. economic development and inequality. Key actors of study may include international organizations, multinational corporations, and sovereign states.

International political economy is a major subdiscipline of international relations where it emerged in the 1960s and 1970s, prompted by the growth of international economic institutions such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, alongside economic turmoils such as the fall of the gold standard, 1973 oil crisis, and 1970s recession. IPE is also a major field of study within history, especially economic history, where scholars study the historical dynamics of the international political economy.

History and emergence
International political economy has its historic roots in the discipline of political economy; the study of the national economy and its interactions with governance and politics. Adam Smith's publication of The Wealth of Nations profoundly influenced the development of the field of political economy.

While the newly founded discipline of economics; which studies economic phenomena absent political and social considerations; began to diverge from political economy studies in the late 19th century, political economy continued to live as an academic tradition within political science departments, as well as within modern economics as a pluralist approach. While notable works from John Maynard Keynes' General Theory and Karl Polanyi's The Great Transformation published in the early 20th century are still written in the tradition of political economy, economics in its narrower form was dominating economics departments from the 1920s and onward.

The emergence of international political economy can be traced to the late 1960s and early 1970s, when deepening economic interdependence prompted by the growth of post-war economic institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, drew increasing attention within international relations scholarship towards the study of these institutions, and more broadly, to the study of governance of the world economy. The need for a more comprehensive understanding on global economic governance within political science circles became increasingly apparent through the crises of the 1970s; with the end of the gold standard, the 1973 oil crisis, 1973-1975 recession and calls for greater trade protection. Influential figures in the emergence of the discipline were international relations scholars Robert Keohane, Joseph Nye and Robert Gilpin in the United States, as well as Susan Strange in the United Kingdom. IPE has since become a key pillar in political science departments as well as a major subdiscipline of international relations, alongside traditional international relations scholarship centred on material security.

International Finance
International finance and monetary relations is one of the core areas of study in IPE. In IPE scholarship, the interrelation of economic and political interests in international finance assumes it impossible to separate the financial system from international politics in any meaningful sense. The IPE of international finance is characterized by political network effects and international externalities,  such as beggar-thy-neighbour effects and contagions.

A key concept in IPE literature on international finance is the impossible trinity, derived from the Mundell–Fleming model, which holds that it is impossible to simultaneously pursue all of the following three economic policies:

 * a fixed foreign exchange rate
 * free capital movement; absence of capital controls
 * an independent monetary policy

Another key dilemma in monetary policy is that governments have to balance the inflation rate (the price of money at home) and the exchange rate (the price of money outside the home market).

There is no agreement in the economics literature on the optimal national exchange rate policy. Rather, national exchange rate regimes reflect political considerations. National exchange rate policies can be 1. fixed, floating, or a hybrid of the two, and 2. entail a strong or weak currency. Different groups benefit disproportionately depending on the national exchange rate policies that is chosen.

The liberal view point generally has been strong in Western academia since it was first articulated by Smith in the eighteenth century. Only during the 1940s to early 1970s did an alternative system, Keynesianism, command wide support in universities. Keynes was concerned chiefly with domestic macroeconomic policy. The Keynesian consensus was challenged by Friedrich Hayek and later Milton Friedman and other scholars out of Chicago as early as the 1950s, and by the 1970s, Keynes' influence on public discourse and economic policy making had somewhat faded. After World War II, the Bretton Woods system was established, reflecting the political orientation described as embedded liberalism. In 1971 President Richard Nixon ended the convertibility of gold that had been established under the IMF in the Bretton Woods system. Interim agreements followed. Nonetheless, until 2008 the trend has been for increasing liberalization of both international trade and finance. From later 2008 world leaders have also been increasingly calling for a New Bretton Woods System.

Topics such as the International Monetary Fund, Financial Crises (see Financial crisis of 2007–2008 and 1997 Asian financial crisis), exchange rates, Foreign Direct Investment, Multinational Corporations receive much attention in IPE.

International Trade
There are multiple approaches to trade within IPE. These approaches seek to explain international bargaining between states, as well as the foreign economic policies that states adopt. In terms of domestic explanations for the foreign economic policies of states, the two dominant approaches are the factor model and sector model, both of which build on David Ricardo's theory of comparative advantage.

The factor model (which has been called the H-O-S-S model) is shaped by the Heckscher-Ohlin model and the Stolper-Samuelsson theorem. According to the Heckscher-Ohlin model of trade, the comparative advantage of countries in trade stems from their endowments of particular factors of trade (land, labor, capital). This means that a country abundant in land will primarily export land-intensive products (such as agriculture), whereas a country abundant in capital will export capital-intensive products (such as high-technology manufacturing) and a country abundant in labor will export labor-intensive products (such as textiles). Building on this model, the Stolper-Samuelsson theorem holds that groups that possess the factors will support or oppose trade depending on the abundance or scarcity of the factors. This means that in a country which is abundant in land and scarce in capital, farmers will support free trade whereas producers in capital-intensive manufacturing will oppose free trade. The factor model predicts that labor in developed countries will oppose trade liberalization (because it is relatively scarce), whereas labor in developing countries will support free trade (because it is relatively abundant).

Building on these insights, influential research by Ronald Rogowski argued that factor endowments predicted whether countries were characterized by class-conflict (capital vs. labor) or urban-rural conflict. Similarly, an influential study by Helen Milner and Keiko Kubota argues that factor endowments explain why developing countries liberalize their trade after they democratize (the abundant factor, labor, supports trade liberalization). A 2023 study by Milner and Lindsay R. Dolan found that factor endowments help explain trade preferences in Africa. Research has substantiated the predictions of the Stolper-Samuelsson theorem, showing that trade openness tends to reduce inequality in developing countries, but exacerbate it in advanced economies.

The sectors model of trade, the Ricardo–Viner model (named after David Ricardo and Jacob Viner), challenges the notion that factors are key to understanding trade preferences. Factors can be highly immobile, which means that capital-owners and labor who work in a particular sector may have similar interests. As a consequence, trade preferences are better understood by examining which economic sectors win or lose on trade liberalization. Whereas the factor model assumes that capital-owners in different sectors have similar trade preferences and that labor across different sector have similar trade preferences, the Ricardo-Viner model holds that in sectors where factors are immobile, labor and capital-owners in one sector may have the same trade preferences. As a result, the Ricardo-Viner model predicts that class conflict over trade is more likely when factors are highly mobile, but that industry-based conflict is more likely when factors are immobile.

Adam Dean has challenged the economic assumptions in both models, arguing that workers' wages do not consistently correspond to increases in productivity in a given industry (contradicting Ricardo-Viner) nor do workers consistently benefit from import restrictions when labor is the scarce factor of endowment (contradicting Heckscher-Ohlin). The degree to which Ricardo-Viner and Heckscher-Ohlin are correct is conditioned by whether workers have profit-sharing institutions or are unionized (which helps them to bargain for higher wages amid productivity increases). He has also challenged Milner and Kubota's study on trade liberalization in developing countries, as he shows that democratic developing countries frequently repressed labor unions amid trade liberalization.

Studies by Dani Rodrik and Anna Mayda, as well as Kenneth Scheve and Matthew J. Slaughter have found support for the factor models, as they show that there is greater support for trade openness in developing countries (where labor is abundant and thus benefits from trade openness). Other studies find no support for either model, and argue that the models have limited explanatory value. A 2022 study in the Journal of Politics found that comparative advantage predicts attitudes on free trade among individuals and legislators. According to a 2017 assessment by Thomas Oatley, there are "no strong conclusions" in IPE scholarship as to which of these models better characterizes the sources of individual trade policies.

Aside from the sector and factor models, there are firm-specific models of trade preferences (some times described as "New new" trade theory) which predict that those who work for large, productive and globally oriented firms support trade liberalization (as well as free movement of capital and labor), whereas employees in smaller firms are less supportive of free trade. Economic geography approaches explain trade policies by looking at the regions that benefit and lose on globalization; it predicts that large cities support trade liberalization and that left-behind regions push back on liberalization. Other alternative models to the factor and sector models may explain individual preferences through demographic data (age, class, skills, education, gender ), as well as ideology   and culture. Some studies have raised questions about whether individuals understand the effects of trade protectionism, which puts doubt on theories that assume that trade policy preferences are rooted in economic self-interest.

Trade may in and of itself alter domestic politics, including the trade preferences of the public. A 1988 study by Helen Milner found that trade openness substantially increased support for free trade by strengthening the position of firms that stand to lose from trade protectionism. Influential studies by David Cameron, Dani Rodrik and Peter Katzenstein have affirmed the insights of the Double Movement, as they show that greater trade openness has been associated with increases in government social spending.

In terms of how preferences get aggregated and reconciled into foreign economic policies, IPE scholars have pointed to collective action problems, electoral systems,  regime types, veto points, the nature of the legislative trade policy process,  the interaction between domestic and international bargaining, and the interactions between political elites and epistemic communities. Some IPE scholarship de-emphasizes the role of domestic politics and points to international processes as shapers of trade policy. Some scholars have argued for a "new interdependence" approach, which restores insights from the complex interdependence of the 1970s, but emphasizes network effects, control over central nodes, and path dependence.

Economic development
IPE is also concerned with development economics and explaining how and why countries develop.

Historical IPE approaches
Historically, three prominent approaches to IPE were the liberal, economic nationalist (mercantilist), and marxist perspectives.

Economic liberals tend to oppose government intervention in the market when it inhibits free trade and open competition, but support government intervention to protect property rights and resolve market failures. Economic liberals commonly adhere to a political and economic philosophy which advocates a restrained fiscal policy and the balancing of budgets, through measures such as low taxes, reduced government spending, and minimized government debt.

To economic nationalists, markets are subordinate to the state, and should serve the interests of the state (such as providing national security and accumulating military power). The doctrine of mercantilism is a prominent variant of economic nationalism. Economic nationalists tend to see international trade as zero-sum, where the goal is to derive relative gains (as opposed to mutual gains). Economic nationalism tends to emphasize industrialization (and often aids industries with state support), due to beliefs that industry has positive spillover effects on the rest of the economy, enhances the self-sufficiency and political autonomy of the country, and is a crucial aspect in building military power.

Modern IPE approaches
There are several prominent approaches to IPE. The dominant paradigm is Open Economy Politics. Other influential approaches include dependency theory, hegemonic stability theory, and domestic political theories of IPE.

Early modern IPE scholarship employed a diversity of methods and did both grand theory and middle range theory, but over time, the scholarship has become more quantitative and focused on middle-range theories. Robert Jervis wrote in 1998, "the IPE subfield, after a marvelous period of development in the 1970s and 1980s seems to be stagnating."

The first wave of IPE scholarship focused on complex interdependence and the evolution of global systems of economic exchange. This scholarship focused on hegemonic stability theory, complex interdependence, and regimes. The second wave sought to explain the domestic sources of global economic cooperation or explain how global processes influence domestic policy-making. The third wave increasingly focused on explaining the micro-foundations of policy. According to Benjamin Cohen, "in terms of theory, consensus is often lacking on even the most basic causal relationships" in IPE scholarship.

Open Economy Politics
Open Economy Politics (OEP) can be traced to domestic political theories of IPE; OEP emerged in the late 1990s. OEP adopts the assumptions of neoclassical economics and international trade theory. It strongly emphasizes microfoundations. It has been characterized as employing rationalism, materialism and liberalism. According to David Lake,

 * 1) Interests: "OEP begins with individuals, sectors, or factors of production as the units of analysis and derives their interests over economic policy from each unit's position within the international economy."
 * 2) Domestic institutions: "It conceives of domestic political institutions as mechanisms that aggregate interests (with more or less bias) and structure the bargaining of competing societal groups."
 * 3) International bargaining: "It introduces, when necessary, bargaining between states with different interests. Analysis within OEP proceeds from the most micro- to the most macro-level in a linear and orderly fashion, reflecting an implicit uni-directional conception of politics as flowing up from individuals to interstate bargaining."

Thomas Oatley has criticized OEP for an overemphasis on domestic political processes and for failing to consider the interplay between processes at the domestic level and macro processes at the global level: in essence, OEP scholarship suffers from omitted variable bias. According to Peter Katzenstein, Robert Keohane and Stephen Krasner, scholarship in this vein assumes that actors' preferences and behavior are derived from their material position, which leads to a neglect of the ways in which variation in information may shape actor preferences and behaviors. Mark Blyth and Matthias Matthijs argue that OEP scholarship essentially black boxes the global economy. Stephanie Rickard has defended the OEP approach, writing in 2021: "OEP has matured and developed over the past decade. As a framework, it has proven to be enormously productive and adaptable—integrating diverse economic phenomena under a common theoretical umbrella and providing a framework flexible enough to react to significant events in the global economy... The accumulating body of scholarship in the OEP tradition has moved our understanding of world politics decisively forward. Critics of OEP have yet to offer an alternative, more empirically powerful theory and as a result, OEP continues to progress as the dominant paradigm in IPE research."Scholars have questioned the empirical validity of the models derived from OEP scholarship on money and trade, as well as questioned the ability of OEP scholarship to explain momentous events in global political economy. Challengers to the OEP framework include behavioral approaches (which do not necessarily accept that individual interests stem from material incentives), and economic geography approaches. According to Stephanie Rickard, OEP scholars have modified their models to incorporate incomplete information (which affects how individual preferences are formed) and economies of scale (which affects the distribution of gains and losses). Erica Owen and Stephanie Walter similarly argue that "second-generation" OEP frameworks incorporate both material and ideational preferences.

Dependency theory
Dependency theory is the notion that resources flow from a "periphery" of poor and underdeveloped states to a "core" of wealthy states, enriching the latter at the expense of the former. It is a central contention of dependency theory that poor states are impoverished and rich ones enriched by the way poor states are integrated into the "world system". This theory was officially developed in the late 1960s following World War II, as scholars searched for the root issue in the lack of development in Latin America.

Dependency theory and world systems theory are not mainstream economic theory.

Hegemonic stability theory
Early IPE scholarship was focused on the implications of hegemony on international economic affairs. In the 1970s, US hegemony appeared to be on the fall, which prompted scholars to consider the likely effects of this falling. Robert Keohane coined the term Hegemonic stability theory in a 1980 article for the notion that the international system is more likely to remain stable when a single nation-state is the dominant world power, or hegemon. Keohane's 1984 book After Hegemony, used insights from the new institutional economics, to argue that the international system could remain stable in the absence of a hegemon.

American vs. British IPE
Benjamin Cohen provides a detailed intellectual history of IPE identifying American and British camps. The Americans are positivist and attempt to develop intermediate level theories that are supported by some form of quantitative evidence. British IPE is more "interpretivist" and looks for "grand theories". They use very different standards of empirical work. Cohen sees benefits in both approaches. A special edition of New Political Economy has been issued on The 'British School' of IPE and a special edition of the Review of International Political Economy (RIPE) on American IPE.

Journals
The leading journal for IPE scholarship is the generalist international relations journal International Organization. International Organization played an instrumental role in making IPE one of the prominent subfields in IR. The leading IPE-specific journals are the Review of International Political Economy and New Political Economy. Examples of journals within the historical study of IPE are Economic History Review and History of Political Economy.

Professional associations

 * British International Studies Association - International Political Economy Group (BISA-IPEG)
 * International Studies Association - International Political Economy Section (ISA-IPE)
 * ISA-IPE Mailing List

title: International political economy


text:
Talk:Broad Peak

Assertion that Berbeka became the first person in the world to reach 8000 m during the winter
Have amended the bullet point stating that Berbeka became the first person in the world to reach 8000 m during the winter of 1988. The first winter ascent of Mount Everest (8848m) was made in Feb 1980! Furthermore, the assertion in the bullet point is not supported by the reference given - and anyhow that reference explicitly states that "in 1984, he hit the summit of Manaslu", and the height of Manaslu is 8,163 m.  The reference has been left because it supports the rephrasing of the bullet point. Babybrew6 (talk) 12:31, 20 March 2024 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Broad Peak


text:
List of modern conflicts in North Africa

Note:

 * "Modern" is defined as post-WWI period, from 1918 until today.
 * "North Africa" has a definition approximately that of the Arab term Maghreb, in addition to Egypt
 * "Conflict" is defined as a separate 100+ casualty incident.
 * In all cases conflicts are listed by total deaths, including subconflicts (specified below).

Casualties breakdown
North African Campaign (WWII) – combined figure ~430,000 killed:
 * Western Desert Campaign – 50,000 casualties
 * Battle of Cape Bon – 900+ casualties
 * Raid on Alexandria (1941) – 8 casualties
 * Action off Cape Bougaroun – 27 killed
 * Mers al-Kbir – 1,299 killed
 * Operation Torch – 1,825 killed
 * Tunisia campaign – ~376,000 killed

Western Sahara conflict (1970–present) combined casualty figure 14,000–21,000+:
 * Western Sahara War – 7,000 Moroccan, Mauritianian and French soldiers killed; 4,000 Sahrawi People's Liberation Army soldiers killed; 3,000 civilians killed
 * Second Sahrawi Intifada – 1 killed
 * Gdeim Izik protest camp – 18–36 killed
 * 2011 Sahrawi protests – 1 killed
 * Western Saharan clashes (2020–present) - 66 killed

Tuareg rebellion (1990–1995) combined casualties at least 650–1,500:
 * Tchin-Tabaradene massacre – 650–1,500 civilians killed

Egyptian Crisis (2011–2014) combined casualty figure 4,686–4,687:
 * 2011 Egyptian Revolution – 846 killed
 * Aftermath of the Egyptian Revolution – 300 killed
 * Timeline of the Egyptian Crisis under Mohamed Morsi – 127–128 killed
 * Post-coup unrest in Egypt (2013–2014) – 3,143 killed
 * Insurgency in Egypt (2013–present) – 570 killed

Libyan Crisis (2011–present) combined casualty figure 40,000+:
 * First Libyan Civil War – 25,000–30,000 killed
 * Factional violence in Libya (2011–2014) – over 1,000 killed
 * Second Libyan Civil War – thousands killed


text:
Talk:NAPLEX

stub?
This article seems to be a stub. There's very little information here. Can anyone add to it? --98.70.132.83 (talk) 18:38, 6 June 2010 (UTC)

what is the NAPLEX?
Hi, The question is, "What is the Naplex?" The answer is on the temporary page.

Thx. :)

history
Anyone know the history of the NAPLEX? How did this become the test for pharmacy? --74.179.99.54 (talk) 18:48, 7 May 2010 (UTC)

title: Talk:NAPLEX


text:
Talk:Hari Seldon

Untitled
I used this article at AsimovWiki if you have any objections contact me Zakhebeone

Quote from the Encyclopedia Galactica
There is a quote of Hari's biography taken from the Encyclopedia Galactica, which is a good idea ; but isn't this violating the copyright that holds Foundation? -- skiidoo (talk) 02:42, 14 December 2007 (UTC

 * The quotation includes: "It has been said that Hari Seldon left this life as lived it...". It would appear that the word "he" is missing between "as" and "lived."  Could some-one with access to the source check it? Kdammers (talk) 11:11, 5 April 2014 (UTC)

Pronunciation
Is the name pronounced "hairy" or does it rhyme with calimari? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 123.218.200.241 (talk) 15:03, 5 September 2009 (UTC)

Intro to Hari Seldon
I am reading Prelude to Foundation now, and Seldon develops psychohistory originally in his home planet in his university there, the University on Trantor is his first hiding spot.

In what year by FE was Hari Seldon died?
Biographical section tells 3 FE, than 1 FE. And if we count 79 years (-79 FE) from 11,988, we'll get 12067, that gives us 2 FE as date of death of Hari Seldon. So, in what year: 1 FE, 2 FE or 3 FE, was he die? Pigmeich (talk) 11:39, 4 February 2009 (UTC)
 * It may be more complex than that, if you take into account the Second Foundation Series. Apparently, he took a time trip some centuries into the future so the dates given for his death would really be for his disapperance. --Jamal Wills (talk) 16:36, 29 May 2009 (UTC)
 * Well, but is that canon? --Againme (talk) 20:19, 2 February 2013 (UTC)

Suggest Merger
Is Hari Seldon really worthy of a separate article? This article should be merged with the Foundation Series. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 147.85.172.6 (talk) 14:23, 25 February 2016 (UTC)

Contemporary Application
Yes, I think Hari Seldon is playing an eerie role in contemporary thinking. I created a new section to collect such thinking. Just look at the influence of Nate Silver in poker, baseball (Moneyball), and electoral college prediction. BrandenburgG (talk) 14:50, 2 April 2016 (UTC)

Definition of a "Seldon Crisis"
I don't really see how this article avoids including the definition of a "Seldon Crisis".

The following is excepted from https://concord.fandom.com/wiki/Seldon_Crisis --- "A Seldon Crisis refer to a seemingly catastrophic social and political situation that, to be surmounted, would eventually leave only one possible, inevitable, course of action in Isaac Asimov's Foundation universe. Named after Hari Seldon, who founded the field of psychohistory, and who appears as a personal simulacrum in the Time Vault "to help--and explain" at the climax of each crisis, a Seldon Crisis involves both an external pressure (such as threat of attack) and an internal pressure (such as threat of revolt). Both pressures will come to a head simultaneously, and be resolved with the same action." ---

The above link lists and describes eight such Crises in the various "Foundation" books.

2601:8A:C180:70:C1C:215B:BAD8:FAF0 (talk) 03:39, 28 April 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:Hari Seldon


text:
Manhunter: New York

Manhunter: New York is a post-apocalyptic adventure game designed by Barry Murry, Dave Murry and Dee Dee Murry of Evryware and published in 1988 by Sierra On-Line. A sequel, Manhunter 2: San Francisco, was released in 1989.

Plot
The opening of the game shows the New York City skyline in 2002 and depicts it being attacked by a mysterious force. The main game is set in the futuristic year of 2004, when Earth has been enslaved by a race of aliens known as the Orbs. The Orbs, who look like giant floating eyeballs, have implanted all humans with global tracking devices, forced them to wear nondescript robes, and forbidden them from speaking or communicating. The protagonist has been assigned by the Orbs to track down fellow humans who are believed to be forming an underground resistance. Over the course of the game, the player discovers that the Orbs are not the benevolent rulers they claim to be; they are actually harvesting humans as a food source. The player then "switches sides" and works to overthrow the Orbs. The player works against Phil, the antagonist, who is murdering members of the resistance. The game ends with the player flying an Orb ship and bombing various locations in Manhattan, before Phil escapes, chased by the player.

The ending sets up the game for a sequel, Manhunter 2: San Francisco.

Gameplay
Manhunter: New York used Sierra's Adventure Game Interpreter (AGI) development tool. It was different from other AGI games in that it did not use a text parser, incorporated a first-person rather than third-person perspective, and featured a rudimentary point-and-click interface. The gritty, sometimes gory visuals, unique interface, and use of real-life locations in New York City all helped set the game apart from Sierra's other titles, which were typically more family oriented.

The Apple II version of Manhunter allows the option of skipping the sewer maze because memory limitations prevented saving the player's progress in that section.

Reception
The game sold more than 100,000 copies.

Reviews

 * Isaac Asimov's Science Fiction Magazine v13 n6 (1989 06)
 * Games #98

title: Manhunter: New York


text:
Talk:List of modern conflicts in North Africa

Untitled
All of these come from User:RK, so they should be carefully fact checked. - Mustafaa 08:08, 2 May 2004 (UTC)

The article should be renamed List of conflicts in North Africa, as Egypt, Chad, and Sudan are not part of the Maghreb, and many would not include Libya (or at least its eastern part, Cyrenaica) in this historic region either. - User:VoX

 * I disagree; Egypt, Chad, and Sudan are of course not part of the Maghreb, but only conflicts between them and Libya are listed, and Libya is a member of the "Arab Maghreb Union". - Mustafaa 12:21, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Although this is tardy, I agree that this article is misleadingly titled. Most of the Libyan associated conflicts have to do with territory well outside the Maghreb by any definition, the title of the page is in the Maghreb; a more accurate title would be List of Conflicts in North Africa. (Collounsbury 20:44, 31 January 2006 (UTC)).
 * I think I agree with Collounsbury about what the scope of the article should be, but if we change into NA, we need to cover Egypt to. That brings in Israel, and, well, a lot more writing. Perhaps it should be merged in to the article for the Maghreb, and avoid that.Arre 23:51, 31 January 2006 (UTC)
 * To be frank, the article is not much of an "article" - I don't see what it tells anyone much. Most of the conflicts are 20, 30 years old and not current - they really below with national articles or the Maghreb article. (Collounsbury 01:57, 1 February 2006 (UTC)).
 * Just because it is old it does not help people. Im very interested in Libyan military history, and I support the idea of making a north african conflict article in place of the existing article.144.131.69.121 09:41, 12 June 2006 (UTC)

Test list
Dreamsharer, please make test lists in your "sandbox" area and then place them on the visible wikipedia page. Thank you.Greyshark09 (talk) 16:13, 22 March 2011 (UTC)

External links modified
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text:
Talk:Chogolisa

Pakistan ranking
I am planning on removing the Pakistan elevation ranking from the infobox per reasons given at Talk:K2. Reply at the K2 talk page or here if there's an objection. -- Racer X11 Talk to me Stalk me  00:54, 9 January 2013 (UTC)

Disputed region footnote
It would be worthwhile to mention that the region is a disputed region. Have added footnote to highlight the same

link: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/spl/hi/south_asia/03/kashmir_future/html/default.stm

title: Talk:Chogolisa


text:
Talk:Suomenlinna

...or Viapori
The name "Viapori" is ancient and not more in use. --193.210.126.66 15:44, 28 March 2007 (UTC)
 * It is the name used up until 1917-1918, but it is quite well-known and still in other circumstances (I am thinking for example in a local mall, where the different sections have been named after parts of Helsinki, "Viapori" being one of them.) --MoRsE 08:32, 11 May 2007 (UTC)

much more than the island itself
The island fortifications were the original foundations for the fortress that were expanded under the Russian rule. There are three rings of defence lines around the capital, that included paved roads, artillery placements, trenches and concrete fortifications. Many of these can be found easily today especially at the suburbs of Kontula, Mellunmäki and Kivikko, the latter is full of them. The ring of fortifications were quite impressive in their size and construction. Interesting facts of the construction itself are told in the local history book made of Vartiokylä(reference needed). There were significant amount of chinese POW:s working in the surroundings, which were quite exotic at the time.

http://www.novision.fi/viapori/eavaus.htm (just to get started)

The bombing picture
This is bombing of Bomarsund, not Sveaborg. See the description and the text at the bottom of the picture. However, I admit such an artistic picture might almost as well be about the Sveaborg (the landscape is a bit different, though). Otoomet (talk) 11:32, 3 July 2008 (UTC)

Dry dock
This article (2008-07-19) currently makes no reference to the dry-dock or influx of classic ships that arrives every winter. —Sladen (talk) 11:50, 19 July 2008 (UTC)

Church/Lighthouse
The article also doesn't mention the church/lighthouse building—the only one of its kind in the world. —Sladen (talk) 11:57, 19 July 2008 (UTC)

 * I think actually that the Suomenlinna church deserves its own article, being the only one of its kind makes it inherently notable, and the history is varied enough for encyclopaedic treatement (the frequent changes of denomination of worship for instance, and what happened to the Russian Icons of the Suomenlinna church)... -- Cimon Avaro; on a pogostick. (talk) 16:00, 19 July 2008 (UTC)

The name Sveaborg...
...does not mean "Fortress of Svea", it does however mean "fort/castle of Sweden". "Svea-" is an old genitive construction used when making compound words and names. The name Suomenlinna is a paraphrasing of that name.

"Unclear"?
The way I heard the story was that the commander of the fortress took a bribe after having seen a small grouping of Russian soldiers out on the ice by the horizon, manouvering over some days to appear of much larger numbers than they were. This is the sort of embarrassing thing the losing side rather did not happen so they refrain from asking the right questions. But sure, call it "unclear" if you want. I wish I could remember my sources on this, lest the current version in the article be considered accurate or factual, being neither. --92.242.174.183 (talk) 14:20, 20 January 2010 (UTC)

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British vs American English
The article was earlier written in British English (eg. "stylise" and "centre" were used), and still uses "centre" in "Nordic Arts Centre" but when the detail about its location was added, it was in American English ("center") and there's at least "defense" as well (instead of "defence" as in British English). Wikipedia's manual of style says articles should use the form of English that was used when the article was created or expanded from a stub if the stub didn't establish a convention, and while in this case it was a stub, it seems like it remained (at least mostly) British English until 2019.

English in Finland generally tends to gravitate more towards British English than American English, at least as far as spelling goes, even if vocabulary is more American... but that shouldn't even be relevant, though, since according to the manual of style, unless there's a good reason or consensus to switch from one variety of English to another, articles should retain the first convention, which for this article was clearly British English.

I don't want to edit it myself because it might be perceived as disruptive, especially in case a consensus is reached that it should actually be in American English. Why that would be, I don't know, but... VHGW (talk) 14:24, 10 June 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Suomenlinna


text:
Talk:Gone with the Wind (novel)

Ashley Wilkes
Scarlett's hero is Ashley Wilkes and that is such a central theme that many commentaries have been made. Wiki editors do not assume there is only one "correct" interpretation -- our job is to provide a guide to what the reliable sources say even if the experts disagree. Rjensen (talk) 03:18, 5 July 2020 (UTC)

Description of rape
Is the description here of Rhett raping Scarlett's objective? I see there is debate online even about the film, where it is left to the viewer's imagination. In the book, I think Mitchell's description of Scarlett's response makes it more problematic to call it rape.

"He swung her off her feet into his arms and started up the stairs. Her head was crushed against his chest and she heard the hard hammering of his heart beneath her ears. He hurt her and she cried out, muffled, frightened. Up the stairs he went in the utter darkness, up, up, and she was wild with fear. He was a mad stranger and this was a black darkness she did not know, darker than death. He was like death, carrying her away in arms that hurt. She screamed, stifled against him and he stopped suddenly on the landing and, turning her swiftly in his arms, bent over and kissed her with a savagery and a completeness that wiped out everything from her mind but the dark into which she was sinking and the lips on hers. He was shaking, as though he stood in a strong wind, and his lips, traveling from her mouth downward to where the wrapper had fallen from her body, fell on her soft flesh. He was muttering things she did not hear, his lips were evoking feelings never felt before. She was darkness and he was darkness and there had never been anything before this time, only darkness and his lips upon her. She tried to speak and his mouth was over hers again. Suddenly she had a wild thrill such as she had never known; joy, fear, madness, excitement, surrender to arms that were too strong, lips too bruising, fate that moved too fast. For the first time in her life she had met someone, something stronger than she, someone she could neither bully nor break, someone who was bullying and breaking her. Somehow, her arms were around his neck and her lips trembling beneath his and they were going up, up into the darkness again, a darkness that was soft and swirling and all enveloping."

LeverageSerious (talk) 20:34, 16 March 2021 (UTC)

 * I think the book is emphatically clear that there is no consent. It's going to happen whether she likes it or not. I think the problematic part is that she enjoys it. It is incredibly taboo in today's climate that some women enjoy sexual assault, even rape, but there is an emerging body of writing on it:, , . Betty Logan (talk) 11:34, 17 March 2021 (UTC)

Thanks for your thoughtful reply. The article on the film also makes the point that the movie scene is more in keeping with the fantasy of rape rather than the actual reality. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gone_with_the_Wind_(film)#Depiction_of_marital_rape

I was just surprised at how much more ambiguous the book makes it. There is a suggestion at the end that she is kissing him back and putting her arms around him, and I wondered if Mitchell would describe it as it is described here. LeverageSerious (talk) 15:54, 22 March 2021 (UTC)
 * I think the film version very much plays into the trope of a rape fantasy. A rape fantasy is essentially about male power and dominance, rather than unwanted sex. I suppose the key difference between a rape fantasy and the reality of rape is that a woman doesn't fantasize about being raped by a man she doesn't want to have sex with, so desire overrides the thorny issue of consent. I would wager that back in 1940 Clark Gable forcing himself on to you was probably the most common rape fantasy of the era. That scene would have played a lot differently without a sex symbol in the role. Betty Logan (talk) 16:27, 22 March 2021 (UTC)
 * And I suspect audiences condoned a certain amount of domestic violence in the name of passion, in a way we wouldn't now. The very first scene in The Philadelphia Story has the romantic male lead throwing the romantic female lead to the floor! Not something you would expect Matthew McConaughey to do to Jennifer Anniston. LeverageSerious (talk) 18:05, 22 March 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:Gone with the Wind (novel)