text:
Talk:Abu Ghraib prison

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article is or was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): MrsAggie1114.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 13:17, 16 January 2022 (UTC)

Wikiproject Prisons
If anyone is interested, I have proposed a new Wikiproject concerning prisons here.--Cdogsimmons (talk) 22:45, 13 June 2008 (UTC)

Deleted info.
The following material was removed by someone. I'm not putting it back because it's unsourced, but if someone can find some and put it back - that would be appreciated.

"It became internationally known as a place where Saddam Hussein's government tortured and executed dissidents, and later as the site of Abu Ghraib torture and prisoner abuse scandal where the United States military's torture of Iraqi detainees was revealed in a series of photographs published in worldwide news media.

Under Saddam's Ba'ath government, it was known as Abu Ghraib Prison and had a reputation as a place of torture and some of the worst cases of torture in the modern world. It was sometimes referred to in the Western media as "Saddam's Torture Central". The prison was renamed after United States forces expelled the former Iraqi government, which had called it the Baghdad Central Confinement Facility (BCCF) or Baghdad Central Correctional Facility. In May of 2004, Camp Avalanche, a tent camp on the grounds of Abu Ghraib for security detainees, changed its name to Camp Redemption at the request of a governing council member.

The prison complex was built by American contractors in the 1960s, and covered 280 acres (1.15 km²) with a total of 24 guard towers. The size of a small town, the area was divided into five separate walled compounds for different types of prisoners. Each block contained a dining room, prayer room, exercise area and rudimentary washing facilities. Cells contained up to 40 people in a space four metres by four. By the fall of the government in 2003 the five compounds were designated for foreign prisoners, long sentences, short sentences, capital crimes and "special" crimes.

Under Saddam Hussein
Under the government of Saddam Hussein the facility was under the control of the Directorate of General Security (Al-Amn al-Amm) and was the site of the torture and execution of thousands of political prisoners—up to 4,000 prisoners are thought to have been executed there in 1984 alone. During the 1990s human rights organization Amnesty International documented repeated events where as many as several hundred inmates were executed in a single episode. These included hundreds executed in November 1996, and several hundred members of the Shi'a denomination killed in 1998 and 2001. Amnesty reported that it could not produce a complete picture of events at the prison due to government secrecy. It was also the reputed location of Saddam Hussein's alleged shredder.

The section for political inmates of Abu Ghraib was divided into "open" and "closed" wings. The closed wing housed only Shi'ites. They were not allowed visitors or any outside contact.

Coalition prisoners were held and tortured in Abu Ghraib during the Gulf War, including the British Special Air Service patrol Bravo Two Zero."

 * Would be kinda useful to have this section inserted in the main page - what we have so far looks a lot like the Americans were the only people ever to abuse anyone at Abu Ghraib. Which is - hopefully - not intentional. 213.121.242.7 (talk) 14:48, 12 April 2011 (UTC)

Moved
According to information published today by Agence France-Presse, the new name of Abu Ghraib prison is Baghdad Central Prision.--MaGioZal (talk) 20:53, 12 February 2009 (UTC)

Pictures
If it is appropriate, I have access to dozens of pictures of the conditions within this prison. I am new to editing, and would prefer to submit these pictures to someone so they can approve of which pictures to upload (some are graphic).

Please let me know if interested.

Andy v001 (talk) 15:05, 9 March 2010 (UTC)andy v001Andy v001 (talk) 15:05, 9 March 2010 (UTC)

There are much more disturbing images that demonstrate the 'conditions' (wether current of not) in the prison better than the ones that can be found in the topic currently. An example is the one one with the pile of humans, with smiling people above it. --217.121.72.108 (talk) 08:55, 28 July 2013 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified 2 one external links on Abu Ghraib prison. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20070713012009/http://defendamerica.mil/articles/apr2005/a041305la1.html to http://www.defendamerica.mil/articles/apr2005/a041305la1.html
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20110604070453/http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/nationworld/2004393419_apabughraiblawsuit.html?syndication=rss to http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/nationworld/2004393419_apabughraiblawsuit.html?syndication=rss

When you have finished reviewing my changes, please set the checked parameter below to true or failed to let others know (documentation at ).

Cheers.— InternetArchiveBot  (Report bug) 01:43, 3 October 2016 (UTC)

Article Adds
We added the following information to the main page for our college course. Please let us know if there is any information that is needing more or less. All our information has been cited and completely researched.

Notable US Military Guards[edit source]

1.) Pfc. Lynndie England [1]

Born on November 8th, 1982 in Ashland Kentucky Military Active Status: US Army 1999-2998 2.) Spc. Sabrina Harmen [2]

Born on January 5, 1978 in Lorton, Virginia Military Active Status: US Army 3.) Charles Garner Jr. [3]

Born 1968 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania Military Active Status: 1988-1992 United States Marine Corp 2001-2005 US Army 4.) Ivan Frederick [4]

Born in 1966 in Buckingham County Virginia Military Active status: 1984 – 2004 US Army 5.) Jeremy Sivits [5]

Born on January 21, 1979 in Cresaptown, Maryland Military Active Status: US Army till 2004 6.) Roam Krol [6]

American Citizen but born in Russia. Military Active Status: US Army 7.) Armin Cruz [7]

Born in 1980 in Texas Military Active Status: US Army 8.) Javal Davis [8]

Born in 1977 in Roselle, New Jersey Military Active Status: US Army 372th military police company

New Introduction[edit source] Abu Ghraib prison (Arabic: سجن أبو غريب Sijn Abū Ghurayb; also Abu Ghuraib, lit. 'Father of Raven', or 'Place of Ravens'[2]) now known as The Baghdad Central Prison (Arabic: سجن بغداد المركزي Sijn Baġdād al-Markizī), was a prison complex in Abu Ghraib [9], an Iraqi city 32 km (20 mi) west of Baghdad that operated from its construction in the 1950s until its closure in the 2010s. It was previously occupied by terrorists in the area and later mass graves from the Saddam Hussein [10] era have been uncovered at the site. Murals of Saddam Hussein can be seen in the halls and along several walls with depictions of Saddam Hussein painted crudely. It was then turned to a location of a notorious American scandal, when the US took the prison for its own holding area for detainees captured in suspicion of terrorism. The detainees were horrifically tortured and abused be US guards until the abuse was uncovered. In 2003 after the invasion of Iraq, the U.S. transferred complete control of the prison to the Iraqi government in 2006 and Iraqi authorities completely closed it down in 2014.

Reactions To Abu Ghraib[edit source] There are many reactions to the Abu Ghraib prison. There are two distinct reactions that can be seen from people regarding the prison. Most Americans look on in shame and have a sense of shame for the goings on in that prison. Many Americans were outraged that the country that was a leader in Human Rights was implicated in the illegal torture and misuse of detainees across seas. Do to Americans shameful feelings towards the events all talk of the Aby Ghraib Prison has been quiet since the trials and sentencing of the US Military Guards that participated in the horrible events. Many Iraqi peoples felt fear and paranoia when confronted with the issue of Abu Ghraib. It didn’t take much for people to be taken in to the prison and fear overruled the sense of outrage at what was happening to the people. As fear of personal detainment and the need for financial stability, many people took monetary incentives to hand over people of suspicion during its time under American rule. This led to a lot of wrongly detained prisoners. However according to George R. Mastroianni [11]in Looking Back: Understanding Abu Ghraib; Abu Ghraib in a whole is up to our own personal debates for how we define the prison. Before the closings, many events took place, but do these define Abu Ghraib. Using the events to open our eyes to rules, laws, and behaviors that many nations and cultures use in places such as Abu Ghraib and war in general.

MrsAggie1114 (talk) 18:08, 4 May 2018 (UTC)

Edit Suggestions
We believe that the closure section could use some beefing up. It provides adequate information but could include more to help readers understand what is going on with it currently and if there are any new updates on the prison currently.

Also, The notable detainees section may benefit from having a short summery of the person who is listed. It doesn't have to be a full bio but just something to let us know who they are and why they were detained or something similar to that nature.

Just some thoughts that could make this article that much better for our readers.

MrsAggie1114 (talk) 18:15, 4 May 2018 (UTC)

Reaction section
A section like that would be great. The one that was just removed was terrible (unsourced and badly failing NPOV, even if the person who removed it is only here to push their own political views) and shouldn't be put back without some sort of sourcing. --JBL (talk) 16:39, 3 December 2018 (UTC)

 * For ease of discussion, here's what was removed: "Reaction to the abuses at Abu Ghraib usually entailed some form of disgust and horror. Most Americans look on in shame and have a sense of shame for the abuses that went on there. Many Americans were outraged that the country that claimed to be the leader of human rights was implicated in the illegal torture and mistreatment of detainees overseas. Due to Americans shameful feelings towards the events, all talk of the Abu Ghraib Prison has been quiet since the trials and sentencing of the U.S. military guards that participated in the horrible events."
 * "Many Iraqi people felt fear and paranoia when confronted with the issue of Abu Ghraib. It didn’t take much for people to be taken in to the prison and fear overruled the sense of outrage at what was happening to the people. As fear of personal detainment and the need for financial stability, many people took monetary incentives to hand over people of suspicion during its time under American rule, leading to an increase of wrongfully detained prisoners."
 * --JBL (talk) 16:42, 3 December 2018 (UTC)

Israelis were the Interrogators
Numerous news articles reported that Israelis were employed as the actual interrogators because they  spoke Arabic. This should be included in Wikipedia. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3863235.stm 47.202.49.36 (talk) 13:11, 16 August 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Abu Ghraib prison


text:
Ross Winn

Ross Winn (August 25, 1871 – August 8, 1912) was an American anarchist writer and publisher from Texas who was mostly active within the Southern United States.

Biography
Ross Winn was born in Denton County, Texas in 1871. Prior to beginning his own publishing efforts, Winn frequently wrote articles for other radical papers. Winn's earliest known published writing appears in the January, 1894 issue of Twentieth Century. He was 23 when he wrote the piece, a plea for cooperation between socialists and anarchists. In a later piece, appearing in Free Society in December, 1900, Winn mentions becoming a "young convert" in realizing his own radical political notions twelve years earlier, when he was only 17 years old. It is likely that Winn, like many other anarchists of the time, became politicized by the execution of the Haymarket martyrs. Winn also wrote articles for Discontent: Mother of Progress from Home, Washington, The Firebrand, a short-lived, but renowned weekly out of Portland, Oregon; The Rebel, an anarchist journal published in Boston; and Emma Goldman's Mother Earth.

Sometime in 1894, Winn began his first paper, known as Co-operative Commonwealth. He then edited and published Coming Era for a brief time in 1898 and then Winn's Freelance in 1899. Later in 1899, Winn took over publication of Free Society and discontinued Coming Era and Winn's Freelance. In 1902, he announced a new paper called Winn's Firebrand. It's likely he fancied the name of the then-defunct weekly. His vision was for a paper that would appeal to people of all classes. According to Winn, it would be "just the kind of literature for missionary work among the masses". Winn considered the printed word as the most effective tool for social awakening, and saw the dissemination of anti-authoritarian ideals, especially in the conservative South, as his distinct calling. In 1900, Tennessee became his base of operation: "In establishing the magazine (in Mt. Juliet), as an independent publication, the flag of revolutionary thought is planted on Southern soil, and a residence of a lifetime in this section convinces me that it will be a fruitful field for libertarian ideas, if the right methods are used to present them." Winn and his future wife Augusta "Gussie" Smith moved into her family home in Mt. Juliet, the Warner Price Mumford Smith House.

In 1899, Winn married Augusta Smith, and they soon had their first and only child, Ross Winn, Jr. In 1901, Winn met Emma Goldman in Chicago, and found in her a lasting ally. As she wrote in his obituary, Emma "was deeply impressed with his fervor and complete abandonment to the cause, so unlike most American revolutionists, who love their ease and comfort too well to risk them for their ideals." Winn kept up a correspondence with Goldman throughout his life, as he did with other prominent anarchist writers at the time. Joseph Labadie, a prominent writer and organizer in Michigan, was another friend to Winn, and contributed several pieces to Winn's Firebrand in its later years.

Sometime in 1909, Ross Winn contracted tuberculosis (then known as "consumption"), but continued his work on Firebrand despite his failing health. In 1910, he moved briefly to Texas with his wife, Augusta (known as "Gussie"), in search of work. Unable to find work, and having gotten himself deeper into debt, Winn sold his printing setup and moved back to Mt. Juliet.

In July 1911, Gussie wrote a letter, in secret, to Emma Goldman asking for any possible financial assistance from their allies, knowing that her husband "would rather starve than to beg". Word was sent out around the country and, all told, some $60 was raised, quite a sum for a small family at that time. Rather than spending the money on himself or his family, however, Winn spent the majority of the money on a new printing setup and began what was to be his last paper, known as The Advance. On August 8, 1912, the degenerative infection of tuberculosis finally took Winn's life. He was still setting type on the August issue of The Advance the day before he died.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Ross Winn


text:
Basil Poledouris

Basil Konstantine Poledouris (August 21, 1945 – November 8, 2006) was an American composer, conductor, and orchestrator of film and television scores, best known for his long-running collaborations with directors John Milius and Paul Verhoeven. Among his works are scores for the films Conan the Barbarian (1982), Red Dawn (1984), Iron Eagle (1986), RoboCop (1987), The Hunt for Red October (1990), Free Willy (1993), Starship Troopers (1997) and Les Misérables (1998).

Poledouris won the Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Music Composition for a Limited Series, Movie, or Special for his work on the four-part miniseries Lonesome Dove in 1989, and was a four-time recipient of the BMI Film Music Award.

Life and career
Born in Kansas City, Missouri, to Greek immigrant parents from Messenia, he credited two influences with guiding him towards music: the first was composer Miklós Rózsa; the second his own Greek Orthodox heritage. Poledouris was raised in the Church, and he used to sit in services enthralled by the choir's sound. At the age of seven, Poledouris began piano lessons, and after graduation from Garden Grove High School, he enrolled at the University of Southern California to study both filmmaking and music. Several short films to which he contributed are still kept in the university's archives. At USC, Poledouris met movie directors John Milius and Randal Kleiser, with whom he would later collaborate as a music composer. He appeared as a background extra in several episodes of Star Trek: The Original Series. In 1985, Poledouris wrote the music for Paul Verhoeven's Flesh & Blood, establishing a durable collaboration.

Poledouris became renowned for his powerfully epic style of orchestral composition and his intricate thematic designs. He scored the soundtrack for The Blue Lagoon (1980; dir: Kleiser); Conan the Barbarian (1982; dir: Milius); Conan the Destroyer (1984); Red Dawn (1984; dir: Milius), Iron Eagle (1986); RoboCop (1987; dir: Verhoeven); The Hunt for Red October (1990); Quigley Down Under (1990 Simon Wincer); Free Willy (1993) and its first sequel Free Willy 2: The Adventure Home (1995); Starship Troopers (1997; dir: Verhoeven); and For Love of the Game (1999).

Poledouris' studio, "Blowtorch Flats", was located in Venice, California, and was a professional mixing facility specializing in film and media production.

Poledouris married his wife Bobbie in 1969; they had two daughters, Zoë and Alexis. His elder daughter, Zoë Poledouris, is an actress and film composer, who occasionally collaborated with her father in composing film soundtracks.

In 1996, Poledouris composed "The Tradition of the Games" for the Atlanta Olympics opening ceremony that accompanied the memorable dance tribute to the athletes and goddesses of victory of the ancient Greek Olympics using silhouette imagery.

Poledouris spent the last four years of his life residing on Vashon Island, in Washington state. He died on November 8, 2006, in Los Angeles, California, aged 61, from lung cancer.

Awards and nominations

 * Winner Best Score for Miniseries – Emmy Awards (Lonesome Dove)
 * Nominee Best Score – Saturn Awards (Conan the Barbarian)
 * Winner Special Recognition Music Award – BMI Film & TV Awards (Olympic Tribute for "The Tradition of the Games")
 * Winner Film Music Award – BMI Awards (Free Willy)
 * Winner Film Music Award – BMI Awards (The Hunt for Red October)
 * Winner TV Music Award – BMI Awards (Lonesome Dove)
 * Winner Film Music Award – BMI Awards (RoboCop)

Other works

 * 1996 Atlanta Olympic Games (Opening Ceremony)
 * Conan Sword & Sorcery Spectacular (Universal Studios' live stage show)
 * American Journeys (A Circle-Vision 360° film at Disneyland and Magic Kingdom)
 * Flyers (IMAX, 1982)
 * Behold Hawaii (IMAX, 1983)

title: Basil Poledouris


text:
Talk:Principles of military strategy

I sense this stubby page is more about gaming than strategic thinking? Aren't there already sufficient pages addressing this subject that could be expanded ?Julianp 01:11, 10 May 2004 (UTC)

I just say that art of war should be added.

title: Talk:Principles of military strategy


text:
Fisher Stevens

Stephen Fisher (born November 27, 1963), known professionally as Fisher Stevens, is an American actor, director, producer and writer. As an actor, he is best known for his portrayals of Ben in Short Circuit (1986) and Short Circuit 2 (1988). He is also a documentary filmmaker, winning the Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature for The Cove (2009). He also directed the documentaries Crazy Love (2007) and Before the Flood (2016).

Stevens is known for his roles in films such as Reversal of Fortune (1990), Bob Roberts (1992), Hackers (1995), Anything Else (2003), and Hail, Caesar! (2016). He has acted in the Wes Anderson films The Grand Budapest Hotel (2014), Isle of Dogs (2018), The French Dispatch (2021), and Asteroid City (2023).

In television he portrayed Chuck Fishman in CBS series Early Edition (1996–2000), Marvin Gerard on NBC's The Blacklist (2015–2022), Gabriel Kovac in CBS's The Good Fight (2017–2020), and Hugo Baker in the HBO drama series Succession (2019–2023).

Early life
Stevens was born Stephen Fisher in 1963 in Chicago, the son of Sally, a painter and AIDS activist, and Norman Fisher, a furniture executive. Stevens grew up in the Chicago, Illinois, area, living in Hyde Park, Highland Park, and Evanston and describes himself as a "white Jewish kid from Chicago."

His parents divorced when he was 13, after which he moved to New York with his mother. At age 16, Stevens landed his first film role, acting in the horror film The Burning. He completed one year at New York University before deciding to pursue acting full time. He adopted the stage name "Fisher Stevens" upon joining the Screen Actors Guild because the Guild had several existing actors named "Steven Fisher".

Career
He co-founded the Naked Angels Theater Company with longtime friends Rob Morrow, Nicole Burdette, Pippin Parker, Charles Landry, Nancy Travis and Ned Eisenberg in 1986. He co-founded Greene Street Films, a film production company located in Tribeca, New York City, in 1996. Stevens performed as Edgar Allan Poe on Lou Reed's album The Raven in 2003. He is a harmonica player.

As an actor, he is known for his roles as Chuck Fishman on Early Edition, Seamus O'Neill on Key West, Eugene "The Plague" Belford in Hackers, Iggy in Super Mario Bros., Hawk Ganz in The Flamingo Kid, and his role as Indian character Ben Jabituya/Jahveri in Short Circuit and Short Circuit 2, respectively. His television credits include Columbo, Frasier, Friends, Law & Order, Key West, Damages, The Mentalist and Lost. He appeared on two episodes of the television series Numbers.

Fisher has a Broadway and off-Broadway career spanning nearly three decades. In 1988, he and John Leguizamo appeared in a production of A Midsummer Night's Dream where he played Demetrius He played Jigger Craigin in the 1994 Lincoln Center revival of Rodgers and Hammerstein's Carousel. He had an early success in the 1982 Broadway production of Torch Song Trilogy playing David, the adopted son of the gay protagonist played by the show's writer Harvey Fierstein, and the original Broadway production of Brighton Beach Memoirs, where he succeeded Matthew Broderick in the starring role of Eugene. Throughout his career, he has acted in and directed more than 50 stage productions. In 2010, Fisher co-founded a new media and documentary film company, Insurgent Media, with Andrew Karsch and Erik H. Gordon.

In June 2010, Stevens made his major theatrical directing debut with John Leguizamo's one-man show, Ghetto Klown (originally called Klass Klown), which eventually ran on Broadway from March to July 2011. The two had appeared together in a production of A Midsummer Night's Dream at The Public Theater about 20 years earlier. On July 13, 2012, PBS debuted Tales From a Ghetto Klown, a documentary about the development of the show which prominently features Stevens.

In 2010, Stevens won the Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature for co-producing The Cove.

He directed the 2012 crime story Stand Up Guys, starring Al Pacino and Christopher Walken. He teamed up with his longtime partner Alexis Bloom to direct the film Bright Lights: Starring Carrie Fisher and Debbie Reynolds, which premiered at the Cannes Film Festival in 2016. The film was a tribute to both mother and daughter as they passed in the same year. Both were close friends with Stevens.

In 2018, Stevens had a recurring role as Hugo Baker in the second season of HBO's satirical-comedy-drama series Succession. He was promoted to series regular in season 3.

In 2021, he directed the Apple TV drama film Palmer, starring Justin Timberlake.

Personal life
Stevens dated actress Michelle Pfeiffer from 1989 until 1992. Stevens later dated longtime filmmaking partner and producer Alexis Bloom. The couple married in 2017 in a private ceremony. They have two children.

Stevens is a survivor of Hodgkin lymphoma.

Writer

 * Sam the Man (2000, story)
 * The Grean Teem (2009, story)

Narrator

 * Secondhand Souls: A Novel by Christopher Moore
 * A Dirty Job by Christopher Moore
 * Lamb: The Gospel According to Biff, Christ's Childhood Pal by Christopher Moore
 * The Highest Tide: A Novel by Jim Lynch

title: Fisher Stevens


text:
World Summit for Children

The United Nations World Summit for Children was held in the United Nations Headquarters in New York City on 29–30 September, 1990. The summit had the then-largest-ever gathering of heads of state and government to commit to a set of goals to improve the well-being of children worldwide by the year 2000. It was the first time a UN conference had set a broad agenda for a wide range of goals in health, education, nutrition and human rights.

The main result of the World Summit was the joint signing of a World Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of Children and a Plan of Action comprising a detailed set of child-related human development goals for the year 2000. The World Summit set the stage for a decade of high level commitment on issues concerning children around the world and it set the stage for a series of UN conferences throughout the 1990s on population, environment, food, human rights, social development and women's rights.

Origin of project
The Summit was proposed in 1989 by Prime Minister Brian Mulroney of Canada, President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, President Moussa Traoré of Mali, President Carlos Salinas de Gortari of Mexico, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan, and Prime Minister Ingvar Carlsson of Sweden. These six leaders worked together "to bring attention and promote commitment at the highest political level to achieve goals and strategies for ensuring the survival, protection and development of children as key elements in the socio-economic development of all countries and human society". The United Nations Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar adopted the project and gave the Summit the support of the UNICEF and other UN organizations. A total of 159 governments were invited to the event, in attendance were heads of state from 72 different countries as well as representatives from 87 other nations.

The Summit agenda was highly endorsed by three main organizations- the World Health Assembly, Education for All (led by UNESCO) and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) Executive Board. UNICEF was the main contributor and every year following the Summit, it conducted progress reports on the implementation of Summit goals and released them through its many publications.

The World Summit for Children was held at a moment when the world was just beginning to demonstrate united interest in children's survival and development a year prior the Convention on the Rights of the Child was adopted. It is a human rights treaty focused directly on the rights of children. The document had entered into force just a couple of weeks before the Summit was held.

Goals established
There were 27 total goals established, the main objective was to improve child health and survival. The goals can be divided into six categories: health, survival, women's health, nutrition, education and protection. These goals were put into action from 1990-2000. After the ten-year period, world leaders would meet again to review the progress made during the decade.

Health
There were nine health goals established.
 * 1) Polio: global eradication by 2000
 * 2) Neonatal tetanus: elimination by 1995
 * 3) Deaths due to diarrhoea: 50 percent reduction
 * 4) Vitamin A deficiency: virtual elimination by the year 2000
 * 5) Iodine deficiency disorders (IDD): virtual elimination
 * 6) Elimination of guinea-worm disease (Dracunculiasis) elimination by 2000
 * 7) Measles: reduction by 95 percent in measles deaths and 90 percent of measles cases by 1995
 * 8) Anemia: reduction of iron deficiency Anemia in women by one-third
 * 9) Routine immunization: maintenance of a high level of immunization coverage.

Survival

 * 1) Infant and under-5 mortality (U5MR): reduction by one third in infant mortality and under-5 mortality (U5MR).
 * 2) Household food security: dissemination of knowledge and supporting services to increase food production
 * 3) Acute respiratory infections (Influenza-like illness): reduction of Acute Respiratory Infections deaths by one third in children under five.

Women's health

 * 1) Childbirth care: access by all pregnant women to prenatal care
 * 2) Breastfeeding: empowerment of all women to breastfeed their children exclusively for four to six months and to continue breastfeeding with complementary food well into the second year of life
 * 3) Childbirth care: access by all pregnant women to referral facilities for high-risk pregnancies and obstetric emergencies
 * 4) Special attention to the health and nutrition of the female child and to pregnant and lactating women
 * 5) Maternal mortality: reduction of the rate by half
 * 6) Low birth-weight: reduction of the rate of low birth-weight to less than 10 percent

Nutrition

 * 1) Malnutrition: reduction of severe and moderate malnutrition among under-five children by half
 * 2) Water: universal access to safe drinking water

Education

 * 1) Family planning: access by all couples to information and services to prevent pregnancies that are too early, too closely spaced, too late, or too numerous
 * 2) Knowledge skills and values required for better living: increased acquisition by individuals and families of knowledge, skills and values for better living
 * 3) Universal access to basic education: achievement of primary education by at least 80% of primary school-age children
 * 4) Universal access to education with an emphasis on primary education for girls and literacy training for women
 * 5) Early childhood development (ECD): expansion of ECD activities including appropriate low-cost family and community-based interventions

Protection

 * 1) Improve protection of children in extremely difficult circumstances
 * 2) Growth monitoring: growth promotion and regular growth monitoring among children to be institutionalized in all countries by the end of the 1990s

Laws established
The high point of the Summit was the joint signing of the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection, and Development of Children and a Plan of Action on September 30, 1990. The World Declaration on the Survival, Protection, and Development of Children served as a written commitment to children worldwide and It summarizes the reason for the Summit and the goals established. The Plan of Action is a supplement to the World Declaration and It outlines how goals are to be met.

World declaration
The World Declaration of the Survival, Protection, and Development of Children is subdivided into five categories: The Challenge, The Opportunity, The Task, The Commitment, and The Next Step.
 * The Challenge: To help countless children around the world who are exposed to dangers that hamper their growth and development especially those that are victims of poverty, malnutrition, war, and disease.
 * The Opportunity: Declares that the fulfillment of the Summit goals will be an international co-operation and leaders worldwide must implement the obligations agreed upon on the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The Convention on the Rights of the Child was signed in 1989, it was the first international treaty to guarantee civil and political rights as well as economic, social, and cultural rights. The United States and South Sudan are the only countries who have not ratified the Convention.
 * The Task and The Commitment: Both of these serve to further explain the specific goals of the Summit.
 * Improve Children's Health
 * Improve Prenatal Health
 * To strengthen the role and status of women
 * To provide educational opportunities
 * To ameliorate the lives of homeless, refugee, disabled, and abused children
 * To protect children from the dangers of war
 * To work for a global attack on poverty
 * The Next Step: The adoption of The Plan of Action to specify how the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection, and Development of Children will be achieved.

Plan of action
The Plan of Action is a framework for more specific national and international undertakings. It addresses every goal to ensure the implementation of the Declaration of the World Summit for Children. It also concentrates on the follow-up and monitoring of the progression towards accomplishing each goal. The primary responsibility for the implementation of all goals was given to National Governments. Each country agreed to develop strategies through National Programs of Action and to make sure these 27 global goals could become national realities, a total of 155 countries developed National Programs of Action.

Special session
The Special Session on Children was a meeting the UN General Assembly held May 8–10, 2002. It was held to review the progress made for children in the decade since the 1990 World Summit for Children. It also served as a method to renew the commitments made in 1990 and to make a pledge for specific actions for the coming decade. In total about 70 Heads of State and/or Government attended the Session. Children from all around the world where invited to attend and they participated in numerous supporting events. One of the more important events was the Celebration of Leadership for Children held on May 9. The event encompassed a sense of unity and created a festive nature for the Session but the real reason for the gathering was not forgotten.

The World Summit stands out from any other United Nations gathering because of its soundly set goals and its systematic follow up procedure. The Secretary-General’s report on children titled "We the Children" uses data taken from 135 countries and is based on reviews conducted at the national level. It was the most comprehensive study of what was happening to the world’s children at that time. "We the Children" is a statistical representation of the minimal progress made in the decade. The report states, “The world has fallen short of achieving most of the goals of the World Summit for Children". Few of the goals established could be labeled as successes, others showed progress but the majority were not met.

Success

 * Polio: global eradication by 2000
 * Neonatal tetanus: elimination by 1995
 * Deaths due to diarrhea: 50 percent reduction
 * Vitamin A deficiency: virtual elimination by the year 2000
 * Iodine deficiency disorders (IDD): virtual elimination
 * Elimination of guinea-worm disease(Dracunculiasis) by 2000

Some progress

 * Infant and under-5 mortality: reduction by one third in infant mortality and Under-5 mortality
 * Measles: reduction by 95 percent in measles deaths and 90 percent of measles cases by 1995 as a major step to global eradication
 * Malnutrition: reduction of severe and moderate malnutrition among under-five children by half
 * Breastfeeding: empowerment of all women to breastfeed their children exclusively for four to six months and to continue breastfeeding, with complementary food, well into the second year of life
 * Low birth-weight: reduction of the rate of low birth-weight to less than 10%
 * Family planning: access by all couples to information and services to prevent pregnancies that are too early, too closely spaced, too late or too numerous
 * Childbirth care: access by all pregnant women to prenatal care
 * Water: universal access to safe drinking water
 * Universal access to basic education: achievement of primary education by at least 80% of primary school-age children
 * Universal access to education with an emphasis on primary education for girls and literacy training for women
 * Early childhood development (ECD): expansion of ECD activities, including appropriate low-cost family and community-based interventions
 * Improve protection of children in extremely difficult circumstances

No progress

 * Routine immunization: maintenance of a high level of immunization coverage
 * Maternal mortality: reduction of the rate by half
 * Anemia: reduction of iron deficiency Anemia in women by one-third

Limited data

 * There was limited or inconclusive data on the remaining 6 goals

"We the Children" places the blame to meet goals on financial barriers. Critics note that in many United Nations conferences, goals are ever set but never met and that commitments on paper are rarely translated into actions. The Canadian Medical Association Journal attributes the lack of progress to the fact that documents emerging from UN conferences are policy documents rather than legal instruments or binding treaties but it also remarks that the Special Session on Children will set the direction for international policy with respect to children for the next decade.

title: World Summit for Children


text:
Spy (magazine)

Spy was a satirical monthly magazine published from 1986 to 1998. Based in New York City, the magazine was founded by Kurt Andersen and E. Graydon Carter, who served as its first editors, and Thomas L. Phillips Jr., its first publisher. Spy specialized in irreverent and satirical pieces targeting the American media and entertainment industries and mocking high society.

Overview
Some of its features attempted to present the darker side of celebrities such as Arnold Schwarzenegger, John F. Kennedy Jr., Steven Seagal, Martha Stewart, and especially the real-estate tycoon Donald Trump and his then-wife Ivana Trump. Pejorative epithets of celebrities, such as "Abe 'I'm Writing As Bad As I Can' Rosenthal", "short-fingered vulgarian Donald Trump", "churlish dwarf billionaire Laurence Tisch", "antique Republican pen-holder Bob Dole", "dynastic misstep La Toya Jackson", "bum-kissing toady Arthur Gelb", "bosomy dirty-book writer Shirley Lord", and "former fat girl Dianne Brill" became a Spy trademark. In the summer of 1992, the publication ran a story on President George H. W. Bush's alleged extramarital affairs. The following year, it ran an article entitled "Clinton's First 100 Lies", detailing what it described as the new president's pattern of duplicitous behavior.

In March 1989, Spy published "The Pickup Artist's Guide to Picking Up Women: A Case-by-Case Look at Movie Director James Toback's Street Technique." It was written by Vincenza Demetz and included accounts from thirteen women—including the author—who accused Toback of sexual misconduct.

Spy was acquired in 1991 by Jean-Christophe Pigozzi and Charles Saatchi. In early 1994, the magazine, which was losing money and couldn't find a buyer, was forced to suspend publication. It was saved by Sussex Publishers Inc., the publishers of Psychology Today and Mother Earth News, resuming publication with the July-August 1994 issue.

The magazine ceased publication in 1998.

Features
Introduced in the May 1987 issue, Private Lives of Public Enemies (renamed Private Lives of Public Figures, then simply Private Lives in 1989) presented fictional representations of public personalities in unflattering situations.

Separated at Birth?, first presented in a feature article in December 1987, was a regular section which would present juxtaposed photos of two different personalities exhibiting visual similarity, to comical effect. The first of each pair was typically a public figure or celebrity, and the second was usually another such figure, but sometimes (usually in the last set) a more absurd subject such as a fictional character, animal, or inanimate object. Separated at Birth? became one of the magazine's most popular features and was spun out into a set of paperback books.

Legacy
In 1990, NBC aired a TV special Spy Magazine Presents How to Be Famous hosted by Jerry Seinfeld and featuring Victoria Jackson and Harry Shearer satirizing American celebrity culture.

In October 2006, Miramax Books published Spy: The Funny Years (ISBN 1-4013-5239-1), a greatest-hits anthology and history of the magazine created and compiled by Carter, Andersen, and one of their original editors, George Kalogerakis.

In January 2015, after the terrorist attack on Charlie Hebdo, Donald Trump made a series of tweets attacking both Spy and Charlie Hebdo, calling Spy a "rag magazine."

In October 2016, Esquire produced a special online version of Spy during the last thirty days of the presidential campaign.

Books

 * Separated at Birth? (1988, ISBN 0-385-24744-3): A collection of photographs from "Separated at Birth?"
 * Private Lives of Public Figures (Drew Friedman, cartoons from Spy, 1990)
 * Spy Notes on McInerney's Bright Lights, Big City/Janowitz's Slaves of New York/Ellis's Less than Zero and All Those Other Hip Urban Novels of the 1980s (1989, ISBN 0-385-24745-1): A CliffsNotes-style look at the literature of the nineteen-eighties
 * Separated at Birth? 2: The Saga Continues (1990, ISBN 0-385-41099-9)
 * Spy High (1992)
 * George Kalogerakis, Kurt Andersen, and Graydon Carter, Spy: The Funny Years (2006, ISBN 1-4013-5239-1)

title: Spy (magazine)


text:
User talk:Bryanlharris

Hi, welcome to Wikipedia! We're glad for your help. A few hints:
 * If you'd like to learn useful tricks for editing, try Tutorial.
 * To learn about our format, read Manual of Style or the FAQ
 * Ask questions at Help desk

Yours, Meelar 01:13, 10 May 2004 (UTC)

title: User talk:Bryanlharris


text:
Callback (telecommunications)

In telecommunications, a callback or call-back occurs when the originator of a call is immediately called back in a second call as a response.

International calling
A callback, in this sense is a method of making low-cost international calls via a third country, usually the United States, where call charges are considerably lower. One variation of this technology was developed by IDT Corporation in 1991. IDT Corp used a hardware solution that was never widely accepted and ultimately failed and was surpassed by a software solution concurrently developed by Jorge Blanco at MCI Telecommunications for The United Nations Development Programme and their staff Wolfgang Scholtes and Kumar Navaratnum.

In order to use a callback service, a subscriber is allocated a unique number in, for example, the US, which must first be dialled in order to trigger a return call. This is known (in the US) as a Direct Inbound Dialing (DID) number, or in the UK as a Direct Dial-In (DDI) number. Where Caller ID is available, it may be possible to use the same DID number for many different subscribers, as the callback system will be able to recognise each subscriber's registered number.

On hearing a ringing tone, the subscriber simply hangs up and awaits the callback. On receiving this, usually within a few seconds, the customer picks up the phone and dials the required number. This may mean dialling in the North American format, as most callback services are US-based, and callers are effectively calling from the US. For example, a number in Manhattan would be dialled with the trunk code, area code and subscriber's number, as follows:

1 212 xxx xxxx

A call to London in the UK, would require the international access code and country calling code, as follows:

011 44 20 xxxx xxxx

In the North American Numbering Plan, 011 is used as the international access code, but in most countries, 00 is used, in line with International Telecommunication Union's Recommendation E.164.

The cost of making a telephone call via callback consists of two parts, as the caller is effectively paying for an outbound and inbound call at the same time. For example, if a customer from Spain is calling a phone number in Australia, and it costs 8 cents per minute to phone Spain from the US (the callback, which is an incoming call) and 20 cents per minute to phone Australia from the US (the destination call, which is an outgoing call), then the caller will pay a total of 28 US cents a minute. This may still be less expensive than calling directly from Spain to Australia, which is primarily why callbacks are used.

Automated applications
Callback is often automated through the use of web callback or mobile phone applications by companies such as GlobalTel and Jajah, or on Roaming SIMs.

Legal status of callback
Many countries have banned callback services, on the grounds that they are not licensed or regulated by their governments, and deprive telephone companies in many developing countries of revenue from international calls. People who provide or use callback services have argued that these telephone companies are often state monopolies that charge unjustifiably high prices for international calls. It may also be the only way of making calls to certain countries from others, for example, Israel from other Middle Eastern countries.

Other countries have sought to use technical means to prevent callback, by blocking the inbound and outbound calls made to and from DID numbers, or by disabling touch tone dialing. However, this is also overcome by the use of speed dial numbers, while others use these services by triggering callback via the Internet or SMS.

The use of callback in most developed countries has declined, owing to the liberalization of telecommunication services, which allow more direct access to low-cost international calls, without the need for a time-consuming process like callback. Also, the advent of Voice over Internet Protocol services has allowed many people to make international calls via their computer connected to the Internet, although sound quality can be poorer on slower dial-up connections than on broadband ones.

International callback has been credited with opening global telecom markets because it enabled competition to start up even if regulatory restrictions existed. It was popularized by a 1994 book, "The International CallBack Book" by Gene Retske.

Modem security
A modem allows one computer (the client) to establish a connection to another (the server) by dialing the server's telephone number. This is sometimes viewed as being insecure because there is no authentication of the call originator. One way to increase security is to enforce a modem callback protocol, which usually proceeds as a series of steps:

 * 1) The client computer calls the server computer.
 * 2) After a greeting the client identifies itself, usually with a user name.
 * 3) The server then disconnects the call.
 * 4) Based upon the user name and a list of users' phone numbers, the server will then establish a second call back to the client computer.
 * 5) The client computer, expecting this returned call, will then answer and communications between the two computers will proceed normally.

Sometimes callback modem setups can also be used for billback purposes, allowing the originator to avoid lengthy toll charges.

title: Callback (telecommunications)


text:
Abortion in New Zealand

Abortion in New Zealand is available within the framework of the Abortion Legislation Act 2020, which entirely eliminated the criminal status of abortion and allows termination on request during the first 20 weeks of pregnancy. After 20 weeks abortion is permitted only if a health practitioner deems it "clinically appropriate" and consults at least one other health practitioner. However, the law does not specify what the conditions are which constitute "clinically appropriate", and there are no criminal penalties. Abortion is illegal only if a person who is not a licensed health practitioner procures or performs it.

Before 2020, abortion in New Zealand was heavily restricted and criminalised under the Crimes Act 1961, with significant changes occurring in 1977 and 1978 to allow abortions under specific circumstances. In March 2022, New Zealand implemented explicit "safe access zones" by legislation around abortion clinics and/or hospitals.

Current legislation
Abortion in New Zealand is regulated by four laws: the Abortion Legislation Act 2020, the Contraception, Sterilisation, and Abortion Act 1977 (CS&A Act 1977), the Health Practitioners Competence Assurance Act 2003, and Section 38 of the Care of Child Act 2004. A woman who is not more than 20 weeks pregnant may seek abortion from a health practitioner. A woman seeking an abortion past 20 weeks must obtain approval from a health practitioner, who decides whether the procedure is "clinically appropriate" and consults with at least one other qualified practitioner. Prior to 24 March 2020, women in New Zealand could only seek an abortion after consulting two health practitioners.

Abortion Legislation Act 2020
The Abortion Legislation Act 2020 amends two existing laws: the Contraception, Sterilisation, and Abortion Act 1977 and the Crimes Act 1961. While the Abortion Legislation Act's initially introduced safe zones around abortion providers, it was eliminated from the final version of the law.

 * Contraception, Sterilisation, and Abortion Act 1977: It replaces Sections 10 to 46 of the CS&A Act 1977 with Sections 10–14 and Sections 19–21. The amended bill also abolishes the Abortion Supervisory Committee, the former regulatory body that reported to Parliament, and gives its former responsibilities to the Minister of Health and the Director-General of Health.
 * Section 10: A qualified health practitioner may provide abortion services to a woman who is not more than 20 weeks pregnant.
 * Section 11: After 20 weeks, a health practitioner can only provide abortion services to a woman if it is deemed clinically appropriate and if they consult at least one other qualified practitioner.
 * Section 13: A health practitioner must advise a woman of the availability of counselling services if the woman seeks advice on whether to continue or terminate a pregnancy; advises the health practitioner of her intention to terminate the pregnancy; or has terminated pregnancy.
 * Section 14: A health practitioner cannot coerce a woman into seeking counselling as a condition for procuring an abortion.
 * Section 19: A health practitioner with a conscientious objection to abortion must inform the patient and provide them with information on accessing alternative abortion providers.
 * Section 20: Employer providing certain services must accommodate conscientious objection of applicant or employee unless it would cause unreasonable disruption. Abortion is regulated by the Ministry of Health and the Director-General of Health, which oversee the collection and publication of information relating to abortion services and providers. Section 20F states that the New Zealand Parliament opposes abortion for the sole purpose of sex-selection, but does not prohibit the practice.
 * Section 21: The Governor-General has the authority to direct the Director-General of Health to collection information relating to the regulation of abortion services stated in Section 20.
 * Crimes Act 1961: Abortion is eliminated from the Crimes Act. The Abortion Legislation Act replaces Sections 182A to 187A with Section 183, which states that abortion is only an offense if a person who is not a health practitioner procures or performs an abortion on a woman. The woman is not guilty of the offense.

Health Practitioners Competence Assurance Act 2003
This allows for conscientious objection by medical professionals.

Care of Child Act 2004
Section 38 of the Care of Child Act 2004 allows a young woman under the age of 16 to consent to an abortion but that she must still go through the process outlined in the CS&A Act 1977.

19th century and early 20th century
English law, applied in New Zealand in 1840, outlawed abortion. In 1867, the New Zealand Parliament made it an offence to cause a miscarriage. Under the law, abortionists were considered criminals while the woman seeking an abortion was considered an accomplice to the crime. If a woman induced her own abortion, she was considered a criminal under the law. Therapeutic abortions were available under limited circumstances such as when the woman's life or mental health was in serious danger. During the late 1930s, this right was extended by a court judgment. However, abortion was still strongly frowned upon by society with many doctors refusing to perform terminations.

In 1936 the First Labour Government of New Zealand set up a committee, led by D.G. McMillan, to inquire about the incidence of septic abortion in New Zealand. The report estimated that at least 13 in every 100 pregnancies ended in criminal abortion, that number having increased over the five years prior. In the same time period, while maternal deaths had dropped, the number of deaths due to septic abortions had increased, accounting for two-fifths of total maternal mortality. Based on evidence heard before the committee, it was found that a major reason for abortions was a change in social outlook, "particularly towards the rearing of large families" and "an attitude of pitying superiority towards the woman with many children." Other reasons included lack of suitable housing in cities, lack of help for women in performing domestic labour, and the widespread use of ineffective methods of contraception.

In the 1930s, Isabel Annie Aves was tried four times for "unlawfully using an instrument with intent to procure a miscarriage" without conviction. In the 1940s, activists such as Alice Bush advocated for access to doctor-provided abortions.

Changing attitudes, 1960s–1970s
Following the Second World War, the Sexual Revolution during the 1960s led a change in societal attitudes towards matters of sex, birth control, and motherhood including abortion. These also gave rise to the emergence of Second-wave feminism and the Women's liberation movement during the 1960s and 1970s. Between 1965 and 1970, the number of abortions performed in public hospitals jumped from 70 in 1965 to more than 300 by 1970. Public debate increased following the legalisation of abortion in Britain in 1967, and court decisions in Australia in 1967 and 1970 legalising abortion. The legalisation of abortion in Australia enabled New Zealand women who could afford to travel there to have abortions in Australia.

Growing public awareness and debate about abortion led to the emergence of rival anti-abortion and abortion rights groups. Early anti-abortion groups included the Society for the Protection of the Unborn Children (SPUC) and REPEAL while early abortion rights groups included the Abortion Law Reform Association of New Zealand (ALRANZ) and the more militant Women's National Abortion Action Campaign (WONAAC). According to McCulloch, several Socialist Action League members including Kay Goodger were involved in the formation of WONAAC.

During the 1970s, the Catholic Church, conservative Protestant denominations, and the Mormons opposed abortion. By contrast, the Anglican, Baptist, Methodist, and Presbyterian denominations took a more liberal stance; which generated controversy among their members. In addition, abortion attracted bipartisan support from some members of the New Zealand Parliament including Labour MPs Mary Batchelor and Whetu Tirikatene-Sullivan, and National MPs George Gair and Marilyn Waring.

The first abortion clinic in New Zealand was the Auckland Medical Aid Centre (AMAC), which opened in 1974 and introduced the practice of vacuum aspiration to New Zealand. By the end of its first year, it had provided 2,288 women with abortions. By 1975, this figure had risen to 4,005. AMAC attracted opposition from anti-abortion activists including arson attacks. The New Zealand Police also raided AMAC in 1974, leading to the prosecution and acquittal of one of its doctors, Jim Woolnough.

Decriminalising abortion, 1977–1978
In response to AMAC, the New Zealand Parliament passed Labour MP and SPUC member's Gerard Wall's Hospitals Amendment Act 1975 which limited the provision of abortion services to licensed hospitals. While AMAC was forced to close, it later reopened in 1980 after buying a private hospital. The Hospitals Amendment Act was later invalidated on technical grounds. In response to the closure of AMAC, abortion rights activists established the Sisters Overseas Service (SOS), which helped women travel to Australia for abortion operations in 1978 and 1979. McCulloch estimates that SOS chapters across New Zealand including Auckland and Wellington sent between 4,000 and 4,500 women to Australia for abortion operations during that period. National Party MP Frank Gill later tried to entrench Wall's bill through the Health Amendment Bill 1976 but pro-abortion rights National MP George Gair managed to pass an amendment deferring it by twelve months.

In response to growing public debate around abortion, Parliament set up a Royal Commission on Contraception, Sterilisation and Abortion to consider public policy on these issues. At the Commission's recommendations, the Third National Government passed the Contraception, Sterilisation, and Abortion Act 1977 (CS&A Act 1977) on 15 December 1977, which established the legal framework for abortion in New Zealand. Under the CS&A Act, a woman seeking abortion had to see their doctor and the two medical consultants, who would assess the mental and physical grounds for carrying out an abortion. A surgeon would also be needed to perform an abortion. Counselling was also made available to women seeking an abortion. The CS&A Act also established an Abortion Supervisory Committee to regulate the certifying consultants responsible for permitting abortions. The Act also required district health boards to fund abortions. During the late 1970s and 1980s, several public and private abortion clinics were opened in Auckland, Wellington, and Christchurch.

The CS&A Act was criticised by the feminist group Campaign to Oppose Repressive Abortion Laws (CORAL) and WONAAC as being too restrictive and infringing on women's reproductive rights. In 1977, the Government also amended the Crimes Act 1961 to allow abortion within the 20 weeks gestation period. After 20 weeks, abortion was permitted on the grounds of saving the mother's life and preventing serious permanent injury to her mental and physical health. In 1978, the Government further amended the Crimes Act to permit abortion on the grounds of saving the mother's life, mental health, and physical health; foetal abnormality within the 20 weeks gestation period; and incest or sexual intercourse with guardians and family members. In 1986, the Crimes Act was further amended to take into account factors like the extremes of age and sexual violation.

Post decriminalisation, 1977–1990s
Following the decriminalisation of abortion, ALRANZ lobbied several hospital boards into establishing more abortion clinics and services. In November 1978, Epsom Day clinic opened in Auckland in November 1978. This was followed by the establishment of Wellington's Parkview Clinic in July 1980 and Christchurch's Lyndhurst Hospital in January 1986. Together with AMAC, these three clinics have provided the vast majority of abortions in New Zealand. ALRANZ and other abortion rights groups shifted their attention to lobbying for sex education in schools and easing young people's access to contraceptives. In response, anti-abortion activists and groups picketed abortion clinics and joined forces with socially-conservative moral groups including Moral Rearmament, Family Rights Association, Society for the Protection of Community Standards (SPCS), and "Family 75" during the late 1970s and 1980s.

SPUC was at the forefront of opposing abortion during the 1980s. In 1980, SPUC secured the removal of two members of the Abortion Supervisory Committee on the grounds that they had been promoting abortion by encouraging hospital boards to establish abortion services. That same year, two SPUC–backed candidates were elected to the Wellington hospital board. In 1981, the president of SPUC's Dunedin branch, John O'Neill sought injunctions on behalf of men who wanted to stop their lovers or partners from having abortions. In three of these cases, the women involved managed to obtain their abortions before the courts could intervene. When a judge imposed an interim injunction against an abortion an hour after it had taken place, WONAAC and Alranz staged a protest outside the Court of Appeal in Wellington to protest the judge's action. In 1982, SPUC also unsuccessfully lobbied for all foetuses to be officially registered in the national Registrar of Births, Deaths, and Marriages.

In 1982, a New Plymouth paediatrician Melvyn Wall sought a judicial review of a decision by two certifying consultants to allow an abortion for a fifteen-year-old girl, alleging that they had acted in "bad faith". Wall's motion was dismissed on the grounds that he had no right to mount the challenge and that decisions by certifying consultants were deemed not open to review. While SPUC's President Marilyn Pryor regarded Wall v. Livingston as a major loss for anti-abortion advocates, ALRANZ welcomed the ruling for upholding women's access to abortion services. WONAAC also successfully appealed to the Medical Practitioners' Disciplinary Committee for Wall to be censured on the grounds that he had violated patient confidentiality. Wall was also fined NZ$1,500. While Wall had the censure revoked, the Medical Council found him liable for professional misconduct and added $500 in costs to the original amount.

In 1983, National Member of Parliament Doug Kidd, with the support of SPUC, introduced a private member's bill called the Status of the Unborn Child Bill. In response, the feminist National Member of Parliament Marilyn Waring introduced the pro-abortion rights Contraception, Sterilisation and Abortion Repeal Bill to challenge Kidd's bill. Waring also leaked news about Kidd's affair with a parliamentary secretary to WONAAC. Ultimately, both Kidd and Waring's bills were defeated and no changes were made to existing abortion legislation. While Pryor blamed the Status of the Unborn Child Bill's hasty introduction for its defeat, abortion rights journalist Alison McCulloch has attributed the bill's defeat to both Waring's counter-bill and Kidd's affair.

In 1987, O'Neill of SPUC appeared before the New Zealand Parliament's Justice and Law Reform Committee and demanded the dismissal of the Abortion Supervisory Committee (including the two SPUC–backed members) on the grounds they had failed to carry out their functions. That same year, Leo Buchanan, the medical superintendent of Masterton hospital refused to apply for a renewal of the hospital's license to provide abortion services, citing his conscientious objection to abortion. Buchanan's actions effectively ended abortion services in the Wairarapa region. In 1991, O'Neill challenged the validity of abortion licenses throughout New Zealand, leading to the temporary suspension of abortion operations in Dunedin and Waikato for several days. The Otago Health Board's abortion license was suspended on the grounds of a legal technicality connected with the change from the Hospitals Act 1975 to the Area Health Boards Act.

During the late 1980s, WONAAC unsuccessfully lobbied several feminist MPs including Sonja Davies and the Minister of Women's Affairs Margaret Shields for a more liberal abortion law in the form of a private member's bill. However, the Fourth Labour Government thought there was insufficient support for further abortion reform and instead passed the Contraceptive, Sterilisation and Abortion Amendment Act 1990, which eliminated the restriction on who could educate and provide services and supplies. The–then Health Minister and future Prime Minister Helen Clark sponsored the CS&A Amendment Act.

During the late 1980s and early 1990s, an anti-abortion group called Operation Rescue New Zealand was active, modeling itself after the American-based Randall Terry's Operation Rescue organisation. Operation Rescue used aggressive clinics including picketing abortion clinics, remonstrating with abortion patients, breaking into buildings and operation theatres to disrupt operations, and distributing leaflets attacking abortion practitioners as "baby killers". Operation Rescue was also criticised for its aggressive tactics by the anti-abortion movement with Women for Live's president Anettta Moran rejecting the group's willingness to break the law. While SPUC's leadership was initially critical of Operation Rescue NZ, the leadership subsequently relented and allowed SPUC members to participate. Operation Rescue NZ had a large Catholic component including priests and clergy. According to McCulloch, an estimated half of Operation Rescue's supporters were also SPUC members. Operation Rescue's activities also attracted counter-protests from WONAAC and the Wellington-based group Choice.

Attempts at abortion law reform, 1999–2001
In 1999, the Abortion Supervisory Committee's annual report criticised MPs for using it as a buffer between them and abortion interest groups, allowing them to abrogate their responsibilities. In response to that report, the newly-formed Fifth Labour Government, which was in coalition with the Alliance party, made attempts to reform New Zealand's abortion laws. After several months of preparatory work, the Cabinet agreed to amend the Contraception, Sterilisation and Abortion Act 1977 in July 2001 to allow one doctor to approve an abortion. The Cabinet also submitted a Supplementary Order Paper exploring the grounds for abortion, possible decriminalisation, and the abolition of the Abortion Supervisory Committee. However, this plan was scuttled due to growing troubles within the Labour–Alliance coalition government.

Introducing medical abortions, 2002–2003
Former ALRANZ president Margaret Sparrow established a non-profit company called Istar to import mifepristone (formerly known as RU 486), a pill used in medical abortions to cause the embryo to dislodge from the uterine wall, and a prostaglandin supplement to expel the remains. In 2002, Istar convinced the Abortion Supervisory Committee to seek a Court ruling on how the CS&A Act 1977 applied to the use of mifepristone. In April 2003, Justice Durie ruled that women seeking medical abortions must take medications in a licensed facility but need not remain there between taking the two sets of tablets, which are taken 48 hours apart. Women also need not stay in the facility until the expulsion of the foetus completes the abortion.

2004 Parental notification amendment bill
In 2004, the Fifth Labour Government passed the Care of Child Act 2004 which allows a girl under the age of 16 to seek an abortion through the framework of the CS&A Act 1977. That same year, National Party MP Judith Collins, with the support of anti-abortion lobby group Voice for Life (formerly SPUC), proposed an amendment to that law requiring anyone under 16 years of age to notify their parents before having an abortion. Collins was opposed by ALRANZ, the New Zealand Medical Association and New Zealand College of General Practitioners.

A NZ Herald Digipoll showed that 71% of New Zealanders believed parents should be informed about whether or not their child was to have an abortion, with 60% believing this should be legally mandatory. This "parental notification" legislation was heavily defeated, as the New Zealand Medical Association and New Zealand College of General Practitioners objected that the abrogation of medical confidentiality would endanger pregnant incest survivors, and/or those within similar dysfunctional families and abusive parents.

2008 informed consent amendment bill
During the 48th New Zealand Parliament, former Kiwi Party list MP Gordon Copeland placed a members bill, the Contraception, Sterilisation and Abortion (Informed Consent) Amendment Bill, in the ballot. It was based on an Australian Capital Territory 'informed consent' piece of legislation, since repealed. It was not drawn from the ballot, but in April 2008 Copeland sought to introduce it for consideration by leave, which he did not receive. Copeland has since been voted out of Parliament, as he did not secure a constituency seat at the New Zealand general election held in 2008 and his Kiwi Party polled well under the five percent threshold under the MMP framework in the Electoral Act 1993.

Chadwick's proposed amendment, 2010
In July 2010, Labour MP Steve Chadwick proposed an Abortion Reform Bill to take abortion out of the Crimes Act 1961. The anti-abortion organisation Voice for Life opposed the Bill while ALRANZ supported it. Due to fierce opposition from anti-abortion opponents and a lack of sufficient parliamentary support, Chadwick was unable to get the numbers to put her Bill into ballot. Even the progressive Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand declined to issue a public statement supporting Chadwick's bill. After Chadwick lost her seat in Parliament in the 2011 general election, she lamented the weakened state of the abortion rights movement in New Zealand and opined that change was only possible if the New Zealand Law Commission produced recommendations that any government would touch upon.

Challenges to abortion, 2009–2012
In 2009, the anti-abortion group Right to Life New Zealand launched a court case against the Abortion Supervisory Committee, accusing it of not sufficiently regulating abortion by allowing broad interpretation of the mental health exception. A High Court decision supported some of Right to Life New Zealand's points, finding that there was de facto abortion on demand. However, the Abortion Supervisory Committee appealed this to the New Zealand Court of Appeal.

On 1 June 2011 the Court of Appeal overturned the earlier High Court verdict favoring Right to Life, finding that there was no statutory reference to embryos and foetuses within New Zealand law, and therefore no grounds for further attempted interference with existing abortion access procedures. It did not, however, overturn the finding that there was de facto abortion on demand in New Zealand. In March 2012, Right to Life appealed to the New Zealand Supreme Court, which dismissed their appeal by a 3–2 majority in August 2012.

On 7 April 2011, during the term of the 49th New Zealand Parliament, Māori Party co-leader Tariana Turia moved that an anti-abortion Pacific Island doctor, Ate Moala, be appointed to the Abortion Supervisory Committee. The vote was lost 70–30 against, with twenty absences or abstentions. That same year, anti-abortion groups successfully campaigned against an attempt by Family Planning New Zealand to introduce early medical abortions at one of its clinics.

Renewed abortion reform efforts, 2018
During the 2010s, a wave of international abortion reform law changes led to a renewed campaign by New Zealand abortion rights advocates to decriminalise abortion. ALRANZ and other abortion rights groups argued that abortion was a health and reproductive rights issue that should be removed from the Crimes Act. In 2018, ALRANZ and a group of women who had had abortions filed a case with the Human Rights Commission challenging the existing abortion legal framework in New Zealand.

In late February 2018, the Minister of Justice Andrew Little sought advice from the New Zealand Law Commission on realigning the country's abortion legal framework towards a health approach. The Law Commission also received 3,419 public submissions on abortion law reform between 4 April and 18 May 2018. In late October 2018, the Law Commission proposed three options: having no statutory test to make sure the abortion was appropriate at any point; taking abortion off the Crimes Act but having a statutory test; or only having a test for later-term abortions, after 22 weeks.

2019–2020 abortion reform legislation
On 5 August 2019, the Justice Minister Andrew Little announced that the Government would be introducing new legislation giving women access to abortion for the first 20 weeks of pregnancy without having to navigate legal loopholes and removing abortion from the Crimes Act 1961. However Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern has said it is not a government bill.

Other changes include allowing women to self-refer to an abortion service, ensuring that health practitioners advise women about counselling services, establishing safe areas around abortion facilities, and ensuring that conscientious objecting doctors inform women about their stance and alternative services. The Government adopted the Law Commission's third approach for a test on later-term abortions but reduced the time-frame to 20 weeks. The test for late term abortions is contained in section 11 of the proposed bill. Section 11 states that "a qualified health practitioner may provide abortion services to a woman who is more than 20 weeks pregnant only if the health practitioner reasonably believes that the abortion is appropriate in the circumstances..."

The Down Syndrome advocacy group "Saving Downs" and disability advocates objected to Section 11 on the grounds that would facilitate the termination of babies with disabilities right through to birth. Both ALRANZ and Family Planning have welcomed the proposed changes but criticised the 20-week limit. By contrast, conservative lobby group Family First New Zealand criticised the Government's abortion law reform as "radical... and anti-human rights".

Labour and its coalition partner New Zealand First engaged in several months of negotiations discussing the legislation. The Minister for Children and New Zealand First MP Tracey Martin reportedly played an important part in these negotiations. Despite initially ruling out a referendum, NZ First leader Winston Peters subsequently demanded a binding referendum on abortion reform. In response, Opposition National MP Amy Adams criticised NZ First's U-turn, saying that the matter should be decided by Parliament. National Party leader Simon Bridges has indicated that he would support a Select Committee examining the bill. Voting for the new legislation will be done through a conscience vote. Justice Minister Little has ruled out NZ First's calls for holding a referendum on abortion reform. National Party leader Bridges has indicated he will vote against abortion reform but will allow National MPs to exercise a conscience vote.

On 8 August, the Abortion Legislation Bill passed its first reading by 94–23 votes and was referred to select committee stage. By October 2019, the Abortion Legislation Committee had received 25,000 submissions from various legal and medical experts, religious groups, national organisations and ordinary people sharing personal experiences. Due to the large volume of submissions, the Committee only heard 150 oral submissions out of the 2,890 who had opted to speak.

In mid-February 2020, the Abortion Legislation Committee recommended safeguards to address sex selection, late-term abortions, eliminate some barriers for women seeking abortions, and require a health professional approving abortion after 20 weeks to consult with another health professional including nurses and medical practitioners. In addition, Loheni published a minority report criticising the bill for what she regarded as a lack of safeguards on foetal abnormalities and late-term abortions. ACT New Zealand leader David Seymour supported the Select Committee's recommendations but argued that safe zones infringed on freedom of expression.

While the New Zealand Medical Association welcomes these changes, Catholic bishops said that the legislation lacked safeguards for unborn babies with fetal disabilities. On 3 March 2020, the Bill passed its second reading by a narrower margin of 81–39 votes and was referred to a committee of the whole house. On 10 March, a Committee of the Whole House considered and rejected several amendments that included reducing penalties for safe zones, eliminating statutory tests for abortion up to birth, preventing gender-selective abortions, and requiring medical intervention of unintended live births. However, the committee passed two amendments including one by Labour MP Ruth Dyson dealing with conscientious objection and one by ACT Party MP David Seymour eliminating safe zones around abortion clinics.

On 18 March, the Abortion Legislation Bill passed its third and final reading by a margin of 68 to 51. The bill's passage preceded a debate that same day where parliamentarians voted by 100–19 votes against holding a public referendum on abortion.

Safe access zone legislation
On 10 March 2021, a private members bill, the Contraception, Sterilisation, and Abortion (Safe Areas) Amendment Bill was introduced into the New Zealand Parliament. Its purpose is to create safe areas around abortion facilities, on a case-by-case basis, "to protect the safety and well-being, and respect the privacy and dignity, of women accessing abortion facilities and practitioners providing and assisting with abortion services". It passed its first parliamentary reading (100–15), although it has to pass two more parliamentary readings, as well as a parliamentary select committee to assess submissions for and against its passage.

On 16 March 2022, the Safe Areas Amendment Act passed into law by a margin of 108 to 12 votes. It received royal assent on 18 March. The Bill creates safe spaces of no more than 150 metres around abortion providers. It also bans obstructing, filming in an intimidating manner, dissuading or protesting against those trying to access abortion services in those zones.

Public opinion and activism
In March 2019, 69.9% of respondents to a poll by Newshub supported the decriminalisation of abortion.

Abortion rights groups and supporters
The main abortion rights lobby group is Abortion Law Reform Association of New Zealand (ALRANZ), which favours the complete decriminalisation of abortion in New Zealand. During the 1990s and early 2000s, ALRANZ experienced a steep decline in membership, with ALRANZ's Christchurch and Hawke's Bay branches shutting down in 1996 and 2004. By 2011, ALRANZ's membership had dwindled to around 235 members. Contemporary abortion rights activism has focused on defending the status quo from anti-abortionists and lobbying for the legalisation of Mifepristone for use in medical abortions. Historical abortion rights lobby groups have included the more radical Women's National Abortion Action Campaign (WONAAC), the Auckland Anti-Hospitals Amendment Bill Committee, the May Abortion Action Committee, and the National Organisation for Women (NOW).

Some professional bodies have also taken a pro-abortion rights position. New Zealand Family Planning (formerly the Family Planning Association) supports abortion laws that respect women's autonomy and human rights. The New Zealand Medical Association supports abortion reform including the removal of abortion from the Crimes Act 1961.

The New Zealand Association of Rationalists and Humanists (NZARH) has advocated the removal of abortion from the Crimes Act 1961, viewing it as a matter of reproductive rights. Amnesty International New Zealand has supported abortion law reform including the removal of abortion from the Crimes Act.

Anti-abortion groups and supporters
The first major anti-abortion group in New Zealand was the Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child (SPUC), which was led by Marilyn Pryor. SPUC drew support from the Catholic Church in New Zealand and politicians from the two major parties, Labour and National. By 1975, SPUC had 28 branches and 40,000 members. Policy differences between the national leadership and the Christchurch branch led by Ken Orr led to SPUC's splintering in 2000. The Christchurch branch revamped itself as Right to Life New Zealand in September 2000 while the national organisation rebranded itself as Voice for Life in 2004.

Other anti-abortion groups have included Family Life International, Family First New Zealand, the youth-based organisation ProLife NZ, Focus on the Family New Zealand. Some of these anti-abortion groups had international connections and also took an interest in other issues including euthanasia and in vitro fertilisation. These anti-abortion groups were often well-funded. According to McCulloch, Right to Life had an annual income of NZ$25,000 to NZ$35,000 a year during the mid-to-late 2000s; spending NZ$80,000 on its legal challenge against the Abortion Supervisory Committee by May 2009. Some former anti-abortion groups have included Operation Rescue New Zealand, Women for Life, and the Kiwi Party. In 2013, McCulloch has estimated that the anti-abortion movement in New Zealand had tens of thousands of members.

Anti-abortion activism have included picketing abortion clinics and hospitals, targeting doctors and members of the Abortion Supervisory Committee, public booths, newspaper advertisements, distributing informational material, lobbying politicians, letters to the editor, and protests. Operation Rescue NZ drew controversy for its aggressive methods which included invading abortion clinics and operating theatres and sending death threats to abortion practitioners. Anti-abortion groups have also pursued a "Stop Family Planning" campaign reminiscent of similar efforts in the United States against Planned Parenthood. In 2009, former Prolife New Zealand leader Andy Moore created a spoof website using the domain name "alranz.org.nz" which attacked Alranz. After "alranz.org.nz" was shut down by a successful complaint, Moore created a wiki called "AbortionWiki" which targeted ALRANZ and other abortion rights supporters.

In addition, violent militant elements of the anti-abortion movement have also perpetrated arson attacks and bomb threats against abortion clinics. The Auckland Medical Aid Centre experienced several arson attacks in 1976 and 1989. Lyndhurst clinic in Christchurch experienced arson attacks in May 1985 and October 1989. In 1999 Graeme White was jailed for tunneling into Lyndhurst clinic in a failed attempt to blow it up. Epsom Day clinic experienced an arson attack in 1985, a firebombing in April 1987, and a bomb threat in October 1989. These violent attacks on clinics were disavowed by anti-abortion leaders including Marilyn Pryor and Auckland SPUC president John Carroll.

Christian
The Catholic Church in New Zealand has remained an opponent of abortion, teaching that life begins at conception. The Presbyterian Church of Aotearoa New Zealand has expressed concerns that the Abortion Legislation Act 2020 does not protect foetuses and could lead to sex and disability-selective abortions.

The New Zealand Christian Network takes the view that abortion should be "safe, legal and rare" and opposed Abortion Legislation Bill on the grounds that it does not protect unborn foetuses and would facilitate elective abortion care. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) opposes elective abortions for personal and social convenience but permits abortion in cases of rape, incest, protecting the life and health of the mother, and fetal deformities. The LDS Church has not taken a stand on legislative proposals and public demonstrations regarding abortion.

ACT Party
The libertarian ACT Party views abortion as a personal right for women. In 2019 the party supported reforming New Zealand's abortion laws.

Green Party
The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand supports decriminalising abortion, regarding it as a matter of female autonomy. All Green MPs voted in support of the Abortion Legislation Act 2020

Labour Party
During New Zealand general election, 2017, the Labour Party's leader Jacinda Ardern said a Labour government would decriminalise abortion. Minister of Justice Andrew Little has also supported abortion reform, arguing that a woman should have the right to decide unless the pregnancy is more than 22 weeks.

The Labour Party voted 37 to 9 in favour of the Abortion Legislation Act 2020.

National Party
In a conscience vote, National Party MPs voted 35 to 19 against the Abortion Legislation Act 2020.

NZ First
NZ First voted 7 to 2 against the Abortion Legislation Act 2020.

New Conservative Party
The New Conservative Party, which has never been represented in the New Zealand Parliament, opposes abortion and advocates for parental notification for adolescent abortions.

Statistics
Since 1978, the Abortion Supervisory Committee (ASC) has collected statistics on the numbers of terminations performed each year, and for what reason, under the terms of the Contraception, Sterilisation, and Abortion Act 1977. In 1983, Statistics New Zealand agreed to process abortion statistics on behalf of the ASC and subsequently took over responsibility for releasing abortion-related statistics in 1998. Since abortion was illegal until 1977, there are no exact figures on abortions prior to the 1970s. Megan Cook estimates that 10,000 abortions took place each year during the 1930s, based on statistics relating to the number of women admitted to hospital during that period for septic abortions.

Historical figures
During the 1970s and 1980s, the abortion rate per woman rose from 0.02 in 1971 to 0.30 by 1986. The number of unmarried women seeking abortions, including those in de facto relationships, also increased. During that period, women aged 24 and younger were more likely to seek abortions than older women. While European New Zealanders were more likely to have an abortion at a younger age to end an unwanted pregnancy, Māori and Pasifika New Zealanders were more likely to use abortion due to lack of access to contraception.

According to figures released by Statistics New Zealand, the number of abortions rose from 8.5 per 1,000 women aged 15–44 years in 1980 to 14 per 1,000 women in 1990. By 2000, this figure had risen to 18.7 per 1,000 women aged 15–44 years but has since declined to 13.5 per 1,000 women as of 2018.

As the annual statistics for the Abortion Supervisory Committee have repeatedly said, mental health grounds are the predominant grounds for most certified abortions in New Zealand. The high numbers of abortions in New Zealand for mental health grounds have led anti-abortionists to express concerns that the mental health exception is being used to allow abortion on demand. By contrast, ALRANZ says that successive abortion-related case law has preserved the status quo of partial decriminalisation and liberal terms of abortion access for most New Zealand women who need an abortion.

2018 abortion statistics
According to Statistics New Zealand, 13,282 induced abortions had been performed in New Zealand in 2018. There were 13.5 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15–44 years in 2018, down from 13.7 per 1,000 women in 2017. Split amongst ethnicity in 2018, the highest rates were among European women (7,567), followed by Māori (2,979), Asian women (2,789), and Pacific women (1,354), and MELAA (or Middle Eastern, Latin American, and African) (215).

In 2017, New Zealand's abortion rate of 13.7 per 1,000 women aged 15–44 years was similar to the United States (13.5), South Australia (13.2 in 2016). This is below England and Wales (17.0), France (17.2), and Sweden (19.8) but higher than Germany (7.1), Finland (9.6), Scotland (12.1), and Norway (12.5).

title: Abortion in New Zealand