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Due Process Clause

A Due Process Clause is found in both the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution, which prohibit the deprivation of "life, liberty, or property" by the federal and state governments, respectively, without due process of law.

The U.S. Supreme Court interprets these clauses to guarantee a variety of protections: procedural due process (in civil and criminal proceedings); substantive due process (a guarantee of some fundamental rights); a prohibition against vague laws; incorporation of the Bill of Rights to state governments; and equal protection under the laws of the federal government.

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The clause in the Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution provides: "No person shall ... be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law."

The clause in Section One of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution provides: "...nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law."

Background
Clause 39 of Magna Carta provided: "No free man shall be seized or imprisoned, or stripped of his rights or possessions, or outlawed or exiled, or deprived of his standing in any other way, nor will we proceed with force against him, or send others to do so, except by the lawful judgment of his equals or by the law of the land."

The phrase "due process of law" first appeared in a statutory rendition of Magna Carta in 1354 during the reign of Edward III of England, as follows: "No man of what state or condition he be, shall be put out of his lands or tenements nor taken (taken to mean arrested or deprived of liberty by the state), nor disinherited, nor put to death, without he be brought to answer by due process of law."

Drafting
New York was the only state that asked Congress to add "due process" language to the U.S. Constitution. New York ratified the U.S. Constitution and proposed the following amendment in 1788: "[N]o Person ought to be taken imprisoned or disseized of his freehold, or be exiled or deprived of his Privileges, Franchises, Life, Liberty or Property but by due process of Law."

In response to this proposal from New York, James Madison drafted a due process clause for Congress. Madison cut out some language and inserted the word without, which had not been proposed by New York. Congress then adopted the exact wording that Madison proposed after Madison explained that the due process clause would not be sufficient to protect various other rights: "Although I know whenever the great rights, the trial by jury, freedom of the press, or liberty of conscience, come in question in that body [Parliament], the invasion of them is resisted by able advocates, yet their Magna Carta does not contain any one provision for the security of those rights, respecting which the people of America are most alarmed."

Scope
The Supreme Court has interpreted the Due Process Clauses in the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendment identically, as Justice Felix Frankfurter once explained in a concurring opinion:

"To suppose that 'due process of law' meant one thing in the Fifth Amendment and another in the Fourteenth is too frivolous to require elaborate rejection."

In 1855, the Supreme Court explained that, to ascertain whether a process is due process, the first step is to "examine the constitution itself, to see whether this process be in conflict with any of its provisions". In the same 1855 case, the Supreme Court said, "The words, "due process of law", were undoubtedly intended to convey the same meaning as the words, "by the law of the land", in Magna Charta."

In the 1884 case of Hurtado v. California, the Court said:

"Due process of law in the [Fourteenth Amendment] refers to that law of the land ... in each state which derives its authority from the inherent and reserved powers of the state, exerted within the limits of those fundamental principles of liberty and justice which lie at the base of all our civil and political institutions, and the greatest security for which resides in the right of the people to make their own laws, and alter them at their pleasure."

Due process also applies to the creation of taxing districts, as taxation is a deprivation of property. Due process typically requires public hearings prior to the creation of a taxing district.

"State"
Due process applies to U.S. territories, although they are not States.

"Person"
The Due Process Clauses apply to both natural persons, including citizens and non-citizens, as well as to "legal persons" (that is, corporate personhood). The Fifth Amendment's Due Process Clause was first applied to corporations in 1893 by the Supreme Court in Noble v. Union River Logging R. Co. Noble was preceded by Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad in 1886. The Due Process Clauses apply to non-citizens within the United States – no matter whether their presence may be or is "unlawful, involuntary or transitory" – although the U.S. Supreme Court has recognized that non-citizens can be stopped, detained, and denied past immigration officials at points of entry (e.g. at a port or airport) without the protection of the Due Process Clause because, while technically on U.S. soil, they are not considered to have entered the United States.

"Life"
In Bucklew v. Precythe, 587 U.S. ___ (2019), the Supreme Court held that the Due Process Clause expressly allows the death penalty in the United States because "the Fifth Amendment, added to the Constitution at the same time as the Eighth, expressly contemplates that a defendant may be tried for a ‘capital’ crime and 'deprived of life' as a penalty, so long as proper procedures are followed".

"Liberty"
The U.S. Supreme Court has interpreted the term "liberty" in the Due Process Clauses broadly:

"Although the Court has not assumed to define "liberty" with any great precision, that term is not confined to mere freedom from bodily restraint. Liberty under law extends to the full range of conduct which the individual is free to pursue, and it cannot be restricted except for a proper governmental objective."

State actor
The prohibitions of the due process clauses apply only to the actions of state actors and not against private citizens. However, "[p]rivate persons, jointly engaged with state officials in the prohibited action, are acting 'under color' of law.... To act 'under color' of law does not require that the accused be an officer of the State. It is enough that he is a willful participant in joint activity with the State or its agents".

Procedural due process
Procedural due process requires government officials to follow fair procedures before depriving a person of life, liberty, or property. When the government seeks to deprive a person of one of those interests, procedural due process requires the government to afford the person, at minimum, notice, an opportunity to be heard, and a decision made by a neutral decisionmaker.

This protection extends to all government proceedings that can result in an individual's deprivation, whether civil or criminal in nature, from parole violation hearings to administrative hearings regarding government benefits and entitlements to full-blown criminal trials. The article "Some Kind of Hearing" written by Judge Henry Friendly created a list of basic due process rights "that remains highly influential, as to both content and relative priority". These rights, which apply equally to civil due process and criminal due process, are:
 * 1) An unbiased tribunal.
 * 2) Notice of the proposed action and the grounds asserted for it.
 * 3) Opportunity to present reasons why the proposed action should not be taken.
 * 4) The right to present evidence, including the right to call witnesses.
 * 5) The right to know opposing evidence.
 * 6) The right to cross-examine adverse witnesses.
 * 7) A decision based exclusively on the evidence presented.
 * 8) Opportunity to be represented by counsel.
 * 9) Requirement that the tribunal prepare a record of the evidence presented.
 * 10) Requirement that the tribunal prepare written findings of fact and reasons for its decision.

Civil procedural due process
Procedural due process is essentially based on the concept of "fundamental fairness". For example, in 1934, the United States Supreme Court held that due process is violated "if a practice or rule offends some principle of justice so rooted in the traditions and conscience of our people as to be ranked as fundamental". As construed by the courts, it includes an individual's right to be adequately notified of charges or proceedings, the opportunity to be heard at these proceedings, and that the person or panel making the final decision over the proceedings be impartial in regards to the matter before them.

To put it more simply, where an individual is facing a deprivation of life, liberty, or property, procedural due process mandates that they are entitled to adequate notice, a hearing, and a neutral judge.

The Supreme Court has formulated a balancing test to determine the rigor with which the requirements of procedural due process should be applied to a particular deprivation, for the obvious reason that mandating such requirements in the most expansive way for even the most minor deprivations would bring the machinery of government to a halt. The Court set out the test as follows: "[I]dentification of the specific dictates of due process generally requires consideration of three distinct factors: first, the private interest that will be affected by the official action; second, the risk of an erroneous deprivation of such interest through the procedures used, and the probable value, if any, of additional or substitute procedural safeguards; and, finally, the Government's interest, including the function involved and the fiscal and administrative burdens that the additional or substitute procedural requirement would entail."

Procedural due process has also been an important factor in the development of the law of personal jurisdiction, in the sense that it is inherently unfair for the judicial machinery of a state to take away the property of a person who has no connection to it whatsoever. A significant portion of U.S. constitutional law is therefore directed to what kinds of connections to a state are enough for that state's assertion of jurisdiction over a nonresident to comport with procedural due process.

The requirement of a neutral judge has introduced a constitutional dimension to the question of whether a judge should recuse themself from a case. Specifically, the Supreme Court has ruled that in certain circumstances, the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment requires a judge to recuse themself on account of a potential or actual conflict of interest. For example, in Caperton v. A. T. Massey Coal Co. (2009), the Court ruled that a justice of the Supreme Court of Appeals of West Virginia could not participate in a case involving a major donor to his election to that court.

Criminal procedural due process
In criminal cases, many of these due process protections overlap with procedural protections provided by the Eighth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which guarantees reliable procedures that protect innocent people from being executed, which would be an obvious example of cruel and unusual punishment.

An example of criminal due process rights is the case Vitek v. Jones, 445 U.S. 480 (1980). The due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment requires certain procedural protections for state prisoners who may be transferred involuntarily to a state mental hospital for treatment of a mental disease or defect, such protections including written notice of the transfer, an adversary hearing before an independent decisionmaker, written findings, and effective and timely notice of such rights. As established by the district court and upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court in Vitek v. Jones, these due process rights include:

 * 1) Written notice to the prisoner that a transfer to a mental hospital is being considered;
 * 2) A hearing, sufficiently after the notice to permit the prisoner to prepare, at which disclosure to the prisoner is made of the evidence being relied upon for the transfer and at which an opportunity to be heard in person and to present documentary evidence is given;
 * 3) An opportunity at the hearing to present testimony of witnesses by the defense and to confront and cross-examine witnesses called by the state, except upon a finding, not arbitrarily made, of good cause for not permitting such presentation, confrontation, or cross-examination;
 * 4) An independent decisionmaker;
 * 5) A written statement by the factfinder as to the evidence relied on and the reasons for transferring the inmate;
 * 6) Availability of legal counsel, furnished by the state, if the inmate is financially unable to furnish his own (a majority of Justices rejected this right to state-furnished counsel. ); and
 * 7) Effective and timely notice of all the foregoing rights.

Substantive due process
By the middle of the 19th century, "due process of law" was interpreted by the U.S. Supreme Court to mean that "it was not left to the legislative power to enact any process which might be devised. The due process article is a restraint on the legislative as well as on the executive and judicial powers of the government, and cannot be so construed as to leave Congress free to make any process 'due process of law' by its mere will."

The term "substantive due process" (SDP) is commonly used in two ways: first to identify a particular line of case law, and second to signify a particular attitude toward judicial review under the Due Process Clause. The term "substantive due process" began to take form in 1930s legal casebooks as a categorical distinction of selected due process cases, and by 1950 had been mentioned twice in Supreme Court opinions. SDP involves liberty-based due process challenges which seek certain outcomes instead of merely contesting procedures and their effects; in such cases, the Supreme Court recognizes a constitutionally-based "liberty" which then renders laws seeking to limit said "liberty" either unenforceable or limited in scope. Critics of SDP decisions typically assert that those liberties ought to be left to the more politically accountable branches of government.

Courts have viewed the due process clause, and sometimes other clauses of the Constitution, as embracing those fundamental rights that are "implicit in the concept of ordered liberty". Just what those rights are is not always clear, nor is the Supreme Court's authority to enforce such unenumerated rights clear. Some of those rights have long histories or "are deeply rooted" in American society.

The courts have largely abandoned the Lochner era approach (c. 1897-1937) when substantive due process was used to strike down minimum wage and labor laws in order to protect freedom of contract. Since then, the Supreme Court has decided that numerous other freedoms that do not appear in the plain text of the Constitution are nevertheless protected by the Constitution. If these rights were not protected by the federal courts' doctrine of substantive due process, they could nevertheless be protected in other ways; for example, it is possible that some of these rights could be protected by other provisions of the state or federal constitutions, and alternatively they could be protected by legislatures.

The Court focuses on three types of rights under substantive due process in the Fourteenth Amendment, which originated in United States v. Carolene Products Co.,, footnote 4. Those three types of rights are:
 * the first eight amendments in the Bill of Rights (e.g., the Eighth Amendment);
 * restrictions on the political process (e.g., the rights of voting, association, and free speech); and
 * the rights of "discrete and insular minorities". See U.S. V. Carolene Products Co. (1938).

The Court usually looks first to see if there is a fundamental right, by examining if the right can be found deeply rooted in American history and traditions. Where the right is not a fundamental right, the court applies a rational basis test: if the violation of the right can be rationally related to a legitimate government purpose, then the law is held valid. If the court establishes that the right being violated is a fundamental right, it applies strict scrutiny. This test inquires into whether there is a compelling state interest being furthered by the violation of the right, and whether the law in question is narrowly tailored to address the state interest.

Privacy, which is not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution, was at issue in Griswold v. Connecticut (1965), wherein the Court held that criminal prohibition of contraceptive devices for married couples violated federal, judicially enforceable privacy rights. The right to contraceptives was found in what the Court called the "penumbras", or shadowy edges, of certain amendments that arguably refer to certain privacy rights. The penumbra-based rationale of Griswold has since been discarded; the Supreme Court now uses the Due Process Clause as a basis for various unenumerated privacy rights. Although it has never been the majority view, some have argued that the Ninth Amendment (addressing unenumerated rights) could be used as a source of fundamental judicially enforceable rights, including a general right to privacy, as discussed by Justice Goldberg concurring in Griswold.

Void for vagueness
The courts have generally determined that laws which are too vague for the average citizen to understand deprive citizens of their rights to due process. If an average person cannot determine who is regulated, what conduct is prohibited, or what punishment may be imposed by a law, courts may find that law to be void for vagueness. See Coates v. Cincinnati, where the word "annoying" was deemed to lack due process insertion of fair warning.

Incorporation of the Bill of Rights
Incorporation is the legal doctrine by which the Bill of Rights, either in full or in part, is applied to the states through the Fourteenth Amendment's due process clause. The basis for incorporation is substantive due process regarding substantive rights enumerated elsewhere in the Constitution, and procedural due process regarding procedural rights enumerated elsewhere in the Constitution.

Incorporation started in 1897 with a takings case, continued with Gitlow v. New York (1925), which was a First Amendment case, and accelerated in the 1940s and 1950s. Justice Hugo Black famously favored the jot-for-jot incorporation of the entire Bill of Rights. Justice Felix Frankfurter, however—joined later by Justice John M. Harlan—felt that the federal courts should only apply those sections of the Bill of Rights that were "fundamental to a scheme of ordered liberty". It was the latter course that the Warren Court of the 1960s took, although almost all of the Bill of Rights has now been incorporated jot-for-jot against the states. The latest Incorporation is the Excessive Fines Clause of the Eighth Amendment; see Timbs v. Indiana, 586 U.S. ____ (2019).

The role of the incorporation doctrine in applying the guarantees of the Bill of Rights to the states is just as notable as the use of due process to define new fundamental rights that are not explicitly guaranteed by the Constitution's text. In both cases, the question has been whether the right asserted is "fundamental", so that, just as not all proposed "new" constitutional rights are afforded judicial recognition, not all provisions of the Bill of Rights have been deemed sufficiently fundamental to warrant enforcement against the states.

Some people, such as Justice Black, have argued that the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment would be a more appropriate textual source for the incorporation doctrine. The Court has not taken that course, and some point to the treatment given to the Privileges or Immunities Clause in the 1873 Slaughter-House Cases as a reason why. Although the Slaughter-House Court did not expressly preclude application of the Bill of Rights to the states, the clause largely ceased to be invoked in opinions of the Court following the Slaughter-House Cases, and when incorporation did begin, it was under the rubric of due process. Scholars who share Justice Black's view, such as Akhil Amar, argue that the Framers of the Fourteenth Amendment, like Senator Jacob Howard and Congressman John Bingham, included a Due Process Clause in the Fourteenth Amendment for the following reason: "By incorporating the rights of the Fifth Amendment, the privileges or immunities clause would ... have prevented states from depriving 'citizens' of due process. Bingham, Howard, and company wanted to go even further by extending the benefits of state due process to aliens."

The Supreme Court has consistently held that Fifth Amendment due process means substantially the same as Fourteenth Amendment due process, and therefore the original meaning of the former is relevant to the incorporation doctrine of the latter. When the Bill of Rights was originally proposed by Congress in 1789 to the states, various substantive and procedural rights were "classed according to their affinity to each other" instead of being submitted to the states "as a single act to be adopted or rejected in the gross", as James Madison put it. Roger Sherman explained in 1789 that each amendment "may be passed upon distinctly by the States, and any one that is adopted by three fourths of the legislatures may become a part of the Constitution". Thus, the states were allowed to reject the Sixth Amendment, for example, while ratifying all of the other amendments including the Due Process Clause; in that case, the rights in the Sixth Amendment would not have been incorporated against the federal government. The doctrine of incorporating the content of other amendments into "due process" was thus an innovation, when it began in 1925 with the Gitlow case, and this doctrine remains controversial today.

Reverse incorporation of equal protection
In Bolling v. Sharpe, the Supreme Court held that "the concepts of equal protection and due process, both stemming from our American ideal of fairness, are not mutually exclusive." The Court thus interpreted the Fifth Amendment's due process clause to include an equal protection element. In Lawrence v. Texas the Supreme Court added: "Equality of treatment and the due process right to demand respect for conduct protected by the substantive guarantee of liberty are linked in important respects, and a decision on the latter point advances both interests."

Levels of scrutiny
When a law or other act of government is challenged as a violation of individual liberty under the due process clause, courts nowadays primarily use two forms of scrutiny, or judicial review, which is used by the Judicial Branch. This inquiry balances the importance of the governmental interest being served and the appropriateness of the government's method of implementation against the resulting infringement of individual rights. If the governmental action infringes upon a fundamental right, the highest level of review—strict scrutiny—is used. To pass strict scrutiny review, the law or act must be narrowly tailored to further a compelling government interest.

When the governmental restriction restricts liberty in a manner that does not implicate a fundamental right, rational basis review is used. Here a legitimate government interest is enough to pass this review. There is also a middle level of scrutiny, called intermediate scrutiny, but it is primarily used in Equal Protection cases rather than in Due Process cases.

Remedies
The Court held in 1967 (in Chapman v. California) that "we cannot leave to the States the formulation of the authoritative ... remedies designed to protect people from infractions by the States of federally guaranteed rights".

Substantive due process
Critics of a substantive due process often claim that the doctrine began, at the federal level, with the infamous 1857 slavery case of Dred Scott v. Sandford. However, other critics contend that substantive due process was not used by the federal judiciary until after the Fourteenth Amendment was adopted in 1869. Advocates of a substantive due process who assert that the doctrine was employed in Dred Scott claim that it was employed incorrectly. Additionally, the first appearance of a substantive due process as a concept arguably appeared earlier in the case of Bloomer v. McQuewan,, so that Chief Justice Taney would not have been entirely breaking ground in his Dred Scott opinion when he pronounced the Missouri Compromise unconstitutional because, among other reasons, an "act of Congress that deprived a citizen of his liberty or property merely because he came himself or brought his property into a particular territory of the United States, and who had committed no offence against the laws, could hardly be dignified with the name of due process of law". Dissenting Justice Curtis disagreed with Taney about what "due process" meant in Dred Scott.

Criticisms of the doctrine continue as in the past. Critics argue that judges are making determinations of policy and morality that properly belong with legislators (i.e. "legislating from the bench"), or argue that judges are reading views into the Constitution that are not really implied by the document, or argue that judges are claiming the power to expand the liberty of some people at the expense of other people's liberty (e.g. as in the Dred Scott case), or argue that judges are addressing substance instead of process.

Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., a realist, worried that the Court was overstepping its boundaries, and the following is from one of his last dissents: "I have not yet adequately expressed the more than anxiety that I feel at the ever increasing scope given to the Fourteenth Amendment in cutting down what I believe to be the constitutional rights of the States. As the decisions now stand, I see hardly any limit but the sky to the invalidating of those rights if they happen to strike a majority of this Court as for any reason undesirable. I cannot believe that the Amendment was intended to give us carte blanche to embody our economic or moral beliefs in its prohibitions. Yet I can think of no narrower reason that seems to me to justify the present and the earlier decisions to which I have referred. Of course the words due process of law, if taken in their literal meaning, have no application to this case; and while it is too late to deny that they have been given a much more extended and artificial signification, still we ought to remember the great caution shown by the Constitution in limiting the power of the States, and should be slow to construe the clause in the Fourteenth Amendment as committing to the Court, with no guide but the Court's own discretion, the validity of whatever laws the States may pass."

Originalists, such as Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, who rejects substantive due process doctrine, and Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, who has also questioned the legitimacy of the doctrine, call a substantive due process a "judicial usurpation" or an "oxymoron". Both Scalia and Thomas have occasionally joined Court opinions that mention the doctrine, and have in their dissents often argued over how substantive due process should be employed based on Court precedent.

Many non-originalists, like Justice Byron White, have also been critical of a substantive due process. As propounded in his dissents in Moore v. East Cleveland and Roe v. Wade, as well as his majority opinion in Bowers v. Hardwick, White argued that the doctrine of a substantive due process gives the judiciary too much power over the governance of the nation and takes away such power from the elected branches of government. He argued that the fact that the Court has created new substantive rights in the past should not lead it to "repeat the process at will". In his book Democracy and Distrust, non-originalist John Hart Ely criticized "substantive due process" as a glaring non-sequitur. Ely argued the phrase was a contradiction-in-terms, like the phrase green pastel redness.

Originalism is usually linked to opposition against substantive due process rights, and the reasons for that can be found in the following explanation that was endorsed unanimously by the Supreme Court in a 1985 case:
 * "[W]e must always bear in mind that the substantive content of the [due process] clause is suggested neither by its language nor by preconstitutional history; that content is nothing more than the accumulated product of judicial interpretation of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments."

Originalists do not necessarily oppose protection of the rights heretofore protected using substantive due process; rather, most originalists believe that such rights should be identified and protected through legislation, through passing amendments to the constitution, or via other existing provisions of the Constitution.

The perceived scope of the Due Process Clause has changed over time. For instance, even though many of the Framers of the Bill of Rights believed that slavery violated the fundamental natural rights of African-Americans:
 * "[a] theory that declared slavery to be a violation of the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment ... requires nothing more than a suspension of reason concerning the origin, intent, and past interpretation of the clause".

Due process clauses in state constitutions
No state or federal constitution in the U.S. had ever before utilized any "due process" wording, prior to 1791 when the federal Bill of Rights was ratified.

New York
In New York, a statutory bill of rights was enacted in 1787, and it contained four different due process clauses. Alexander Hamilton commented on the language of that New York bill of rights: "The words 'due process' have a precise technical import, and are only applicable to the process and proceedings of the courts of justice; they can never be referred to an act of the legislature."

title: Due Process Clause


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Saint-Sulpice, Vaud

Saint-Sulpice is a municipality in Switzerland in the canton of Vaud, located in the district of Ouest Lausannois. It is a suburb of the city of Lausanne.

History
Saint-Sulpice is first mentioned in 1228 as Sanctus Surpiscius.

Geography

Saint-Sulpice has an area,, of 1.9 km2. Of this area, 0.28 km2 or 15.1% is used for agricultural purposes, while 0.13 km2 or 7.0% is forested. Of the rest of the land, 1.41 km2 or 75.8% is settled (buildings or roads).

Of the built up area, industrial buildings made up 6.5% of the total area while housing and buildings made up 41.9% and transportation infrastructure made up 11.8%. Power and water infrastructure as well as other special developed areas made up 3.2% of the area while parks, green belts and sports fields made up 12.4%. Out of the forested land, 5.4% of the total land area is heavily forested and 1.6% is covered with orchards or small clusters of trees. Of the agricultural land, 13.4% is used for growing crops and 1.1% is pastures.

The municipality was part of the Morges District until it was dissolved on 31 August 2006, and Saint-Sulpice became part of the new district of Ouest Lausannois.

The municipality is located along Lake Geneva between the Venoge and Chamberonne river. It consists of the village of Saint-Sulpice, the residential development of Les Pierrettes and the industrial zone of En Champigny.

Coat of arms
The blazon of the municipal coat of arms is Gules, Chief Argent, overall a Church Argent lined Sable.

Demographics

Saint-Sulpice has a population of. , 27.3% of the population are resident foreign nationals. Over the last 10 years (1999–2009 ) the population has changed at a rate of 4%. It has changed at a rate of 1.6% due to migration and at a rate of 3.1% due to births and deaths.

Most of the population speaks French (2,377 or 81.6%), with German being second most common (231 or 7.9%) and English being third (81 or 2.8%). There are 58 people who speak Italian.

Of the population in the municipality 377 or about 12.9% were born in Saint-Sulpice and lived there in 2000. There were 1,015 or 34.8% who were born in the same canton, while 610 or 20.9% were born somewhere else in Switzerland, and 849 or 29.1% were born outside of Switzerland.

In there were 15 live births to Swiss citizens and 16 births to non-Swiss citizens, and in same time span there were 18 deaths of Swiss citizens and 1 non-Swiss citizen death. Ignoring immigration and emigration, the population of Swiss citizens decreased by 3 while the foreign population increased by 15. There were 4 Swiss men who immigrated back to Switzerland. At the same time, there were 25 non-Swiss men and 46 non-Swiss women who immigrated from another country to Switzerland. The total Swiss population change in 2008 (from all sources, including moves across municipal borders) was a decrease of 58 and the non-Swiss population increased by 67 people. This represents a population growth rate of 0.3%.

The age distribution,, in Saint-Sulpice is; 341 children or 11.3% of the population are between 0 and 9 years old and 228 teenagers or 7.5% are between 10 and 19. Of the adult population, 264 people or 8.7% of the population are between 20 and 29 years old. 485 people or 16.0% are between 30 and 39, 419 people or 13.8% are between 40 and 49, and 451 people or 14.9% are between 50 and 59. The senior population distribution is 440 people or 14.5% of the population are between 60 and 69 years old, 249 people or 8.2% are between 70 and 79, there are 133 people or 4.4% who are between 80 and 89, and there are 20 people or 0.7% who are 90 and older.

, there were 1,054 people who were single and never married in the municipality. There were 1,491 married individuals, 146 widows or widowers and 223 individuals who are divorced.

, there were 1,329 private households in the municipality, and an average of 2.2 persons per household. There were 451 households that consist of only one person and 44 households with five or more people. Out of a total of 1,358 households that answered this question, 33.2% were households made up of just one person and there were 6 adults who lived with their parents. Of the rest of the households, there are 424 married couples without children, 351 married couples with children There were 63 single parents with a child or children. There were 34 households that were made up of unrelated people and 29 households that were made up of some sort of institution or another collective housing.

there were 351 single family homes (or 61.4% of the total) out of a total of 572 inhabited buildings. There were 151 multi-family buildings (26.4%), along with 48 multi-purpose buildings that were mostly used for housing (8.4%) and 22 other use buildings (commercial or industrial) that also had some housing (3.8%). Of the single family homes 26 were built before 1919, while 17 were built between 1990 and 2000. The greatest number of single family homes (100) were built between 1946 and 1960. The most multi-family homes (32) were built between 1971 and 1980 and the next most (30) were built between 1981 and 1990. There were 12 multi-family houses built between 1996 and 2000.

there were 1,410 apartments in the municipality. The most common apartment size was 4 rooms of which there were 432. There were 97 single room apartments and 358 apartments with five or more rooms. Of these apartments, a total of 1,291 apartments (91.6% of the total) were permanently occupied, while 104 apartments (7.4%) were seasonally occupied and 15 apartments (1.1%) were empty. , the construction rate of new housing units was 0 new units per 1000 residents. The vacancy rate for the municipality,, was 0.46%.

The historical population is given in the following chart:

Heritage sites of national significance
The Swiss Reformed Church of Sainte-Marie-Madeleine (Mary Magdalene) and Priory is listed as a Swiss heritage site of national significance (see the article about the Church in French).

The roof of the church was reconstructed after an arson on the morning of Thursday 19 July 2001.

Politics
In the 2007 federal election the most popular party was the SVP which received 27.57% of the vote. The next three most popular parties were the FDP (16.05%), the SP (15.08%) and the Green Party (11.75%). In the federal election, a total of 987 votes were cast, and the voter turnout was 52.3%.

Economy
, Saint-Sulpice had an unemployment rate of 3.8%. , there were 2 people employed in the primary economic sector and about 2 businesses involved in this sector. 306 people were employed in the secondary sector and there were 27 businesses in this sector. 894 people were employed in the tertiary sector, with 151 businesses in this sector. There were 1,528 residents of the municipality who were employed in some capacity, of which females made up 42.3% of the workforce.

the total number of full-time equivalent jobs was 1,046. The number of jobs in the primary sector was 1, of which were in agriculture and 1 was in fishing or fisheries. The number of jobs in the secondary sector was 290 of which 81 or (27.9%) were in manufacturing and 178 (61.4%) were in construction. The number of jobs in the tertiary sector was 755. In the tertiary sector; 269 or 35.6% were in wholesale or retail sales or the repair of motor vehicles, 15 or 2.0% were in the movement and storage of goods, 46 or 6.1% were in a hotel or restaurant, 88 or 11.7% were in the information industry, 20 or 2.6% were the insurance or financial industry, 93 or 12.3% were technical professionals or scientists, 12 or 1.6% were in education and 40 or 5.3% were in health care.

, there were 1,163 workers who commuted into the municipality and 1,250 workers who commuted away. The municipality is a net exporter of workers, with about 1.1 workers leaving the municipality for every one entering. About 2.7% of the workforce coming into Saint-Sulpice are coming from outside Switzerland. Of the working population, 15.3% used public transportation to get to work, and 66.8% used a private car.

Religion
From the, 991 or 34.0% were Roman Catholic, while 1,175 or 40.3% belonged to the Swiss Reformed Church. Of the rest of the population, there were 46 members of an Orthodox church (or about 1.58% of the population), there were 6 individuals (or about 0.21% of the population) who belonged to the Christian Catholic Church, and there were 81 individuals (or about 2.78% of the population) who belonged to another Christian church. There were 30 individuals (or about 1.03% of the population) who were Jewish, and 42 (or about 1.44% of the population) who were Islamic. There were 8 individuals who were Buddhist, 3 individuals who were Hindu and 9 individuals who belonged to another church. 456 (or about 15.65% of the population) belonged to no church, are agnostic or atheist, and 103 individuals (or about 3.53% of the population) did not answer the question.

Education
In Saint-Sulpice about 1,005 or (34.5%) of the population have completed non-mandatory upper secondary education, and 913 or (31.3%) have completed additional higher education (either university or a Fachhochschule). Of the 913 who completed tertiary schooling, 46.5% were Swiss men, 25.1% were Swiss women, 17.5% were non-Swiss men and 10.8% were non-Swiss women.

In the 2009/2010 school year there were a total of 226 students in the Saint-Sulpice (VD) school district. In the Vaud cantonal school system, two years of non-obligatory pre-school are provided by the political districts. During the school year, the political district provided pre-school care for a total of 803 children of which 502 children (62.5%) received subsidized pre-school care. The canton's primary school program requires students to attend for four years. There were 138 students in the municipal primary school program. The obligatory lower secondary school program lasts for six years and there were 87 students in those schools. There were also 1 students who were home schooled or attended another non-traditional school.

, there were 24 students in Saint-Sulpice who came from another municipality, while 328 residents attended schools outside the municipality.

Adjacent to the municipality are the main campuses of École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne and University of Lausanne. Joint sports facilities and several student residences are located inside the St-Sulpice municipality.

Notable People
Among the known artists is Walter Weibel (1924-2006), whose sculptures prominently mark many public places in St-Sulpice, including Le Pélican (1976) on the Pelican Park, and Le Cri du Poète (1972) in the port.

title: Saint-Sulpice, Vaud


text:
Ulf Lundell

Ulf Gerhard Lundell (born 20 November 1949) is a Swedish writer, poet, songwriter, composer, musician and artist.

He made his debut in 1975 with the LP Vargmåne and was immediately hailed as "Sweden's Bob Dylan". In 1976 his first novel, the partly autobiographical Jack was published by Wahlström & Widstrand. Lundell was influenced by musicians such as Bob Dylan, Bruce Springsteen, Neil Young and writers such as Jack Kerouac, Allen Ginsberg and other beats. Ulf Lundell is one of the central figures in Swedish rock music and almost since his debut he has been one of the most important influences on rock musicians writing and singing in Swedish. Lundell is also somewhat controversial and has argued with everyone from neo-nazis, feminists and communists to colleagues and music journalists.

Lundell was known as a heavy drinker in the 1980s, but pulled out of overdrinking after serious bouts with alcoholism in 1985–87; he gave a vivid report of this time, his recovery and his struggle with the rocker myth in the autobiographical novel En varg söker sin flock (1989; "A Wolf in Search of his Pack")

"Öppna landskap" (Open landscapes) from 1982, one of his most famous songs, has been playfully proposed as Sweden's new national anthem.

Origins and musical beginnings
Ulf Lundell's father was Gerhard Lundell a blacksmith worker and mother Ingrid (Lindström) worked among other things as school meal assistant and seamstress. The family first lived in Stockholm in 1958 but moved to Saltsjö-Boo, east of Stockholm. At the age of ten he got his first guitar. Lundell has an older sister named Inger, whose boyfriend taught him his first chords. During the years 1967–75 Ulf Lundell had a variety of jobs, including postman. During these years he wrote songs and poems which he sent to record labels and publishers.

He sent a demo to MNW which they declined, telling him "the material was not strong enough". Later he sent two demos to Silence, which were also rejected. When he sent a demo to EMI in October 1974 they wanted to record an LP with him. In 1975 he made his debut with the album Vargmåne (Wolf Moon). The following year, 1976, came his first novel, Jack, with which he made his breakthrough. The novel is about rebellion against "medelsvensson" (Average Joes) circumscribed life in the aftermath of the political uprising at the end of the 1960s. The book had an initial print run of 2,000 copies but ultimately sold 200,000 copies. Meanwhile, when his first work was released, he had already started recording the sequel to Vargmåne. The second album would be called Törst (Thirst) and released just three months after Jack. After that floated on the writing of books and two more were released during the 1970s. Törst was followed by the live album Natten hade varit mild och öm (The night was mild and tender) with Nature as backing band for years. The album Nådens år (Year of Grace) in 1978 year would become his third studio album including a duet with Agnetha Fältskog, "Snön faller och vi med den" ("Snow Falls And We With It"). In 1979 Lundell released his fourth studio album Ripp rapp with songs like "Rom i regnet" and "(Oh la la) Jag vill ha dej". Ripp rapp was more rock than his previous albums.

1980s
In the fall of 1980 Lundell released the album Längre inåt landet, which was recorded in England. The album includes songs like "Glad igen" ("Happy Again") and "Stackars Jack" ("Poor Jack"). The latter was a comment on the criticism Lundell got from his debut novel Jack. Two years later, in 1982, he released the album "Kär och galen" (In love and crazy) that contained his most famous work, the song "Öppna landskap" ("Open landscapes"). It made him one of the biggest artists, and sold four times platinum. Other songs that became popular from Kär och galen was the title track "Kär och galen" and "När jag kysser havet" ("When I kiss the sea").

While waiting for a proper sequel to Kär och galen Lundell released two records, one in which he interpreted the English songs with Swedish lyrics (Sweethearts) and a completely acoustic album (12 sånger). Ulf wrestled with severe alcohol problems during this time, which among other things, led to the postponing of his upcoming album several times. During the summer tour in 1985, he did a real disastrous gig in Borgholm drunk, which put him on some headlines in the newspapers. In the fall Lundell released Den vassa eggen (The Sharp Edge), an album heavily influenced by the divorce Lundell went through at the time of recording. Den vassa eggen was very critically acclaimed and was followed by yet another scandal tour in the fall of that year. In 1987 Lundell released the only book Lundell acknowledged writing intoxicated, Tårpilen and also the album Det ljuva livet (The Good Life).

Lundell alcohol abuse got so bad that he joined Alcoholics Anonymous at this time. 1988 he stated that he had met God and was baptized shortly thereafter in the Ebeneser Church. His newfound Christian faith came to color in the album Evangeline, which was released the same year. 1989 he released his autobiography En varg söker sin flock ("A Wolf in Search of his Pack") and the album Utanför murarna (Outside the Walls). He has also been active as a visual artist from 1989.

1990s–present
It took until 1992 for Lundell to release a new book or album with the novel Saknaden. The book came to be the first installment of a trilogy. 1993 he released the album Måne över Haväng, which contains songs that include "Rött" and "Isabella". This was the first album that Lundell produced entirely by himself. 1994 he formed his own production company Rockhead Studios AB and its subsidiaries Rockhead Productions and Rockhead Art and secondary name Rockhead Music. That same year he released the acoustic album Xavante (album). At this time Lundell invested more in music than on writing.

In 1995 Lundell celebrated 20 years as an artist. The following year he released double album På andra sidan drömmarna and the live album Bosnia. At this time one can notice that he was inspired more by Neil Young than before Springsteen and Dylan. Especially with the album Fanzine (1999), which is a disc that is partially recorded in a studio and partly live. 1999 he released his first book in seven years, the sequel to the novel Saknaden, called Friheten.

The album I ett vinterland (2000) became his second best-selling album. The album was followed two years later with the double album Club Zebra, an album that was number one in Sweden October 17, 2002. Then followed four studio albums until 2005, the acoustic En eld ikväll and album trilogy Ok Ok Baby, Högtryck and Lazarus. 2005 was a very productive year for Lundell with two albums and the novel Värmen, the last part of a trilogy with Saknaden and Friheten. This was the year he celebrated 30 years as an artist.

In the autumn of 2008, Lundell toured for the first time in over two years and also released his first studio album in three years. During the tour premiere of Gävle Lundell told the newspapers he was about to stop touring. The tour continued in 2009 with one in the spring and one in the summer. In connection with these he admits that he lied and will not stop touring. He explains that he is about to take farewell from his artistic career, but it's a long farewell. 2010 Lundell released a new book, En öppen vinter, also containing a CD with 11 new songs.

In the summer of 2010, Lundell embarked on a new tour in which he broke the audience record for a Swedish artist at Gröna Lund on 30 July. The concert was attended by 22,827 people; with that figure, he is only beaten by Bob Marley (32,000) and Lady Gaga (23,000).

A concert tour that Lundell would have embarked on in the spring of 2011 was completely cancelled due to sickness.

Personal life
Lundell was married the first time in 1977 to Barbro Zackrisson. They broke up in 1988. In 1989, Lundell married Fredrika Stjärne, they broke up in 1991. He has three children from his first marriage, including the journalist Sanna Lundell, and one from the other. During the mid-1990s, he was dating the poet Isabella Nerman (whom he also wrote a song about, simply called "Isabella"). During a period in the 2000s he was living with Ulrika Rickfors.

title: Ulf Lundell


text:
Eben-Ezer

Eben-Ezer (אֶבֶן הָעֵזֶר) is a location that is mentioned by the Books of Samuel as the scene of battles between the Israelites and Philistines. It is specified as having been less than a day's journey by foot from Shiloh, near Aphek, in the neighbourhood of Mizpah, near the western entrance of the pass of Bethoron. Its location has not been identified in modern times with much certainty, with some identifying it with Beit Iksa, and others with Dayr Aban.

Biblical mentions
The placename appears in the Books of Samuel in two narratives:

 * In the first narrative, the Philistines defeat the Israelites, even though the Israelites bring the Ark of the Covenant onto the battlefield in hope of bringing about a divinely assured victory. The victorious Philistines capture the Ark, and do not return it until many months later (1 Samuel 6:1–2).
 * In the second narrative, the Israelites defeat the Philistines after Samuel has offered a sacrifice. Samuel puts up a stone in memorial and names it Eben-Ezer (the placename in the previous narrative resulting from this). The hymn "Come Thou Fount of Every Blessing" refers to this monument.

Modern-day placement
It is currently accepted among many Israeli archaeologists and historians to place the Eben-Ezer of the first narrative in the immediate neighborhood of modern-day Kafr Qasim, near Antipatris (ancient city Aphek). In contrast, the second battle's location is deemed insufficiently well-defined in the Biblical text. The other proposed site is called "Isbet Sartah". Some scholars hold that there was more than one Aphek. C. R. Conder identified the Aphek of Eben-Ezer with a khirbet "ruin" some 6 km distant from Dayr Aban (believed to be Eben-Ezer), and known by the name Marj al-Fikiya; the name al-Fikiya being an Arabic etymological variant of Aphek. Eusebius, when writing about Eben-Ezer in his Onomasticon, says that it is "the place from which the Gentiles seized the Ark, between Jerusalem and Ascalon, near the village of Bethsamys (Beit Shemesh)", a locale that corresponds with Conder's identification. The same site, near Beth Shemesh, has also been identified by Epiphanius of Salamis as Eben-Ezer.

title: Eben-Ezer


text:
Chtenopteryx

Chtenopteryx is a genus of small, muscular, midwater squid in the monotypic family Chtenopterygidae. Four species are presently recognized in the genus, but more are believed to exist.

These squid occupy tropical to subtropical waters, probably at depths of between 500-1000 m during the day and near-surface waters at night.

The genus contains bioluminescent species.

Species

 * Chtenopteryx canariensis Salcedo-Vargas & Guerrero-Kommritz, 2000
 * Chtenopteryx chuni * Pfeffer, 191 2
 * Chtenopteryx sepioloides Rancurel, 1970
 * Chtenopteryx sicula (Vérany, 1851), comb-finned squid or toothed-fin squid

The species listed above with an asterisk ( * ) is questionable and needs further study to determine if it is a valid species or a synonym.

title: Chtenopteryx


text: Talk:Chtenopteryx

title: Talk:Chtenopteryx


text:
Tolochenaz

Tolochenaz is a municipality in the Swiss canton of Vaud, located in the district of Morges.

Geography
Tolochenaz lies on the northern shore of Lake Geneva west of Lausanne.

Tolochenaz has an area,, of 1.6 km2. Of this area, 0.55 km2 or 34.6% is used for agricultural purposes, while 0.11 km2 or 6.9% is forested. Of the rest of the land, 0.91 km2 or 57.2% is settled (buildings or roads) and 0.02 km2 or 1.3% is unproductive land.

In the built up area, industrial buildings made up 11.3% of the total area while housing and buildings made up 25.8% and transportation infrastructure made up 15.7%. while parks, green belts and sports fields made up 3.8%. Out of the forested land, 3.8% of the total land area is heavily forested and 3.1% is covered with orchards or small clusters of trees. Of the agricultural land, 17.0% is used for growing crops and 3.1% is pastures, while 14.5% is used for orchards or vine crops.

The municipality was part of the Morges District until it was dissolved on 31 August 2006, when Tolochenaz became part of the new district of Morges.

Coat of arms
The blazon of the municipal coat of arms is Quartered Argent and Gules, overall Fasces topped with feathered hat all Or.

Notable residents
A notable resident was actress Audrey Hepburn, who lived there from 1963 until her death in 1993 and is buried there. Other famous residents include the legendary tenor Nicolai Gedda, who lived in retirement there with his wife, and the dancer Zizi Jeanmaire.

Demographics
Tolochenaz has a population of. , 26.8% of the population are resident foreign nationals. Over the last 10 years (1999–2009 ) the population has changed at a rate of 2%. It has changed at a rate of -6.9% due to migration and at a rate of 8.7% due to births and deaths.

Most of the population speaks French (1,386 or 84.2%), with German being second most common (85 or 5.2%) and Portuguese being third (42 or 2.6%). There are 39 people who speak Italian and 1 person who speaks Romansh.

Of the population in the municipality 237 or about 14.4% were born in Tolochenaz and lived there in 2000. There were 639 or 38.8% who were born in the same canton, while 299 or 18.2% were born somewhere else in Switzerland, and 430 or 26.1% were born outside of Switzerland.

In there were 9 live births to Swiss citizens and 6 births to non-Swiss citizens, and in same time span there were 5 deaths of Swiss citizens and 1 non-Swiss citizen death. Ignoring immigration and emigration, the population of Swiss citizens increased by 4 while the foreign population increased by 5. There were 2 Swiss men who immigrated back to Switzerland and 2 Swiss women who emigrated from Switzerland. At the same time, there were 10 non-Swiss men and 14 non-Swiss women who immigrated from another country to Switzerland. The total Swiss population change in 2008 (from all sources, including moves across municipal borders) was a decrease of 1 and the non-Swiss population increased by 17 people. This represents a population growth rate of 0.9%.

The age distribution,, in Tolochenaz is; 212 children or 12.4% of the population are between 0 and 9 years old and 188 teenagers or 11.0% are between 10 and 19. Of the adult population, 201 people or 11.8% of the population are between 20 and 29 years old. 260 people or 15.3% are between 30 and 39, 293 people or 17.2% are between 40 and 49, and 224 people or 13.2% are between 50 and 59. The senior population distribution is 167 people or 9.8% of the population are between 60 and 69 years old, 109 people or 6.4% are between 70 and 79, there are 44 people or 2.6% who are between 80 and 89, and there are 5 people or 0.3% who are 90 and older.

, there were 686 people who were single and never married in the municipality. There were 806 married individuals, 45 widows or widowers and 109 individuals who are divorced.

, there were 698 private households in the municipality, and an average of 2.3 persons per household. There were 219 households that consist of only one person and 41 households with five or more people. Out of a total of 706 households that answered this question, 31.0% were households made up of just one person. Of the rest of the households, there are 192 married couples without children, 230 married couples with children There were 53 single parents with a child or children. There were 4 households that were made up of unrelated people and 8 households that were made up of some sort of institution or another collective housing.

there were 160 single family homes (or 62.5% of the total) out of a total of 256 inhabited buildings. There were 65 multi-family buildings (25.4%), along with 16 multi-purpose buildings that were mostly used for housing (6.3%) and 15 other use buildings (commercial or industrial) that also had some housing (5.9%). Of the single family homes 12 were built before 1919, while 17 were built between 1990 and 2000. The greatest number of single family homes (51) were built between 1981 and 1990. The most multi-family homes (19) were built between 1971 and 1980 and the next most (14) were built between 1981 and 1990. There were 4 multi-family houses built between 1996 and 2000.

there were 787 apartments in the municipality. The most common apartment size was 3 rooms of which there were 251. There were 53 single room apartments and 150 apartments with five or more rooms. Of these apartments, a total of 676 apartments (85.9% of the total) were permanently occupied, while 50 apartments (6.4%) were seasonally occupied and 61 apartments (7.8%) were empty. , the construction rate of new housing units was 0 new units per 1000 residents. The vacancy rate for the municipality,, was 0.12%.

The historical population is given in the following chart:

Politics
In the 2007 federal election the most popular party was the SP which received 21.29% of the vote. The next three most popular parties were the SVP (20.93%), the Green Party (17.54%) and the FDP (12.43%). In the federal election, a total of 458 votes were cast, and the voter turnout was 47.0%.

Economy
Medtronic has its Europe/Asia headquarters in Tolochenaz.

, Tolochenaz had an unemployment rate of 5.2%. , there were 4 people employed in the primary economic sector and about 1 business involved in this sector. 604 people were employed in the secondary sector and there were 22 businesses in this sector. 1,110 people were employed in the tertiary sector, with 59 businesses in this sector. There were 883 residents of the municipality who were employed in some capacity, of which females made up 43.8% of the workforce.

the total number of full-time equivalent jobs was 1,613. The number of jobs in the primary sector was 3, all of which were in agriculture. The number of jobs in the secondary sector was 581 of which 502 or (86.4%) were in manufacturing and 59 (10.2%) were in construction. The number of jobs in the tertiary sector was 1,029. In the tertiary sector; 179 or 17.4% were in wholesale or retail sales or the repair of motor vehicles, 267 or 25.9% were in the movement and storage of goods, 20 or 1.9% were in a hotel or restaurant, 71 or 6.9% were the insurance or financial industry, 289 or 28.1% were technical professionals or scientists, 40 or 3.9% were in education and 1 was in health care.

, there were 1,119 workers who commuted into the municipality and 718 workers who commuted away. The municipality is a net importer of workers, with about 1.6 workers entering the municipality for every one leaving. About 2.8% of the workforce coming into Tolochenaz are coming from outside Switzerland. Of the working population, 19.7% used public transportation to get to work, and 63% used a private car.

Religion
From the, 626 or 38.0% were Roman Catholic, while 596 or 36.2% belonged to the Swiss Reformed Church. Of the rest of the population, there were 7 members of an Orthodox church (or about 0.43% of the population), there were 2 individuals (or about 0.12% of the population) who belonged to the Christian Catholic Church, and there were 100 individuals (or about 6.08% of the population) who belonged to another Christian church. There was 1 individual who was Jewish, and 27 (or about 1.64% of the population) who were Muslim. There were 7 individuals who were Buddhist and 4 individuals who belonged to another church. 233 (or about 14.16% of the population) belonged to no church, are agnostic or atheist, and 93 individuals (or about 5.65% of the population) did not answer the question.

Education
In Tolochenaz about 627 or (38.1%) of the population have completed non-mandatory upper secondary education, and 285 or (17.3%) have completed additional higher education (either university or a Fachhochschule). Of the 285 who completed tertiary schooling, 53.7% were Swiss men, 26.7% were Swiss women, 12.3% were non-Swiss men and 7.4% were non-Swiss women.

In the 2009/2010 school year there were a total of 212 students in the Tolochenaz school district. In the Vaud cantonal school system, two years of non-obligatory pre-school are provided by the political districts. During the school year, the political district provided pre-school care for a total of 631 children of which 203 children (32.2%) received subsidized pre-school care. The canton's primary school program requires students to attend for four years. There were 123 students in the municipal primary school program. The obligatory lower secondary school program lasts for six years and there were 86 students in those schools. There were also 3 students who were home schooled or attended another non-traditional school.

, there were 15 students in Tolochenaz who came from another municipality, while 213 residents attended schools outside the municipality.

title: Tolochenaz


text:
Vaux-sur-Morges

Vaux-sur-Morges is a municipality in the Swiss canton of Vaud, located in the district of Morges.

Geography
Vaux-sur-Morges has an area,, of 2.1 km2. Of this area, 1.57 km2 or 74.8% is used for agricultural purposes, while 0.28 km2 or 13.3% is forested. Of the rest of the land, 0.22 km2 or 10.5% is settled (buildings or roads).

Of the built up area, housing and buildings made up 4.8% and transportation infrastructure made up 4.8%. Out of the forested land, 9.5% of the total land area is heavily forested and 3.8% is covered with orchards or small clusters of trees. Of the agricultural land, 61.4% is used for growing crops and 9.5% is pastures, while 3.8% is used for orchards or vine crops.

The municipality was part of the Morges District until it was dissolved on 31 August 2006, and Vaux-sur-Morges became part of the new district of Morges.

Coat of arms
The blazon of the municipal coat of arms is Gules, a Bar Argent between three Escallops Or, two and one.

Demographics
Vaux-sur-Morges has a population of. , 12.1% of the population are resident foreign nationals. Over the last 10 years (1999–2009 ) the population has changed at a rate of 24.6%. It has changed at a rate of 13% due to migration and at a rate of 13.8% due to births and deaths.

Most of the population speaks French (139 or 88.0%), with English being second most common (11 or 7.0%) and German being third (5 or 3.2%).

Of the population in the municipality 32 or about 20.3% were born in Vaux-sur-Morges and lived there in 2000. There were 77 or 48.7% who were born in the same canton, while 23 or 14.6% were born somewhere else in Switzerland, and 26 or 16.5% were born outside of Switzerland.

In there was 1 live birth to Swiss citizens. Ignoring immigration and emigration, the population of Swiss citizens increased by 1 while the foreign population remained the same. There was 1 Swiss man who emigrated from Switzerland. At the same time, there was 1 non-Swiss man and 1 non-Swiss woman who emigrated from Switzerland to another country. The total Swiss population change in 2008 (from all sources, including moves across municipal borders) was a decrease of 1 and the non-Swiss population decreased by 4 people. This represents a population growth rate of −2.8%.

The age distribution,, in Vaux-sur-Morges is; 27 children or 15.7% of the population are between 0 and 9 years old and 29 teenagers or 16.9% are between 10 and 19. Of the adult population, 12 people or 7.0% of the population are between 20 and 29 years old. 13 people or 7.6% are between 30 and 39, 32 people or 18.6% are between 40 and 49, and 25 people or 14.5% are between 50 and 59. The senior population distribution is 20 people or 11.6% of the population are between 60 and 69 years old, 11 people or 6.4% are between 70 and 79, there are 3 people or 1.7% who are between 80 and 89.

, there were 63 people who were single and never married in the municipality. There were 82 married individuals, 8 widows or widowers and 5 individuals who are divorced.

, there were 55 private households in the municipality, and an average of 2.8 persons per household. There were 10 households that consist of only one person and 6 households with five or more people. Out of a total of 58 households that answered this question, 17.2% were households made up of just one person. Of the rest of the households, there are 14 married couples without children, 28 married couples with children There were 3 single parents with a child or children.

there were 23 single family homes (or 51.1% of the total) out of a total of 45 inhabited buildings. There were 4 multi-family buildings (8.9%), along with 17 multi-purpose buildings that were mostly used for housing (37.8%) and 1 other use buildings (commercial or industrial) that also had some housing (2.2%). Of the single family homes 5 were built before 1919, while 11 were built between 1990 and 2000. The most multi-family homes (2) were built before 1919 and the next most (1) were built between 1981 and 1990.

there were 57 apartments in the municipality. The most common apartment size was 5 rooms of which there were 18. There were 1 single room apartments and 39 apartments with five or more rooms. Of these apartments, a total of 54 apartments (94.7% of the total) were permanently occupied, while 3 apartments (5.3%) were seasonally occupied. , the construction rate of new housing units was 0 new units per 1000 residents. The vacancy rate for the municipality,, was 0%.

The historical population is given in the following chart:

Politics
In the 2007 federal election the most popular party was the SVP which received 25.2% of the vote. The next three most popular parties were the LPS Party (15.83%), the CVP (14.47%) and the FDP (12.65%). In the federal election, a total of 66 votes were cast, and the voter turnout was 61.7%.

Economy
, Vaux-sur-Morges had an unemployment rate of 1.2%. , there were 19 people employed in the primary economic sector and about 8 businesses involved in this sector. 11 people were employed in the secondary sector and there were 2 businesses in this sector. 7 people were employed in the tertiary sector, with 4 businesses in this sector. There were 84 residents of the municipality who were employed in some capacity, of which females made up 48.8% of the workforce.

the total number of full-time equivalent jobs was 27. The number of jobs in the primary sector was 12, all of which were in agriculture. The number of jobs in the secondary sector was 10, all of which were in manufacturing. The number of jobs in the tertiary sector was 5. In the tertiary sector; 5 or 100.0% were technical professionals or scientists,.

, there were 7 workers who commuted into the municipality and 63 workers who commuted away. The municipality is a net exporter of workers, with about 9.0 workers leaving the municipality for every one entering. Of the working population, 8.3% used public transportation to get to work, and 66.7% used a private car.

Religion
From the, 29 or 18.4% were Roman Catholic, while 93 or 58.9% belonged to the Swiss Reformed Church. Of the rest of the population, there were 35 individuals (or about 22.15% of the population) who belonged to another Christian church. 15 (or about 9.49% of the population) belonged to no church, are agnostic or atheist, and 1 individuals (or about 0.63% of the population) did not answer the question.

Education
In Vaux-sur-Morges about 45 or (28.5%) of the population have completed non-mandatory upper secondary education, and 39 or (24.7%) have completed additional higher education (either university or a Fachhochschule). Of the 39 who completed tertiary schooling, 46.2% were Swiss men, 35.9% were Swiss women.

In the 2009/2010 school year there were a total of 32 students in the Vaux-sur-Morges school district. In the Vaud cantonal school system, two years of non-obligatory pre-school are provided by the political districts. During the school year, the political district provided pre-school care for a total of 631 children of which 203 children (32.2%) received subsidized pre-school care. The canton's primary school program requires students to attend for four years. There were 18 students in the municipal primary school program. The obligatory lower secondary school program lasts for six years and there were 14 students in those schools.

, there were 3 students in Vaux-sur-Morges who came from another municipality, while 29 residents attended schools outside the municipality.

title: Vaux-sur-Morges


text:
Isaac Mao

Isaac Mao is a Chinese software architect, and social media researcher. He is doing research in social learning and for developing the philosophy of Sharism.

Life and work
Mao is a blogger, software architect, researcher in learning and social technology. Mao has written about on-line journalism. Mao's essay "Sharism: A Mind Revolution" appeared in the Freesouls book project.

Blogging and blog advocacy
Mao has visited some conferences (such as Wikimania about Internet culture, in China and more broadly and other global events on Internet culture. In 2009, he was a speaker at the 40th anniversary of The Internet Conference held at UCLA As a trained software engineer, he has a long history of developing both business and consumer software. He worked as a Chief Architect in the Intel HomeCD project and Tangram BackSchool suite.

As of 2008, Mao published an open letter to Google, challenging the search engine giant to support anti-censorship efforts and change its strategy on China.

title: Isaac Mao


text:
Villars-Sainte-Croix

Villars-Sainte-Croix is a municipality in the Swiss canton of Vaud, located in the district of Ouest Lausannois.

History
The Order of St John owned the old village church and a hospital which is mentioned in records from before 1272. The buildings still existed as ruins in 1546. Both had been part of the commandry of La Chaux.

Geography
Villars-Sainte-Croix has an area,, of 1.7 km2. Of this area, 0.89 km2 or 53.9% is used for agricultural purposes, while 0.15 km2 or 9.1% is forested. Of the rest of the land, 0.62 km2 or 37.6% is settled (buildings or roads).

Of the built up area, industrial buildings made up 6.7% of the total area while housing and buildings made up 12.1% and transportation infrastructure made up 17.6%. Out of the forested land, 7.3% of the total land area is heavily forested and 1.8% is covered with orchards or small clusters of trees. Of the agricultural land, 43.6% is used for growing crops and 8.5% is pastures, while 1.8% is used for orchards or vine crops.

The municipality was part of the old Morges District until it was dissolved on 31 August 2006, and Villars-Sainte-Croix became part of the new district of Ouest Lausannois.

Coat of arms
The blazon of the municipal coat of arms is Per pale Argent and Gules, a Maltese Cross counterchanged.

Demographics
Villars-Sainte-Croix has a population of. , 23.3% of the population are resident foreign nationals. Over the last 10 years (1999–2009 ) the population has changed at a rate of 19.8%. It has changed at a rate of 14.2% due to migration and at a rate of 5.3% due to births and deaths.

Most of the population speaks French (530 or 88.0%), with Italian being second most common (31 or 5.1%) and German being third (25 or 4.2%).

Of the population in the municipality 97 or about 16.1% were born in Villars-Sainte-Croix and lived there in 2000. There were 293 or 48.7% who were born in the same canton, while 72 or 12.0% were born somewhere else in Switzerland, and 123 or 20.4% were born outside of Switzerland.

In there were 4 live births to Swiss citizens and 2 births to non-Swiss citizens, and in same time span there was 1 death of a Swiss citizen. Ignoring immigration and emigration, the population of Swiss citizens increased by 3 while the foreign population increased by 2. There were 2 Swiss men and 5 Swiss women who emigrated from Switzerland. At the same time, there were 4 non-Swiss men and 3 non-Swiss women who emigrated from Switzerland to another country. The total Swiss population change in 2008 (from all sources, including moves across municipal borders) was an increase of 11 and the non-Swiss population decreased by 3 people. This represents a population growth rate of 1.2%.

The age distribution,, in Villars-Sainte-Croix is; 71 children or 10.5% of the population are between 0 and 9 years old and 73 teenagers or 10.8% are between 10 and 19. Of the adult population, 72 people or 10.6% of the population are between 20 and 29 years old. 90 people or 13.3% are between 30 and 39, 123 people or 18.2% are between 40 and 49, and 112 people or 16.5% are between 50 and 59. The senior population distribution is 84 people or 12.4% of the population are between 60 and 69 years old, 33 people or 4.9% are between 70 and 79, there are 16 people or 2.4% who are between 80 and 89, and there are 3 people or 0.4% who are 90 and older.

, there were 239 people who were single and never married in the municipality. There were 312 married individuals, 13 widows or widowers and 38 individuals who are divorced.

, there were 215 private households in the municipality, and an average of 2.7 persons per household. There were 35 households that consist of only one person and 10 households with five or more people. Out of a total of 223 households that answered this question, 15.7% were households made up of just one person and there was 1 adult who lived with their parents. Of the rest of the households, there are 67 married couples without children, 96 married couples with children There were 13 single parents with a child or children. There were 3 households that were made up of unrelated people and 8 households that were made up of some sort of institution or another collective housing.

there were 90 single-family homes (or 62.9% of the total) out of a total of 143 inhabited buildings. There were 32 multi-family buildings (22.4%), along with 16 multi-purpose buildings that were mostly used for housing (11.2%) and 5 other use buildings (commercial or industrial) that also had some housing (3.5%). Of the single-family homes 3 were built before 1919, while 13 were built between 1990 and 2000. The greatest number of single-family homes (30) were built between 1981 and 1990. The most multi-family homes (13) were built between 1971 and 1980 and the next most (6) were built between 1981 and 1990. There was 1 multi-family house built between 1996 and 2000.

there were 210 apartments in the municipality. The most common apartment size was 4 rooms of which there were 60. There were 10 single-room apartments and 86 apartments with five or more rooms. Of these apartments, a total of 170 apartments (81.0% of the total) were permanently occupied, while 40 apartments (19.0%) were seasonally occupied. , the construction rate of new housing units was 3 new units per 1000 residents. The vacancy rate for the municipality,, was 0%.

The historical population is given in the following chart:

Politics
In the 2007 federal election the most popular party was the SVP which received 26.71% of the vote. The next three most popular parties were the SP (20.3%), the FDP (19.04%) and the Green Party (9.88%). In the federal election, a total of 183 votes were cast, and the voter turnout was 46.0%.

Economy
, Villars-Sainte-Croix had an unemployment rate of 2.2%. , there were 7 people employed in the primary economic sector and about 4 businesses involved in this sector. 392 people were employed in the secondary sector and there were 37 businesses in this sector. 462 people were employed in the tertiary sector, with 57 businesses in this sector. There were 323 residents of the municipality who were employed in some capacity, of which females made up 41.2% of the workforce.

the total number of full-time equivalent jobs was 791. The number of jobs in the primary sector was 4, all of which were in agriculture. The number of jobs in the secondary sector was 375 of which 200 or (53.3%) were in manufacturing and 175 (46.7%) were in construction. The number of jobs in the tertiary sector was 412. In the tertiary sector; 213 or 51.7% were in wholesale or retail sales or the repair of motor vehicles, 72 or 17.5% were in the movement and storage of goods, 15 or 3.6% were in a hotel or restaurant, 77 or 18.7% were technical professionals or scientists, 7 or 1.7% were in education.

, there were 495 workers who commuted into the municipality and 264 workers who commuted away. The municipality is a net importer of workers, with about 1.9 workers entering the municipality for every one leaving. About 3.6% of the workforce coming into Villars-Sainte-Croix are coming from outside Switzerland. Of the working population, 10.2% used public transportation to get to work, and 76.5% used a private car.

Religion
From the, 234 or 38.9% were Roman Catholic, while 252 or 41.9% belonged to the Swiss Reformed Church. Of the rest of the population, there were 9 members of an Orthodox church (or about 1.50% of the population), and there were 18 individuals (or about 2.99% of the population) who belonged to another Christian church. There were 8 (or about 1.33% of the population) who were Islamic. 67 (or about 11.13% of the population) belonged to no church, are agnostic or atheist, and 23 individuals (or about 3.82% of the population) did not answer the question.

Education
In Villars-Sainte-Croix about 246 or (40.9%) of the population have completed non-mandatory upper secondary education, and 95 or (15.8%) have completed additional higher education (either university or a Fachhochschule). Of the 95 who completed tertiary schooling, 56.8% were Swiss men, 24.2% were Swiss women, 11.6% were non-Swiss men and 7.4% were non-Swiss women.

In the 2009/2010 school year there were a total of 83 students in the Villars-Sainte-Croix school district. In the Vaud cantonal school system, two years of non-obligatory pre-school are provided by the political districts. During the school year, the political district provided pre-school care for a total of 803 children of which 502 children (62.5%) received subsidized pre-school care. The canton's primary school program requires students to attend for four years. There were 43 students in the municipal primary school program. The obligatory lower secondary school program lasts for six years and there were 40 students in those schools.

, there were 35 students in Villars-Sainte-Croix who came from another municipality, while 80 residents attended schools outside the municipality.

title: Villars-Sainte-Croix


text: File:MMMoonandAntarcticaRe.jpg

title: File:MMMoonandAntarcticaRe.jpg


text:
Talk:Danish Social Liberal Party

name
The name of this party is the Radical Left not the Radical Centre. I tried to change it but I can't. Can someone please change it? Thanks User:Pimpalicious May 1, 2004 7:32 (ET)

No, the name of the party is neither Radical Left or Radical Centre. It's either "Det Radikale Venstre" (Danish) or "The Danish Social-Liberal Party" (English). Literal translations are not always correct translations. /TroelsArvin

Naming convention
I'm considering changing the name of this article, as per Naming conventions (use English). aliceinlampyland 14:16, 6 November 2005 (UTC)
 * Oh, please. This article has been through endless name changes. Sigh. What would you change it to? TroelsArvin 19:19, 6 November 2005 (UTC)
 * We agreed in the past that the naming convention does not necesary always mean that a the name should be in English. For this party the Danish name is usually used also in English. Electionworld 22:18, 8 November 2005 (UTC)
 * I support moving the article to Danish Social Liberal Party. The Economist, has the following list of parties in the Danish Parliament: Liberal Party (V; 52 seats); Social Democratic Party (SDP; 47 seats); Danish People's Party (DF; 24 seats); Conservative People's Party (KF; 18 seats); Social Liberal Party (R; 17 seats) Socialist People's Party (SF; 11 seats); Unity List (UL; 6 seats). --Bagande 18:24, 11 May 2007 (UTC)

Danish
The strangest thing about the current name of the article is the inclusion of "Danish", which isn't included in the party name (its an anti-nationalist party). Social Liberal Party (Denmark) would seem to be more appropriate.--Batmacumba (talk) 08:40, 15 January 2017 (UTC)
 * The only other Social Liberal Party where the nationality is included in the name of the article is the Croatian, where it is actually part of the party name in Croatian (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_Liberal_Party).--Batmacumba (talk) 08:46, 15 January 2017 (UTC)
 * It seems that the party includes "Danish" in the official English translation of their name.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 09:11, 15 January 2017 (UTC)
 * Well, what they are doing it to translate the appendix Danmarks Social-Liberal Party (the Social Liberal Party of Denmark) to the Danish Social Liberal Party, while leaving the main name Radikale Venstre untranslated.--Batmacumba (talk) 12:11, 15 January 2017 (UTC)
 * No, that is not what they are doing, they clearly give this as the party's English name: "Introduction to the Danish Social-Liberal. Party Radikale Venstre (the Danish Social-Liberal Party) was founded as an independent party in May 1905." ·maunus · snunɐɯ· 13:46, 15 January 2017 (UTC)

Clean-up
I just rewrote some of the sections in this article, they seem to have been written or edited by someone with a grudge against the party. I haven't checked who is been quitely vandalising the page, but I am going to monitor it from now on.

The three sections 'Internal conflict' '2007 election' and 'relationship to other parties' needs to be merged and rewritten to form coherent story, since they discuss many of the same events.

I would prefer to remove the section 'international comparison' completely. It is not accurate, and it is hard to write a comparison that isn't biased one way or another. The party is best described as centrist (as by danish scale), or by its exact policies. Carewolf (talk) 17:49, 16 December 2007 (UTC)

 * I agree with removing the international comparison. As you say, it would be difficult to do that section properly, and describing the exact policies of the party would be a much better of handling this. Hemmingsen 18:28, 16 December 2007 (UTC)

The word "left"
The statement "The use of the word for "left" in the name of the former mother party Venstre and the Norwegian party Venstre is meant to refer to Liberalism and not Socialism." is incorrect. The Danish word for "left" refers to socialism/communism. My understanding is that the name of the party comes from the side of the Danish parliament the conservative/liberal "right wing" parties sat on - and has nothing to do with political ideology. I have only heard this from Danes and can not verify this. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 83.249.106.205 (talk) 22:55, 27 April 2008 (UTC)

I am not sure when the tradition to sit left/right according to ideology was adopted in the Danish parliament, but I don't think it was used in the first Folketing hall (the one in the Christiansborg that burned in 1884). Here the seats were arranged in a "U"-shape so that only the speaker was sitting at center, and as far as I know the tradition was for the ministers to sit by the window, and since this would have been to the left as seen from the speaker, as best as I can tell from the few low-quality pictures I have lying around, and since the ministers of that period more often than not were conservative or right wing they couldn't have been sitting left/right according to ideology. The current seating arrangement of concentric semicircles (or approximately semicircles, anyway) with the speaker at center was used in the temporary parliament in Fredericiagade (from 1884 to around 1918), so that is probably when Danish politicians began sitting left/right according to ideology. That's my 2 cents worth, anyway, and I apologize for failing to keep it short. Hemmingsen 16:52, 28 April 2008 (UTC)
 * The Danish word "venstre" (or "left") does indeed refer to socialism/communism nowadays, but it hasn't always done so. The terms left wing and right wing as used to describe political ideologies are older than both socialism and the Danish parliament, and have their origin in the French revolution and seating arrangements in various French assemblies of that era, so they date back to around 1790, but Karl Marx did not publish Das Kapital until 1867 or so. See for example Left-right politics and Glossary of the French Revolution. Their use in Danish party names seems to stem from nicknames for the political groupings that dominated the Danish parliament from 1840s to the 1860s. Bondevennernes Selskab, the liberal ancestor-party of Venstre and Radikale Venstre, was called "Venstre", the National Liberals were called "Centrum" and the conservatives were called "Højre", so even in a Danish parliamentary context the terms seem to predate socialism.

The name of this party is actually the Radical Left 94.173.220.233 (talk) 13:09, 30 October 2013 (UTC)

 * It appears that "Radical Left" is the more literal translation, while "Radical Liberal" is the more accurate translation of the name. I have removed the labeling of the former as "misleading" from the lead, as the term "Left" is, if anything, the more misleading translation. HGilbert (talk) 17:45, 1 May 2016 (UTC)

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A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the nomination page. —Community Tech bot (talk) 20:25, 9 May 2023 (UTC)
 * Flag of the Danish Social Liberal Party.svg

Seeking comments on changing the color used for the party
Hi :)

I just recently updated the color of People's Movement against the EU because the previous color (green) had very little to no association with the party. However after doing this, I noticed that the color change made the color too similar to which of this party. I believe one of most the important parts for political pages is to make sure parties do not have too similar colors, so that each party is easier to differentiate from other parties. For this reason I want to hear if I could gain consensus for changing the color of 2 parties, or whether this would not have support. I want to change the color of this party and the Moderates. I believe that the colors should fit the media colors, and therefore want to have the colors fit three important sources - DR ;TV2 ; Official parliament site.

So my wish is to change the color for the Danish Social Liberal Party having to having

and Moderates having to having

Editor Gust Justice, who has created a lot of maps for Danish elections, also uses the colors I proposed on his maps, so the pages of Danish elections already include these colors to a degree. I will fix the parliament diagrams if this is approved. Thomediter (talk) 16:59, 22 June 2023 (UTC)

 * I support this change. It is not without precedence either; the Green Left use red in their material, but the color used here on Wikipedia is pink, as in the sources cited. Stowgull (talk) 18:33, 22 June 2023 (UTC)

 * Support The color used for the Moderates are by both DR and TV2. On ft.dk it's . I have personally used  on File:Folketingsvalget 2022 - Fordelingen af mandater.svg, which is slightly different, but that should not be seen as official. I would agree to use the color used on DR and TV2 on Wikipedia as well.
 * The colors used for Radikale are for DR,  for TV2, and  for ft.dk. I have intentionally used the same color as DR for my maps. I would use the same color on Wikipedia as well. Gust Justice (talk) 19:16, 22 June 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Danish Social Liberal Party