text:
Miskito people

The Miskitos are a native people in Central America. Their territory extends from Cape Camarón, Honduras, to Río Grande de Matagalpa, Nicaragua, along the Mosquito Coast, in the Western Caribbean zone. Their population was estimated in 2024 as 535,225, with 456,000 living in Nicaragua.

The Miskito people speak the Miskito language and Miskito Coast Creole. Most also speak other languages, such as Spanish, English, and German. Spanish is the language of education and government, but some families educate their children in English, German, or Miskito. Miskito Coast Creole, an English-based creole language, came about through frequent contact with the British for trading, as they predominated along this coast from the 17th to the 19th centuries. Many Miskitos are Christians. A 1987 peace agreement afforded them land rights over traditional lands. However, despite significant political struggles throughout their history, today the Miskito face human rights violations over land rights disputes, as recognized by the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights.

Etymology
“Miskito” derives from the term Miskut uplikanan ("people of Miskut"). Miskut was a legendary Miskito patriarch or great leader.

Important Miskito communities

 * Bluefields, Nicaragua (first capital city)
 * Corn Islands, Nicaragua
 * Gracias a Dios, Honduras
 * North Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region, Nicaragua
 * South Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region, Nicaragua
 * Puerto Cabezas, Nicaragua (current capital city)

Miskito Eras

 * Pre-Monarchic (from the origin of Miskito people until the 16th century): the era of the Miskito Gods.
 * Monarchic (16th – 19th centuries): the era of the Miskito kings and European influence.
 * Post-Monarchic (20th century): The end of the Miskito Kingdom, and invasion of the Miskito territories by Honduras and Nicaragua.
 * Modern (21st century): the current Miskito Nation, on the Atlantic coast of Honduras and Nicaragua.

History

Before the arrival of Europeans in the region in the early 16th century, the area was divided into numerous small egalitarian native American groups speaking old Miskito language. The Spanish listed 30 nations in Taguzgalpa and Tologalpa, as the Spanish understood their geography. Karl Offen's analysis of this historic data suggests there were about a half dozen entities, groups who were distinct by their language dialects, who were situated in the river basins. Much of the Caribbean coast of Nicaragua and Honduras remained free from Spanish authority during the 16th century. The region became a haven for Dutch, English and Welsh privateers (for example Henry Morgan, Daniel Montbars and William Dampier) during the early 17th century.

Some African people arrived at the Mosquito Coast from wrecked slave ships in the mid-17th century. These people, along with escaped slaves from the Providence Island colony, settled around Cape Gracias a Dios and intermarried with the indigenous people. The Spanish referred to these mixed-race descendants as "Mosquito Zambo" (Mosquito was their transliteration of Miskito). Those living in the southern (Nicaraguan) region were less racially mixed. Modern scholars have classified them as Tawira Miskito. Rivalries between these two groups and competition for territory often led to wars, which were divisive in the 18th century.

British-Miskito alliance
English privateers working through the Providence Island Company made informal alliances with the Miskito. These English began to crown Miskito leaders as kings (or chiefs); their territory was called the Miskito Kingdom (the English adopted the Spanish term for the indigenous people). A 1699 written account of the kingdom described it as spread out in various communities along the coast but not including all the territory. It probably did not include the settlements of English traders. The king did not have total power. The 1699 description noted that the kings and governors had no power except in war time, even in matters of justice. Otherwise the people were all equal. Their superior leaders were named by the English as the king, a governor, a general and, by the 1750s, an admiral. Historical information on kings is often obscure as many of the kings were semi-mythical. These "kings" were not recognized by the Native American Tawira Miskito.

In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, Miskitos began a series of raids attacking Spanish-held territories and the still independent indigenous groups in the area. Miskito raiders reached as far north as the Yucatán, and as far south as Costa Rica. Many of their captives were sold into slavery to European slave traders (even as the Zambo were originally slaves themselves), and many of them ended up working on Jamaican sugar plantations. In addition, from 1720 onwards, the Jamaican colonial authorities commissioned the Miskito to capture Maroons in the Blue Mountains, as they were effective trackers. The Zambos were one of the primary drivers of slave-based depopulation of the area.

The Zambo Miskito leader and the British concluded a formal Treaty of Friendship and Alliance in 1740. The British appointed John Hodgson as Superintendent of the Shore. The British established a protectorate over the Miskito Nation, often called the Mosquito Coast (related to the original Spanish name).

The Miskito kingdom aided Britain during the American War of Independence by attacking Spanish colonies to draw off their forces. It gained several victories alongside the British. But, at the conclusion of the peace in 1783, Britain had to cede control over the coast to Spain. The British withdrawal was completed at the end of June 1787. To compensate their Miskito supporters, the British re-settled 537 Zambo Africans often misnamed Miskitos, together with their 1,677 Native American slaves, from Mosquitia to the Bay settlement in British Honduras, present-day Belize. Despite their official withdrawal, Britain maintained an unofficial protectorate over the kingdom. They often intervened to protect Miskito interests against Spanish encroachments.

Independence era
In addition to the area's geographic isolation, the Miskito military capacity and British support allowed the people to retain their independence when Spain controlled the Pacific side of Central America. The Miskito Coast remained independent throughout much of the period of the Federal Republic of Central America, but Nicaragua finally absorbed the territory in 1894.

Once the Central American republics became independent in the early to mid-nineteenth century, they had less power in relation to other nations than did Spain, and struggled to protect their own territorial interests against filibusters and the United States government, which took an increasing strategic interest in the area.

The United Kingdom took an interest in the affairs on the Mosquito Coast, as it had trade positions in Belize/British Honduras and Jamaica. In addition, US trading interests began to develop in the region. British governors in Belize began issuing commissions and appointments to Miskito kings and other officials, such as King Robert Charles Frederick, crowned in Belize in 1825. British officials regularly officially recognized the various Miskito offices; it worked to protect Miskito interests against the Central American republics and against the United States.

The latter contested British influence as per the Monroe Doctrine. The United States involvement in war with Mexico prevented it from enforcing the doctrine. As Britain gradually became less interested in its commissioning of Miskito nobility, the Miskito effectively began to operate as an independent state. Due to British economic interest in Central America (particularly British Honduras, now Belize), they regularly traded with the Miskito.

After Nicaragua declared independence in 1821, combined Miskito-Zambo raiders began to attack Honduran settlements. They sometimes rescued enslaved Miskito before they could transported beyond their reach. They also enslaved women from other tribes for use as sexual partners.

Their society allowed polygamy. The Miskito population boomed as the men had more children with their slave women. These raids continued for many years after animosity between Britain and Spain ended at the international level. For a long time, the Miskito considered themselves superior to other indigenous tribes of the area, whom they referred to as "wild". The Miskito commonly adopted European dress and English names.

From the middle of the nineteenth century, British interest in the region began to wane. At the Treaty of Managua in 1860, the United Kingdom allowed Nicaragua to have uncontested claim over the Mosquito Coast. The treaty provided for a Miskito Reserve, a self-governing entity that enjoyed semi-sovereign rights. Nicaraguan forces occupied the area in 1894 and took over the state. The British restored the Miskito Reserve in July, but Nicaraguan forces reoccupied in August 1894 and ended its independence.

Various major American fruit companies such as the United Fruit Company, which had begun large-scale production of bananas in the Miskito Reserve, supported Nicaragua's takeover of power in the area. The American companies preferred Nicaraguan authority to the Miskito, especially as the Miskito elite was more prepared to protect the rights of small landholders than was the Nicaragua government.

Early 20th century
The Miskito who lived in the Jinotega Department, west of the North Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region, were much different from the Miskito who lived along the Caribbean coast. The Miskito in Jinotega were Catholic as a result of Spanish colonial influence, were not allied with the British, and often traded with the Spanish-speaking mestizos from the Pacific coast.

During the conflict in 1927–1933 between Augusto César Sandino and the United States over the United States occupation of Nicaragua, both sides tried to enlist the Miskito in providing food and transport. In 1926, many Miskito in the Jinotega region joined Augusto Sandino and his troops. The Miskito of Jinotega had closer ties with Sandino and the Sandinista National Liberation Front, which organized agricultural cooperatives and built schools and health centers in the area.

During the 1960s and the 1970s, Nicaragua began to expropriate native-held land for nationalization. During these decades, the mainstream of Nicaraguan national politics recognized the Miskito only when asking them to vote for the Nicaraguan National Liberal Party.

Political conflict in the 1980s
In the 1980s, the Sandinista government extended their influence over the region via its Comités de Defensa Sandinista. In response, several Miskito groups formed counter-revolutionary squads, who carried on terrorist attacks against the revolutionary government. On 25 February 1982, Steadman Fagoth, one of the counter-revolutionary leaders, took refuge in Honduras along with 3000 Miskito. Meanwhile, the Sandinistas began to denounce the activities of the Contras in the Coco River zone. In 1983, the government proclaimed a state of emergency in the Río Coco zone, which was maintained until 1988.

A 1986 documentary called Nicaragua Was Our Home documented the persecution of the Miskito at the hands of the Nicaraguan government. The film features interviews with Miskito Indian people and some non-Miskito clergy who lived among them; they recounted actions of the government against them, including bombing of villages, shootings, and forced removal of people from their homes. The film was shown on some PBS stations and at the 1986 Sundance Film Festival.

In September 1987, the Nicaraguan legislature passed a statute providing autonomy to the Miskito. This essentially defused Miskito resistance.

1990s
In 1990 the Sandinistas were defeated in national elections. The Miskito signed an agreement with the newly appointed Minister of the Interior, Carlos Hurtado, to create "security zones," prepare the return of the national police forces to the region, and integrate 50 Miskito into the police force.

Brooklyn Rivera, one of the Miskito guerrilla leaders, became the director of the INDERA (Nicaraguan Institute of Development of Autonomous Regions), an illegal structure under the 1987 law on autonomy. The government suppressed the INDERA a few years later, allegedly because of conflict between the Miskito and other native groups

21st century
Despite the 1987 peace agreement affording the Miskito people substantial territory, conflict over land rights remains. Increasing waves of settlers have relocated to ancestral Miskito lands as a result of drought and attraction to gold and timber. Illegal purchases of indigenous lands afforded the settling farmers void land rights. Violence between settlers and Miskito, Rama, and Ulwa people have led to the burning of villages, rape of women, kidnappings and the death of at least 30. Approximately 600 indigenous people have fled to Honduras.

Both sides acknowledge that the Nicaraguan government has not worked to ameliorate this conflict. The Inter-American Commission for Human Rights repeatedly called for action in order to protect the Miskitos, to no governmental response. President Daniel Ortega has acknowledged that Miskito land claims are legitimate, and any land sales were not legal. The government arrested various public notaries for the authorization of illegal land sales, and created a special commission over the issue under the prosecutor general. However, the government has not addressed the violence. The public officials implicated in illegal land sales were Sandinistas, members of Ortega's own party.

Declaration of independence
In April 2009 a group of Miskito elders declared independence from Nicaragua under the name Community Nation of Moskitia. This declaration has not been met with any formal response from the government of Nicaragua nor has it been recognised by any other state. The independence movement is led by Hector Williams, who is described as the leader of the Miskito and uses the title Wihta Tara, or Great Judge. They cited as reasons for their renewed desire for independence the serious economic problems damaging their traditional fishing industry and the recent election of Daniel Ortega as president of Nicaragua. Many of them had fought as Contras against him during the Nicaraguan Civil War and still opposed him. Thus, many Miskito who supported the independence movement were those who had suffered greatly economically.

Impact of recent hurricanes
In 1998, Hurricane Mitch heavily damaged coastal regions where the Miskito live. On 4 September 2007, Category 5 Hurricane Felix with peak sustained winds of 160 mph struck the coast near Punta Gorda River, Nicaragua. Damage and death toll estimates are around 100 but are likely to be higher.

Towards the end of the record-breaking 2020 Atlantic hurricane season, the Miskito Coast experienced the landfall of two major hurricanes within two weeks, breaking several Atlantic and Nicaraguan records. Slow-moving Hurricane Eta landed on November 3 just south of the region's major city Bilwi, and after one day turned west-northwest towards Honduras and then north back into the Caribbean. Hurricane Iota landed on November 16 only 25 km south of Eta's landing, and continued west through northern Nicaragua in the direction of El Salvador. Both hurricanes were strong Category 4s upon landfall.

Applicability of the term "ethnic group" to Miskito people
Historically, the Miskito were not recognized as a singular "people" until their population grew in the area beyond being categorized as "sparsely populated".

Subgroups
As a result of the ethnic heterogeneity present in the Miskito people, various ethnic subgroups exist within the larger Miskito identity. A major ethnic distinction exists between the Miskitos; Mam, Tawira and Wangki. The Miskito Wangki constitute a large ethnic representation in the nation in the Cabo Gracias a Dios area. The Miskito Wangki would go on to form strong relationships with the British. The Wangki Miskito speak the Wanki Bila dialect of Miskito.

The Tawira Miskito, in contrast, have greater native ethnic representation and speak the Kabo Bila dialect of Miskito. According to Meringer, historical records reference the Tawira as "pure Indians". In order to counter their subjugation by the Zambo Miskito, the Tawira Miskito would seek out Spanish allies in the eighteenth century.

Nicaragua
Prior to European contact, Miskitos were scattered along the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua, inhabiting interior mountainous areas with numerous rivers and forests. The central point of Miskito territory is known as the Coco River or Wangks River, which also serves as a border between Nicaragua and Honduras.

Today, around 150,000 Miskito people live in Nicaragua. They are distributed among over 300 communities in 23 territories throughout Nicaragua’s Caribbean Lowlands and the Mosquito Coast. The town of Awastara is a major population centre and historical site for the Miskito people.

Honduras
Prior to the 1859 Wyke-Cruz treaty with Britain, Miskito people inhabited the Cape of Gracias a Dios on the Caribbean coast and Honduran side of the Nicaragua-Honduras border. Despite the Wyke-Cruz treaty giving the Miskito authority over the land, it was ignored by the Honduran authorities. However, their autonomy has been preserved as a result of their geographic isolation. In 2013, the Honduran granted five Miskito communities land titles to their traditional land, totaling about 1.6 e6acre. 100 villages exist in this area, containing a population of approximately 22,000.

Language
The majority of Miskitos speak their native Miskito language. The Miskito language is a part of the Misumalpan language family. Some villages also speak Sumu, a closely related language within these ethnic groups. In addition, many Miskitos have adopted figures of speech from English and Spanish largely resulting from increased instances of bilingualism. The Caribbean areas of Jamaica, Belize, San Andrés, and Providence, Colombia share linguistic commonalities with the Miskito Coast population, likely stemming from the mixture of native languages, African languages, as well as colonial languages.

Religion
Christianity:

Moravian and Catholicism.

Old Miskito religion:

Polytheism (Katidawanka, laptadawanka, etc.).

Miskito Gods
Miskito people were polytheist in the Pre-monarchic era, however there are no records of human sacrifices like the Mayan or Incas in America. Their gods were Lapta (god of the sun), Kati (god of the moon), Slilma (god of the stars), Alwani (god of thunder), Imyula (god of lightning), Dusdawanka (god of trees and plants), Lidawanka (god of ocean, lakes and rivers), Rayakadawanka (god of living creatures), Sinslakadawanka (god of wisdom), Disangdawanka (god of fertility) Rakidawan (god of healing), Lasadawanka (god of dead souls) and Pruradawanka (god of death).

Shamanism
Prior to contact, Miskito people practiced a type of Shamanism where the shaman (known as Sukya) was seen as a healer by the community. The Sukya discovered cures by dreaming about them, and blowing smoke on the affected area. Group traditions included ritual dancing and drinking of a beverage known as mishla. Funeral traditions included a commemorative ceremony one year after death called Sikro. Only one leading shaman, known as Supreme Sukya or Okuli, could exist at a time and was revered by neighboring tribes as well. The Okuli exists as a representative to evil spirits, called Lasas. In the 1980s, shamans and group ceremonies took place in private.

Moravian Church
The Moravian Church attempted to proselytize the Miskito beginning in 1849, after attempting to provide a religious institution for a nearby German community which later failed. The Moravian Church represents a small branch of Protestantism that emphasizes community unity and simple living. By 1894, the Moravian Church had become a major interest group in the Atlantic coast area during the Nicaraguan reincorporation of the area through the establishment of missions. In the 20th century, the Moravian Church furthered its institutional presence through schools and production of religious materials and services in the Miskito native language. They did little to quell hostilities between the Miskito and Spanish Catholics. By the 1960s, the Moravian Church seemed to play a central role in Miskito communities for anthropologists studying the area.

Catholicism
Catholic converts existed in the Miskito region as early as the 1930s. Because of poor resources to send properly trained parsons and pastors, Miskito Catholics practice several "innovations" specific to the Miskito Coast. The lack of institutional Catholic presence led to many Moravian practices shared by Catholic leaders in the area. As a result, many Miskitos view differences in religions as institutionally based rather than theologically based. Churches in the area hold sanctity when occupied by the community, and are not revered as buildings in and of themselves. Further, Miskito experience divinity through dreams and discussions of good, bad, and human spirits. Shamans known as prapit or pasa yapti are the only individuals who physically experience divinity. Thus, Miskito Catholicism departs significantly from traditional Spaniard Catholicism as practiced by the majority of Nicaragua as it contains dimensions of a spiritual realm of divinity which humans can sometimes access.

Literature
The Miskito share folktales called kisi for entertainment. Kisi often include tales of a trickster rabbit named Tibang or Bangbang as well as kings, overall serving themes of authority and human nature and general. Some stories include myths of Duhindu, creatures similar to gnomes that sometimes kidnap children. According to researchers Ken Decker and Andy Keener, the Miskito share poems and stories, but do not have largely disseminated pieces of literature nor has anything been published. Media that appears in the area is largely in Spanish, with some programming in English and in regional languages.

Arts
The Miskito have musical traditions including round dances and traditional songs, as well as theatrical pieces including the symbol of the Miskito king. Regarding decorative arts, funeral ceremonies involve wooden masks.

Political structure
The Miskito political structure has been profoundly shaped via its interactions with other cultures including Hispanicized Nicaragua as well as the British, acting on their perception of colonial power dynamics at any given time.

English influence
Beginning with the English arrival in the geographical area, the Miskito kingdom and political structure as a whole reflected the English political structure. The Miskito-English political dynamics would change with time but the two entities would remain operating in conjunction for approximately 250 years. Miskito kings were crowned by some of the first English settlers. Those recognized as kings by the British maintained the political structure as contact between mainland British and Miskitos increased.

Officially, the British government claimed political oversight of Miskito territory from 1740 to 1786—however, the British colonists inhabiting Miskito territory maintained the power dynamics established by the government even after their official evacuation. From 1860 to 1894, the Miskito Reserve period maintained centralized rule under a pro-British Miskito chief. Importantly, the Nicaraguan government recognized this leader as Hereditary Chief but granted him authority over land separate from Miskito-inhabited land. Thus, through the Miskito Reserve the Miskito people were granted autonomy" but remained under the influence of a British political system through the designated chief.

The British ultimately largely failed in attempts to create fully functioning centralized political structures for the Miskito largely as a result of the heterogeneity within the Miskito population. However, their establishment of a singular political leader did allow that individual to gain favor with the British and allow for continued contact between the two societies.

18th century self-rule in the Miskito kingdom
Despite the presence of the British political ideology of centralized power, the political structure in the Miskito kingdom proved more tribal in nature. Late seventeenth century accounts of the Miskito describe them as an "egalitarian society" that was "sparsely populated." As the Miskito population grew over time, the political structure effectively transformed into autonomous regional chiefdoms with vaguely defined social classes. Leaders at the time would rule over a given number of villages, with their political power bound to their recognized villages. This structure served to limit any single Miskito king's power over the Miskito as a whole, instead playing up the Miskito king's role in interacting with the British.

Re-incorporation in the nineteenth century
According to Meringer, Miskito people enjoyed peak levels of autonomy in the nineteenth century after British colonists were forced out of the Mosquito Coast. The Miskito people themselves rose to power in the absence of the British, enjoying ethnic preeminence and little to no threats to their power. However, as the Honduran government began to become increasingly assertive in the region, the Miskito lost much of their officially recognized political power to African Creoles on representative governmental bodies. The Creoles would grow increasingly in power, overcoming the Miskito chief, and politically and culturally isolating the chief from the Miskito people at large. By the time of Re-incorporation, Miskito autonomy had already been threatened and substantially deconstructed by increases in Creole power.

Thus, during Re-incorporation, Nicaraguan government officials targeted Creole rulers rather than Miskito Indians. Later, Miskito took this opportunity to further Miskito autonomy and political authority in the region through a Decree of Re-incorporation which allowed representatives from the Miskito community to freely adhere to Nicaraguan laws and authorities while also granting Miskito people self-governance rights at the village level among other rights. This decree allowed previously marginalized Miskito to reclaim rights denied them by the ascendance of Creole elites earlier in the nineteenth century and allowed the population to unify.

Twentieth century mobilization
In response to the indigenismo policies adopted throughout Latin America in the twentieth century, the Miskito people organized through activism to advocate for policies promoting political, social, and cultural assimilation. Specifically for the Miskito people, the activism in response to indigenismo policies encompassed a movement promoting integration and civil rights. Prior to the notable activist movements of the 1980s, the Miskito prioritized integration into state political structures and civil rights under the liberal Nicaraguan constitution. The movements of the 1960s and 1970s proved largely integrationist and was led by completely separate leaders than those after the Sandinista Revolution.

As early as the 1950s, Miskitos worked to confront the large and small injustices their community faced. By integrating into the Nicaraguan state via land titles, the Miskito were able to participate in the larger economy of the country and hold the state accountable to their local interests. This larger political participation fed into the Miskito locales, affording local representatives more power regarding territorial disputes in general, allowing for increased political involvement from Miskitos not directly tied to political processes.

Regarding indigenismo, Nicaraguan officials viewed these policies as an opportunity to become more involved with the Mosquito Coast, which had previously been largely left alone. Miskito people were able to claim benefits at a larger governmental level that previously did not exist including technical training in medicine and agriculture, as well as increased access to education and more schoolhouses. For the Miskito in Nicaragua, indigenismo represented an opportunity to increase rapport with the government and greater access to previously inaccessible state resources rather than an affront to ethnic identity.

Gender relations
The Miskito people have maintained the same cultural traits that they acquired during the pre-colonial and colonial era. Contact with the English has created the position of a king who is seen as the figurehead of the tribes; however, the modern king has little power and generally does not affect the different tribes.

The gender roles within the Miskito culture are affected more by the "boom and bust" of the local economy than by any ruler. When there are few job opportunities men rely on agricultural work and they spend time within their respective communities. There is evidence that the society followed a patriarchal setup during these "bust" times; however, when the economy is "booming", men generally get jobs that force them to travel. Since the 1990s men have been traveling as a result of an increase in job opportunities, and they spend significant amounts of time away from their villages.

Most men work on fishing boats diving for lobsters. Since men spend eight months out of the year away from their families, communities have a matrilocal arrangement. Typically men over age 13 are rarely present during daily life in a village.

Men are considered the breadwinners of a household and contribute the majority of a family’s income, but women have the ability to make all economic decisions. Some women do housekeeping or sell small crafts to make extra money, but it is not enough by itself to support a family. Girls inherit the right to settle on their mother’s land, and although men clear farmland, women have full ownership of it.

It is extremely difficult for women to find jobs, and most rely on men and their incomes to support their children. Many women practice magia amorosa (love magic), and they believe that it helps attract men and their money. This love magic can also be used to help save one’s marriage. Women have the greatest input in how their households are run, but they are unable to do anything without the money that their husbands provide. Love magic highlights the importance of keeping a man interested within Miskito society.

Women usually begin forming relationships at age 15, and most become mothers by 18. Most women have six to eight children with their husband, but since men are not around that often there are high abandonment and divorce rates. Men often feel no moral obligation to take care of children because of a high illegitimacy rate. Abandoned children are generally adopted by women within the child's matrilocal group and taken care of by an aunt or grandmother. As women become older they also gain status within their community. In each society women who are respected elders, kukas, are considered local experts and enforcers of correct behavior in their village.

Pre-contact subsistence economy
Miskito oral tradition states that many centuries ago a tribe emigrated from northern South America and settled on the coast at a site called Sitawala – possibly near present-day Cabo Gracias a Dios. They were led by a warrior chief named Miskut, and called themselves the Miskut uplika nani (people of Miskut). The tradition states that neighboring tribes found it difficult to pronounce this name, and so shortened it to Miskito. After the death of Miskut, the tribe divided into three groups. One group ascended the Río Coco and became known as the river people. The other two groups moved north and south into present day Honduras and around present day Sandy Bay, Nicaragua. These people became known as the beach people.

The earliest European accounts of the Miskito are from Puritan colonists in 1633 and English and French buccaneers during the late 1600s-early 1700s. These early accounts claim that Miskito tribes ranged along the Caribbean coast from the Wawa River, south of present-day Bilwi, Nicaragua, to Cabo Camarón, Honduras. These early colonists, explorers and buccaneers described the Miskito as skilled maritime people adept a seafaring, fishing, and the hunting of turtle, manatee, as well as land animals such as deer.

Work conducted around Pearl Lagoon in Nicaragua by archaeologist Richard W. Magnus suggests that pre-contact coastal settlements were most likely temporary shellfish collection and salt manufacturing stations. Metates and other agricultural tools have been found in these coastal sites, however there is little evidence of permanent settlement, in-situ agriculture, nor specialized tools that would suggest adaptation to the marine environment. Furthermore, the lowland coastal soils are of poor agricultural quality and likely would not have supported permanent settlements. According to Magnus and others working in Honduran sites on the Río Tinto, these peoples were most likely riparian in nature. Archaeological sites inland show more signs of permanent settlement including house sites, animal/fish bones, hearths, and agricultural plots. It is suggested that these riverine people traveled temporarily to the coast to make salt and subsidize their agricultural diet with shellfish, but that their overall orientation was inland and not coastal. Despite a dearth of contact era reports, this theory of seasonal coastal migration is supported by the English buccaneer "M.W." in 1732 who observed inland tribes who seasonally arrived at the coast to make salt before travelling back up river. Anthropologist Mary W. Helms and Geographer Bernard Nietschmann argue that the coastal orientation of the modern Miskito was precipitated by contact and subsequent social, economic and political involvement with Great Britain.

Early trade and English buccaneers

The colony of Providence Island was established off the coast on present day Nicaragua by the English Providence Island Company in 1630, which precipitated the formation of settlements around 1633 on the Miskito Coast at Cabo Gracias a Dios, and further south at present day Bluefields, Nicaragua. The first known proto-Miskito contact with the English occurred around 1634 at the Cabo trading post.

The English regularly traded with the proto-Miskito for turtle shells, meat, lumber, hides, and other items in return, for beads, rum, clothing, food, livestock, and firearms. Many of these items were acquired by the coastal tribes through barter with inland tribes. As time passed, the proto-Miskito, in contrast to the inland peoples, mixed openly with the English and adopted some of their cultural traits, incorporating English words into their vocabulary and adopting European tools, food, clothing, and firearms – becoming the contact culture known today as the Miskito.

In addition to periodic trade, the Miskito were involved with English buccaneers of the 17th century. The buccaneers adopted Miskito communities as their bases and employed the Miskito in their cause. The buccaneers regularly employed local Miskito men to accompany them on their voyages as fishermen, hunters, navigators, and fighters. Through these experiences, the Miskito became adept raiders and raiding became a part of their local economy. With the support of the English and modern firearms, the Miskito expanded out of their cultural hearth near Cabo Gracias a Dios, and settled widely along the Miskito Coast. Following the decline of buccaneering at the end of the 17th century, many of the buccaneers turned to more legal ways of making money including cash crop production, and contraband. Sugar, Dye wood and contraband made up the majority of the local economy and wage labor became more common.

Balancing commercial and subsistence activities
The Miskito culture and economy is a product of intermixing between coastal indigenous tribes, European buccaneers, traders, and settlers and escaped slaves. The Moskito Coast, since colonial times, has been an economic frontier characterized by barter and boom/bust economies where markets develop to exploit specific resources, such as turtles, precious lumber, rubber, bananas, and logwood and collapse when the world market busts leaving little long-term development. As such, there has always been a commercial component to the economy, however, due to the inevitability of economic busts and their isolation from national powers, the Miskito have maintained their subsistence culture without being absorbed into the full-time market economy – what anthropologist Mary Helms refers to as a ‘purchase society’. A purchase society is a power dynamic in which the indigenous are not subjugated as peasants, but still interact with a merchant or elite class via trade – retaining their autonomy and identity.

The Miskito subsistence economy was based primarily on hunting, fishing, and some limited agriculture and silviculture. The nature of the economy was one of subsistence and reciprocity. Subsistence activities were traditionally divided by gender. Women tended to the agriculture, while the men cleared land, hunted, fished, and worked in wage labor when it was available. As Geographer Bernard Nietschmann highlights, there was a complex system of meat reciprocity which served as a sort of social security system for the society. If a hunter or fisherman was successful, they would gift some of the catch to their extended family and 'sell' it to their friends with the expectation that the favor would be returned. Traditionally, there was a balance between subsistence and commercial activities. When commercial goods were in demand Miskito labor shifted towards commercial activities and subsistence activities were neglected. Upon the decline of the commercial activities, the Miskito fell back on their subsistence skills. However, the rise of the company economy precipitated a fundamental shift in the Miskito economy away from these short term/seasonal economic relationships to more regular long-term employment of contract wage labor and exploitation of communal resources for commercial gain. A major challenge to the Miskito system of meat reciprocity was the commercialization of the green sea turtle, a staple of the Miskito diet

The Miskito have hunted green turtles as part of their traditional subsistence economy since at least the contact era. Much of the Miskito subsistence system, and settlement patterns were based around the seasonal appearance of the green sea turtle. In the 17th century, the buccaneer William Dampier wrote that the Moskito Indians were "esteemed and coveted by all privateers" because of their skill at hunting turtle and manatee, "for one or two of them [the animals] in a ship will maintain 100 men". The traditional method of capture was the harpoon. The harpoon was eight to ten feet in length and attached to a strong line. the turtle hunters traveled in small, seagoing canoes, using complex mental maps and systems of navigation to locate the turtles. A hunting party consisted of two men: a "strikerman" in the bow, and the "captain" in the stern. The hunters intercepted the turtles in the area between their sleeping shoals and feeding banks as they surfaced for air. After being harpooned, the turtle was capable of pulling a canoe along at high speeds until eventually tiring. The hunters could then pull the turtle alongside the canoe and kill it. Once killed, the turtle was returned to the community where the meat was divided among family and friends.

In general, no more turtles were hunted than could satisfy the community's meat needs. However, increased demand from international markets during the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries led to changes in hunting methods. The activities became market-focused instead of subsistence-focused. Foreign companies established commercial enterprises and hired Miskito turtlemen to facilitate intensive harvesting of green turtles to support sugar plantation labor, but also European palates. Exploitation was so intense that sea turtle populations in the greater Caribbean basin had been decimated by the mid-1800s, and villagers were confronted with rising social tensions due to increased dependence on a scarce resource. In the present day, sea turtle populations have recovered to a point, but the Miskito now balance a desire for turtle products with the forces of local, national, and international conservation goals.

The company period

The establishment of European control, and later American hegemony on the Miskito Coast opened up the region for foreign business interests and the introduction of wage labor. The period between the turn of the 20th century and the 1960s became known as the company period, and was defined by large foreign enterprises, company run communities, and wage labor in the extraction of natural resources. During this time, lumbering of mahogany and other valuable trees, cash cropping of sugar and other products, which had existed in reduced form since the 17th century, expanded into large commercial enterprises. In terms of lumber, companies hired Miskito men to find, cut, and deliver desirable trees or tree products to the coast where they were then exported to Europe or the United States. By the end of the 1800s, lumber and rubber were major employers of male Miskito labor and foreign investment was high. The effects of this influx of money could be seen in the Miskito community of Bilwi.

Prior to 1921, the community of Bilwi (Puerto Cabezas), Nicaragua was little more than a small fishing village, but starting in this year a consortium of business from the United States, including the Bragman’s Bluff Lumber and Fruit Company, and Standard Fruit began developing the community into their base of operation and main export port. The companies together outfitted the community with a lumber mill, pier and port facilities, and a regional railroad system for the extraction of lumber and bananas. By 1926 Bragman’s Bluff Lumber was the largest employer in Nicaragua, with over 2000 workers. Pine lumbering persisted with periodic booms and busts through the 1960s. Bragman’s Lumber recorded its largest shipment of lumber at Bilwi in 1960 with just over 28.4 million linear board feet.

The other major boom market for this period was in bananas. The banana boom, with its plantation employment, lasted from the 1890s −1930s – peaking in the 1931. At the port of Bilwi, Standard Fruit recorded it all-time high production of 6.1 million racimos (clusters) in 1931. As a result of economic depression in the United States, and a soil fungus outbreak, the banana economy quickly busted. By the end of WWII exports at Bilwi were down to 99,685 racimos and by 1960 the number was down to 9,753. Gold-mining and pine lumbering also began in the late 1800s and persisted with periodic booms and busts through the 1960s. Seafood, including shrimp and lobster, has been the most recent boom market in the region since the 1970s.

Overall, the company period was known for its boom and bust economies. Massive hirings during economic upswings were followed by massive layoffs. During boom times, skilled and unskilled workers would flood into town, only to return to their homes after the price of lumber, bananas, or ores dropped leaving ghost towns, and abandoned infrastructure. During the company period, it was common for the Miskito men to leave their communities and families for up to a year at a time, to work in the various industries. They would send back money as replacement for the subsistence goods that they would have traditionally produced. Without their husbands and male family members, the women were increasingly forced to purchase food (especially meat) on the cash market and hire farm hands to clear and tend agricultural plots. This employment dynamic led to the large-scale introduction of the money-based economy, and the replacement of subsistence goods with relatively inexpensive commissary goods. This shift created a dependency on commercial goods and cash earning employment.

The industry
Increasing demand in the United States led to a boom in commercial exploitation of spiny lobster along the Moskito Coast beginning in the 1970s. Lobster, like products of past booms, has become a major source of cash income for the Miskito and the great majority of the population either directly or indirectly depends on lobster income. In 2011, the industry employed around 3500 people on 44 boats in Honduras alone. In Nicaragua, it has been estimated that commercial lobster diving employs over 5,000 people and affects the livelihoods of 50,000 men, women and children. Many of these people work as divers, using scuba equipment to dive and catch lobster.

The vast majority of fishing operations are controlled by ladino boat owners based in the Bay Islands of Honduras and Puerto Cabezas, Nicaragua. These owners employ local recruiters or sacabuzos in coastal communities to organize crews of dive teams, as well as other boat hands. A dive team consists of a diver and cayuquero; a diver apprentices who follows the diver in a canoe allowing the diver to offload his catch. In addition to 18–20 dive teams, a boat employs additional support staff to cook, clean, and manage the diving equipment.

At the beginning of a fishing trip, the lobster boats travel the coast picking up recruited dive teams and boat hands. They then search for lobster at known lobster banks between Honduras and Colombia, often illegally and usually over the course of 12–16 days. The divers are paid by the pound for lobster tails alone. In the early days of the boom, lobster tails of 1–2 pound were common whereas by the early 1990s a diver needed 2–3 lobsters to make the same weight. At that time, the average diver brought in, per trip, 150–180 pounds of lobster. By 2011 the estimated average was down to 74 pounds/trip. Following the catch, the boats return the crew members to their communities, and the catch is processed in the Bay Islands or Puerto Cabezas before being shipped to primarily the United States.

Controversy
Since the 1960s, the Miskito have used free-diving techniques to harvest lobsters as their primary source of income. In the early years of the lobster boom, large and plentiful lobster were found close to shore in shallow waters, and could be accessed easily by free-diving. Lobster production peaked, however, around 1985, and these resources were quickly depleted. Scuba diving techniques were introduced around 1980 to enable the Miskito to expand their area for harvesting into deeper waters. Declining returns have forced divers to dive more often, deeper, and for longer, using pressurized tanks to maintain their income. In response to declining lobster populations, the governments of Honduras and Nicaragua implemented a fishing season – restricting lobster exploitation to between 1 March and 30 July. The goal was to reduce pressure on lobster populations, but the result has also increased pressure on lobster divers. It is not uncommon for divers to make 12–16 dives per day to depths of 100–120 ft. in an effort to maintain their incomes. The result has been an increase in the number of cases of decompression sickness and decompression related deaths. Around 2013, Honduras had the highest number of decompression related deaths and sickness in the world. Estimates at that time put the number of injured somewhere over 2000, while over 300 others have died since the 1970s. The divers almost universally lack formal dive training, and the push to maintain their incomes leads divers to dive too much and stay down too long. In response to activist outcries, several large lobster importers in the United States announced in 2015 that they will no longer purchase dive caught lobster, however, similar efforts by Red Lobster in 1993 failed to disrupt the industry. In 2009 both Honduras and Nicaragua agreed on regional regulations to prohibit lobster diving. Regional agreement OSP-02-2009 – Reglamento para el Ordenamiento Regional de la Pesquería de Langonsta del Caribe was signed by the nations of Central America on 21 May 2009 and was to prohibit tank assisted lobster diving within two years. These regulations, however, have not been enforced, partly because of political pressure from the fishing industry and a lack of viable economic alternatives in on the Miskito Coast. In a 2011 census of Honduran lobster divers, 36% of injured divers continued to dive after their first accident and 50% of divers had considered quitting due to the risks, but continued, because of the lack of viable economic alternatives.

The 2012 documentary film My Village, My Lobster examines the individuals and communities involved in this fishing industry. The film features testimony from divers who have been injured, boat owners and captains who are responsible for the divers' safety, and a hyperbaric medicine specialist who treats injured divers. The film includes footage from aboard a commercial lobster diving vessel and from the remote Miskito Keys (or Miskito Cays), the noted turtle-hunting grounds of the Miskito.

Notable Miskitos
Miskito Kings

 * c. 1650–c. 1687 Oldman
 * c. 1687–1720 Jeremy I
 * 1720–1728 H.M. Jeremy II
 * 1729–1739 H.M. Peter I
 * 1739–1755 H.M. Edward I
 * 1755–1776 H.M. George I
 * 1777–1800 H.M. George II Frederic
 * 1800–1816 H.M. Prince Stephen (King Regent)
 * 1816–1824 H.M. George Frederic Augustus I
 * 1825–1842 H.M. Robert Charles Frederic
 * King George Augustus Frederick.jpg–1864 H.M. George Augustus Frederic II
 * Chief William Henry Clarence.jpg–1879 H.E. William Henry Clarence, Hereditary Chief of Miskitu
 * Chief George William Albert Hendy.jpg–1888 H.E. George William Albert Hendy, Hereditary Chief of Miskitu
 * 1888–1889 H.E. Andrew Hendy, Hereditary Chief of Miskitu
 * Chief Jonathan Charles Frederick.jpg–1890 H.E. Jonathan Charles Frederick, Hereditary Chief of Miskitu
 * Chief Robert Henry Clarence.jpg–1908 H.E. Robert Henry Clarence, Hereditary Chief of Miskitu

Other important figures

 * Lottie Cunningham Wren (born 1959), lawyer, environmentalist, and Native American rights activist from Nicaragua.
 * Myrna Cunningham, politician.
 * Rudel Calero

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Miskito people


text:
Scaffold (disambiguation)

A scaffold, or scaffolding, in construction, is a temporary structure that supports workers and equipment above the ground or floor.

Scaffold and scaffolding may also refer to:

Structures

 * Scaffold (execution site), a raised, stage-like site for public executions
 * Scaffold (barn), a raised structure on which crops are stored

Science and technology

 * Scaffold (chemistry), the core structure of a compound or a class of compounds
 * Scaffold protein, a regulator of cell signalling pathways
 * Scaffold, a protein that is used as a starting point for the design of antibody mimetics
 * Tissue scaffold, in tissue engineering, an artificial structure capable of supporting three-dimensional tissue formation
 * Nano-scaffold, a medical process
 * Scaffolding (bioinformatics), a technique in bioinformatics
 * Scaffold (programming), two techniques in software architecture

Arts and entertainment

 * The Scaffold, an English music and comedy group
 * "The Scaffold", song by Elton John from Empty Sky
 * Scaffolding (film), a 2017 film

Other uses

 * Instructional scaffolding, an education concept and practice

title: Scaffold (disambiguation)


text:
Parental Advisory

Parental Advisory (short for Parental Advisory Explicit Content) is a voluntary music warning label placed on audio recordings in recognition of inappropriate references, such as violence, sexual content or profanity. It is intended to alert parents of material potentially unsuitable for children. It was introduced by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) in 1987 and adopted by the British Phonographic Industry (BPI) in 2011. The label was first affixed on physical 33 1/3 rpm records, compact discs and cassette tapes, and it has been included on digital listings offered by online music stores. In PAL-region territories, some video games featuring licensed music were affixed with the label in the late 1990s and early 2000s.

Recordings with the Parental Advisory label are often released alongside an uncut censored version that reduces or eliminates the objectionable material. Several retailers will distribute both versions of the product, occasionally with an increased price for the uncut censored version, while some sellers offer the amended pressing as their main option and choose not to distribute the explicit counterpart. The label has been widely criticized as ineffective in limiting the inappropriate material to which young audiences are exposed.

Background
Shortly after their formation in April 1985, the Parents Music Resource Center (PMRC) assembled a list of fifteen songs with deemed unsuitable content. Particular criticism was placed on "Darling Nikki" by Prince, after PMRC co-founder Mary "Tipper" Gore bought the album Purple Rain for her 11-year-old daughter Karenna, unaware that the song's lyrics included an explicit mention of masturbation. The Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) responded by introducing an early version of their content warning label, although the PMRC was displeased and proposed that a music rating system structured like the Motion Picture Association of America film rating system be enacted. The RIAA alternatively suggested using a warning label reading "Parental Guidance: Explicit Lyrics", and after continued conflict between the organizations, the matter was discussed on September 19 during a hearing with the United States Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. Notable musicians Frank Zappa, Dee Snider, and John Denver each testified at this hearing with strong opposition to PMRC's warning label system, and censorship in general. Approximately two months after the hearing, the organizations agreed on a settlement in which audio recordings were to either be affixed with a warning label reading "Explicit Lyrics: Parental Advisory" or have its lyrics attached on the backside of its packaging.

In 1990, the now standard black-and-white warning label design reading "Parental Advisory: Explicit Lyrics" was introduced and was to be placed on the bottom right-hand section of a given product. The first album to bear the "black and white" Parental Advisory label was the 1990 release of Banned in the U.S.A. by the rap group 2 Live Crew. By May 1992, approximately 225 records had been marked with the warning. In response to later hearings in the following years, it was reworded as "Parental Advisory: Explicit Content" in 1996. The system went unchanged until 2002, when record labels affiliated with Bertelsmann began including specific areas of concern including "strong language", "violent content", or "sexual content" on compact discs alongside the generic Parental Advisory label. The Parental Advisory label was first used on music streaming services and online music stores in 2011. That year, the British Phonographic Industry (BPI) revised its own music censorship policies to incorporate more prominent usage of the warning label.

Application

The "Parental Advisory Label Program" in the United States and the "Parental Advisory Scheme" in the United Kingdom lack agreed-upon standards for using the warning label, although they provide guidelines for its recommended inclusion. Although a voluntary practice that is ultimately left to the discretion of record labels, the RIAA suggests that material with "strong language or depictions of violence, sex, or substance abuse to such an extent as to merit parental notification" be affixed with the Parental Advisory label. The BPI additionally requests that "racist, homophobic, misogynistic or other discriminatory language or behavior" be taken under consideration when determining the appropriateness of a record.

Physical copies of albums which have the label generally have it as a permanent part of the artwork, being printed with the rest of the cover. In some cases, the label is affixed as a sticker to the front of the case, which can be removed by putting the artwork in a different case. Audio recordings that include Parental Advisory labels in their original formats are generally released in censored versions that reduce or completely eliminate the questionable material. They are recognized as "clean" editions by the RIAA, and are left unlabeled in their revised formats. Target has sold both versions of a given record. Walmart and their affiliated properties are well known for only carrying censored versions of records; in one instance, the retailer refused to distribute Green Day's 2009 album 21st Century Breakdown because they were not given the "clean" copies that they requested. Online music stores, including the iTunes Store, generally have the Parental Advisory logo embedded into digital files. Digital retailers and streaming services such as iTunes, Spotify, and Amazon Music flag tracks as 'Explicit' if they have been identified as such.

Impact
Since its introduction, the effectiveness of the Parental Advisory label has frequently been called into question. Jon Wiederhorn from MTV News suggested that artists benefited from the label and noted that younger customers interested in explicit content could more easily find it with a label attached. On behalf of Westword, Andy Thomas said that the label was purposeless on the grounds that a young customer "would get a copy of the album sooner or later from a friend or another lethargic record store clerk" like the cashier that sold him a labeled pressing of La Sexorcisto: Devil Music, Vol. 1 (1992) by White Zombie in his childhood. He noted that its intended reaction in parents was varied; his lax mother was indifferent towards the warning, while the stricter mother of his companion did not allow her child to listen to the record.

Danny Goldberg from Gold Village Entertainment opined that the Parental Advisory label offered minimal value other than "being a way for certain retailers like Wal-Mart to brand themselves as 'family friendly'"; he felt that children were successful in getting content they desired "even before the Internet", and believed that the label had little impact on sales figures. In contrast, the RIAA maintains that "it's not a PAL Notice that kids look for, it's the music". They stated that research they had gathered revealed that "kids put limited weight on lyrics in deciding which music they like, caring more about rhythm and melody" and implied that the label is not a deciding factor for a given purchase. Tom Cole from NPR commented that the Parental Advisory label has become "a fact of music-buying life", which made it difficult for current consumers to understand the widespread controversy that came about from its introduction. Greg Beato of Reason observed that by the 1990s, "A hip-hop album that didn't warrant a Tipper sticker was artistically suspect."

The label has become well known enough to be parodied. Guns N' Roses's 1991 albums Use Your Illusion I and Use Your Illusion II included a similarly-styled sticker saying "This album contains language which some listeners may find objectionable. They can fuck off and buy something from the New Age section."

Edited counterparts
It is fairly common for an album which received the Parental Advisory seal to be sold alongside an "edited" version which removes objectionable content, usually to the same level as a radio edit. The RIAA Guidelines however state "an Edited Version need not remove all potentially objectionable content from the sound recording." These albums are packaged nearly-identically to their explicit counterparts, usually with the only indicator being the lack of Parental Advisory seal, although if the artwork is deemed 'explicit' too, it will normally be censored. In the case of some albums, a black box reading "EDITED VERSION" is placed where the Parental Advisory seal would be. This was part of new guidelines introduced on April 1, 2002, which also included a label that featured "Edited Version Also Available" next to the Parental Advisory seal.

title: Parental Advisory


text:
Teen Wolf

Teen Wolf is a 1985 American coming-of-age comedy film directed by Rod Daniel and written by Jeph Loeb and Matthew Weisman. Michael J. Fox stars as the title character, a high school student whose ordinary life is changed when he discovers that he is a werewolf. James Hampton, Scott Paulin, Susan Ursitti, Jerry Levine, Matt Adler, and Jay Tarses appear in supporting roles. Filming took place from November to December 1984.

Teen Wolf was released on August 23, 1985, by Atlantic Releasing Corporation, and received mixed reviews from film critics. It was a commercial success, grossing over $33 million domestically on a $4 million budget, with the worldwide gross being over $80 million. The film's success spawned a titular franchise, including an animated series adaptation in 1986, a sequel film in 1987, the supernatural live action drama series that aired on MTV from 2011 to 2017, and its continuation film in 2022.

Plot
Scott Howard, a 17-year-old high school student, is tired of just being average. Living in a small town in Nebraska, his only claim to popularity is playing for the Beavers, his school's unsuccessful basketball team. Scott fawns after Pamela Wells even though she is dating his rival Mick who plays for the Dragons, an opposing team that bullies him on the court. Completely oblivious to the affections of his best friend Boof, Scott constantly rebuffs her advances due to their history together.

After startling changes such as long hair suddenly sprouting on his hands, he decides to quit the team, but his coach, Finstock, changes his mind. Scoring a keg with his friend Stiles for a party, Scott and Boof end up alone in a closet and Scott gets rough when they begin making out, accidentally clawing her back. When he returns home, he undergoes a strange transformation, discovering he is a werewolf. His father Harold reveals he is one too, and that he had hoped Scott would not inherit the curse because 'sometimes it skips a generation'.

Scott reveals his secret to Stiles, who agrees to keep it a secret. But, when Scott becomes stressed on the court, he becomes the Wolf and helps win their first game in three years. As a result, Scott gains fame and popularity as the high school is overwhelmed with 'Wolf Fever'. He is also alienated from Boof and his teammates as he begins to hog the ball during games.

Stiles merchandises "Teen Wolf" paraphernalia and Pamela finally begins paying attention to Scott. After he gets a role as a "werewolf cavalryman" in the school play alongside her, she comes onto him in the dressing room and they have sex. Later, after a date set up to make Mick jealous, Pamela tells Scott that she is not interested in him as a boyfriend, much to his disappointment. Harold tells Scott he is responsible for his son's conflicts with vice principal Rusty Thorne, due to a scare Harold had given him when he was in high school. He advises Scott to be himself.

Boof agrees to go with Scott to the upcoming Spring Dance, but only if he goes as himself. Scott goes alone as the Wolf instead. She takes him into the hallway and they kiss, which turns Scott back into himself. When they return to the dance, Scott garners everyone's attention, including Pamela. A jealous Mick punches him in the face, then proceeds to insult Boof and taunt Scott until the Wolf angrily attacks. Scott runs out of the hall right into Thorne, who threatens expulsion. Harold sends his son home before going on to intimidate Thorne by growling in his face, causing the vice principal to wet himself.

Scott renounces using the Wolf and quits the basketball team. During the championship game, he arrives to rally his teammates to play without the Wolf. Despite the odds, the team begins to work together and they make ground against the Dragons. During the final quarter, behind by one point, Scott is fouled hard by Mick at the buzzer. He makes both free throws, winning the championship. Brushing past Pamela, he kisses Boof as his father embraces them both. Mick tells Pamela that they should leave, but she tells him to "drop dead" and storms off while everyone else celebrates the victory.

Production
Teen Wolf was one of the first scripts written by Jeph Loeb. Loeb was hired to write it because the studio, after the surprising success of the film Valley Girl, wanted to make a comedy that would cost almost nothing and take very little time to film. The project came together when Michael J. Fox accepted the lead role and his Family Ties co-star Meredith Baxter-Birney became pregnant, which created a delay in the sitcom's filming that allowed Fox time to complete filming and then return to his sitcom.

On a production budget of $4 million, principal photography for Teen Wolf began in November 1984 and concluded the next month. James Hampton originally auditioned for the role of Coach Bobby Finstock but was later cast as Harold Howard. The beaver mascot logo used in the film was the Oregon State University Beavers logo, in use by the university at that time.

Release
Atlantic Releasing spent $4 million on advertising for Teen Wolf. Released in the U.S. on August 23, 1985, Teen Wolf debuted at No. 2 in its opening weekend, behind Back to the Future (also starring Michael J. Fox). After its initial run, the film grossed $33,086,661 domestically, with a worldwide gross of about $80 million.

Teen Wolf was first released on DVD via MGM in a "Double Feature" pack with its sequel Teen Wolf Too on August 27, 2002. The film was later released on Blu-ray on March 29, 2011. The only special feature available on any of the releases is the film's theatrical trailer. The film was reissued on Blu-ray Disc on August 8, 2017, by Scream! Factory, with a remastered transfer and a new "making of" featurette.

Critical response
The film's critical reception was at best mixed. Review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes reports that 46% of 35 critics have given the film a positive review, with a rating average of 5.4 out of 10. The consensus summarizes: "Though Michael J. Fox is as charismatic as ever, Teen Wolf's coming-of-age themes can't help but feel a little stale and formulaic." On Metacritic, the film has a 25 out of 100 rating based on 5 critics, indicating "generally unfavorable reviews".

Vincent Canby of The New York Times gave the film a negative review calling it "aggressively boring". He went on to say that "the film is overacted by everybody except Mr. Fox, who is seen to far better advantage in Back to the Future."

Colin Greenland reviewed Teen Wolf for White Dwarf #75, and stated that "Anxious that their movie should be perfectly wholesome, clean and bloodless, writers and director forgot Scott was supposed to be a werewolf, and made him a basketball star instead."

Animated television series
An animated series adaptation aired on CBS for two seasons from 1986 to 1987. Townsend Coleman voiced the lead role of Scott Howard, with James Hampton reprising his role as Harold Howard. The series retained the basic premise and most of the characters from the film, but made changes to the story, such as Scott attempting to keep his werewolf identity secret from the general public. It also featured new characters, including Scott's grandparents (voiced by Stacy Keach Sr. and June Foray) and younger sister Lupe.

Sequels
A sequel entitled Teen Wolf Too was released in 1987 and starred Jason Bateman as Todd Howard, Scott Howard's cousin. Only James Hampton and Mark Holton returned from the original film, with the sequel focusing mostly on new characters led by Todd. Teen Wolf Too received negative reviews and failed to match the success of its predecessor, grossing $7.9 million on a $3 million budget. A second sequel starring Alyssa Milano was planned, but never filmed. Another female version of Teen Wolf was in the works that later developed into 1989's Teen Witch.

Live-action television series
MTV greenlit a television series adaptation in 2009 that was developed by Jeff Davis. While also centered on a high school student who becomes a werewolf, the story was reimagined as a supernatural teen drama with elements of action and horror. Tyler Posey portrayed the title character, whose name was changed to Scott McCall for the series. It aired for six seasons from 2011 to 2017. A film continuation, Teen Wolf: The Movie, was released on January 26, 2023.

title: Teen Wolf


text: User talk:66.234.33.46

title: User talk:66.234.33.46


text:
Talk:Francis Pegahmagabow

aboriginal?
"aboriginal" or "First Mations"? RickK 00:53, 24 May 2004 (UTC)
 * Ah, that would be First Nations. :) Now, to check the article, Weaponofmassinstruction 05:29, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)

not the single most effective
Deathphoenix edited prior copy to suggest Francis Pegahmagabow was not the single most effective sniper of WWI. This is contrary to all the historical references I've seen, online and off. I've re-edited the opening line to reflect the historical reality -- which AFAIK needs no qualification. Cheers, 05:26, Feb 9, 2005 (UTC)

 * Okay, if that's what you want to do. I have nothing but the highest respect for Francis, but being the single most effective is a bit of a strong statement. Of all the combatants that fought in WWI as snipers, Francis was the single most effective sniper, 100% verified that he made the most kills and most captures? Historical records from WWI are incomplete. Even the number of kills (378) is unverified (hence I changed it to up to 378). Given all these inconsistencies, who's to say who was the single most effective sniper for both sides? For the Allies? For the Canadians? I am nothing short of amazed at his accomplishments (so I intend to work on this article as much as I can), but I have a hard time accepting that he was the single most effective sniper of WWI. Such a statement is POV and changes depending on who you ask. --Deathphoenix 12:33, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * BTW, you're right about Francis being the most highly decorated aboriginal soldier. I even knew that, so I have no idea what I was thinking when I corrected that. Sorry. --Deathphoenix 14:01, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Assessment
I have assessed this as Start Class, as it contains more detail and organization than would be expected of a Stub, and of mid importance given his prominence in World War I. Cheers, CP 21:41, 27 October 2007 (UTC)

some suggestions
I was thinking about making this article my first solo review, but I on second thought, I do not think I know enough about the type of subject to judge, but I do have some thoughts. First, the sentence "...the First Nation soldier most highly decorated for bravery in Canadian military history and the most effective sniper of World War I." makes me wonder if the wikilink should be First Nations and linked to that article rather than the aboriginal article.
 * Also might want to reword to say, "...the most highly decorated First Nation soldier for bravery in Canadian military history and the most effective sniper of World War I." It is less confusing.  I had to read it a few times to figure out why "the" was used instead on "a".--Ishtar456 (talk) 14:38, 30 June 2010 (UTC)

The thing that kept me from doing the review is that there are a lot of sections with very little information. I know the information that is available is scarce, but sections with just one sentence do not seem appropriate to me. Under the circumstances of the topic, I do not know if this is a valid criticism or not.

Also there are a lot of commas that are missing. I'm going to add a few, but you might want to have someone copy edit. --Ishtar456 (talk) 14:34, 30 June 2010 (UTC)
 * Sorry, more suggestions,

1. "prior to the war", which war? 2. "Pegahmagabow preferred the much hated Ross rifle" Preferred it to what? 3. "He saw action at the" sounds crass. '''Maybe, saw combat?, entered combat? became engaged in combat?'''

I have made some minor changes, but on third thought think maybe this is a "quick fail" :( Sorry. Very interesting topic though. Please, don't give up. --Ishtar456 (talk) 15:20, 30 June 2010 (UTC)

not "auto"
One more thing: "Autobiography: Hayes, Adrian. Pegahmagabow: legendary warrior, forgotten hero (2003 ed.). Fox Meadow Creations. ISBN 9780968145289. - Total pages: 95"

It is not an autobiography, unless it is written by the subject of the book.--Ishtar456 (talk) 15:31, 30 June 2010 (UTC)

Quick review
Hi, I can see a lot of good work has gone in to this article and I found it quite interesting to read, however, I'm not sure that this article would currently pass a GA review as there are a few issues that I think need dealing with. Rather than starting the review and failing it, I have listed a number of points that I feel should be addressed. Whether or not you choose to act on them is entirely up to you.

 * it is generally considered incorrect to use the heading "Biography" in such an article as the whole article is a Biography (I would suggest headings such as Early life, Military career, Political life, Family and legacy;
 * Done -- Esemono (talk) 04:17, 1 July 2010 (UTC)

 * the Family and Legacy section is incorrectly capitalised (should be Family and legacy);
 * Done -- Esemono (talk) 04:17, 1 July 2010 (UTC)

 * I suggest including the popular media information in the legacy section;
 * Done -- Esemono (talk) 04:17, 1 July 2010 (UTC)

 * there is some inconsistent use of terminology (First World War, but also World War I);
 * the lead makes the claim that Pegahmagabow was the most effective sniper and the most decorated First Nations soldier, but neither of these are mentioned in the body of the article,
 * Done -- Esemono (talk) 04:17, 1 July 2010 (UTC)

 * the template ribbon at the bottom of the article would look better if it were collapsed, IMO,
 * Is there more detail that could be added to the After the war section, it says he continued to serve, but doesn't say for how long (yet the infobox says his service ended in 1919 - do you know this, or are you assuming?)
 * In the Biography section it starts off with very little detail. I would suggest adding in an Early life subsection and mentioning things like his birthdate and place, also parents, education, etc. A good example of a biography article to look at is: Frederick Scherger, which is a Featured Article and might provide some more ideas on development;
 * wikilink "Distinguished Conduct Medal" in the World War I section;
 * Done -- Esemono (talk) 04:17, 1 July 2010 (UTC)

 * I suggest not including the citations for the medals, but in fact convert them into prose describing the subject's actions;
 * Done --

 * there are a number of hyphens that should be endashes per WP:DASH, for instance in the infobox, and the page ranges for the refs;
 * Done --

 * regarding the image in the infobox, I think you need to specify the source. Is it scanned from a book? If so what are the details of the book? If it is a web site, can you please provide a link?
 * Done --

 * in the References section some of the composition titles are not consistent with MOSCAPS
 * there is a mixture of US and British English spellings, for example you have "honour" but also "honored".
 * Done --

Cheers. Good work so far and good luck with developing the article further. AustralianRupert (talk) 00:38, 1 July 2010 (UTC)

 * That's possibly because "honour" is the Canadian spelling for "honor".
 * Just a reminder, Francis Peghmagabow is a Canadian first nation soldier. This article probably was started and still edit mostly by Canadians, since they will have a more in depth knowledge of the history of Indigenous. While Wikipedia is a pretty national wide site with collaborators from different areas around the world, it does makes sense that the spelling was not exactly unanimous. TheeChEese (talk) 03:11, 25 November 2021 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just added archive links to 1 one external link on Francis Pegahmagabow. Please take a moment to review my edit. If necessary, add after the link to keep me from modifying it. Alternatively, you can add to keep me off the page altogether. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive http://web.archive.org/web/20110610130431/http://www.army.forces.gc.ca/3crpg/eng/stories/06aug01-eng.html to http://www.army.forces.gc.ca/3crpg/eng/stories/06aug01-eng.html

When you have finished reviewing my changes, please set the checked parameter below to true or failed to let others know (documentation at Sourcecheck).

Cheers.—cyberbot II  Talk to my owner :Online 07:58, 28 February 2016 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified one external link on Francis Pegahmagabow. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20120403021053/http://www.macleans.ca/article.jsp?content=20050527_180400_6736 to http://www.macleans.ca/article.jsp?content=20050527_180400_6736
 * Added tag to http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/databases/cef/001042-119.02-e.php?image_url=http%3A%2F%2Fdata2.archives.ca%2Fcef%2Fgpc013%2F571983a.gif&id_nbr=572634

When you have finished reviewing my changes, you may follow the instructions on the template below to fix any issues with the URLs.

Cheers.— InternetArchiveBot  (Report bug) 07:20, 10 December 2017 (UTC)

not the most aboriginal decorated !
I made the changes several times, delete each time, my links removed every time, I know that the official story said for 100 years that he is the most decorated but IT'S FALSE !! I have been doing research on the subject of aboriginal veterans for 18 years now, looking for the list of Canadian soldiers who have received 3 MM. In the list you will see the name of Jerome Frank Narcisse, this sergeant is a Mi'kmak from Quebec. before deleting the contribution by accusing people of conflicts of interest, inquire! When to source, all the sources you use and cite below, including biographies, newspaper articles or government site! are derived directly or indirectly from data published by Fred Gaffen and Whitney Lackenbauer, all of which is a copy of the data published on March 31, 1919 by the Indian Affairs Office. None are from comprehensive research or compilations of data. Quoting sources is good, but you have to make sure that it's not just copy-paste, which is the case here. In passing, it removes the fact that I write that it is not the most decorated, then lower in the article we talk about Tommy Prince. In summary therefore, Peggy is not the most decorated, information based on 18 years of research, we delete this info based on copy paste, not very serious .... — Preceding unsigned comment added by Nativeveteran (talk • contribs) 18:37, 4 March 2018 (UTC) copy above of the links leading to his military file and his medal cards, where it is clearly indicated that he is a native and that he has received 3 MM; I also put the link to the file that I put on him even if I know in advance that it will not be admissible from you, and copies of links leading to photos on social networks. There is no official writing, since the official writings have completely forgotten him! This requires research to succeed in discovering the history of Sgt JEROME, all who say it's wrong how many years of research on the subject behind them? — Preceding unsigned comment added by Nativeveteran (talk • contribs) 03:07, 5 March 2018 (UTC)
 * Can you give us a reliable source, then? We can't include claims that are not backed up with a source that meets Wikipedia's standards. Curly "JFC" Turkey 🍁 ¡gobble! 21:17, 4 March 2018 (UTC)
 * Unfortunately, I don't think any of those sources are acceptable—that's not saying they're incorrect or anything, they're just not the sort of sources Wikipedia accepts. Something we can do, though, is remove the statement that Pegahmagabow is the most-decorated First Nations soldier.  I know it must be frustrating, but Wikipedia only reports what published sources say—Wikipedia does not report original research.  Perhaps there's a historian, an organization, or a journalist you can take this information to?  If they were to publish it somewhere, then Wikipedia could report that, too, then. Curly "JFC" Turkey 🍁 ¡gobble! 03:15, 5 March 2018 (UTC)

If archival documents are not reliable sources, but copy paste is; then it completely questions the reliability of Wikipedia articles. Most of the sources that are quoted in this article are from personal research, often false or misleading if we think of the author Boyden. Organizations or sites like wikipedia do not want to hear about Sergeant Jerome because the writing is not official, officials and newspapers do not want to hear about it because organizations and sites like wikipedia don't want write about him ... we turn a little in circles, do not you think? Basically Wikipedia is not a site where you can publish articles to inform the world? if the article contains errors, we should be able to change them; not to be swept away with the back of the hand ... As long as the information remains that it is not the most decorated, it is a step forward .... but I know that it will take all start again in less than a month .... really pity .... but I still with my questions, how many years of research on the subject of indigenous veterans have those who initially remove my amendment? do you do a semblance of research before deleting? 18 years of intensive research is worth absolutely nothing to a copy of a book? — Preceding unsigned comment added by Nativeveteran (talk • contribs) 05:41, 5 March 2018 (UTC)
 * Copy-paste? If there is copy-pasted information in the article, it needs to be removed per WP:COPYVIO.  Could you point to what has been copy-pasted?
 * As to the rest of your comment, you should read through Wikipedia's policies such as No original research and Verifiability. These policies are in place for good reason. Curly "JFC" Turkey 🍁 ¡gobble! 06:06, 5 March 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:Francis Pegahmagabow


text: User talk:212.144.9.164

title: User talk:212.144.9.164