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Modibo Keïta

Modibo Keïta (4 June 1915 – 16 May 1977) was a Malian politician who served as the first President of Mali from 1960 to 1968. He espoused a form of African socialism. He was deposed in a coup d'état in 1968 by Moussa Traoré.

Born and raised in Bamako, Keïta began a career as a teacher in 1936 under French colonial rule before entering politics during the 1940s. In 1945, he co-founded the Sudanese Union (US) with Mamadou Konaté which became part of the African Democratic Rally (RDA) the following year to form the US-RDA. Being elected to several positions, his political prominence grew in the 1950s, and in 1959, he became Prime Minister of the Mali Federation, a short-lived federation of Mali and Senegal. Following the federation's collapse in 1960, Mali became an independent state, and Keïta became the new country's inaugural president.

As President, Keïta soon established the US-RDA as the only official party, and began implementing socialist policies based on extensive nationalization. In foreign affairs, Keïta supported the Non-Aligned Movement and maintained strong relations with the West despite his socialist leanings. A leading Pan-Africanist, he played important roles in the drafting of the charter of the Organization of African Unity and the negotiation the 1963 Bamako Accords, which ended the Sand War between Morocco and Algeria.

During the late 1960s, dissatisfaction with his regime grew due to progressive economic decline and his repressive responses to dissent. He was overthrown in the 1968 Malian coup d'état by Moussa Traoré, who succeeded him as president and sent him to prison, where he died in 1977.

Youth
Keïta was born in Bamako-Coura, a neighborhood of Bamako, which was at the time the capital of French Sudan. His family were Malian Muslims who claimed direct descent from the Keita dynasty, the founders of the medieval Mali Empire. His nickname after primary schooling was Modo. He was educated in Bamako and at the école normale William-Ponty in Dakar, where he was top of his class. Beginning in 1936, he worked as a teacher in Bamako, Sikasso and Tombouctou. He married Mariam Travélé, who was also a teacher, in September 1939.

Entering politics
Modibo Keïta was involved in various associations. In 1937, he was the coordinator of the art and theater group. Along with Ouezzin Coulibaly, he helped found the Union of French West African Teachers.

Keïta joined the Communist Study Groups (GEC) cell in Bamako.

In 1943, he founded the L'oeil de Kénédougou, a magazine critical of colonial rule. This led to his imprisonment for three weeks in 1946 at the Prison de la Santé in Paris.

In 1945 Keïta was a candidate for the Constituent Assembly of the French Fourth Republic, supported by GEC and the Sudanese Democratic Party. Later the same year, he and Mamadou Konaté founded the Bloc soudanais, which developed into the Sudanese Union.

Political life
In October 1946, the African Democratic Rally (RDA) was created at a conference in Bamako of delegates from across French Africa. While the coalition was led by Félix Houphouët-Boigny, Keïta assumed the post of RDA Secretary-General in French Sudan, and head of the Soudanese affiliate: the US-RDA. In 1948, he was elected general councilor of French Sudan. In 1956, he was elected mayor of Bamako and became a member of the National Assembly of France. He twice served as secretary of state in the governments of Maurice Bourgès-Maunoury and Félix Gaillard. Modibo Keïta became the premier of Mali Federation in 1959. He was elected constituent assembly president of the Mali Federation on 20 July 1960, which consisted of French Sudan and Senegal. Senegal would later leave the federation.

President of Mali

After the collapse of the federation, the US-RDA proclaimed the Sudanese Republic's complete independence as the Republic of Mali. Keïta became its first president, and soon afterward declared the US-RDA to be the only legal party.

President Keïta, whose Sudanese Union-African Democratic Rally (US/RDA) party had dominated pre-independence politics (as a member of the African Democratic Rally), moved quickly to declare a single-party state and to pursue a socialist policy based on extensive nationalization. Keïta withdrew from the French Community and also had close ties to the Eastern bloc. A continuously deteriorating economy led to a decision to rejoin the Franc Zone in 1967 and modify some of the economic excesses.

As a socialist, he led his country towards the progressive socialization of the economy; at first starting with agriculture and trade, then in October 1960 creating the SOMIEX (Malian Import and Export Company), which had a monopoly over the exports of the products of Mali, as well as manufactured and food imports (e.g. sugar, tea, powdered milk) and their distribution inside the country. The establishment of the Malian franc in 1962, and the difficulties of provisioning, resulted in a severe inflation and dissatisfaction of the population, particularly the peasants and the businessmen. The authorities were also trying to introduce tough anti-slavery policies, which persisted in some parts of the country despite the official ban.

In June 1961, he paid a state visit to the United Kingdom, where Queen Elizabeth II invested him as an honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Saint Michael and Saint George. Although Keïta was initially viewed with some wariness by the United States because of his socialist views, he made it clear that he sought good relations with Washington. In September 1961, he travelled to America in the company of Sukarno and met with President John F. Kennedy. Keïta, afterward, felt that he had a friend in Kennedy. He travelled to the United States after the 1st Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in Belgrade, FPR Yugoslavia where the conference delegated him with expressing their common positions to the American administration.

He also resolved the Conflict between Morocco and Algeria and would also try to form a union between Ghana, and Guinea and worked tirelessly to improve relations with the countries of Senegal. He would also win the Lenin Peace Prize for his attempts on rebuilding the economy of Mali with socialism. However Mali was dealing with financial and economic problems, made worse by an especially poor harvest in 1968 which would later lead to a coup.

On the political level, Modibo Keïta quickly imprisoned opponents like Fily Dabo Sissoko. The first post-independence elections, in 1964, saw a single list of 80 US-RDA candidates returned to the National Assembly, and Keïta was duly reelected to another term as president by the legislature. From 22 August 1967, he started the "revolution active" and suspended the constitution by creating the National Committee for the Defense of the Revolution (Comité national de défense de la révolution, CNDR). The exactions of the "milice populaire" (the US-RDA militia) and the devaluation of the Malian franc in 1967 brought general unrest.

On 19 November 1968, General Moussa Traoré overthrew Modibo Keïta in a coup d'état, and sent him to prison in the northern Malian town of Kidal.

After being transferred back to the capital Bamako in February 1977 in what was claimed to be an action by the government towards national reconciliation in preparation for his release, Modibo Keïta died, still a prisoner, on May 16, 1977. His reputation was rehabilitated in 1992 following the overthrow of Moussa Traoré and subsequent elections of president Alpha Oumar Konaré. A monument to Modibo Keïta was dedicated in Bamako on June 6, 1999.

As a Pan-Africanist

Modibo Keïta devoted his entire life to African unity. He first played a part in the creation of the Federation of Mali with Léopold Sédar Senghor. After its collapse, he moved away from Léopold Sédar Senghor, but with Sékou Touré, the president of Guinea, and Kwame Nkrumah, the President of Ghana, he formed the Union of the States of Western Africa. In 1963, he played an important role in drafting the charter of the Organization of African Unity (OAU).

In 1963, he invited the king of Morocco and the president of Algeria to Bamako, in the hope of ending the Sand War, a frontier conflict between the two nations. Along with Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, Keïta was successful in negotiating the Bamako Accords, which brought an end to the conflict. As a result, he won the Lenin Peace Prize that year.

From 1963 to 1966, he normalized relations with the countries of Senegal, Upper Volta and Côte d'Ivoire. An advocate of the Non-Aligned Movement, Modibo defended the nationalist movements like the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN).

In literature
Malian author Massa Makan Diabaté satirizes Keïta's presidency in his 1979 novel Le boucher de Kouta (The Butcher of Kouta), which features a socialist, dictatorial president named "Bagabaga Daba" (literally, "ant with a big mouth"), who is later removed by a military coup.

title: Modibo Keïta


text:
CVR

CVR may refer to:

Business and economics

 * Central Business Register (Denmark), the Danish government register of businesses
 * Contingent value rights, in corporate finance, rights granted by an acquirer to a company’s shareholder
 * Conversion rate, term used to calculate website visitors in Internet marketing

Transport

 * Churnet Valley Railway, a heritage railway in Staffordshire, England
 * Cimarron Valley Railroad, a railway track in the United states
 * Clogher Valley Railway, a former narrow gauge railway in Northern Ireland
 * Cockpit voice recorder, a type of aircraft flight recorder that records audio information
 * Colne Valley Railway, a heritage railway in Essex, England
 * Combat Vehicle Reconnaissance — two British armoured vehicle series:
 * Combat Vehicle Reconnaissance (Tracked), or CVR(T)
 * Fox armoured reconnaissance vehicle, or CVR(W)
 * C.V.R. (automobile), French car manufacturer (1906–1907)
 * CVR, the ICAO airline designator for Chevron, United States

Other

 * Charlie Victor Romeo, a 1999 play and 2013 film
 * Chateauguay Valley Regional High School in Ormstown, Quebec, Canada
 * Clyde Valley Racing, a British motorsport team
 * Cockpit voice recorder, an aircraft electronic recording device
 * Commission vérité et réconciliation, French name of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (Burundi)
 * County of Vermilion River in Alberta, Canada

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: CVR


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User:Terrorgen

Hi, wikipedia users, I am a (almost) 16-year-old boy I live in Malaysia, a pretty country. I am new here, and I seldom edit anything here because I positioned myself here as a learner. BTW, I will contribute by adding more information that I know and Wikipedia does not have into this wonderful encyclopedia! Thanks Wikipedia!

Note: I have this nickname after a discussion with a friend in my school. There is no copy-cat actions made. It's a coincidence that someone got a same nick (or name) with me Terrorgen

NOTE:those who want a Gmail account, please leave a message on my talk page or email me yonghan at gmail dot com

title: User:Terrorgen


text:
Talk:Oomycete

Untitled
Someone added a taxobox treating these as members of an unranked stramenopile taxon, which was a direct subgroup of the eukaryotes. At the moment, though, we've been keeping the kingdom Protista and using ranks. The classification here is unsettled, and there are several different systems we could use here.

I think what might work best is to take the heterokonts as synonymous with the stramenopiles, as does Cavalier-Smith, rather than applying only to the algal forms, which may be paraphyletic. Cavalier-Smith uses a 5-kingdom system for eukaryotes, and we could move towards that, but for the moment I'm keeping them all crammed in a single division Heterokontophyta. However, it should be noted that's less standard for the expanded group than for the alga-only group. It may be that we want to revert the heterokont article to discussing only the algae, and have the water moulds as a separate division. In that case, should the expanded group be called the stramenopiles, which are stable but usually unranked, or chromists, which make a good kingdom but assume the haptophytes are related?

I would greatly appreciate any input other wikipedians had on this problem. It impacts a lot of protist groups, including some big names like kelp and diatoms. Josh 03:29, 11 Aug 2004 (UTC)

algae/fungi distinction and control methods
If water moulds are actually more like algae than fungi, does this mean that fungicides will be ineffective against them? Is this why Phytophthora cinnamomi has been so hard to control? njh 11:33, 20 September 2005 (UTC)

In short, yes. Fungicides in general work to break down chitin in the fungal cell walls. Since oomycetes lack chitin, those fungicides are useless. Don't let a chemical company tell you otherwise.

American Spelling
The American spelling of "mould" ("mold") should probably be included.

I agree with that.

Hell if I know why wikipedia doesn't default to US spelling.

Pythium causes less damage than Phytophthora??
Gee, I wish I knew this earlier!! Just joking! I realize in a forum such as this, it's important to take into consideration other people's views and be respectful. However, I find that Pythium spp. are just as damaging, if not more so, than their more specific cousins, the Phytophthora spp. Perhaps the view that Phytophthora spp. are more damaging comes from their visibility in causing the Irish potato famine, in addition to the versatility of their spores, which can be dispensed aerially or be aqueously motile. Perhaps a note could be included, with a pointer to my own revision under Pythium (which also includes the appropriate references.... natch)

Nathanow 01:30, 18 February 2006 (UTC)

what do water moulds eat?

Article Title
Is it really correct to redirect oomyctes to water moulds. Large numbers of the taxon are plant pathogens. (a Mentally Efficient Loonies And Nice Insane Elephants creation 13:39, 21 January 2007 (UTC))
 * I've moved the article from Water mould to Oomycete, per the request at WP:RM. There was already a non-trivial history at Oomycete containing the contribution details for some content that was imported into the current article in July, 2004.  In order to preserve the history of that content, I swapped the two articles' histories, so what was previously at Oomycete can now be found in the history of the redirect currently at Water mould. -GTBacchus(talk) 23:19, 19 February 2007 (UTC)
 * Thank you very much you've made me a happy plant pathologist lol (Million_Moments 14:17, 20 April 2007 (UTC)).

Found a half sentence with a line through it
I removed the sentence: water mold comes from everywhere and you can find it in jungles and other places. If you don't like something, you erase it, you don't just draw a line through it. Dream Focus (talk) 23:32, 16 December 2008 (UTC)

Peronosporomycetes
I read in microbiology by prescott, harley and klein 7th ed that the group name is now Peronosporomycetes (and read elsewhere that it has the synonym Peronosporea). Polypipe Wrangler (talk) 02:58, 15 November 2011 (UTC)

More specific please
"Some species can cause disease in fish, and at least one is a pathogen of mammals." Which?? --SCIdude (talk) 14:34, 14 November 2018 (UTC)

Oomycetes or Oomycota?
This article is currently placed at Oomycete, which is the vernacular name for Oomycetes or Oomycota, depending on whether the group is classified as a class or phylum. The taxobox uses Oomycetes and I recently modified the lede for consistency, referring to Oomyctes first with Omycota as the alternative. Using Class Oomycetes in Pseudofungi is the Cavalier-Smith classification and used in Ruggerio et al, but Oomycota is also widely used. For instance, Beakes & Thines (2017) in the Handbook of Protists use Oomycota and have two classes with the -mycetes ending.

There is currently inconsistency across Wikipedia articles and taxoboxes. Miracula (family Miraculaceae) is placed in Oomycetes (within Psuedofungi, Gyrista, Stamenopiles, SAR, etc). However, the articles on five orders (and their component families, genera and species) use a classification with Phylum Oomycota in Heterokonta, Halvaria, Harosa and Chromista. The way things stand, the simplest solution is change the taxomomy templates for the order articles so they are placed in Oomycetes and change any mention of Oomycota in the text.

However, I think it might be best to discuss which classification should be used. Oomyctes or Oomycta? Which source(s)? —  Jts1882 | talk 15:37, 7 September 2023 (UTC)

 * @Jts1882 Oomycetes. It's the one supported by both the International Society of Protistologists (although the Peronosporomycetes name is preferred due to being older) and Cavalier-Smith's scheme, so there's really no room for controversy as far as I'm aware. Oomycota, just like Hyphochytridiomycota or Plasmodiophoromycota, are outdated terms from the 20th century when mycologists were trying to make these groups separate phyla or divisions, with no regard towards their systematic position. —Snoteleks (Talk) 16:56, 7 September 2023 (UTC)
 * What is the full reference for the International Society of Protistologists? And if they prefer Peronosporomycetes, why use Oomycetes? Or am I missing something?
 * Another question? What orders are currently accepted (the lists of traditional orders and newer ones in the article are unsourced)? I've found a number of conflicting sources. We have an article at Pythiales (manual taxobox, parent Oomyctes) but the article at Pythiaceae has an automatic taxobox with parent Peronosporales in Oomycota. —  Jts1882 | talk 17:07, 7 September 2023 (UTC)
 * Here's the reference for the ISP. So yeah, they use Peronosporomycetes, but as far as I know Oomycetes is more popular in usage. They currently accept two "lineages", because their classification is currently being revised (much like the diatoms and dinoflagellates; it seems like another group with a convoluted taxonomic history). These are the so-called "Saprolegnian lineage" and "Peronosporalean lineage" (aka Saprolegniales and Peronosporales, but newly defined in their 2019 paper). —Snoteleks (Talk) 18:24, 7 September 2023 (UTC)
 * They also place in incertae sedis these genera: Atkinsiella, Ciliomyces,  Crypticola,  Ectrogella,  Eurychasma,  Halodaphnea,  Haliphthoros,  Haptoglossa,  Lagena (homonymous with a foraminiferan apparently),  Lagenisma,  Olpidiopsis,  Pontisma,  Pythiella,  Rozellopsis and Sirolpidium. —Snoteleks (Talk) 18:32, 7 September 2023 (UTC)

 * The Saprolegnialean and Peronosporalean lineages correspond with the subclasses or classes in other classifications: Saprolegniidae and Peronosporidae in class Oomycetes (Ruggiero et al, 2015) or Saprolegniomycetes and Peronosporomycetes in Oomycota (Beakes & Thines, 2017). The incertae genera belong to subclass Eogamia or "basal orders" in those classifications; others use "early diverging" orders (e.g. Garvetto et al, 2018).
 * I don't think we should replace the current classification with Adl et al (2019) with Peronosporomycetes, the lineages, and no orders or families. It's not been adopted else where and it seems more a provisional classification pending a more certain resolution of the relationships. That leaves Ruggiero et al (2015) using Oomycetes or Beakes & Thines (2017) using Oomycota. The general structure of both is similar, although there is some difference in orders used. Ruggiero uses Oomycetes and Pseudofungi, which might be the most suitable choice. —  Jts1882 | talk 10:44, 9 September 2023 (UTC)
 * @Jts1882 I absolutely agree that we should not use the provisional classification until further support. But right now I don't support using Oomycota (phylum) over Oomycetes (class). Oomycetes and Pseudofungi seems to me more suitable. What is the exact reference for the Beakes & Thines (2017) paper? —Snoteleks (Talk) 12:22, 9 September 2023 (UTC)
 * Sorry, I got a bit lazy with adding the references. Beakes & Thines (2017) is in the Handbook of the Protists. —  Jts1882 | talk 12:36, 9 September 2023 (UTC)
 * @Jts1882 No worries. I'll check it out, I have the book downloaded. —Snoteleks (Talk) 15:40, 9 September 2023 (UTC)
 * @Jts1882 After some brief reading it seems that their taxonomic framework is also provisional (see Table 1 caption of their chapter). Also, it seems incompatible with Cavalier-Smith's phylum Gyrista that unites Pseudofungi and Ochrophytes as subphyla, because they treat both Pseudofungi subgroups as phyla themselves. Like I said before, this is the issue with classifications of fungus-like organisms that do not consider the taxonomic ranks of their closest non-fungus-like relatives; they end up being incompatible with more complete classifications. They also use Kingdom Straminipila which has fallen out of use, making it also incompatible with the cladistic scheme of the ISP. I would like to see if papers more recent than 2019 agree with this scheme. —Snoteleks (Talk) 15:50, 9 September 2023 (UTC)

A little timeline in the history please?
"Oomycetes were originally grouped with fungi due to similarities in morphology and lifestyle. However, molecular and phylogenetic studies revealed significant differences between fungi and oomycetes which means the latter are now grouped with the stramenopiles" When was this done? Number774 (talk) 20:07, 16 May 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Oomycete


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Little Obed River

The Little Obed River is a ten mile long stream in the Cumberland Plateau in Cumberland County, Tennessee.

The Little Obed rises east of Crossville and from near its source flows in a deep gorge that it has cut into the rocks capping the plateau, primarily sandstones of the Pennsylvanian Period. The depth of the gorge seems disproportionate to the size of the stream, as is typical of many of the streams of the plateau. The erosive power of plateau streams is considerable because of the frequent and often intense rainfall in the area. The Little Obed and its gorge are bridged by U.S. Highway 127 just north of Crossville; the Little Obed's confluence with the Obed River is slightly northwest of Crossville near the remains of a former bridge on an abandoned railroad that once linked Nashville and Knoxville.

title: Little Obed River


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Mike Malloy

Michael Dennis Malloy (born July 1, 1942) is a progressive American radio broadcaster based in Atlanta. Previously his show has been carried by WSB (AM) Atlanta, WLS (AM) Chicago, the I.E. America Radio Network, the Air America Radio network, Nova M Radio and the On Second Thought network. He is now self-syndicated. Politically, he describes himself as "a traditional Liberal Democrat doing his part to return the Democratic Party to its Liberal roots."

Early life and career
Malloy was born in Toledo, Ohio. His mother was a waitress, and his father was a construction cost analyst. He studied English and political science at North Carolina State University, the University of Toledo, Georgia State University, and Jacksonville University. In the late 1970s, Malloy relocated to Atlanta and became editor of the alternative weekly newspaper Creative Loafing and actor with the Southern Theater Conspiracy. From 1984 to 1987, he was a news writer with CNN, and he was a writer and producer for CNN International in 2000.

Radio career
Malloy began his radio career in 1985 as an apprentice with Ludlow Porch of WCNN in Atlanta (not related to CNN). Malloy hosted an afternoon (12 p.m. to 2 p.m.) show on WSB in Atlanta from 1986 to 1988 and 1992 to March 24, 1995, until WSB replaced him with the syndicated program of Laura Schlessinger. Malloy's WSB program competed against conservative talk show The Rush Limbaugh Show on rival station WGST. On July 5, 1995, Malloy began a new show in the 12 p.m. to 3 p.m. daypart on WQXI as brokered programming. On October 2, 1996, Malloy began hosting a late-night show on WRFG, a non-commercial FM station in Atlanta known as Radio Free Georgia. During his career in Atlanta, Malloy contributed opinion articles and editorials to the Atlanta Journal-Constitution.

In 1997, Malloy began to host a show that aired from 10 p.m. to 1 a.m. on the Chicago station WLS. Malloy's WLS program was regularly among the top 25 late-night programs in Chicago. In 1999 and 2000, Talkers magazine ranked Malloy in its Heavy Hundred listing, and Malloy won an Achievement in Radio award for best overnight radio show in Chicago. Malloy's last WLS show was on March 24, 2000. WLS claims that he voluntarily left with mutual consent, but Chicago Tribune columnist Eric Zorn claimed that an executive at the station called Malloy "mean-spirited" in an e-mail.

His program was syndicated between October 2000 and February 2004 on I.E. America Radio Network. The Mike Malloy Show was aired during the 9PM-12AM (ET) timeslot from 2004 until August 2006 on Air America Radio. His time at I.E. America didn't last long. From August to October 2006, Malloy could be heard on the Head On Radio Network. The network rebroadcast Malloy programs from his i.e. America and Air America Radio programs nightly at 10:00 PM. The show was heard on Nova M Radio beginning on October 30, 2006. The show was then briefly heard on the On Second Thought network.

Mike Malloy is now self-syndicating his radio program. He is currently being heard in 13 markets across America. Direct listener support is enabled through the sale of podcast subscriptions via his website.

Controversy
On May 4, 2011, Malloy made remarks regarding the killing of Osama bin Laden, stating:"All the death in Iraq was not caused by bin Laden. The death in Iraq was caused by George W. Bush. Five thousand Americans, tens of thousands permanently damaged and shot to pieces, a million Iraqis dead – that wasn't bin Laden. That was George Bush. So when does Seal Unit 6, or whatever it's called, drop in on George Bush? Bush was responsible for a lot more death, innocent death, than bin Laden."The comment drew critical national attention.

title: Mike Malloy


text: Category:Battles of the Anglo-Zulu War

title: Category:Battles of the Anglo-Zulu War


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Australian Plate

The Australian Plate is a major tectonic plate in the eastern and, largely, southern hemispheres. Originally a part of the ancient continent of Gondwana, Australia remained connected to India and Antarctica until approximately when India broke away and began moving north. Australia and Antarctica had begun rifting by and completely separated a while after this, some believing as recently as, but most accepting presently that this had occurred by.

The Australian plate later fused with the adjacent Indian Plate beneath the Indian Ocean to form a single Indo-Australian Plate. However, recent studies suggest that the two plates have once again split apart and have been separate plates for at least 3 million years and likely longer. The Australian Plate includes the continent of Australia, including Tasmania, as well as portions of New Guinea, New Zealand and the Indian Ocean basin.

Scope
The continental crust of this plate covers the whole of Australia, the Gulf of Carpentaria, southern New Guinea, the Arafura Sea, the Coral Sea. The continental crust also includes northwestern New Zealand, New Caledonia and Fiji. The oceanic crust includes the southeast Indian Ocean, the Tasman Sea, and the Timor Sea. The Australian Plate is bordered (clockwise) by the Eurasian Plate, the Philippine Plate, the Pacific Plate, the Antarctic Plate, the African Plate and the Indian Plate. It is however known from movement studies that this definition of the Australian Plate is 20% less accurate than one that assumes independently moving Capricorn, and Macquarie microplates.

Geography
The northeasterly side is a complex but generally convergent boundary with the Pacific Plate. The Pacific Plate is subducting under the Australian Plate, which forms the Tonga and Kermadec Trenches, and the parallel Tonga and Kermadec island arcs. It has also uplifted the eastern parts of New Zealand's North Island.

The continent of Zealandia, which separated from Australia and stretches from New Caledonia in the north to New Zealand's subantarctic islands in the south, is now being torn apart along the transform boundary marked by the Alpine Fault.

South of New Zealand the boundary becomes a transitional transform-convergent boundary, the Macquarie Fault Zone, where the Australian Plate is beginning to subduct under the Pacific Plate along the Puysegur Trench. Extending southwest of this trench is the Macquarie Ridge.

The southerly side is a divergent boundary with the Antarctic Plate called the Southeast Indian Ridge (SEIR).

The subducting boundary through Indonesia is not parallel to the biogeographical Wallace line that separates the indigenous fauna of Asia from that of Australasia. The eastern islands of Indonesia lie mainly on the Eurasian Plate, but have Australasian-related fauna and flora. Southeasterly lies the Sunda Shelf.

To the east of Indonesia there appears to be under the Indian Ocean a deformation zone between the Indian and Australian Plates with both earthquake and global satellite navigation system data indicating that India and Australia are not moving on the same vectors northward and have started a process of again separating. This zone is along the northern NinetyEast Ridge which implies this area presently is weaker tectonically than the area where originally the Indian and Australian plates merged which is believed to have been further to the north west. There is also deformation in an approximately 1200 km zone north of the Southeast Indian Ridge between the Australian Plate and the proposed Capricorn Plate.

Origins
It is known that the Eastern Pilbara Craton within present day Western Australia, contains some of the oldest surface rocks on earth being pristine crust up to 3.8 billion years ago. Accordingly the Pilbara Craton continues to be studied for clues as to the commencement and subsequent course of plate tectonics.

Depositional age of the Mount Barren Group on the southern margin of the Yilgarn Craton and zircon provenance analysis support the hypothesis that collisions between the Pilbara–Yilgarn and Yilgarn–Gawler Cratons assembled a proto-Australian continent approximately (Dawson et al. 2002).

Australia and East Antarctica were merged with Gondwana between 570 and starting in the Ediacaran (South African Kuunga Orogeny).

As a separate plate the Australian Plate came into being on the breakup of Gondwana with final separation from what is now the Antarctic Plate and Zealandia starting in the Early Cretaceous between about and finishing in the Cenomanian at about. The separation continued with various authors modelling full separation time based on sea levels and/or biological separation. A currently widely used reference model for plate movement has total separation of Tasmania by 60 million years ago although some had argued historically that this was as recent as 45 million years ago.

Speed
The Australian Plate, which Australia is on, is moving faster than other plates. The Australian Plate is moving about 6.9 cm (2.7 inches) a year in a northward direction and with a small clockwise rotation. The Global Positioning System must be updated due to the movement, as some locations move faster.

Technically movement is a vector and requires to be related to something. Much of the work involved in determining these plate vectors involves assurance that the points of reference are representative of the plates they are on, as distortion will be likely in areas of tectonic activity. Further assumptions such as there are only 8 plates were made in earlier modelling when as many as 52 may exist, with independent movement, although fair accuracy for larger plate movement can be obtained if only 25 are modelled.

In terms of the middle of India and Australia landmasses, with Australia as the point of reference, presently Australia is moving northward at 3 cm per year with respect to India consistent with a zone of deformation between the two plates as commented upon earlier. This zone of deformation may actually presently involve some of India.

The northwards collision of the Australian Plate with the Sunda Plate (Sundaland Plate, previously classified as part of Eurasian Plate) has a maximum convergence velocity of 7.3 cm per year ± 0.8 cm per year at the Java Trench decreasing to 6.0 cm ± 0.04 cm per year at the southern Sumatra Trench.

The eastern collision with the Pacific Plate has increasing displacement rates towards the north from a low of less than 0.2 cm per year at the southern end of the Macquarie Fault Zone, where there is the major plate Macquarie Triple Junction with the Pacific and Antarctic plates. Due to vector complexities at the north eastern end of this collision, which includes several spreading centres, it is perhaps simplest to state that the average displacement rate to the north is about half that of the collision with the Sunda Plate, but this would not explain some of the largest and most destructive recent earthquakes and eruptions on the face of the planet.

There is oblique convergence of what are now the Pacific and Australian plates at about 11 cm/year near eastern Papua New Guinea. This has resulted in shear complexities, resolved by the formation of multiple microplates and convergence velocity that varies between 2 - 48 cm/year where the Solomon Sea Plate subducts under the South Bismarck Plate and Pacific Plate at the New Britain subduction zone. To the south of this there is sea floor spreading between the Australian Plate and the Woodlark Plate in the Woodlark Basin while the subduction of the oceanic crust of the Australian Plate occurs to the south east in the New Hebrides Trench of the Vanuatu subduction zone under the New Hebrides Plate. As we go south the convergence rate falls from 17 cm/year north of the Torres Islands to 4 cm/year in the central section of the trench, to rise again to 12 cm/year in the south.

Very active spreading then resumes in the North Fiji Basin where the edge of the Australian plate makes a transition in a bend up towards the north-east via the transform faults of the Hunter Fracture Zone to Fiji. The Australian Plate interacts at the southern and south-eastern border of the North Fiji Basin with the microplates of the New Hebrides already mentioned, as well as with the Conway Reef Plate and the Balmoral Reef Plates. To the west of Fiji the Australian Plate interacts in the spreading centre of the Lau Basin with the Niuafo'ou Plate and the clockwise rotating Tonga Plate under which the Pacific Plate is subducting in the Kermadec-Tonga subduction zone. The back arc spreading in the Lau Basin continues almost due south in the line of interaction between the Australian and Tonga plates to the Kermadec Plate and on to New Zealand where direct interaction resumes with the Pacific Plate south of the Taupō Volcanic Zone and such direct interaction continues into the Macquarie Fault Zone to the south of New Zealand. There is up to 9.6 cm per year motion accommodated with complex rotational components in the collision dynamics between the north eastern Australian Plate and the rotating Tonga Plate, the long thin Kermadec Plate and the south western aspects of the Pacific Plate. The Pacific Plate east to west convergence rates along the subduction systems with the Kermadec Plate, which are perhaps simpler to state, are among the fastest on Earth, being 8 cm per year in the north and 4.5 cm per year in the south.

At the central Alpine Fault in New Zealand the subduction component of the Pacific Plate moving westward is about 3.9 cm per year. The Australian Plate then to the south starts subducting under the Pacific Plate at a rate of 3.6 cm/year at the Puysegur Trench, which ends in the south as a long series of transform faults between the two plates called the Macquarie Ridge Complex, commencing with the McDougall Fault Zone and ending with the Macquarie Fault Zone. The south western portion of the zone has the Pacific Plate interacting with an area of the Australian Plate that the latest tectonic models suggest is still independent from when it first achieved independent rotation to the then Indo-Australian Plate several million years ago, the Macquarie microplate.

Data from the 11800 km long Southeast Indian Ridge only became available after about 1985 and this gives a fairly consistent spreading rate between the Antarctic and Australian Plates of 6 cm per year at a heading of 80° (slightly north of due east, at the Amsterdam transform fault to the south western side of Australian Plate), 7 cm per year with heading 120° (southeast) and 6.6 cm per year near the Macquarie Triple Junction which is the south eastern side of the Australian Plate.

The Capricorn plate at the western side of the Australian plate is moving at 1.9 mm per year ± 0.5 mm per year with heading 45° (northwest) relative to the Australia plate.

title: Australian Plate


text:
Talk:List of Barbadians

From VfD:

Notable Bajans are already listed in the List of Eastern Caribbean people, and the sole person included in "List of Barbadians" is apparently not very well-known. --Sesel 03:45, 11 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * What? No Gordon Greenridge? No Walcott, Weekes or Worrell? No Sir Garfield Sobers? Garfield Sobers not listed? I mean, really. I'm shocked. Really, really shocked. Average Earthman 15:48, 11 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Joel Garner as well, of course. I've added them to the list of Barbadians in the 'List of Eastern Caribbean people'. Next is to add articles on them. Average Earthman 15:51, 11 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Unless expanded, I don't see the usefulness of this article. Skyler 18:15, Aug 11, 2004 (UTC)
 * Looks like it's been redirected to list of Eastern Caribbean people -- keep as a redirect. Wile E. Heresiarch 14:36, 12 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * I agree, best thing to do. Average Earthman 16:56, 12 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * I'll go along with that. Keep as a redirect. Skyler 23:21, Aug 12, 2004 (UTC)

end moved discussion

title: Talk:List of Barbadians


text: Category:Anglo-Zulu War

title: Category:Anglo-Zulu War


text:
Section 8 (military)

Section 8 was a category of military discharge employed by the United States Armed Forces which was used for servicemembers judged mentally unfit for service. This type of discharge was also often given to cross-dressers, gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender personnel in the U.S. military.

History
The term comes from Section VIII of the World War II–era United States Army Regulation 615–360, concerning the separation of enlisted men from military service. Section VIII provided for the discharge of men who were deemed mentally unfit for military service.

The term "Section 8" eventually came to mean any service member given such a discharge, or behaving as if deserving such a discharge, as in the expression, "he's a Section 8".

Section 8 discharges were often given to members of the LGBT community, as they were deemed mentally unfit to serve in the military. A Section 8 discharge often made it difficult for people to find work in civilian life and did not allow for veterans benefits.

Discharge under Section 8 is no longer practiced, as medical discharges for psychological or psychiatric reasons are now covered by a number of regulations. In the Army, such discharges are handled under the provisions of AR 635–200, Active Duty Enlisted Administrative Separations. Chapter 5, paragraph 13 governs the separation of personnel medically diagnosed with a personality disorder.

In popular culture

 * Section 8 became a household phrase when used in the 1970s TV series M*A*S*H, in which the character Corporal Klinger was continually seeking one (until he eventually abandoned his efforts). His preferred method of doing so was cross-dressing, but other attempts included threatening to set himself on fire and consuming a Jeep piece by piece.
 * In the 2007 video game Halo 3, the marine allies will occasionally ask the player if they have 'gone Section 8' if they shoot them. If the player kills too many of them, one may yell 'He's gone Section 8!' and start shooting the player back.
 * In the 2019 video game Call of Duty: Modern Warfare, the character Sgt. Wayne Dylan Davis ("D-Day") is given a Section 8 discharge after the failed rescue attempt of a teammate
 * In the 2003 movie Basic, a DEA agent Tom Hardy (John Travolta) investigates a group of apparently insane mercenary Rangers turned drug dealers calling themselves Section 8.
 * In Stanley Kubrick's 1987 film Full Metal Jacket the character of Pvt. Leonard "Gomer Pyle" Lawrence (Vincent D'Onofrio) is described as potentially being a Section 8 when it is noticed that he talks to his rifle, and another rifleman in the Lusthog Squad, aptly named Hand Job, was sent to a Navy psychologist due to excessive masturbation (as Cowboy put it, "jerking off 10 times a day") and was instantly classified as a Section 8 after he started masturbating in the waiting room.
 * American deathcore band Whitechapel featured a song called "Section 8" on their self-titled album from 2012.
 * In the war novel A Separate Peace the character Elwin "Leper" Lepellier gets a Section 8 discharge from the ski troops because he was hallucinating due to sleep deprivation.
 * In the 1993 film Cliffhanger, the character Travis goes rogue, saying "I've gone full fucking Section 8!"
 * In the 2022 film Section Eight, a group of discharged soldiers become secret assassins.

Notable examples
During World War II, in November 1943, at age 17, actor Sidney Poitier lied about his age and enlisted in the Army. He was assigned to a Veteran's Administration hospital in Northport, New York, and was trained to work with psychiatric patients. Poitier became upset with how the hospital treated its patients and feigned mental illness to obtain a discharge. Poitier confessed to a psychiatrist that he was faking his condition, but the doctor was sympathetic and granted his discharge under Section VIII of Army regulation 615–360 in December 1944.

title: Section 8 (military)


text:
New Zealand Office for the Community & Voluntary Sector

The New Zealand Office for the Community and Voluntary Sector (OCVS) was established in 2003. It was administered by the Ministry of Social Development until February 2011, when it became part of the Department of Internal Affairs.

Purpose
The Office for the Community and Voluntary Sector's vision is for a strong community-government relationship. In practice, this means providing an accessible central contact point for government agencies in their work with the community and voluntary sector, and promoting good practice models between government agencies and their community sector partners.

Work Programme
As well as providing advice to the Minister and Associate Minister for the Community and Voluntary Sector, the OCVS has five inter-related parts to its work programme:
 * supporting work to build the capacity of the sector, such as funding the Community Sector Taskforce to undertake community-driven initiatives
 * building knowledge about the community sector and volunteering, for example, work on the Study of the New Zealand Non-profit Sector that helped provide a clearer picture of the nature and extent of non-profit sector activity within New Zealand
 * providing other government agencies with advice on overcoming policy barriers and addressing issues of concern to the community and voluntary sector
 * actively supporting the development and promotion of good practice by government agencies when engaging with or funding the sector, for example through the ‘good practice in action’ seminar series.
 * promoting generosity - the giving of time and money - such as working with Volunteering New Zealand to help promote International Volunteer Day and Volunteer Awareness Week, and with Inland Revenue to inform people about payroll giving.

Some key facts about New Zealand’s non-profit sector:

 * It has more than 97,000 non-profit organisations.
 * New Zealand's non-profit sector contributes 2.6% to GDP.
 * This increases to $6.95 billion (or 4.9% of GDP) when taking into account the volunteer labour contribution. (This is similar to the contribution of the entire construction industry.)
 * The sector contains more than 1.2 million volunteers who give more than 270 million hours of unpaid labour to the sector.
 * Non-profits have over 105,000 paid employees – but only 10% of all non-profit organisations employ paid staff (the other 90% rely entirely on volunteers).

Publications and resources
The Office for the Community and Voluntary Sector operates two "toolkit sites" to assist New Zealand public servants in their work with community and voluntary sector organisations:

 * Good Practice Participate
 * Good Practice Funding

The OCVS also offers a number of publications of interest, which provide more detail on the community and voluntary sector in New Zealand:

 * an electronic newsletter is produced eight times a year
 * Quarterly Generosity Indicators measuring the giving of time, money and goods
 * Keeping it Legal E Ai Ki Te Ture – Legal Responsibilities of Voluntary Organisations (Dec 2005)
 * Briefing to the Incoming Minister:
 * Mahi Aroha - Māori perspectives on volunteering and cultural obligations
 * Managing Well – Resources for Community and Voluntary Organisations (Aug 2005)
 * Government Policy on Volunteering (Dec 2002)
 * He Waka Kotuia – Joining Together on a Shared Journey: Report of the Community-Government Relationship Steering Group (Aug 2002)
 * Communities and Government – Potential for Partnership: Summary Report of the Community and Voluntary Sector Working Party (Apr 2001)

The above publications can be viewed on the website or requested from the OCVS (e-mail: ocvs@dia.govt.nz).


text:
At Play in the Fields of the Lord

At Play in the Fields of the Lord is a 1991 epic adventure drama film directed by Héctor Babenco, adapted from the 1965 novel of the same name by American author Peter Matthiessen. The screenplay was written by Babenco and Jean-Claude Carrière, and stars Tom Berenger, John Lithgow, Daryl Hannah, Aidan Quinn, Tom Waits and Kathy Bates.

Director and producer James Cameron stated that At Play in the Fields of the Lord was used as a reference for the 2009 blockbuster film Avatar.

Plot
A pair of explorers, Lewis Moon and Wolf, become stranded in Mãe de Deus (Portuguese: Mother of God), an outpost in the deep Brazilian Amazon River basin, after their plane runs out of fuel.

The local police commander wants the Niaruna tribe, living upriver, to move their village so they will not be killed by gold miners moving into the area and cause trouble for him with the provincial government. The commander cuts a deal with Moon: if he and his fellow mercenary would bomb the Niaruna village from the air and drive them away, they will be given enough fuel for their airplane and be allowed to leave.

Born-again Christian evangelist (and missionary) Martin Quarrier and his wife Hazel arrive with their son Billy, to spread the Christian gospel to the Niaruna indigenous natives. They arrive in Mãe de Deus to meet fellow missionaries Leslie and Andy Huben, who live with a Niaruna helper. In town, they meet a Catholic priest who wants to re-establish a mission to the Niarunas, as the former missionary was killed by them.

Moon and Wolf leave in their plane to attack the Niaruna. But upon seeing the community with his own eyes as well as a native American firing an arrow at the plane, Moon has second thoughts. The plane returns to Mãe de Deus.

That night, after a discussion with Wolf, Quarrier and the priest, Moon takes a native drug and begins hallucinating. He takes off alone in his plane and parachutes into the Niaruna village. Moon, a half-Native American Cheyenne, aligns himself with the Niarunas. He is accepted as "Kisu-Mu", one of the Niaruna gods, and begins to adapt to Niaruna life and culture.

The four evangelists travel upriver to establish their mission. Native Americans originally converted by the Catholics turn up, awaiting the arrival of the Niaruna. Eventually they do come and accept the gifts that the Quarriers offer, not staying long.

Young Billy dies of blackwater fever (a serious complication of malaria), causing Hazel to lose her sanity. She is returned to Mãe de Deus. Martin becomes despondent, arguing with Leslie and gradually losing his faith.

Meanwhile, Moon encounters Andy swimming nude. After they kiss, Moon catches her cold. He returns to the Niaruna camp and inadvertently infects everyone. Much of the tribe becomes sick. Moon and the tribe's leaders go to the missionary Leslie to beg for drugs.

Leslie refuses, but Martin agrees to provide the drugs. He travels to the Niaruna village with the missionaries' young helper. In the village, after Martin speaks with Moon, helicopters arrive to begin bombing. Martin survives the bombing, but is killed by his helper soon after. Moon is exposed as a man and not a god. He runs, ending up alone.

Cast

 * Tom Berenger as Lewis Moon
 * John Lithgow as Leslie Huben
 * Daryl Hannah as Andy Huben
 * Aidan Quinn as Martin Quarrier
 * Kathy Bates as Hazel Quarrier
 * Tom Waits as Wolf
 * Stênio Garcia as Boronai
 * Nelson Xavier as Father Xantes
 * José Dumont as Commander Guzman
 * Niilo Kivirinta as Billy Quarrier

Background
Producer Saul Zaentz first tried to make this film in 1965. He discovered that MGM owned the rights to Peter Matthiessen's novel. Zaentz continued to try to buy the property every time there was a top executive change at MGM until 1989, when the new studio heads Jay Kanter and Alan Ladd, Jr. decided that MGM would not make the film. Zaentz then paid $1.4 million for the rights. In 1983, both Taylor Hackford and Keith Barish attempted to get the film, but the company would end up getting sued by MGM/UA Entertainment Co. for breaching an agreement to co-develop the film.

The picture was filmed in Belém, Pará, Brazil. It was released to theaters in the U.S. on December 6, 1991. While the film has been released to VHS and Laserdisc, the film was never released on DVD nor Blu-ray in the U.S., but it is available to buy or rent digitally (in standard definition only) via Google Play, Amazon Prime Video, and YouTube.

Mill Creek Entertainment released a pan and scan version of the film on DVD along with The Apostle on September 26, 2023.

Critical reception
Review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes reported that 57% of critics gave the film a positive review, based on reviews from 7 critics.

Noted Chicago Sun Times critic Roger Ebert, who had read the novel and believed the film is true to its themes, awarded the film 3 and a half out of 4 stars. In his review, Ebert makes the case that producer Saul Zaentz has a history of producing "unfilmable" source material. He wrote, "Watching it, we are looking at a morality play about a world in which sincere people create unwitting mischief so that evil people can have their way. The movie essentially argues that all peoples have a right to worship their own gods without interference, but it goes further to observe that if your god lives in the land and the trees, then if we destroy your land, we kill your god. These messages are buried in the very fabric of the film, in the way it was shot, in its use of locations, and we are not told them, we absorb them."

Vincent Canby of The New York Times had mixed feelings about the film but did like the acting and the screenplay, and wrote, "At Play in the Fields of the Lord doesn't play smoothly, but it often plays well ... Mr. Lithgow and Miss Hannah, who grows more secure as an actress with every film, are fine in complex roles that are exceptionally well written ... Though the film features a spectacular penultimate sequence, it seems not to know how to end. It sort of drifts away, perhaps trying to soften its own well-earned pessimism."

Critic Jeffrey Westhoff writing for Northwest Herald expressed dislike for the film, stating, "Some books should remain books."

Awards
Wins Nominations
 * Los Angeles Film Critics Association Awards: 1991 LAFCA Award; Best Music, Zbigniew Preisner
 * Golden Globe: Golden Globe; Best Original Score — Motion Picture, Zbigniew Preisner; 1991

Interview

 * Lauro Escorel interview (cinematographer), August 26, 1991, at the Internet Archive (1:22m)

title: At Play in the Fields of the Lord


text:
User:NanshuBot~enwiki

I (Nanshu) reserved this account. Currently I have no plan to run a fully automatic bot, but I created an assistant robot to fix double redirects. It runs under the user name Nanshu until this bug is fixed.

title: User:NanshuBot~enwiki


text:
Section 8 (housing)

Section 8 of the Housing Act of 1937, commonly known as Section 8, provides rental housing assistance to low-income households in the United States by paying private landlords on behalf of these tenants. Approximately 68% of this assistance benefits seniors, children, and individuals with disabilities. The Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) oversees Section 8 programs, which are administered locally by public housing agencies (PHAs).

In 2022, about 2.3 million out of the 5.2 million households receiving rental assistance used Section 8 vouchers. While landlord participation is voluntary, some states and municipalities have laws preventing income-based discrimination. Voucher amounts vary depending on city or county, size of unit, and other factors. Voucher recipients typically have 2 to 4 months to secure housing that meets HUD standards; otherwise, they lose their vouchers and must reapply. Wait lists for vouchers can be very long, ranging from 10 to 20 years, with many local programs closed to new applicants.

Voucher amounts are based on Fair Market Rents (FMRs) set by HUD. The recently introduced Small Area Fair Market Rents (SAFMRs) program refines these calculations to the zip code level in major metropolitan areas.

History
Federal housing assistance programs started during the Great Depression. In the 1960s and 1970s, the federal government created subsidy programs to increase the production of low-income housing and to help families pay their rent. In 1965, the Section 236 Leased Housing Program amended the U.S. Housing Act. This subsidy program, the predecessor to the modern program, was not a pure housing allowance program. Housing authorities selected eligible families from their waiting list, placed them in housing from a master list of available units, and determined the rent that tenants would have to pay. The housing authority would then sign a lease with the private landlord and pay the difference between the tenant's rent and the market rate for the same size unit. In the agreement with the private landlord, housing authorities agreed to perform regular building maintenance and leasing functions for Section 236 tenants, and annually reviewed the tenant's income for program eligibility and rent calculations.

The Housing and Urban Development Act of 1970 introduced the federal Experimental Housing Allowance Program (EHAP) and the Community Development Corporation and authorized larger outlays for housing subsidy programs and rent supplements for moderate-income households.

In the 1970s, when studies showed that the worst housing problem afflicting low-income people was no longer substandard housing, but the high percentage of income spent on housing, Congress passed the Housing and Community Development Act of 1974, further amending the U.S. Housing Act of 1937 to create the Section 8 Program. In the Section 8 Program, tenants pay about 30 percent of their income for rent, while the rest of the rent is paid with federal money.

The Section 8 program initially had three subprograms—New Construction, Substantial Rehabilitation, and Existing Housing Certificate programs. The Moderate Rehabilitation Program was added in 1978, the Voucher Program in 1983, and the Project-based Certificate program in 1991. The number of units a local housing authority can subsidize under its Section 8 programs is determined by Congressional funding. Since its inception, some Section 8 programs have been phased out and new ones created, although Congress has always renewed existing subsidies.

The 2008 Consolidated Appropriations Act (Public Law 110-161) enacted December 26, 2007, allocated $75 million in funding for the HUD-Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing (HUD-VASH) voucher program, authorized under section 8(o)(19) of the United States Housing Act of 1937. This new program combines HUD Housing Choice Voucher rental assistance for homeless veterans with case management and clinical service support which is provided by the Veterans Affairs administration at its own medical centers and also in the community.

Summary
The main Section 8 program involves the voucher program. A voucher may be either "project-based"—where its use is limited to a specific apartment complex (public housing agencies (PHAs) may reserve up to 20% of its vouchers as such )—or "tenant-based", where the tenant is free to choose a unit in the private sector, is not limited to specific complexes, and may reside anywhere in the United States (or Puerto Rico) where a PHA operates a Section 8 program.

Under the voucher program, individuals or families with a voucher find and lease a unit (either in a specified complex or in the private sector) and pay a portion of the rent. Most households pay 30% of their adjusted income for Section 8 housing. Adjusted income is a household's gross (total) income minus deductions for dependents under 18 years of age, full-time students, disabled persons, or an elderly household, and certain disability assistance and medical expenses.

There is an asset test in addition to earned income. Over a certain amount, HUD will add income even if the Section 8 tenant does not receive any interest income from, for example, a bank account. HUD calls this "imputed income from assets" and, in the case of a bank account, HUD establishes a standard "Passbook Savings Rate" to calculate the imputed income from the asset. By increasing the amount of a tenant's total income, the amount of imputed income from assets may affect a tenant's assigned portion of rent.

The PHA pays the landlord the remainder of the rent. Each year, the federal government looks at the rents being charged for privately owned apartments in different communities, as well as the costs of utilities (heat, electricity, etc.) in those communities. The Fair Market Rents (FMRs) are amounts (rents plus utilities) for medium-quality apartments of different sizes in a particular community. As an example, the 2012 FMR for 1 bedroom housing in San Francisco is $1,522 and in New York is $1,280, while in many other places it is less than $500.

The landlord cannot charge a Section 8 tenant more than a reasonable rent and cannot accept payments outside the contract.

Landlords, although required to meet fair housing laws, are not required to participate in the Section 8 program. As a result, some landlords will not accept a Section 8 tenant. This can be attributed to such factors as:
 * not wanting the government involved in their business, such as having a full inspection of their premises by government workers for HUD's Housing Quality Standards (HQS) and the possible remediations required
 * a desire to charge rent for the unit above FMR

Depending on state laws, refusing to rent to a tenant solely for the reason that they have Section 8 may be illegal. Landlords can use only general means of disqualifying a tenant (credit, criminal history, past evictions, etc.). It also may be illegal to post "No Section 8" advertisements.

However, other landlords willingly accept Section 8 tenants, due to:
 * a large available pool of potential renters (the waiting list for new Section 8 tenants is usually very long, see below)
 * Regular and generally prompt payments from the PHA for its share of the rent
 * tenants' incentive to take good care of the property (PHAs require that tenants not damage rental properties. In many instances a tenant may be removed from the program if they owe money to a previous landlord).

Whether voucher- or project-based, all subsidized units must meet the HQS, thus ensuring that the family has a healthy and safe place to live. This improvement in the landlord's private property is an important byproduct of this program, both for the individual families and for the larger goal of community development.

Applicants
Applicants may apply for a Section 8 housing voucher at any county or city housing authority office. Although rules vary across housing authorities, residents of a particular area who receive a voucher from the jurisdiction in which they live may use the voucher anywhere in the country, but nonresidents of the jurisdiction must live in the jurisdiction that issues the voucher to them for 12 months before they can move to a different area.

In many localities, the PHA waiting lists for Section 8 vouchers may be thousands of households long, waits of three to six years to obtain vouchers are common, and many lists are closed to new applicants. Wait lists are often briefly opened (often for just five days), which may occur as little as once every seven years. To manage excess demand, PHAs often create preference policies that place specific categories of applicants at the top of wait lists. Some PHAs also use a "lottery" approach, where there can be as many as 100,000 applicants for 10,000 spots on the waitlist, with spots being awarded on the basis of weighted or non-weighted lotteries. Priority is often extended to local residents, disabled people, veterans, and the elderly. There is no guarantee that anyone will ever be selected from a wait list.

Family obligations
Families who participate in the program must abide by a series of rules and regulations, often referred to as "family obligations", in order to maintain their voucher, including accurately reporting to the PHA all changes in household income and family composition so the amount of their subsidy (and the applicable rental unit size limitation) can be updated accordingly.

Fair Market Rents
Fair Market Rents (FMRs) are calculated to determine how much a landlord is able to accept for rent of a unit to a Section 8 voucher recipient. FMRs are gross rental rates and dictate the maximum rental rate to be agreed upon in a lease document. The calculation of FMRs is based on a standard quality rent from the five year American Community Survey, as well as a recent mover adjustment, which is the relationship between the standard quality for five years and the one year recent mover rents. FMRs also include a CPI adjustment and a trend factor adjustment. The trend factor adjustment is how HUD expects rental rates to grow.

FMRs include all major utilities (heat, electricity, etc.), but does not include telephone, cable, satellite television, or internet service. Utilities are included in FMRs whether the obligation of payment is under the tenant or the landlord. FMRs can be found using HUD's Database.

Small Area Fair Market Rents
The Small Area Fair Market Rents Program (SAFMRP) was officially implemented by HUD in January 2017. This system is an update to the system HUD uses to calculate Fair Market Rents (FMRs) in metropolitan areas. The purpose is to examine metropolitan area FMRs by ZIP code, as opposed to in total. HUD stated that this program is aimed to allow voucher recipients to move into higher opportunity areas and reduce the concentration of voucher recipients in a given metropolitan area. While the program was originally intended to be mandatory for several metropolitan areas immediately, the requirement for the use of SAFRMs was delayed to October 1, 2019. SAFMRs can now be found through the HUD database.

The implementation of this program follows a demonstration project coordinated by HUD in 2010. The project included the following Public Housing Authorities (PHAs): The Housing Authority of the County of Cook (IL), the City of Long Beach (CA) Housing Authority, the Chattanooga (TN) Housing Authority, the Town of Mamaroneck (NY) Housing Authority, and the Housing Authority of Laredo (TX).

An early report states that the effects of this program need to be analyzed over a long period of time before determining results. Vincent Reina, Arthur Acolin, and Raphael W. Bostic published an early examination of the new SAFMRP in 2019. This study finds varied results in the SAFMRP based on different metropolitan areas. Two areas of note are the highest performing city in the study and the lowest, Dallas, TX, and Chattanooga, TN, respectively. The authors argue that Dallas performed well with the SAFMRP because the city was required by court order to implement the program, and the program has been in place for longer than all other cities in the study. The authors state that the benefits of the SAFMRP change over time and analysis of the program must include a time series analysis for all effects.

The authors also explain why Chattanooga, TN may have performed the lowest in the study. Two reasons include the fact that most rental units were already inaccessible areas, and most residential areas in Chattanooga are low opportunity, therefore voucher recipients did not have increased choice with the implementation of the program.

Earned Income Disallowance
There is a provision for disabled people who have a Section 8 subsidized dwelling to have their rent frozen for a specified time if they are working part-time below a certain income level. This is called the Earned Income Disallowance or Earned Income Disregard (EID) and is stipulated under US 24 CFR 5.617, "Self-sufficiency incentives for persons with disabilities—Disallowance of increase in annual income". This was enacted as part of the Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act of 1998 (QHWRA) (Sec. 508(b); 42 U.S.C. 1437a(d)). This requires Public Housing Authorities and some owners, in calculating rent, to temporarily "disregard" increased income earned when certain public housing residents and disabled participants in certain housing assistance programs return/go to work or job-related programs. The idea is to foster self-sufficiency for those who are on subsidies and disability and other assistance.

Studies
Howard Husock, vice president for policy research at the conservative Manhattan Institute, heavily criticized Section 8 in a 2003 book on housing policy as a vehicle for exporting inner city social problems to the suburbs.

Hanna Rosin, an American journalist, has argued that Section 8 has led to crime being more evenly spread out across U.S. metropolitan areas, without any net decrease. This was the core thesis of her article published by The Atlantic in 2008, in which she linked Section 8 to a crime wave in the Memphis, Tennessee, metropolitan area. Rosin's article attempted to position Memphis as just one particularly troubling example of a nationwide trend: "Still, researchers around the country are seeing the same basic pattern: projects coming down in inner cities and crime pushing outward, in many cases destabilizing cities or their surrounding areas." Rosin's article has been highly influential among politicians in cities claiming to be negatively affected by Section 8, such as Lancaster, California.

Rosin's article was later criticized by Greg Anrig in an article published on The American Prospect. In the article, Anrig accuses Rosin of placing an excessive amount of blame on housing policy for the reported increase in crime. The article refers to the fact that Rosin never made a conclusive argument that those who participate in Section 8 were responsible for the higher rates of crime, as those who receive housing support are subject to screenings based on drug use and previous criminal activity. Rosin instead relies on a heat map of crime created by Richard Janikowski and Phyllis Betts who is reported to have said they were "[...] amazed – and deflated – to see how perfectly the two data sets fit together."

Janikowski and Betts later disavowed any connection between housing vouchers and increases in crime in the area in a later letter to the editor of the Atlantic. Rosin failed to mention that there was a consistent decrease and increase in crime from inner cities to inner-ring suburbs across most metropolitan areas due to shifting populations. Anrig argues that economic factors are more likely responsible for Memphis's increase in crime, as male unemployment almost doubled between the years of 1990 and 2000. Anrig also refers to Moving to Opportunity (MTO), a randomized policy experiment. The study concludes that there was no increase in violent crime for the participants of subsidized housing or their surrounding neighborhoods in the five cities tested; Memphis was not a part of the study. Even though the participants were far more likely to stay in poorer areas when given the chance to leave, families still received modest academic and psychological benefits. In fact, according to a paper prepared for the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and the Office of Policy Development and Research rather than an increasing crime, those who use housing vouchers are more likely to move into areas where crime is increasing.

Housing specialists
Matthew Marr published a study of the Los Angeles housing market in the Summer of 2001 that examines the effects of housing placement specialists on the Section 8 voucher program. Marr finds that housing placement specialists function as an intermediary between tenants and landlords that help increase the mobility of Section 8 voucher recipients.

Tight rental markets can pose a challenge to Section 8 voucher recipients. Marr finds, through observations and interviews, that the resource of housing placement specialists can help prevent private landlord apprehension, and help voucher recipients navigate the program and general rental market. Landlord apprehension can be a result of many factors. Marr shows that it is rooted in racial stereotypes of tenants and slow government bureaucracy. Other qualitative data indicates some factors to be: tenant behavior and financial burden. These factors are some areas in which housing specialists work to mitigate problems.

title: Section 8 (housing)