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Terceira Island

Terceira is a volcanic island in the Azores archipelago, about a third of the way across the North Atlantic Ocean at a similar latitude to Portugal's capital Lisbon, and the island group is an insular part of Portugal. It is one of the larger islands of the archipelago, with a population of 53,311 inhabitants in an area of approximately 396.75 km².

Terceira is the location of the Azores' oldest city, Angra do Heroísmo, the historical capital of the archipelago and UNESCO World Heritage Site; the seat of the judicial system (Supreme Court); and the main insular Portuguese Air Force base, Base Aérea nº 4 at Lajes, with a United States Air Force detachment.

Terceira island has two main sea ports, one at Angra do Heroísmo and the other at Praia da Vitória, and a commercial airport integrated with the flight operations at Base Aérea nº 4. The Portuguese bullfight is popular on the island, coming in two variations: the traditional equestrian bullfight (in the ring) and the popular "touradas à corda" that occur in the streets.

History
Historically, there has been uncertainty in the date and the discoverer associated with the islands of the Azores. Nautical charts before the "official" discovery identified islands in the Atlantic Ocean as far back as 1325, when a chart by Angelino Dalorto identified "Bracile" west of Ireland, and later one by Angelino Dulcert which identifies the Canaries, and Madeira, along with mysterious islands denominated as "Capraria" (which some historians suggest were São Miguel and Santa Maria). Legends also persisted of Atlantis, Sete Cidades (Kingdoms of the Seven Cities), the Terras of São Brandão, the Ilhas Aofortunadas (The Fortunate Islands), the Ilha da Brasil (the Island of Brasil), Antília, the Ilhas Azuis (Blue Islands), and the Terra dos Bacalhaus (Land of Codfish), and charts appeared between 1351 and 1439 of several groupings of islands with various names. The first association between the modern island of Terceira and these stories, was that of the island of Brasil; it first appears as Insula de Brasil in the Venetian map of Andrea Bianco (1436), attached to one of the larger islands of a group of islands in the Atlantic

In 1439, the first official discovery document appeared, attributing the discovery of the Formigas to Gonçalo Velho Cabral. There is an indication that Terceira may have been discovered by Vicente de Lagos, Velho Cabral's pilot, on 1 January 1445: the first documents after this period started appearing with a third island in the Azorean archipelago, referred to as the Ilha de Jesus Cristo (Island of Jesus Christ), and later, Ilha de Jesus Cristo da Terceira. Gaspar Frutuoso, a chronicler and humanist, would later rationalize about the island's first name, noting that: Regardless, it was only a temporary name, as the colloquial Terceira (meaning "third" in Portuguese, as in "the third island" or "third to be discovered") was used more often to describe the island.
 * it was discovered on the first day of January, traditionally the feast day of the name of Jesus;
 * it was discovered by a captain in the Order of Christ;
 * it was discovered on a Thursday or Friday, on Corpo de Deus (Body of Christ); or
 * because it was part of the dioceses of Angra, through the invocation of San Salvador (although this implies that a dioceses existed prior to its discovery).

The colonization of the island began by decree of Infante D. Henrique (dated 21 March 1450), and placed the island in the administrative hands of the Fleming Jácome de Bruges. Its first settler was Fernão d'Ulmo, a Fleming or Frenchman, who later abandoned his plot, for unknown reasons. Bruges, although a Flemish nobleman, continued to bring families and settlers from Flanders, and northern Portuguese adventurers (João Coelho, from Guimarães; João da Ponte, from Aveiro; João Bernardes, from Lagos; João Leonarde, from Vieira; and Gonçalo Anes da Fonseca, from Porto), as well as animals and provisions, disembarking in the area of Porto Judeu or Pesqueiro dos Meninos, near Vila de São Sebastião (depending on sources). Frutuoso also affirmed that:

"...that ancient settlers of the island of Terceira, that were the first to settle in a band to the north, where they call Quatro Ribeiras, where now the parish of Santa Beatriz is located, and where the first church existed on the island, but were few settlers remained due to difficult access and bad port."

The first settlement occurred in Quatro Ribeiras, in the locality of Portalegre, where a small chapel was raised for the invocation of Santa Ana. Bruges made return trips to Flanders for new settlers to his colony. On one of his trips to Madeira, he conscripted Diogo de Teive and assigned him as his lieutenant and overseer for the island of Terceira. A few years later, Bruges moved his residence to Praia, began construction on the Matriz Church in 1456, and administered the Captaincy of the island from this location (around 1460), until he mysteriously disappeared in 1474, on another of his trips between the colony and the continent. Following his disappearance, the Infanta D. Beatriz, in the name of her son the Infante D. Diogo (who inherited the islands of Terceira and Graciosa following the death D. Fernando, the adopted son of the Infante D. Henrique) divided the island of Terceira into two captaincies: Angra (which was given to João Vaz Corte Real) and Praia (which was given to Álvaro Martins Homem). Apart from the Portuguese and Flemish settlers, colonists from Madeira, many slaves from Africa, new Christians and Jews populated the island at this time, developing new commercial ventures including wheat (exported during the 15th century throughout the empire), sugar-cane, woad (for the dye industry) and woods (principally for the naval construction industries). This development would continue until the end of the 19th century, with the introduction of new products, including tea, tobacco and pineapple.

During the Portuguese succession crisis of 1580, the Azores was the only portion of the Portuguese overseas empire to resist the Spanish until the summer of 1583. Philip II of Spain had offered an amnesty if the Azores surrender, but his messenger met with a very hostile reception at Angra do Heroísmo (escaping to São Miguel, which had presented its allegiance to the King of Spain). Following the Battle of Ponta Delgada, where Don Álvaro de Bazán, 1st Marquis of Santa Cruz defeated the Anglo-French supporters of D. António (the pretender to the Portuguese throne) off the coast of São Miguel, the Marquis concentrated his forces at a less defended beach 10 km from Angra do Heroísmo. With a fleet to ninety-six ships and 9,500 men (as well as a garrison of 2,000 on Sao Miguel) the Marquis was able to defeat the forces of D. António after one day's fighting. Although French and English soldiers on the island were allowed to retire unharmed, D. Antonio and a handful of his supporters were lucky to escape with their lives.

One year later, the conquest of the Azores was complete after the island of Terceira was reconciled, followed by the seizure of the island of Faial.

An English expedition fleet under the Earl of Cumberland in 1589, as part of the Azores Voyage of 1589 into Angra Bay, attacked several harbouring Spanish and Portuguese ships and was able to sink or capture five. With the acclamation of John IV of Portugal, the Azores applauded the restoration of independence from the Iberian Union. This was not lost on the Spanish settlers in Angra do Heroísmo, who had become a privileged class during the Union, and which made it difficult for them to remain after 1640, when Portuguese sovereignty was restored.

In 1766, the reorganization of system of Captaincies was undertaken, resulting in one Captain-General, with his seat in Angra do Heroísmo for the Azores.

In 1810, a number of journalists and others considered to favor the French, including the industrialist Jácome Ratton, were exiled to the island for a period.

Political tension rose in the 1820s between constitutionalists or Liberals, (supporters of the constitutional monarchy installed by King John VI of Portugal) and those who supported absolute monarchy. Having embraced the cause of constitutionalism, the local Terceirenses established a Junta Provisória in the name of Queen Maria II of Portugal in 1828. Hostilities broke out at the Battle of Praia da Vitória in 1829. In a decree, issued on 15 March 1830, Angra was named as Portuguese capital by the Terceirenses constitutional forces, who protected and supported exiled Liberals who supported the rights of Queen Maria II of Portugal, whose rights were usurped by the Miguelistas (supporters of the absolute monarchy of Miguel I). In 1832, Pedro I (former King and regent of Queen Maria) arrived in the Azores to form a government-in-opposition to the absolutionist regime in Lisbon, presided by the Marques of Palmela, and supported by Azoreans Mouzinho da Silveira and Almeida Garrett that developed many important reforms.

Toward the end of WWII, Portugal went from becoming a neutral country to, in 1944, a non-belligerent country in favor of the allies. A military agreement was signed with the United States which allowed them to establish Lajes Field on the island. The field had already been operational by the British who used the 1373 Treaty of Windsor to get approval to build an Air Force base and they brought in US equipment, but the US was not allowed to realistically use the base until Portugal agreed in 1944.

On 24 August 2001, Terceira made the news as Air Transat Flight 236 managed to land at Lajes Field after running out of fuel in mid-air.

On 16 March 2003, President of the United States George W. Bush, UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, Spanish Prime Minister José María Aznar and Prime Minister of Portugal José Manuel Barroso met on Terceira to discuss the Invasion of Iraq, which began four days later, on 20 March.

On 15 January 2016, then Tropical Storm Alex made an unprecedented landfall on the island with sustained winds reaching 65 miles per hour. This landfall was unprecedented due to the time of year it occurred, which was mid-January. Alex is one of four known tropical cyclones to make landfall on the Island of Terceira, with the others being an unnamed hurricane in 1889, another unnamed hurricane in 1940, and Hurricane Carrie in 1957.

Geology and physical geography
Terceira island is an active volcanic island, that is composed of several older extinct volcanoes. The highest point of Terceira is 1021 m, formed by the summit of the dormant Santa Barbara volcano, known as the Serra de Santa Bárbara.

The island of Terceira consists of four overlapping stratovolcanoes built over a geologic structure called the Terceira Rift: a triple junction between the Eurasian, African and North American tectonic plates. These volcanic structures rise from a depth of over 1500 m from the floor of the Atlantic Ocean. Radiocarbon dating of eruptive units, in support of geologic mapping, has improved the known chronology of Middle to Late Pleistocene and Holocene volcanic activity on the island of Terceira, Azores, defining the east-to-west progression in stratovolcano growth. These have commonly resulted in a classification of the eruptive events into the following structures:
 * Cinco Picos Volcanic Complex: the oldest on Terceira (defined by the Serra do Cume), which completed its main sub-aerial activity by about 370–380,000 years ago. Collapse of the upper part of the stratovolcanic edifice formed an enormous 7 x caldera about 370,000 years ago. Post-caldera eruptions of basalt from cinder cones on and near the caldera floor and trachytic pyroclastic flow and pumice fall deposits from younger volcanoes west of Cinco Picos have refilled much of the caldera producing an almost-uninterrupted fertile plain.
 * Guilherme Moniz Volcanic Complex: the southern portion, in the central part of the island, began erupting about 100,000 years later (about 270,000 ka) and produced trachyte domes (approximately 808 m/2651 ft in altitude), flows, and minor pyroclastic deposits for another 100,000 years (until at least 111 ka). The highest point along the caldera rim reaches 623 m. The northern portion of the Caldera is less well exposed, but reflects a similar age range. The northwest portion of the caldera was formed sometime after 44 ka. Several well-studied ignimbrites that blanket much of the island likely erupted from Guilherme Moniz Volcano.
 * Pico Alto Volcanic Complex: a tightly spaced cluster of trachyte domes and short flows, is a younger part of Guilherme Moniz Volcano. Stratigraphic studies and radiocarbon analysis suggest that most of the Pico Alto eruptions occurred during the period from about 9000 to 1000 years BP.
 * Santa Barbara Volcanic Complex: the youngest stratovolcano on Terceira, began erupting prior to 29,000 years ago, and has been active historically, comprises the western end of the island and at its highest point is 1023 m. This stratovolcano is surrounded by several domes and coulee trachyte formations that occupy the volcano's caldera and along various alignments of the volcano's flanks.
 * Fissural Zone: Connecting the eastern portion of Santa Bárbara, the western frontier of Pico Alto and Guilherme Moniz exist a grouping of fissural volcanoes and basaltic cones (Hawaiian and Strombolian), the youngest of which formed about 15,000 years ago. The only historical eruptions occurred in 1761, along a fissure on the eastern face of Santa Bárbara, and in 1867 and between 1998 and 2000 from submarine vents off the western coast (Serreta). The groupings of volcanic structures on the island are aligned along a northwest–southwest and west-northwest-east-southeast orientation that extends to the submarine vents/volcanoes towards the eastern basin of Graciosa, including geomorphological alignments of smaller volcanic structures (including both basaltic and trachytic cones).

Island tectonics are highlighted by two great faults in the northeast corner (the Lajes and the Fontinhas faults), the Lajes Graben has been responsible for severe seismic events. Historically, both faults have produced earthquakes that are relatively shallow, strong and responsible for the destruction of property in the northeastern corner (specifically in 1614 and 1841). During the 1614 event, whose epicenter was located along the Lajes fault 8 km offshore, recorded magnitudes for the earthquake were between 5.8 and 6.3 on the Richter scale (Wells and Coppersmith,1994). Both the Lajes and Fontinhas faults are separated by 3 km). A second, less-developed, graben is located on the southeast of the Santa Bárbara stratovolcano. This feature is marked by trachyte domes and crosses from the coast at Ponta do Queimado (from the historical basin of Serreta) to the cliffs, faults, basaltic lava and fissural eruptions near the center of the island. The western part of Terceira Island is more heavily forested than the eastern part, due to the prevailing westerly winds bringing increased precipitation to that side, resulting in forests of Cryptomeria (Cryptomeria japonica). Other geomorphological points of interest include the plains of Achada, the mounts near Santa Bárbara, the small lakes of Lagoa das Patas and Lagoa da Falca. The northern coast is an area marked by evidence of volcanic activity with several mistérios (lava fields), the swimming pools of Biscoitos, while the centre of the island is highlighted by the Algar do Carvão and Furnas do Enxofre (dormant and active volcanic forms) that are popular with tourists and geologists. Most of the island is ringed by coastal cliffs about 20 m (60 ft) high, except on the south coast near Angra do Heroísmo. Here, an eruption of basaltic lava in shallow water formed the tuff cone of Monte Brasil, which protects and shelters the harbor of the island's capital. The cone is about 1 km in diameter and rises 205 m above the western side of the harbor.

Ecoregions and protected zones
Away from the coast, Terceira is a wild and hilly landscape with many walking and hiking trails. Much of the interior of the island is a nature reserve; from the heights of the Serra do Cume to the slopes of Santa Bárbara, there are several paths along the patchwork of small farms, stonewalls and forests.

Human geography

Much like other islands of the Azores (Açores), human settlement was dictated by the geomorphology of the terrain. The number of volcanic cones and the stratovolcanos that occupy the major part of the interior of the island, forced most communities along the coastal lowlands and river-valleys, producing a "ring" of urbanization that circles the island, usually following the Regional Road network. These communities began as agricultural enclaves, based on subsistence farming and a patchwork of hedged parcels of land. The nuclei of these communities were the religious parishes, and the churches that dot the landscape of the island.

Administratively, Terceira is divided (along an irregular diagonal frontier from north-northwest to south-southeast) into two municipalities: Angra do Heroísmo and Praia da Vitória. The municipality of Angra do Heroísmo is in the southern half of the island, and includes the historical town of Angra, its suburban communities and many of the coastal resort communities (such as Porto Martins). Praia da Vitória is highly concentrated in the north-northeast corner of the island, along an axis between Cabo do Porto and Lajes. It is generally considered the industrialized center of the island, and is the location of one of the two main commercial ports, the international airport and many of the associated businesses associated with the Air Force base. Apart from the uninhabited areas at the center of the island, the northwestern and portions of the western coast are sparsely populated, apart from small agglomerations of homes along the roadways. Within the municipal framework, communities are subdivided into local civil parishes (19 in Angra do Heroismo and 11 in Praia da Vitória), and managed by the executive (that includes a President and cabinet) and the civil committee (with its chairperson and assembly) of the Junta Freguesia.

 * Agualva
 * Altares
 * Biscoitos
 * Cabo da Praia
 * Cinco Ribeiras
 * Doze Ribeiras
 * Feteira
 * Fonte do Bastardo
 * Fontinhas
 * Lajes
 * Nossa Senhora da Conceição
 * Porto Judeu
 * Porto Martins
 * Posto Santo
 * Quatro Ribeiras
 * Raminho
 * Ribeirinha
 * Santa Bárbara
 * Santa Cruz
 * Santa Luzia
 * São Bartolomeu de Regatos
 * São Bento
 * São Brás
 * São Mateus da Calheta
 * São Pedro
 * Sé
 * Serreta
 * Terra Chã
 * Vila de São Sebastião
 * Vila Nova

Angra do Heroísmo, the historical capital of the Azores (Açores), is the oldest city in the archipelago, dating back to 1534. Owing to the importance of the historical center in the "maritime explorations of the 15th and 16th centuries", UNESCO declared the historical center as a World Heritage Site. This was, in part, due to the fact that, as a link between the New World and Europe, Vasco de Gama, in 1499, and Pedro de Alvarado, in 1536, set up Angra as an obligatory port-of-call for the fleets of equatorial Africa and of the East and West Indies. The classification by UNESCO was based on criteria 4 and 5 that governed the inclusion based on universal historical significance (based on its place in the exploration).

Economy
The main economic activity on the island is raising of livestock and the production of dairy-based products. The island has two main sea ports, one at Angra do Heroísmo and the other at Praia da Vitória, and a commercial airport integrated with the flight operations at Base Aérea nº 4 (in the community of Lajes).

Culture
The Portuguese bullfight is popular on the island, coming in two variations: the traditional equestrian bullfight (in the ring) and the popular "touradas à corda" that occur in the streets.

Popular since the 16th century, the "touradas à corda" (literally bullfights-by-rope) are held by local Terceiran villagers from April/May to late September. In these events, similar to the Running of the Bulls, a bull is let loose from the town's square (or other open space) with a very long rope around its neck. The other end of the rope are held by eight "pastores", men dressed in traditional garb (white shirts, grey pants and a black hat), who control the animal from a distance (providing some sense of security). Courageous people then attempt to provoke the animal and get as close to it while avoiding being gored (resulting in the occasional injury or mayhem). Some "touradas à corda" also do away with the rope entirely or become semi-aquatic (when the bulls chase the participants off a dock). Following these "games" the animal is eventually retrieved and a festival will begin.

In some towns, a Portuguese equestrian bullfight will take place involving a grande procession and participation of men dressed in 16th-century costume: the pantalones (the horsemen), the bandarilheiros (the horsemen's squires), the matadores and the widely popular forcados (eight men who challenge the bull). A horsemen, usually riding a Lusitanian breed of horse, is the centre of this event: the rider will attempt to wear out the bull, while lancing a dart onto the bull's back. The matadores, in comparison to their Spanish counterparts, play a small role, usually distracting the bull during the event. At the end of each bout/bullfight, the lead forcado will challenge the bull to charge, while the remainder of the team follow the leader. The team leader attempts to grab the animal by its horns then, supported by his team, they subdue the bull. Once exhausted, the animal, normally disoriented, barely reacts when the group disperses.

One festivity that is celebrated at large on Terceira is Carnaval. Carnaval, or "Entrudo"as it is called on the island, is celebrated in quite a different way than other cultures around the world. The celebration starts on the Saturday before Ash Wednesday, when halls around the island open their doors to the public who waits to see the performances.

These performances are in the form of dance groups that travel around the island to get on stage and show the work that they put in for the people to enjoy. These dances are a way of showing bravado and magnificence in the form of popular theater. It is essentially a way of entering Lent, the idea behind "entrudo".

There are different kinds of dances, and they come from the ideas of those who create these different groups. Basically, every dance brings their unique outfits, music, songs as well as a play. The celebration of Carnaval in Terceira ends on the Tuesday before Lent. The tradition is so important within this society that those who have emigrated brought the custom along with them. This can be seen in areas such as Northeastern United States, California and Canada.

Carnaval in Terceira is celebrated between the Saturday and Tuesday stated above, but in reality the planning that is required for this all to occur can take all year. The clothing that groups wear have intricate designs and the songs and plays created just for this day demand much time. There is also a time before Carnaval in which the elderly of the island have their performances in a tradition called "Danças da Terceira Idade". These are essentially dances created specifically for the elderly to partake in a tradition that they had a hand in upholding.

LGBTI+ Community
Though the Azores are generally socially conservative, of all the islands, Terceira is known for having the most open gay male community. The famous twentieth century Terceiran poet, J.H. Santos Barros argued in 1978 that a tradition of homosexuality on the island dated back to the influence of Castilian troops stationed on the island in the 16th century.

The organisation Opus Diversidade (originally Opus Gay) - one of the oldest LGBTQ+ organisations in Portugal - was founded in Terceira in 1997. The first same sex marriage in the Azores took place in Angra de Heroismo in 2010. In 2013, the documentary film, O Carnaval é um Palco, a Ilha uma Festa (The carnival is a stage, the island a party) won the best documentary prize at the  QueerLisboa Festival. The film reported on the tradition of drag queens ("matrafonas") at the carnival festivities on Terceira.

title: Terceira Island


text: User talk:213.79.35.186

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:213.79.35.186


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Finite verb

A finite verb is the form of a verb that immediately complements a subject unless its clause is expressed in the imperative mood, which typically omits specific mention of the subject. A finite transitive verb or a finite intransitive verb can function as the root of an independent clause. Finite verbs are distinguished from non-finite verbs such as infinitives, participles, gerunds etc.

History
The term finite is derived from finitus (past participle of finire – "to put an end to, bound, limit") as the form "to which number and person appertain". Verbs were originally said to be finite if their form limited the possible person and number of the subject.

More recently, finite verbs have been construed as any verb that independently functions as a predicate verb or one that marks a verb phrase in a predicate. Under the first of those constructions, finite verbs often denote grammatical characteristics such as gender, person, number, tense, aspect, mood, modality, and voice. In the second of those constructions, a modal verb or a certain type of auxiliary verb also may function as a finite verb. Modal verbs and auxiliary verbs mark the abovementioned characteristics to varying degrees or not at all depending on the category from which verbs are drawn.

Examples
In the following sentences, the finite verbs are emphasized, while the non-finite verb forms are underlined.
 * Verbs appear in almost all sentences.
 * This sentence is illustrating finite and non-finite verbs.
 * The dog will have to be trained well.
 * Tom promised to try to do the work.
 * The case has been intensively examined today.
 * What did they want to have done about that?
 * Someone tried to refuse to accept the offer.
 * Coming downstairs, she saw the man running away.
 * I am trying to get the tickets.

In many languages (including English), there can be one finite verb at the root of each clause (unless the finite verbs are coordinated), whereas the number of non-finite verb forms can reach up to five or six, or even more, e.g.

 * He was believed to have been  told to have himself examined.

Finite verbs can appear in dependent clauses as well as independent clauses:
 * John said that he enjoyed reading.
 * Something you make yourself seems better than something you buy.

Most types of verbs can appear in finite or non-finite form (and sometimes these forms may be identical): for example, the English verb go has the finite forms go, goes, and went, and the non-finite forms go, going and gone. The English modal verbs (can, could, will, etc.) are defective and lack non-finite forms.

It might seem that every grammatically complete sentence or clause must contain a finite verb. However, sentences lacking a finite verb were quite common in the old Indo-European languages, and still occur in many present-day languages. The most important type of these are nominal sentences. Another type are sentence fragments described as phrases or minor sentences. In Latin and some Romance languages, there are a few words that can be used to form sentences without verbs, such as Latin ecce, Portuguese eis, French voici and voilà, and Italian ecco, all of these translatable as here ... is or here ... are. Some interjections can play the same role. Even in English, utterances that lack a finite verb are common, e.g. Yes., No., Bill!, Thanks., etc.

A finite verb is generally expected to have a subject, as it does in all the examples above, although null-subject languages allow the subject to be omitted. For example, in the Latin sentence cogito ergo sum ("I think therefore I am") the finite verbs cogito and sum appear without an explicit subject – the subject is understood to be the first-person personal pronoun, and this information is marked by the way the verbs are inflected. In English, finite verbs lacking subjects are normal in imperative sentences:

 * Come over here!
 * Don't look at him!

And also occur in some fragmentary utterances with an elliptical subject:

 * [It] Doesn't matter.
 * [I] Don't want to go.

Grammatical categories
The relatively limited system of inflectional morphology in English often obscures the central role of finite verbs. In other languages, finite verbs are the locus of much grammatical information. Depending on the language, finite verbs can inflect for the following grammatical categories:
 * Gender, i.e. masculine, feminine or neuter.
 * Person, e.g. 1st, 2nd, or 3rd (I/we, you, he/she/it/they).
 * Number, e.g. singular or plural (or dual).
 * Tense, i.e. present, past or future.
 * Aspect, e.g. perfect, perfective, progressive, etc.
 * Mood, e.g. indicative, subjunctive, imperative, optative, etc.
 * Voice, i.e. active, middle, or passive.

The first three categories represent agreement information that the finite verb gets from its subject (by way of subject–verb agreement). The other four categories serve to situate the clause content according to time in relation to the speaker (tense), extent to which the action, occurrence, or state is complete (aspect), assessment of reality or desired reality (mood), and relation of the subject to the action or state (voice).

Modern English is an analytic language (Old English is frequently presented as a synthetic language), which means it has limited ability to express the categories by verb inflection, and it often conveys such information periphrastically, using auxiliary verbs. In a sentence such as
 * Sam laughs a lot,

the verb form agrees in person (3rd) and number (singular) with the subject, by means of the -s ending, and this form also indicates tense (present), aspect ("simple"), mood (indicative) and voice (active). However, most combinations of the categories need to be expressed using auxiliaries:
 * Sam will have been  examined by this afternoon.

Here the auxiliaries will, have and been express respectively future time, perfect aspect and passive voice. (See English verb forms.) Highly inflected languages like Latin and Russian, however, frequently express most or even all of the categories in one finite verb.

Theories of syntax
Finite verbs play a particularly important role in syntactic analyses of sentence structure. In many phrase structure grammars for instance those that build on the X-bar schema, the finite verb is the head of the finite verb phrase and so it is the head of the entire sentence. Similarly, in dependency grammars, the finite verb is the root of the entire clause and so is the most prominent structural unit in the clause. That is illustrated by the following trees:

 * Finite verb trees 1'.png

The phrase structure grammar trees are the a-trees on the left; they are similar to the trees produced in the government and binding framework. The b-trees on the right are the dependency grammar trees. Many of the details of the trees are not important for the point at hand, but they show clearly that the finite verb (in bold each time) is the structural center of the clause. In the phrase structure trees, the highest projection of the finite verb, IP (inflection phrase) or CP (complementizer phrase), is the root of the entire tree. In the dependency trees, the projection of the finite verb (V) is the root of the entire structure.

title: Finite verb


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2–3 heap

In computer science, a 2–3 heap is a data structure, a variation on the heap, designed by Tadao Takaoka in 1999. The structure is similar to the Fibonacci heap, and borrows from the 2–3 tree.

Time costs for some common heap operations are:

 * Delete-min takes $$O(\log(n))$$ amortized time.
 * Decrease-key takes constant amortized time.
 * Insertion takes constant amortized time.

Polynomial of trees
Source:

A linear tree of size $$r$$ is a sequential path of $$r$$ nodes with the first node as a root of the tree and it is represented by a bold $$\mathbf{r}$$ (e.g. $$\mathbf{1}$$ is a linear tree of a single node). Product $$P = ST$$ of two trees $$S$$ and $$T$$, is a new tree with every node of $$S$$ is replaced by a copy of $$T$$ and for each edge of $$S$$ we connect the roots of the trees corresponding to the endpoints of the edge. Note that this definition of product is associative but not commutative. Sum $$S+T$$ of two trees $$S$$ and $$T$$ is the collection of two trees $$S$$ and $$T$$.

An r-ary polynomial of trees is defined as $$P = \mathbf{a}_{k-1}\mathbf{r}^{k-1} + \dots + \mathbf{a}_1\mathbf{r} + \mathbf{a}_0$$ where $$0 \leq a_i \leq r-1$$. This polynomial notation for trees of $$n$$ nodes is unique. The tree $$\mathbf{a}_i\mathbf{r}^i$$ is actually $$a_i$$ copy of $$\mathbf{r}^i$$ that their roots are connected with $$a_i-1$$ edges sequentially and the path of these $$a_i-1$$ edge is called the main trunk of the tree $$\mathbf{a}_i\mathbf{r}^i$$. Furthermore, an r-ary polynomial of trees is called an r-nomial queue if nodes of the polynomial of trees are associated with keys in heap property.

Operations on r-nomial queues
To merge two terms of form $$\mathbf{a}_i \mathbf{r}^i$$ and $$\mathbf{a}'_i \mathbf{r}^i$$, we just reorder the trees in the main trunk based on the keys in the root of trees. If $$a_i + a'_i \geq r$$ we will have a term of form $$(\mathbf{a}_i+\mathbf{a}'_i-\mathbf{r}) \mathbf{r}^i$$ and a carry tree $$\mathbf{r}^{i+1}$$. Otherwise, we would have only a tree $$(\mathbf{a}_i+\mathbf{a}'_i) \mathbf{r}^i$$. So the sum of two r-nomial queues are actually similar to the addition of two number in base $$r$$.

An insertion of a key into a polynomial queue is like merging a single node with the label of the key into the existing r-nomial queue, taking $$O(r \log_r{n})$$ time.

To delete the minimum, first, we need to find the minimum in the root of a tree, say $$T$$, then we delete the minimum from $$T$$ and we add the resulting polynomial queue $$Q$$ to $$P-T$$ in total time $$O(r \log_r{n})$$.

(2,3)-heap
Source:

An $$(l,r)-$$ tree $$T(i)$$ is defined recursively by $$T(i) = T_1(i-1) \triangleleft \dots \triangleleft T_s(i-1)$$ for $$i \geq 1$$ ($$s$$ is between $$l$$ and $$r$$ and $$(s-1)$$ $$\triangleleft$$ operations are evaluated from right to left) where for two trees, $$A$$ and $$B$$, the result of the operation$$ A \triangleleft B $$ is connecting the root of $$ B $$ as a rightmost child to the root of $$A$$ and $$T(0) $$ is a single node tree. Note that the root of the tree $$T(i)$$ has degree $$i$$.

An extended polynomial of trees, $$P$$, is defined by $$P = a_{k-1}T(k-1) + \dots + a_1T(1) + a_0$$. If we assign keys into the nodes of an extended polynomial of trees in heap order it is called $$(l, r)-heap$$, and the special case of $$l = 2$$ and $$r = 3$$ is called $$(2, 3)-heap$$.

Operations on (2,3)-heap
Delete-min: First find the minimum by scanning the root of the trees. Let $$T(i)$$ be the tree containing minimum element and let $$Q$$ be the result of removing root from $$T(i)$$. Then merge $$P - T(i)$$ and $$Q$$ (The merge operation is similar to merge of two r-nomial queues).

Insertion: In order to insert a new key, merge the currently existing (2,3)-heap with a single node tree, $$T(0)$$ labeled with this key.

Decrease Key: To be done!

title: 2–3 heap


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Rajput

Rajput (from Sanskrit rājaputra meaning "son of a king"), also called Thakur, is a large multi-component cluster of castes, kin bodies, and local groups, sharing social status and ideology of genealogical descent originating from the Indian subcontinent. The term Rajput covers various patrilineal clans historically associated with warriorhood: several clans claim Rajput status, although not all claims are universally accepted. According to modern scholars, almost all Rajput clans originated from peasant or pastoral communities.

Over time, the Rajputs emerged as a social class comprising people from a variety of ethnic and geographical backgrounds. From 12th to 16th centuries, the membership of this class became largely hereditary, although new claims to Rajput status continued to be made in the later centuries. Several Rajput-ruled kingdoms played a significant role in many regions of central and northern India from seventh century onwards.

The Rajput population and the former Rajput states are found in northern, western, central and eastern India, as well as southern and eastern Pakistan, southern Nepal, and Bangladesh. These areas include Chiraghabad, Rajasthan, Delhi, Haryana, Gujarat, Eastern Punjab, Western Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu, Uttarakhand, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Sindh.

Early references
The word rājaputra (राजपुत्र; literally "son of a king") finds mention in some ancient Hindu scriptures like the Rigveda, Ramayana and Mahabharata. The word first appears in a sense other than its literal meaning in the 7th century Bakshali manuscript from NWFP in reference to a mercenary soldier, while in the 8th century Chachnama of Sindh, it is used in the sense of elite horsemen. Andre Wink notes that the military nobility of Sindh ruler Dahir to which the Chachnama and Al-Baladhuri refer as thakurs can be seen as Rajputs in the original sense of the word. In the 12th century Rajtarangini, it has been used in the sense of a landowner.

Scholars' views
The origin of the Rajputs has been a much-debated topic among historians. Historian Satish Chandra states: "Modern historians are more or less agreed that the Rajputs consisted of miscellaneous groups including Shudra and tribals. Some were Brahmans who took to warfare, and some were from Tribes- indigenous or foreign". Thus, the Rajput community formation was a result of political factors that influenced caste mobility, called Sanskritization by some scholars and Rajputization by others. Modern scholars agree that nearly all Rajputs clans originated from peasant or pastoral communities.

Alf Hiltebeitel discusses three theories by Raj era and early writers for Rajput origin and gives the reasons as to why these theories are dismissed by modern research. British colonial-era writers characterised Rajputs as descendants of the foreign invaders such as the Scythians or the Hunas, and believed that the Agnikula myth was invented to conceal their foreign origin. According to this theory, the Rajputs originated when these invaders were assimilated into the Kshatriya category during the 6th or 7th century, following the collapse of the Gupta Empire. While many of these colonial writers propagated this foreign-origin theory in order to legitimise the colonial rule, the theory was also supported by some Indian scholars, such as D. R. Bhandarkar. The second theory was promulgated by C.V. Vaidya who believed in the Aryan invasion theory and that the entire 9th-10th century Indian populace was composed of only one race - the Aryans who had not yet mixed with the Shudras or Dravidians. Nationalist historians Vaidya and R.B. Singh write that the Rajputs had originated from the Vedic Aryan Kshatriyas of the epics - Ramayana and Mahabharata. Vaidya bases this theory on certain attributes - such as bravery and "physical strength" of Draupadi and Kausalya and the bravery of the Rajputs. However, Hiltebeitel says that such "affinities do not point to an unbroken continuity between an ancient epic period" in the Vedic period (3500 BCE - 3000 BCE according to Vaidya) and the "great Rajput tradition" that started in sixteenth-century Rajasthan instead "raise the question of similarities between the epics' allusions to Vedic Vratya warbands and earlier medieval low status Rajput clans". Hiltebeitel concludes that such attempts to trace Rajputs from epic and Vedic sources are "unconvincing" and cites Nancy MacLean and B.D. Chattopadhyaya to label Vaidya's historiography on Rajputs as "often hopeless". A third group of historians, which includes Jai Narayan Asopa, theorised that the Rajputs were Brahmins who became rulers. However, such "one track arguments" and "contrived evidence" such as shape of the head, cultural stereotypes, etc. are dismissed by Hiltebeitel who refers to such claims and Asopa's epic references as "far-fetched" or "unintelligible".

Recent research suggests that the Rajputs came from a variety of ethnic and geographical backgrounds and various varnas. Tanuja Kothiyal states: "In the colonial ethnographic accounts rather than referring to Rajputs as having emerged from other communities, Bhils, Mers, Minas, Gujars, Jats, Raikas, all lay a claim to a Rajput past from where they claim to have 'fallen'. Historical processes, however, suggest just the opposite".

The word "rajput" meant 'horse soldier', 'trooper', 'headman of a village' or 'subordinate chief' before the 15th century. Individuals with whom the word "rajput" was associated before the 15th century were considered varna–samkara ("mixed caste origin") and inferior to Kshatriya. Over time, the term "Rajput" came to denote a hereditary political status, which was not necessarily very high: the term could denote a wide range of rank-holders, from an actual son of a king to the lowest-ranked landholder.

According to scholars, in medieval times "the political units of India were probably ruled most often by men of very low birth" and this "may be equally applicable for many clans of 'Rajputs' in northern India". Burton Stein explains that this process of allowing rulers, frequently of low social origin, a "clean" rank via social mobility in the Hindu Varna system serves as one of the explanations of the longevity of the unique Indian civilisation.

The medieval tales on Pabuji depicting Rajput, Charan, Bhil and Rabari warriors fighting side by side as well as other medieval and contemporary texts show claims made by Nomadic tribes of the Thar desert to a higher rank in the society.

Gradually, the term Rajput came to denote a social class, which was formed when the various tribal and nomadic groups became landed aristocrats, and transformed into the ruling class. These groups assumed the title "Rajput" as part of their claim to higher social positions and ranks. The early medieval literature suggests that this newly formed Rajput class comprised people from multiple castes. Thus, the Rajput identity is not the result of a shared ancestry. Rather, it emerged when different social groups of medieval India sought to legitimise their newly acquired political power by claiming Kshatriya status. These groups started identifying as Rajput at different times, in different ways. Thus, modern scholars summarise that Rajputs were a "group of open status" since the eighth century, mostly illiterate warriors who claimed to be reincarnates of ancient Indian Kshatriyas – a claim that had no historical basis. Moreover, this unfounded Kshatriya status claim showed a sharp contrast to the classical varna of Kshatriyas as depicted in Hindu literature in which Kshatriyas are depicted as an educated and urbanite clan. Historian Thomas R. Metcalf mentions the opinion of Indian scholar K. M. Panikkar who also considers the famous Rajput dynasties of medieval India to have come from non-Kshatriya castes.

Stewart Gordon writes that during the era of the Mughal empire, hypergamous marriage "marrying up", combined with service in the state army was another way a tribal family could "become" Rajput. This process required a change in dress, diet, worship, and other traditions, ending widow remarriage, for example. Such a marriage between someone from a tribal family, and a member of an acknowledged - but possibly poor - Rajput family, would ultimately enable the non-Rajput family to rise to Rajput status. This marriage pattern supports the fact that Rajput was an "open caste category", available to those who served the Mughals.

Rajput formation continued in the colonial era. Even in the 19th century, anyone from the "village landlord" to the "newly wealthy lower caste Shudra" could employ Brahmins to retrospectively fabricate a genealogy and within a couple of generations they would gain acceptance as Hindu Rajputs. This process would get mirrored by communities in north India. This process of origin of the Rajput community resulted in hypergamy as well as female infanticide that was common in Hindu Rajput clans. Scholars refer to this as "Rajputisation", which, like Sanskritisation, was a mode for upward mobility, but it differed from Sanskritisation in other attributes, like the method of worship, lifestyle, diet, social interaction, rules for women, and marriage, etc. German historian Hermann Kulke has coined the term "Secondary Rajputisation" for describing the process of members of a tribe trying to re-associate themselves with the former chief of their tribe who had already transformed himself into a Rajput via Rajputisation and thus become Rajputs themselves.

According to some scholars, the term rajputra was reserved for the immediate relatives of a king; scholars like BD Chattopadhyay believe that it was used for a larger group of high-ranking men.

Emergence as a community

There are historical indications of the group calling themselves Rajputs by sixth century AD which settled in Indo-Gangetic Plain. However, scholarly opinions differ on when the term Rajput acquired hereditary connotations and came to denote a clan-based community. An opinion asserts that the terms like rajputra and rauta began to be more commonly used from 12th century onwards to denote a large number of people and a Rajput caste established itself well before the thirteenth century. The reference to the clan structure of Rajputs in contemporary historical works like Rajatarangini by Kalhana along with other epigraphic evidences indicates their existence as a community by 12th century.

Historian Brajadulal Chattopadhyaya, based on his analysis of inscriptions (primarily from Rajasthan), believed that by the 12th century, the term rajaputra was associated with fortified settlements, kin-based landholding, and other features that later became indicative of the Rajput status. According to him, the title acquired "an element of heredity" from c. 1300. A study of 11th–14th century inscriptions from western and central India, by Michael B. Bednar, concludes that the designations such as rajaputra, thakkura and rauta were not necessarily hereditary during this period.

Rajputs were involved in nomadic pastoralism, animal husbandry and cattle trade until much later than popularly believed. The 17th century chronicles of Muhnot Nainsi i.e. Munhata Nainsi ri Khyat and Marwar ra Paraganan ri Vigat discuss disputes between Rajputs pertaining to cattle raids. In addition, Folk deities of the Rajputs – Pabuji, Mallinath, Gogaji and Ramdeo were considered protectors of cattle herding communities. They also imply struggle among Rajputs for domination over cattle and pasturelands. The emergence of Rajput community was the result of a gradual change from mobile pastoral and tribal groups into landed sedentary ones. This necessitated control over mobile resources for agrarian expansion which in turn necessitated kinship structures, martial and marital alliances.

B.D Chattopadhyaya opines that during its formative stages, the Rajput class was quite assimilative and absorbed people from a wide range of lineages. However, by the late 16th century, it had become genealogically rigid, based on the ideas of blood purity, Dirk Kolff writes. The membership of the Rajput class was now largely inherited rather than acquired through military achievements. A major factor behind this development was the consolidation of the Mughal Empire, whose rulers had great interest in genealogy. As the various Rajput chiefs became Mughal feudatories, they no longer engaged in major conflicts with each other. This decreased the possibility of achieving prestige through military action, and made hereditary prestige more important.

According to David Ludden, the word "Rajput" acquired its present-day meaning in the 16th century. According to Kolff, during 16th and 17th centuries, the Rajput rulers and their bards (charans) sought to legitimise the Rajput socio-political status on the basis of descent and kinship. They fabricated genealogies linking the Rajput families to the ancient dynasties, and associated them with myths of origins that established their Kshatriya status. This led to the emergence of what Indologist Dirk Kolff calls the "Rajput Great Tradition", which accepted only hereditary claims to the Rajput identity, and fostered a notion of eliteness and exclusivity. The legendary epic poem Prithviraj Raso, which depicts warriors from several different Rajput clans as associates of Prithviraj Chauhan, fostered a sense of unity among these clans. The text thus contributed to the consolidation of the Rajput identity by offering these clans a shared history.

Despite these developments, migrant soldiers made new claims to the Rajput status until as late as the 19th century. In the 19th century, the colonial administrators of India re-imagined the Rajputs as similar to the Anglo-Saxon knights. They compiled the Rajput genealogies in the process of settling land disputes, surveying castes and tribes, and writing history. These genealogies became the basis of distinguishing between the "genuine" and the "spurious" Rajput clans.

History of Rajput Kingdoms
The Rajput kingdoms were disparate: loyalty to a clan was more important than allegiance to the wider Rajput social grouping, meaning that one clan would fight another. This and the internecine jostling for position that took place when a clan leader (raja) died meant that Rajput politics were fluid and prevented the formation of a coherent Rajput empire.

The term "Rajput" has been used as an anachronistic designation for leading martial lineages of 11th and 12th centuries that confronted the Ghaznavid and Ghurid invaders, although the Rajput identity for a lineage did not exist at this time, these lineages were classified as aristocratic Rajput clans in the later times.

However, other scholarly opinion staged emergence of Rajput clans as early as seventh century AD. when they start to make themselves lords of various localities and dominate region in current day Northern India. These dynasties were Pratiharas of Kannauj, the Chahamanas (of Shakambhari, Nadol and Jalor), the Tomaras of Delhi, the Chaulukyas, the Paramaras, the Gahadavalas, Chandela, Sisodias, Guhilas etc. The Rajput ruled kingdoms repelled early invasions of Arab commanders after Muhammad ibn Qasim conquered Sindh and executed last Hindu king of the kingdom, Raja Dahir. Rajput family of Mewar under Bappa Rawal and later under Khoman fought off invasions by Arab generals and restricted them only until the border of Rajasthan but failed to recapture Sindh. By the first quarter of 11th century, Turkic conqueror Mahmud Ghaznavi launched several successful military expeditions in the territories of Rajputs, defeating them everytime and by 1025 A.D, he demolished and looted the famous Somnath Temple and its Rajput ruler Bhimdev Solanki fled his capital. Rajput rulers at Gwalior and Kalinjar were able to hold off assaults by Maḥmūd, although the two cities did pay him heavy tribute. By last quarter of 12th century, Mohd Ghori defeated and executed the last of Ghaznavid rulers and captured their region along with plundering Ghazna, the capital of Ghaznavids. After capturing the northwest frontier, he invaded Rajput domain. In 1191, Prithviraj Chauhan of Ajmer led a coalition of Rajput kings and defeated Ghori near Taraori. However, he returned a year later with an army of mounted archers and crushed Rajput forces on the same battlefield of Taraori, Prithviraj fled the battlefield but was caught near Sirsa and was executed by Ghurids. Following the battle, the Delhi Sultanate became prominent in the Delhi region. The Rajputs fought against Sultans of Delhi from Rajasthan and other adjoining areas. By first quarter of 14th century, Alauddin Khalji sacked key Rajput fortresses of Chittor (1303), Ranthambor (1301) and other Rajput ruled kingdoms like Siwana and Jalore. However, Rajputs resurgence took place under Rana Hammir who defeated Tughlaq army of Muhammad bin Tughluq in Singoli in 1336 CE and recaptured Rajasthan from Delhi sultanate. In the 15th century, the Muslim sultans of Malwa and Gujarat put a joint effort to overcome the Mewar ruler Rana Kumbha but both the sultans were defeated. Kumbha's grandson renowned Rana Sanga inherited a troubling kingdom after death of his brothers but through his capable rule turned traditional kingdom of Mewar into one of the greatest power in northern India during the early 16th century. Sanga defeated Sultans of Gujarat, Malwa and Delhi several times in various battles and expanded his kingdom. Sanga led a grand alliance of Rajput rulers and defeated the Mughal forces of Babur in early combat but was defeated at Khanwa through Mughal's use of Gunpowder which was unknown in Northern India at the time. His fierce rival Babur in his autobiography acknowledged him as the greatest Hindu king of that time along with Krishnadevaraya. After a few years Maldev Rathore of Marwar rose in power controlling almost whole portion of western and eastern Rajasthan. From 1200 CE, many Rajput groups moved eastwards towards the Eastern Gangetic plains forming their own chieftaincies. These minor Rajput kingdoms were dotted all over the Gangetic plains in modern-day Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. During this process, petty clashes occurred with the local population and in some cases, alliances were formed. Among these Rajput chieftaincies were the Bhojpur zamindars and the taluks of Awadh.

The immigration of Rajput clan chiefs into these parts of the Gangetic plains also contributed the agricultural appropriation of previously forested areas, especially in South Bihar. Some have linked this eastwards expansion with the onset of Ghurid invasion in the West. From as early as the 16th century, Purbiya Rajput soldiers from the eastern regions of Bihar and Awadh, were recruited as mercenaries for Rajputs in the west, particularly in the Malwa region.

Akbar's period
After the mid-16th century, many Rajput rulers formed close relationships with the Mughal emperors and served them in different capacities. It was due to the support of the Rajputs that Akbar was able to lay the foundations of the Mughal empire in India. Some Rajput nobles gave away their daughters in marriage to Mughal emperors and princes for political motives. For example, Akbar accomplished 40 marriages for himself, his sons and grandsons, out of which 17 were Rajput-Mughal alliances. Akbar's successors as Mughal emperors, his son Jahangir and grandson Shah Jahan had Rajput mothers. Although Rajput rulers provided the brides to the Mughals, neither Akbar nor his successors provided brides to the Rajput rulers. For example, Akbar got this sisters and daughters married to Timurids and prominent Muslims from central and west Asia. Historian Michael Fisher states that the bards and poets patronized by the Rajput rulers who served Akbar raised Akbar to a "semi-divine" status and gives an example of Akbar being projected as a "divine master" in the "Hindu cosmic order". The writer also finds correlation between the increasing numbers of Hindu Rajput wives in Akbar's household and Hindu Rajputs as well as non-Rajput Hindus in his administration to the religious and political policy followed by him towards non-Muslims which included ending the prohibition on the construction of new temples of non -Muslim faiths like Hindu, Jain etc. In 1564 AD, Akbar had also stopped collection of jaziya from non-Muslims, a tax considered as discriminatory by several non-Muslims which also consisted of his Hindu Rajput officials. The ruling Sisodia Rajput family of Mewar made it a point of honour not to engage in matrimonial relationships with Mughals and thus claimed to stand apart from those Rajput clans who did so. Rana Pratap is renowned as a "Rajput icon" for firmly fighting with Akbar's forces for the cause of Mewar's freedom. Once Mewar had submitted and alliance of Rajputs reached a measure of stability, matrimonial between leading Rajput states and Mughals became rare.

Shah Jahan's period
One of the most conspicuous event of Shah Jahan's period was rebellion of Bundela rajputs, which was crushed by prince Aurangzeb with iron hand.

Aurangzeb's period
Akbar's diplomatic policy regarding the Rajputs was later damaged by the intolerant rules introduced by his great-grandson Aurangzeb. A prominent example of these rules included the re-imposition of Jaziya, which had been abolished by Akbar. However, despite imposition of Jaziya Aurangzeb's army had a high proportion of Rajput officers in the upper ranks of the imperial army and they were all exempted from paying Jaziya. The Rajputs then revolted against the Mughal empire. Aurangzeb's conflicts with the Rajputs, which commenced in the early 1680s, henceforth became a contributing factor towards the downfall of the Mughal empire.

Later
Historian Lynn Zastoupil states that the Mughal Emperors manipulated the appointment of the successor of the Rajput rulers. In the early 18th century, when the Mughal power declined, Rajput states enjoyed a brief period of independence. But soon the Maratha Empire (or confederacy) started collecting tribute from and harassing some Rajput states. Some Rajput states, in the 1780s appealed to the British East India Company for assistance against the Marathas but their requests for assistance were denied at the time.

By 1765, Awadh had become ally of the British East India Company and the increase in demand for revenue led to a continuous tussle in between the Nawab of Awadh and Rajput leadership bringing political instability in the region.

In one 18th century example given by Pinch, Rajputs of Awadh countered the upward mobility of some of the peasant castes, who by virtue of their economic prosperity sought higher status by wearing Janeu, a sacred thread or claimed Kshatriya status. The records indicates that during the tenure of Asaf-ud-Daula in Awadh, when a section of Awadhiya Kurmi were about to be bestowed with the title of Raja, the Rajput constituency of Asaf's court caused stiff opposition to the move despite the fact that the Rajputs themselves were newcomers to the court and were peasant-soldiers a few year before. Rajputs of Awadh along with Brahmins also formed the major groups who gained during Asaf's regime.

British colonial period
In the late eighteenth century, despite the request from two Rajput rulers for British support, the British East India company initially refused to support the Rajput states in Rajputana region as they had the policy of non-interference and considered the Rajput states to be weak. In the early nineteenth century, British administrator Warren Hastings realised how alliance with the Rajputs had benefited the Mughals and believed that a similar alliance may give the East India company political advantage in India. In his journal, in January 1815, he noted that Rajput states - Jaipur, Jodhpur and Udaipur had been "devastated" by the Scindia, Holkars, Pindari, Ameer Khan and Muhammad Shah Khan and that the Rajput rulers made multiple petitions to him requesting British protection. Moreover, the Rajput rulers had argued that "British had replaced the Mughal Empire as the supreme power of India and therefore had the responsibility to protect weaker states from aggressive ones". Charles Metcalfe agreed with this reasoning. One by one, many Rajput states in Rajputana came under British protection and became their allies - Kota, Udaipur, Bundi, Kishangarh, Bikaner, Jaipur, Pratapgarh, Banswara, Dungarpur, Jaisalmer by 1817-18 and Sirohi by 1823. The British promised to protect the Rajput states from their adversaries and not interfere in internal affairs in exchange for tribute. However, David Ochterlony, who was in charge of the Rajput states broke the promise to not interfere as in his view interferences would save the states from "ruin". In 1820, the British removed him from his position and replaced him with Charles Metcalfe. For several decades, "non-interference" in internal affairs remained the official policy. However, according to the historian Lynn Zastoupil, the "British never found it possible or desirable to completely withdraw from interference in Rajput affairs".

The medieval bardic chronicles (kavya and masnavi) glorified the Rajput past, presenting warriorhood and honour as Rajput ideals. This later became the basis of the British reconstruction of the Rajput history and the nationalist interpretations of Rajputs' struggles with the Muslim invaders. James Tod, a British colonial official, was impressed by the military qualities of the Rajputs but is today considered to have been unusually enamoured of them. Although the group venerate him to this day, he is viewed by many historians since the late nineteenth century as being a not particularly reliable commentator. Jason Freitag, his only significant biographer, has said that Tod is "manifestly biased".

As per the historian Thomas R. Metcalf, Rajput Taluqdars in Oudh provided a large numbers of leaders to the revolt of 1857 in that region. Kunwar Singh, a Rajput Zamindar was an important leader in Bihar region in the Indian Rebellion of 1857.

Historian Robert Stern points out that in Rajputana, although there were some revolts in the soldiers commanded by British officers the "Rajpur durbar muskeeters and feudal cavalrymen" did not participate in the 1857 revolt at all. But Crispin Bates is of the opinion that Rajput officers had soft corner for the rebels of 1857 fleeing Delhi who were entering into interior areas of then Rajasthan region. He gives examples of rebels who easily found safe havens in villages of Chittor without arrests.

In reference to the role of the Rajput soldiers serving under the British banner, Captain A. H. Bingley wrote: "Rajputs have served in our ranks from Plassey to the present day (1899). They have taken part in almost every campaign undertaken by the Indian armies. Under Forde they defeated the French at Condore. Under Monro at Buxar they routed the forces of the Nawab of Oudh. Under Lake they took part in the brilliant series of victories which destroyed the power of the Marathas."

The Rajput practices of female infanticide and sati (widow immolation) were other matters of concern to the British. It was believed that the Rajputs were the primary adherents to these practices, which the British Raj considered savage and which provided the initial impetus for British ethnographic studies of the subcontinent that eventually manifested itself as a much wider exercise in social engineering.

During the British rule their love for pork, i.e. wild boar, was also well known and the British identified them as a group based on this.

Some unrelated communities tried to change their status to Rajput during the Colonial era. William Rowe, discusses an example of a Shudra caste - the Noniyas (caste of salt makers)- from Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. A large section of this caste that had "become" "Chauhan Rajputs" over three generations in the British Raj era. The more wealthy or advanced Noniyas started by forming the Sri Rajput Pacharni Sabha (Rajput Advancement Society) in 1898 and emulating the Rajput lifestyle. They also started wearing of Sacred thread. Rowe states that at a historic meeting of the caste in 1936, every child in this Noniya section "knew" about their "Rajput heritage". Similarly, Donald Attwood and Baviskar give and example of a caste of shepherds who were formerly Shudras changed their status to Rajput in the Raj era and started wearing the Sacred thread. They are now known as Sagar Rajputs. The scholars consider this example as a case among thousands.

Princely States
On India's independence in 1947, the princely states, including those of the Rajput, were given three options: join either India or Pakistan, or remain independent. Rajput rulers of the 22 princely states of Rajputana acceded to newly independent India, amalgamated into the new state of Rajasthan in 1949–1950. Initially the maharajas were granted funding from the Privy purse in exchange for their acquiescence, but a series of land reforms over the following decades weakened their power, and their privy purse was cut off during Indira Gandhi's administration under the 1971 Constitution 26th Amendment Act. The estates, treasures, and practices of the old Rajput rulers now form a key part of Rajasthan's tourist trade and cultural memory.

The Rajput Dogra ruler of Kashmir and Jammu acceded to India in 1947, while retaining his title until the monarchy was abolished in 1971 by the 26th amendment to the Constitution of India.

Before the zamindari abolition, the Rajputs in Oudh formed the major Taluqdars and had controlled over 50 percent of the land in the most districts of the region. Historian Thomas R. Metcalf explains that in the province of Uttar Pradesh, majority of the Taluqdars with moderate to large estates were composed of Rajput caste. He also mentions that Rajputs were only next to Brahmins in the ritual hierarchy and also gave the secular elite of the state. According to him, the community controlled most of the best agricultural land in the region and this also helped the Rajput Taluqdars who were usually the head of the local Rajput clan to gather support over non-Rajput rival in the electoral politics of the state.

Sati
There have been several cases of Sati (burning a widow alive) in Rajasthan from 1943 to 1987. According to an Indian scholar, there are 28 cases since 1947. Although the widows were from several different communities, Rajput widows accounted for 19 cases in Rajasthan. The most famous of these cases is of a Rajput woman named Roop Kanwar. 40,000 Rajputs gathered on the street of Jaipur in October 1987 for supporting her Sati. A pamphlet circulated on that day attacked independent and westernised women who opposed a woman's duty of worshipping her husband as demonstrated by the practice of Sati. This incident again affirmed the low status of women in the Rajput community and the leaders of this pro-sati movement gained in political terms.

Affirmative Action
The Rajputs, in most of the states, are considered a General caste (forward caste) in India's system of positive discrimination. This means that they have no access to reservations. But they are classified as an Other Backward Class by the National Commission for Backward Classes in the state of Karnataka. Some Rajputs in various states, as with other agricultural castes, demand reservations in Government jobs. In 2016, Sikh Rajputs were added under Backward Classes in Punjab but after protest by the community, the government announced that they will be again put under General Category.

Rajput politics
Rajput politics refers to the role played by the Rajput community in the electoral politics of India. In states such as Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Uttrakhand, Jammu, Himachal Pradesh, and Gujarat, the large populations of Rajputs gives them a decisive role.

Subdivisions
The term "Rajput" denotes a cluster of castes, clans, and lineages. It is a vaguely-defined term, and there is no universal consensus on which clans make up the Rajput community. In medieval Rajasthan (the historical Rajputana) and its neighbouring areas, the word Rajput came to be restricted to certain specific clans, based on patrilineal descent and intermarriages. On the other hand, the Rajput communities living in the region to the east of Rajasthan had a fluid and inclusive nature. The Rajputs of Rajasthan eventually refused to acknowledge the Rajput identity claimed by their eastern counterparts, such as the Bundelas. The Rajputs claim to be Kshatriyas or descendants of Kshatriyas, but their actual status varies greatly, ranging from princely lineages to common cultivators.

There are several major subdivisions of Rajputs, known as vansh or vamsha, the step below the super-division jāti These vansh delineate claimed descent from various sources, and the Rajput are generally considered to be divided into three primary vansh: Suryavanshi denotes descent from the solar deity Surya, Chandravanshi (Somavanshi) from the lunar deity Chandra, and Agnivanshi from the fire deity Agni. The Agnivanshi clans include Parmar, Chaulukya (Solanki), Parihar and Chauhan.

Lesser-noted vansh include Udayvanshi, Rajvanshi, and Rishivanshi. The histories of the various vanshs were later recorded in documents known as vamshāavalīis; André Wink counts these among the "status-legitimizing texts".

Beneath the vansh division are smaller and smaller subdivisions: kul, shakh ("branch"), khamp or khanp ("twig"), and nak ("twig tip"). Marriages within a kul are generally disallowed (with some flexibility for kul-mates of different gotra lineages). The kul serves as the primary identity for many of the Rajput clans, and each kul is protected by a family goddess, the kuldevi. Lindsey Harlan notes that in some cases, shakhs have become powerful enough to be functionally kuls in their own right.

Culture and ethos
The Bengal army of the East India Company recruited heavily from upper castes such as Brahmins and Rajputs of north-central India particularly from the region of Awadh and Bihar. However, after the revolt of 1857 by the Bengal sepoys, the British Indian army shifted recruitment to the Punjab.

Martial race
The Rajputs were designated as a Martial Race in the period of the British Raj. This was a designation created by administrators that classified each ethnic group as either "martial" or "non-martial": a "martial race" was typically considered brave and well built for fighting, whilst the remainder were those whom the British believed to be unfit for battle because of their sedentary lifestyles. However, the martial races were also considered politically subservient, intellectually inferior, lacking the initiative or leadership qualities to command large military formations. The British had a policy of recruiting the martial Indians from those who has less access to education as they were easier to control. According to modern historian Jeffrey Greenhunt on military history, "The Martial Race theory had an elegant symmetry. Indians who were intelligent and educated were defined as cowards, while those defined as brave were uneducated and backward". According to Amiya Samanta, the martial race was chosen from people of mercenary spirit (a soldier who fights for any group or country that will pay him/her), as these groups lacked nationalism as a trait.

Deities
One of the most revered deities of Rajputs is Karni Mata, whom many Rajput clans worship as family goddess and link their community's existence or survival in dire times. Lord Shiva (who is very popular all across India) and Goddess Durga are popular deities worshipped by the Hindu Rajputs. Lord Shiva's image is found in the shrines in the homes of many of the Rajput families. In Sikh Rajputs, Guru Ram Rai is quite popular. The fierce form of Goddess Durga, called Sherawali Mata or "she who rides a lion" is popular among Rajput women.

Rajput lifestyle
The Rajputs of Bihar were inventors of the martial art form Pari Khanda, which includes heavy use of swords and shields. This exercise was later included in the folk dances of Bihar and Jharkhand like that of Chhau dance. On special occasions, a primary chief would break up a meeting of his vassal chiefs with khanda nariyal, the distribution of daggers and coconuts. Another affirmation of the Rajput's reverence for his sword was the Karga Shapna ("adoration of the sword") ritual, performed during the annual Navaratri festival, after which a Rajput is considered "free to indulge his passion for rapine and revenge". The Rajput of Rajasthan also offer a sacrifice of water buffalo or goat to their family goddess (Kuldevta) during Navaratri. The ritual requires slaying of the animal with a single stroke. In the past this ritual was considered a rite of passage for young Rajput men.

The general greeting used by the Rajputs in social gatherings and occasions, ' Jai Mataji ' or its regional variants, stands for 'Victory to the Mother Goddess '. This phrase also operated as a military solgan or war cry, often painted on the shields and banners of the jagirdars.

Hospitability
Harald Tambs-Lyche states that like other martial races of South Asia, Rajputs have a reputation for being Hospitable i.e. they welcome and are friendly to guests.

Miscellaneous
By the late 19th century, there was a shift of focus among Rajputs from politics to a concern with kinship. Many Rajputs of Rajasthan are nostalgic about their past and keenly conscious of their genealogy, emphasising a Rajput ethos that is martial in spirit, with a fierce pride in lineage and tradition.

Female infanticide
Female infanticide was practised by Rajputs of low ritual status trying upward mobility as well as Rajputs of high ritual status. But there were instances where it was not practised and instances where the mother tried to save the infant girl's life. According to the officials in the early Raj era, in Etawah(Uttar Pradesh), the Gahlot, Bamungors and Bais would kill their daughters if they were rich but profit from getting them married if they were poor.

The methods used of killing the female baby were drowning, strangulation, poisoning, "Asphyxia by drawing the umbilical cord over the baby's face to prevent respiration". Other ways were to leave the infant to die without food and if she survived the first few hours after birth, she was given poison. A common way to poison the infant during breastfeeding was by applying a preparation of poisonous plants like Datura, Madar or Poppy to the mother's breast.

Social activists in the early nineteenth century tried to stop these practices by quoting Hindu Shastras: "'to kill one woman is equal to one hundred brahmins, to kill one child is equal to one hundred women, while to kill one hundred children is an offence too heinous for comparison'."

Infanticide has unintended consequences. The Rajput clans of lower ritual status married their daughters to Rajput men of higher ritual status who had lost females due to infanticide. Thus, the Rajputs of lower ritual status had to remain unmarried or resorted to other practices like marrying widows, levirate marriages (marrying brother's widow) as well as marrying low-caste women such as Jats and Gujars or nomads. This resulted in widening the gap between Rajputs of low ritual status and Rajputs of high ritual status.

In the late 19th century, to curb the practice, the act VIII of 1870 was introduced. A magistrate suggested: "'Let every Rajput be thoroughly convinced that he will go to jail for ten years for every infant girl he murders, with as much certainty as he would feel about being hanged if he were to kill her when grown up, and the crime will be stamped out very effectually; but so long as the Government show any hesitation in dealing rigorously with criminals, so long will the Rajpoot think he has chance of impunity and will go on killing girls like before.'"

However, the practical application of the law faced hurdles. It was difficult to prove culpability as in some cases the Rajput men were employed at a distance although the infants could be killed at their connivance. In most cases, Rajput men were imprisoned only for a short time. Between 1888 and 1889, the proportion of girl children rose to 40%. However, the act was abolished in 1912 as punishments were unable to stop infanticide. A historian concludes that "the act, which only scraped the surface of the problem had been unable to civilize or bring about a social change in a cultural world devaluing girl children". In addition to Rajputs, it was observed that Jats and Ahirs also practised infanticide.

Brideprice or Bridewealth weddings
"Bridewealth" is discussed in north Indian Rajputs of 19th century India by the historian Malavika Kasturi. She states that Rajputs belonging to social groups where their women worked in the fields received Bridewealth from the groom's family. She adds that evidence shows that the assumption made by officials of the time that female infanticide among clans was a result of poverty and inability to pay dowry is incorrect.

Rajput women could be incorporated into Mughal Harem and this defined the Mughals as overlords over the Rajput clans. The Sisodia clan of Mewar was an exception as they refused to send their women to the Mughal Harem which resulted in siege and mass suicide at Chittor.

Historically, members from the Rajput ruling clans of Rajasthan have also practised polygamy and also took many women they enslaved as concubines from the battles which they won. During numerous armed conflicts in India, women were taken captives, enslaved and even sold, for example, the capture and selling of Marwar's women by Jaipur's forces in the battle between Jaipur state and Jodhpur state in 1807. The enslaved women were referred to by different terms according to the conditions imposed on them, for example, a "domestic slave" was called davri; a dancer was called a patar; a "senior female slave–retainer in the women's quarters" was called badaran or vadaran; a concubine was called khavasin; and a woman who was "permitted to wear the veil" like Rajput queens was called a pardayat.

The term chakar was used for a person serving their "superior" and chakras contained complete families from specific "occupational groups" like Brahmin women, cooks, nurses, tailors, washer–women. For children born from the "illegitimate union" of Rajputs and their "inferiors", the terms like goli and darogi were used for females and gola and daroga were used for males. The "courtly chronicles" say that women who were perceived to be of "higher social rank" were assigned to the "harems of their conquerors with or without marriage". The chronicles from the Rajput courts have recorded that women from Rajput community had also faced such treatment by the Rajputs from the winning side of a battle. There are also a number of records between the late 16th to mid–19th century of the Rajputs immolating the queens, servants, and slaves of a king upon his death. Ramya Sreenivasan also gives and example of a Jain concubine who went from being a servant to a superior concubine called Paswan

According to Priyanka Khanna, with Marwar's royal Rajput households, the women who underwent concubinage also included women from the Gujar, Ahir, Jat, Mali, Kayastha, and Darji communities of that region. These castes of Marwar claimed Rajput descent based on the "census data of Marwar, 1861". However, the research by modern scholars on the forms of "slavery and servitude" imposed by ruling clans of Rajasthan's Rajputs between the 16th and early–19th centuries on the captured women faces hurdles because of the "sparse information", "uneven record–keeping", and "biased nature of historical records". Ravana Rajput community of today was one such slave community

The male children of such unions were identified by their father's names and in some cases as 'dhaibhai'(foster-brothers) and incorporated into the household. Examples are given where they helped their step-brothers in war campaigns. The female children of concubines and slaves married Rajput men in exchange for money or they ended up becoming dancing girls. The scarcity of available brides due to female infanticide led to the kidnapping of low caste women who were sold for marriage to the higher clan Rajputs. Since these "sales" were genuinely for the purpose of marriage, they were considered legal. The lower clans also faced scarcity of brides in which case they married women such as those from Gujar and Jat communities. Semi nomadic communities also married their daughters to Rajput bridegrooms for money in some cases.

Of note, the mistreatment or enslavement of women was not unique to Rajputs. Datta notes Bachanan's observation in 18th century northern-India that, other than the Rajputs, Khatris and Kayasthas also "openly kept women slaves of any pure tribe". The offsprings of these women formed one matrimonial group. Similarly, affluent Muslim families in Bihar kept both male and female slaves – called Nufurs and Laundis respectively.

These Rajput groups(khasa) of Uttarakhand today were formally classified Shudra but had successfully converted to Rajput status during the rule of Chand Rajas (that ended in 1790). Similarly, the Rajputs of Gharwal were originally of low ritual status and did not wear the sacred thread until the 20th century.

Arts
The term Rajput painting refers to works of art created at the Rajput-ruled courts of Rajasthan, Central India, and the Punjab Hills. The term is also used to describe the style of these paintings, distinct from the Mughal painting style.

According to Ananda Coomaraswamy, Rajput painting symbolised the divide between Muslims and Hindus during Mughal rule. The styles of Mughal and Rajput painting are oppositional in character. He characterised Rajput painting as "popular, universal and mystic".

title: Rajput


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List of craters on 253 Mathilde

This is a list of named craters on 253 Mathilde, an asteroid of the asteroid belt, approximately 53 kilometers in diameter. Because Mathilde is a dark, carbonaceous body, all of its craters have been named after famous coalfields from across the world. As of 2017, there are 23 officially named craters on this asteroid.

title: List of craters on 253 Mathilde


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Rana Sanga

Rana Sangram Singh I (c. 12 April 1482 – 30 January 1528), popularly known as Rana Sanga, was the Maharana of Mewar from 1508 to 1528 CE. Belonging to the Sisodia Rajput dynasty, through his capable leadership, he transformed the Kingdom of Mewar into the most powerful state in northern India in the early 16th century. He controlled parts of present-day Rajasthan, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh with his capital at Chittor. His reign was admired by several of his contemporaries, including the first Mughal Emperor Babur, who described him as the "greatest Indian ruler" of that time. The Mughal historian Abd al-Qadir Badayuni called Sanga the bravest of all Rajputs along with Prithviraj Chauhan. In contemporary texts, he is described as the Hindu Emperor (Hindupati) of northern India.

In his long military career, Sanga achieved a series of unbroken successes against several neighboring sultanates. Following the Battle of Gagron in 1519, Sanga captured much of the Malwa Sultanate and appointed one of his vassals, Medini Rai, to rule over it. He also humbled the Sultan of Gujarat on various occasions. Among his most notable victories were the multiple defeats inflicted upon the Lodi dynasty of Delhi at Khatoli, Dholpur and Ranthambhore.

He united several Rajput clans for the first time since the Second Battle of Tarain and marched against the invading forces of Babur, who founded the Mughal Empire.Despite initial success at Bayana, Sanga suffered a major defeat at the Khanwa through Babur's use of gunpowder weaponry, which was unknown in northern India at the time. His defeat at Khanwa is seen as a landmark event in the Mughal conquest of northern India.

Early life and accession
Sanga was born to King Raimal and Queen Ratan Kunwar, a Jhala princess of Halvad. Although contemporary texts do not mention the year of his birth, they provide some of the astrological planetary positions at the time of his birth, calling them auspicious. Based on these positions, assuming certain other planetary positions and based on the Kumbhalgarh inscription, historian Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha calculated Sanga's birth year as 1482.

Sanga was the youngest of the four sons of Raimal. However, due to the circumstances and after a fierce struggle with his brothers Prithviraj and Jagmal, in which he lost one of his eyes, he finally succeeded throne of Mewar in 1508.

Military career
In his military career, Sanga defeated Sultans of Delhi, Malwa and Gujarat in 18 pitched battles and expanded his domain by conquering much of Present-day Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and northern part of Gujarat. He also held control over parts of Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and Amarkot, Sindh. After his ascension to the throne, Sanga reunited the warring clans of Rajputana through diplomacy and marital alliances. Babur mentioned in the Baburnama the challenges he faced in India. He described Sanga as the greatest infidel king of Hindustan alongside Krishnadevaraya of Vijayanagara Empire in South India. Babur further said, "Sanga had recently grown so great by his audacity and sword that his kingdom included a significant portion of Northern India."

According to legends, Sanga had fought a 100 battles and lost only once. He lost his wrist, was crippled in a leg, and counted eighty wounds on his body from the various conflicts. In his illustrious military career, Sanga defeated the Sultans of Delhi, Malwa and Gujarat in 18 pitched battles and expanded his domain by conquering much of present-day Rajasthan. The Rana was also able to dominate Malwa and establish overlordship over northern parts of Gujarat. The Rajputs of India looked at him as their leader against the Sultanates. He re-established Rajput rule in Malwa first time after fall of Paramara kingdom in 1305 CE.

He also removed Jizya tax from the Hindus which was earlier imposed by Muslim rulers. He is considered the last independent Hindu king of Northern India to control a significant territory and in some contemporary texts described as Hindu Emperor.

Conquest of Malwa
Medini Rai a rebellious minister of Malwa sultan was having a life and death struggle for throne of Malwa against Mahmud, he was promised aid by Rana Sanga. As a result, the combined Sultanate forces of Gujarat and Malwa met the Sisodias led by Sanga at Gagron. The battle resulted in complete route of Sultanate forces and decisive victory of Rajputs.

After the victory in the battle and other skirmishes aftermath Sanga conquered Malwa along with Chanderi. Rai made Chanderi his capital and became king of Malwa, while Silhaditya Tomar establish himself as master of Raisen and Sarangpur region. According to historian Satish Chandra these events took place between 1518 and 1519.

After the victory and restoring Hindu rule in Malwa, Sanga ordered Rai to remove Jizya tax from Hindus of the region.

Wars against Lodhis
After conquering Malwa, Sanga turned his attention towards northeastern Rajasthan which was then under the control of Ibrahim Lodi, the sultan of Delhi. Ibrahim Lodi, after hearing the news of encroachments by Sanga on his territory, prepared an army and marched against Mewar in 1517. The Rana with his army met Lodi at Khatoli on borders of Hadoti and in the ensuing Battle at Khatoli, Lodi army suffered serious reverses and fled. One Lodi prince was captured and imprisoned. In this battle, Sanga lost an arm by a sword cut, and an arrow made him lame for life.

Lodi, reportedly stunned by this Rajput aggression (the extent of which was unprecedented in the preceding three centuries), once again moved against Mewar in 1518-19 but was humbled again at Battle of Dholpur. Lodi fought Sanga repeatedly, only to be defeated each time, losing his entire land in present-day Rajasthan, while Sanga's influence extended up to the striking distance of Pilia Khar in Agra.

According to a 16th-century text "Parshvanath-Shravan-Sattavisi", Rana Sanga further defeated Ibrahim Lodi at Ranthambore after the Siege of Mandsaur.

Campaign in Gujarat
The battles of Idar were three major battles fought in the principality of Idar between the armies of the two princes of Idar, Bhar Mal who was supported by the Gujarat Sultanate under Muzaffar Shah II and Rai Mal who was supported by the Rajputs under Rana Sanga. The main reason for Sangas involvement in these battles was to reinstate Rai Mal to his rightful throne and to weaken the growing power of the Gujarat Sultanate. In 1517 Rai Mal with the help of Rana Sanga was able to successfully defeat Muzzafar Shah II and retake his kingdom.

In 1520, Sanga invaded Gujarat on the question of the succession of the state of Idar, with his powerful army of 40,000 Rajputs supported by his three vassals. Rao Ganga Rathore of Marwar too joined him with a garrison of 8,000 Rajputs. The other allies of Rana were Rawal Udai Singh of Vagad and Rao Viram deva of Merta. He defeated the Muslim army of Nizam khan and pursued them to Ahmedabad. Sanga called off his invasion 20 miles before the capital Ahmedabad. He plundered the royal treasuries of Gujarat and destroyed several mosques and built temples over them. After a series of victories, Sanga successfully annexed Northern Gujarat and appointed one of his vassals to rule there.

War against Mughals
On 21 April 1526, the Timurid king Babur invaded India for the fifth time and defeated Ibrahim Lodhi in the First Battle of Panipat and executed him. After the battle, Sanga unified several Rajput clans for the first time since Prithviraj Chauhan, built an army of 100,000 Rajput soldiers and advanced to Agra.

The Mughals captured Bayana fort which was part of Sanga's empire therefore a major clash took place in Bayana in February 1527 in which Mughal forces of Babur led by Abdul Aziz were defeated by Rana Sanga. The defeat of the Mughals was the last of Rana Sanga's victories. Confronting a large Hindu army, now incited religious propaganda against the Rajputs by declaring the battle as a Jihad against the Kaffirs. He further sought divine favor by abjuring liquor, breaking the wine vessels and pouring the wine down a well.

In ensuring battle fought at Khanwa, 37 miles (60 km) west of Agra, on March 16. The Mughals were victorious due to their cannons, matchlocks and other firearms. Sanga was struck by an arrow in mid-battle and was removed from the battle by his brother-in law Prithviraj Kachwaha of Amber along with prince Maldev Rathore in an unconscious state. Following his victory, Babur ordered a tower of enemy skulls to be erected, a practice formulated by Timur against his adversaries, irrespective of their religious beliefs. According to Chandra, the objective of constructing a tower of skulls was not just to record a great victory, but also to terrorize opponents. Earlier, the same tactic had been used by Babur against the Afghans of Bajaur.

Sanga was also betrayed by Silhadi during the battle who changed sides soldiers and went over to Babur.

The victory of Mughals is seen as a landmark event in Mughal conquest of North India as the battle turned out to be more historic and eventful than Panipat because it made Babur the undisputed master of North India while crushing the threatening and reviving Rajput powers. According to historian Andre Wink, after the victory at Khanwa, the centre of Mughal power became Agra instead of Kabul and continued to remain so until its downfall after Ālamgir's death. According to modern historians had there not been the cannons of Babur, Sanga might have achieved a historic victory against Babur. Babur's cannons had put an end to the outdated trends in Indian warfare.

However it would be wrong to suppose that the Rajput power was crushed for ever, Babar stopped his further invasion in Rajasthan, the Rajput forces encamped at Baswa near Dausa for Sanga's treatment, soon after treatment, Sanga started preparation of another war against Babar.

Death and succession
Sanga was taken away from the battlefield in an unconscious state by Prithviraj Singh I Kachwaha and Maldeo Rathore of Marwar. After regaining consciousness he took an oath to not return to Chittor until he had defeated Babur and conquered Delhi. He also stopped wearing a Turban and used to wrap a cloth over his head. While he was preparing to wage another war against Babur, he was poisoned by his own nobles who did not want another conflict with Babur. He died in Kalpi in January 1528 or on May 20, 1528 and was succeeded by his son Ratan Singh II.

After Sanga's defeat his vassal Medini Rai was defeated by Babur at Siege of Chanderi and Babur captured the capital of Rai kingdom Chanderi. Medini was offered Shamsabad instead of Chanderi as it was historically important in conquering Malwa but Rao refused the offer and chose to die fighting. The Rajput women and children committed Self-immolation to save their honour from Babur's army. Babur subsequently captured Chanderi following his victory which was earlier ruled by Rai.

The power vacuum left by Rana Sanga was filled by Rao Maldeo Rathore. He took over the role as the leading Rajput king and dominated the time period through his increased use of horsemen.

In popular culture

 * 1988–1989: Bharat Ek Khoj, broadcast on Doordarshan, where he was played by Ravi Jhankal.
 * 2013–2015: Bharat Ka Veer Putra – Maharana Pratap, broadcast by Sony Entertainment Television (India), where he was portrayed by Aarav Chowdhary.

title: Rana Sanga