text:
Atlas F.C.

Atlas Fútbol Club is a Mexican professional football club based in Guadalajara, Jalisco that currently plays in Liga MX. It plays home matches at the Estadio Jalisco.

Founded in 1916, Atlas has won three league titles and four domestic cups. Los Roginegros had their golden era in the 1950s and 60s, but recently they became one of the few "bicampeones" (back-to-back champions) of Mexican football.

Atlas has a rivalry with city rivals Chivas called "Clasico Tapatio."

History
Atlas was founded in a bar in Guadalajara, Mexico, where a few friends recalled their friends experience while studying at the Ampleforth College in North Yorkshire, England. In August 1916, Alfonso and Juan José "Lico" Cortina, Pedro "Perico" and Carlos Fernández del Valle, the three Orendain brothers and Federico Collignon (who had studied in Berlin) finally decided to set up a football team. They chose the name "Atlas" based on the Titan of Greek mythology of the same name, and chose red and black as the club's colours to mimic those of Ampleforth College whose patron saint, St Lawrence, was also chosen as the patron saint of Atlas. The red signifies the blood of St Lawrence and the black signifies his martyrdom. Occasionally the crest of Ampleforth College is seen hanging from a banner in the stadium.

The first title for the club was the Copa MX in 1945–46, where they beat Atlante in the final. That same year, they won the supercup (league vs. cup champion) against Veracruz 3–2. Four years later, Atlas won their second Copa MX, in the 1949–50 season. The following year, in the 1950–51 Mexican Primera División season, Atlas won its first league title, with twelve wins in 22 matches. However, just two years later, Atlas was relegated for the first time after losing 4–0 against Tampico. But the following season, Atlas made an immediate return to the top flight.

Atlas had a golden age in the late 1990s under the management of Ricardo La Volpe, with promising players such as Rafael Márquez, Daniel Osorno, Juan Pablo Rodriguez, Pavel Pardo, Mario Méndez, Omar Briceño, and Miguel Zepeda, but even though they had a team with enormous talent and reached the Verano 1999 final, they couldn't conquer the title and lost against Deportivo Toluca in a match defined by penalties after a 5–5 draw on aggregate and with extra time.

In 2000, Atlas participated in the Copa Libertadores for the first time. They began their campaign in a round-robin preliminary stage where they played against Club America, Deportivo Táchira, and Deportivo Italchacao. Their first match was a 2–0 loss to America, followed by draws against Tachira and Italchacao. However they would recover and finish top of the group after beating America 6–3 and then beating Tachira, followed by a draw against Italchacao. As a result, Atlas gained entry into the proper competition in group 4 alongside River Plate, U. de Chile and Atletico Nacional. The Guadalajara-based club's first match was on 23 February, a 1–1 draw against River. Their next match was a 3–2 win against Atletico Nacional in Medellín. The club then drew against U. de Chile and lost to River, followed by a 5–1 rout of Colombian champions Nacional, but a loss in their final match against U. de Chile in Santiago. Although Atlas finished level with U. de Chile on points, a better goal difference would see them go through. In the round of 16, the Mexican club defeated Colombian club Atlético Junior 5–1 on aggregate and were through to the quarter-finals, where their run would end after losing twice to eventual runner-up Palmeiras and being eliminated 5–2 on aggregate.

In 2008, Atlas made their second appearance in the Copa Libertadores. Their campaign started with a qualifying tournament called InterLiga where they faced Toluca, Morelia, and America. At the end of the InterLiga they were tied on points and goal difference with Toluca, so a coin toss decided who would advance to the next round. Atlas won the coin toss and advanced to the first stage, where they defeated Bolivian club La Paz 2–1 on aggregate. In the group stage with Boca Juniors, Colo-Colo, and Maracaibo, Atlas finished first with eleven points, including notable victories against Boca Juniors and Colo-Colo. In the round of 16 they would eliminate Lanus 3–2 on aggregate. In the quarter-finals, they were matched up with Boca Juniors again. In the first leg, played in Buenos Aires, Atlas secured a 2–2 draw, but in the second leg in Guadalajara, Boca won 3–0 and eliminated the club.

Atlas qualified for the 2015 Copa Libertadores after finishing second on the table in the 2014 Apertura. The team was led by Tomás Boy and was matched up in the group stage with Independiente Santa Fe, Atletico Mineiro, and Colo-Colo. In their first match they lost 1–0 to Santa Fe, but in the second match they had a historic 1–0 victory against Atletico Mineiro in Brazil, which ended a 37-year undefeated home streak for the club in the Copa Libertadores. Atlas later beat Atletico again at home, but exited the competition with a last-placed finish in the group and a loss to Santa Fe in Bogotá.

On 12 December 2021, Atlas ended a 70-year title drought when they defeated Club León at the Estadio Jalisco via penalties 4–3 and won their second league title. On 5 March 2022, during a match between Atlas and Querétaro at Querétaro's stadium, a riot broke out between fans attending the match. Videos posted on social media showed groups of men beating, kicking, dragging and stripping victims. According to the Querétaro state civil protection agency, at least 22 men were injured. The Liga MX sanctioned Queretaro by banning Queretaro-affiliated barras from attending home matches for up to six months in response to the riots. Atlas were awarded a 0-3 win for the game which was abandoned at 0-1.

Atlas won its third league championship on 29 May 2022 against Pachuca. In the first leg on 26 May, Atlas defeated Pachuca at Estadio Jalisco 2–0, and although they lost the second leg 2–1, they won 3–2 on aggregate to become only the third team in league history to win back to back titles.

Youth Academy
Atlas are renowned for having a successful youth academy setup. In the last few decades, Atlas have developed many players who have gone on to have professional careers domestically and internationally. Many young players enter the Atlas youth academy knowing that they'll have a strong possibility to play with the first team due to the club philosophy of allowing youth players the opportunity to be promoted to the first team. Although Atlas has only won the league championship three times, their academy has been famous for developing players for the Mexico national football team in the past few decades like Jared Borgetti, Daniel Osorno, José de Jesús Corona, Pável Pardo, Oswaldo Sánchez, Rafael Márquez, Juan Carlos Medina, Jorge Hernández, Mario Méndez, Miguel Zepeda, Juan Pablo Rodriguez, Juan Pablo Garcia, Joel Herrera, Jorge Torres Nilo, Edgar Ivan Pacheco, Andrés Guardado, Jeremy Márquez, Diego Barbosa and many more. The club's lower youth divisions have achieved many titles domestically as well as internationally.

Estadio Jalisco

Atlas currently plays in the Estadio Jalisco, which is the third largest stadium in Mexico and was constructed on 31 January 1960. It is a venue that has played host to historic matches and teams including Pelé's Brazil in 1970. In total, It was host for 8 games in the 1970 FIFA World Cup, 6 of which were from group stage matches, and two were quarter and semi-finals. Subsequently, the stadium was again host for 9 games in the 1986 FIFA World Cup, 6 of which were group stage matches, 1 was round of sixteen and the last 2 were quarter and semi-finals.

Supporters and rivalry
Atlas fans are as a whole collectively known as La Fiel (The Faithful), while La Barra 51 is the main organized supporter group. La Barra 51's name recalls Atlas' first championship in the Primera División de México in 1951. Through the team's struggling performance La Fiel has earned its name, supporting the team for 70 years without any major accomplishments.

Clásico Tapatío
Atlas' fierce rivals are Guadalajara city-rivals C.D. Guadalajara, known as Chivas. The derby is known as the Clásico Tapatío and is said to be the oldest football derby in Mexico, dating back to 1916. The first match between the two sides was a friendly that took place shortly after Atlas were founded, the game ended 0–0. The first competitive match between the two sides came in the 1917 "Torneo de Primavera", which translates into English as the "Tournament of Spring". Atlas were victorious this time round, winning 2–1. The game sparked controversy, however, when complaints of a bad refereeing performance were put forward by Chivas. Chivas were so angered by the result, that they refused to play in the next "Liga Amateur de Jalisco" tournament of 1917–18, unless the president of refereeing, Justo García Godoy, resigned from his position; when Godoy failed to do so, Chivas refused to join the tournament.

Chivas are the most victorious in Guadalajara derbies, however, winning 16 of 35 competitive fixtures the two sides have played. Atlas have only won 9 and the sides have drawn 8 times.

Managers

 * 🇦🇷 Javier Valdivieso (1943–44)
 * 🇦🇷 Eduardo Valdatti (1944–54)
 * 🇦🇷 Raúl Leguizamón (1954–56)
 * 🇲🇽 Felipe Zetter (1956–58)
 * 🇭🇺 Jorge Marik (1958–60)
 * 🇦🇷 Eduardo Valdatti (1960–61)
 * 🇧🇷 Bauer (1961–63)
 * 🇦🇷 Enrique Álvarez Vega (1963–64)
 * 🇦🇷 Javier Novello (1964–66)
 * 🇭🇺 Árpád Fekete (1966–67)
 * 🇦🇷 Javier Novello (1967)
 * 🇦🇷 José Gómez (1968)
 * 🇧🇷 Ney Blanco de Oliveira (1968–69)
 * 🇦🇷 Enrique Álvarez Vega (1969–70)
 * 🇭🇺 Árpád Fekete (1970–71)
 * 🇲🇽 Alfredo Torres (1971–74)
 * Miloš Milutinović (1975–76)
 * 🇲🇽 Alfredo Torres (1976–77)
 * 🇲🇽 Odilón Mireles (1977)
 * 🇵🇪 Claudio Lostasau (1978)
 * 🇲🇽 Alfredo Torres (1978–80)
 * 🇲🇽 Alfonso Portugal (1980–81)
 * 🇲🇽 José Antonio Roca (1 July 1981 – 30 June 1982)
 * 🇭🇺 Árpád Fekete (1982–83)
 * 🇲🇽 Ernesto Cisneros (1983–84)
 * 🇲🇽 Alfredo Torres (1984–86)
 * 🇵🇱 Waldemar Wasilewski (1986–87)
 * 🇨🇱 Carlos Reinoso (1987–88)
 * 🇲🇽 José Luis Real (1988–89)
 * 🇺🇾 Luis Garisto (1989–92)
 * 🇨🇱 Pedro García Barros (1992)
 * 🇦🇷 Mario Zanabria (1 July 1992 – 30 June 1993)
 * 🇦🇷 Marcelo Bielsa (1 July 1993 – 29 January 1995)
 * 🇦🇷 Javier Torrente (29 January 1995 – 3 February 1995)
 * 🇲🇽 Efraín Flores (interim) (3 February 1995 – 30 June 1995)
 * 🇦🇷 Eduardo Solari (1 July 1995 – 28 June 1996)
 * 🇲🇽 Efraín Flores (1 July 1996 – 9 March 1997)
 * 🇦🇷 Ricardo La Volpe (1 July 1997 – 30 June 2001)
 * 🇲🇽 Efraín Flores (22 September 2001 – 31 December 2001)
 * 🇲🇽 Enrique Meza (1 January 2002 – 29 September 2002)
 * 🇲🇽 Fernando Quirarte (3 October 2002 – 16 September 2003)
 * 🇲🇽 Sergio Bueno (19 September 2003 – 17 April 2005)
 * 🇲🇽 Daniel Guzmán (1 July 2005 – 30 April 2006)
 * 🇦🇷 Rubén Romano (1 July 2006 – 18 September 2007)
 * 🇲🇽 Jorge Castañeda (interim) (21 September 2007 – 23 September 2007)
 * 🇲🇽 Tomás Boy (28 September 2007 – 31 December 2007)
 * 🇦🇷 Miguel Ángel Brindisi (6 January 2008 – 4 September 2008)
 * 🇦🇷 Darío Franco (5 September 2008 – 26 January 2009)
 * 🇦🇷 Ricardo La Volpe (28 January 2009 – 1 January 2010)
 * 🇦🇷 Carlos Ischia (1 January 2010 – 23 August 2010)
 * 🇲🇽 José Luis Mata (interim) (24 August 2010 – 17 October 2010)
 * 🇲🇽 Benjamín Galindo (24 August 2010 – 30 June 2011)
 * 🇦🇷 Rubén Romano (1 July 2011 – 22 September 2011)
 * 🇲🇽 Juan Carlos Chávez (22 September 2011 – 27 August 2012)
 * 🇲🇽 Tomás Boy (29 August 2012 – 30 June 2013)
 * 🇦🇷 Omar Asad (1 July 2013 – 16 October 2013)
 * 🇲🇽 José Luis Mata (17 October 13 – 10 November 2013)
 * 🇲🇽 Tomás Boy (6 December 2013 – 17 May 2015)
 * 🇺🇾 Gustavo Matosas (30 May 2015 – 3 December 2015)
 * 🇦🇷 Gustavo Costas (10 December 2015 – 21 May 2016)
 * 🇲🇽 Jose Guadalupe Cruz (17 June 2016 – 15 January 2018)
 * 🇲🇽 Gerardo Espinoza (15 January 2018 – 25 January 2018)
 * 🇦🇷 Rubén Romano (25 January 2018 – 19 March 2018)
 * 🇲🇽 Gerardo Espinoza (19 March 2018 – 3 September 2018)
 * 🇦🇷 Ángel Guillermo Hoyos (11 September 2018 – 9 March 2019)
 * 🇦🇷 Leandro Cufré (11 March 2019 – 29 January 2020)
 * 🇲🇽 Rafael Puente Jr. (30 January 2020 – 10 August 2020)
 * 🇦🇷 Diego Cocca (11 August 2020 – 1 October 2022)
 * 🇲🇽 Benjamín Mora (6 October 2022 – 30 October 2023)
 * 🇪🇸 Beñat San José (24 November 2023 – Present)

Honours

 * Liga MX
 * Winners (3): 1950–51, Apertura 2021, Clausura 2022
 * Runners-up (3): 1948–49, 1965–66, Verano 1999

 * Copa MX
 * Winners (4): 1945–46, 1949–50, 1961–62, 1967–68
 * Runners-up (2): 1995–96, Apertura 2013

 * Campeón de Campeones
 * Winners (5): 1946, 1950, 1951, 1962, 2022
 * Runners-up (1): 1968

 * Segunda División de México
 * Winners (3): 1954–55, 1971–72, 1978–79

title: Atlas F.C.


text:
Interstate 155

Interstate 155 is the designation for two Interstate Highways in the United States, both of which are related to Interstate 55:
 * Interstate 155 (Illinois), a spur to Peoria
 * Interstate 155 (Missouri–Tennessee), a spur to Dyersburg, Tennessee

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Interstate 155


text:
Talk:Waleed al-Shehri

One Waleed or two?
This 2 Waleed conspiracy theory is false. BBC reported Waleed Al-Shehri was alive on Sept. 23, 2001. The BBC article includes a picture of Waleed see link: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/1559151.stm

On Sept. 27, 2001 (4 days later) the FBI released the same picture of Waleed Al-Shehri and said he was one of the 911 hijackers. Exact same picture see link: http://www.fbi.gov/pressrel/penttbom/aa11/11.htm

This 2 Waleed conspiracy theory was invented after the fact.

Hey rmhermen, it's Quadell. Thanks for the changes again; you've added a lot of good info. But there's an inaccuracy, I think, in one change you made, and it's a big one. You took out all caveats about Waleed possibly being alive. In particular, about the LA Times link, you said:
 * He was not the same individual as the hijacker who came from an impoverished border region of Saudi Arabia and had never finished college or attended flight school.

The trouble is, here's what the BBC says about the living Waleed al-Shehri:
 * His photograph was released. . . He acknowledges that he attended flight training school at Daytona Beach in the United States, and is indeed the same Waleed Al Shehri to whom the FBI has been referring.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/1559151.stm

The man whose picture is on this article, the man named Waleed al-Shehri, who lived in the U.S. and trained to fly planes in Daytona, who has a brother named Wail M. al-Shehri -- that man is alive. (Obviously, that man wasn't on Flight 11.) The picture, and some of the details (e.g. flight school, possibly the name), do not refer to the hijacker.

So it's very confusing. If we had the airport security photos it would help clear things up. Anyway, certainly the article needs to be accurate about all this. I'd like to work with you to iron it out.

Quadell (talk) 23:02, Jul 26, 2004 (UTC)
 * I did spot a problem where some of the life history of the second Waleed was claimed as the hijackers. I think I have correct it. Such initial confusion about details of the hijackers and even misidentification of some of them was common. We just didn't notice and update these facts.

I don't beleive any of the next three paragraphs is currently beleived to be true or at least not in reference to the hijacker.
 * Al-Shehri was living in Florida since 1995 at the latest. He trained at Daytona Beach flight school, in Daytona Beach, and received his pilot's license in 1997. Some sources claim he lived with fellow-hijacker Ahmed al-Ghamdi during this time.

- (couldn't tell what this refered to unless it is the Washington Post article commented on below) -(very early source which claims Waleed was using the alias Wail which is actually his brother's name)

 * In 1999, al-Shehri and al-Ghamdi rented a house in Vienna, Virginia, just three blocks from a local CIA headquarters. Many of their neighbors called the CIA several times that year to report suspicious activity, but this was never acted on. The CIA is required to notify the FBI of this sort of domestic information, but this also was apparently not done.

 * Some sources report that al-Shehri "at times" stayed at lead hijacker Mohammed Atta's apartment in Hamburg, Germany at some period 1998 and 2001. (this source confuses three different people's detail as Waleed and has mistakes on other hijackers details as well.)

In many countries it is common for families to reuse names. I am would not be surprised to find dozens of men named Waleed al-Shehri. That doesn't mean that the hijacker wasn't also named that. From the third link in the section on the other Waleed
 * Washington Post (September 25, 2001) - "Among the alleged hijackers whose origins seem to be clear are:...Wael and Waleed M. Alshehri, brothers who were aboard American Airlines Flight 11, the plane that hit the World Trade Center's North Tower...The brothers' pictures matched those released by the FBI, the Arab News reported. Their father, Mohammed Ali Asgley Al Shehri, a businessman, told Al Watan that his son Wael, 25, had psychological problems and had gone to Medina in December with his brother Waleed, 21, to seek help from religious officials for this problem. He said that they did not return from the trip and that he had not heard from them since...The paper cited sources close to the family as saying that both men had become very religious before disappearing and had spoken of joining Muslim fighters in Chechnya. The sources said the brothers spoke limited English. Previous reports that Waleed Alshehri was the son of a Saudi diplomat have been denied."

What is the source of the second picture you added? Are you claiming that it is a second photo of the hijacker or a photo of a second Waleed? I have not seen any picture of this non-hijacker Waleed. Is there any reason to beleive that his is the picture released by the FBI? If the FBI picture really was the living Waleed I would expect some media to have shown the two pictures together so we all could see the mistake. Is there such an article? Didn't the FBI pictures come from passports and so it would have been difficult to get into the country using someone else's picture. I haven't seen any claim that the living Waleed has brother Wail, could you point me in the direction of one? Just because someone cliam that they are the one the FBI is refering to, doesn't mean they are correct. If someone with my name committed a crime and received publicity, I might find initially beleive that it refered to me but that doesn't mean that there isn't a different person with my name and a different life history out there. Rmhermen 19:41, Jul 27, 2004 (UTC)

 * My source for the second picture is here, at the Center for Cooperative Research. Unfortunately, they don't credit the pic. They simply say the pic is of Waleed al-Shehri. (It looks like the same person to me.) It seems to have been taken before the attack.

 * I haven't seen a picture of the non-hijacker Waleed since the attacks, and I really wish I had one. That would clear this up.

 * I don't know if the famous pic, the one we have, is of the living or the dead Waleed. (The FBI released the pics early on, when much of the info they gave about "Waleed" was about the non-hijacker. So it's plausible that they got the photo wrong too.) I don't think the FBI said where the pictures came from, but they look like ID photos, which would strongly indicate the pic is of the hijacker.

 * But the BBC article seems say that the living Waleed was the guy in the pic. But they could be mistaken about that. Read the article and see what you think.

 * (I think that this administration's over-reliance on secrecy is just fanning the conspiracy flames. But that's just my opinion.) Quadell (talk) 14:33, Jul 28, 2004 (UTC)
 * That last is certainly not your oponion alone. I wish that they would address these issues more clearly. I think the FBI-released photos are supposed to have come from visa applications. Could that be correct? Ready other material it appears that at least two different families initially claimed that the photo was of their son. Rmhermen 16:28, Jul 28, 2004 (UTC)

Many conspiracy sites claim that some hijackers are still alive. Please note these articles

This has been refuted by many sources. For example the ABC story states that there is another Ahmed Alnami who is ten years younger, and appears to be dead, according to his father. [ABC News, 3/15/02] There is a second pair of Saudi brothers named Wail and Waleed M. Their father says they've been missing since December 2000. [ABC News, 3/15/02, Arab News, 9/17/01]

During the Dateline NBC Aug 25 article: They had an exclusive interview with brother of two hijackers Wail al Shahiri, and Waleed al Shahiri. NBC went to Saudi Arabia.

Also see this article regarding the BBC's incorrect information http://service.spiegel.de/cache/international/spiegel/0,1518,265160,00.html

The BBC (amd other reports) were based on articles in Arab newspapers, such as the Arab News, an English-language Saudi newspaper. Managing Editor John Bradley stated that the "reporters did not speak directly with the "survivors," and that the photographs quickly resolved the nonsense about surviving terrorists. Another reporter where these stories originated (Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper reporter named Mohammed Samman), confirms this. Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Talk:Organizers_of_the_September_11%2C_2001_attacks"

The Der Spiegel article attempts to discredit the BBC report but fails to do so. Read it carefully. The Editor John Bradley has no association with BBC. He works for Arab News an English language Saudi paper. In the Der Spiegel article they admit Arab News "did not speak directly with the so-called "survivors," ". This Der Spiegel report is HIGHLY SUSPECT to say the least. Der Spiegel tries to imply BBC simply relied on Arab papers for their information without ever verifying the claims. This is refuted by the Telegraph article, when they reported the same thing as the BBC as well as saying they interviewed the accused hijackers.

"The Telegraph obtained the first interviews with the men since they learnt that they were on the FBI's list of hijackers who died in the crashes" http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2001/09/23/widen23.xml

The Telegraph confirms the BBC report as well as exposing Der Spiegel.

Omomastic absurdity
I'm a contributor to the Italian version of Wikipedia. I read in this lemma: «Furthermore another article explains that the pilot who lives in Casablanca was named Walid al-Shri (not Waleed M. al-Shehri)...». The problem is that in the Arab onomatology it's highly improbable (if not impossible) the existence of the name "al-Shri". The font was Spiegel Online. Probably our German friends too ignore the Arab rules about the names. Thanks. --Cloj (talk) 14:11, 29 May 2008 (UTC)

Orphaned references in Waleed al-Shehri
I check pages listed in Category:Pages with incorrect ref formatting to try to fix reference errors. One of the things I do is look for content for orphaned references in wikilinked articles. I have found content for some of Waleed al-Shehri's orphans, the problem is that I found more than one version. I can't determine which (if any) is correct for this article, so I am asking for a sentient editor to look it over and copy the correct ref content into this article.

Reference named "timeline": From Mohamed Atta:  From Wail al-Shehri:

I apologize if any of the above are effectively identical; I am just a simple computer program, so I can't determine whether minor differences are significant or not. AnomieBOT ⚡ 12:19, 5 October 2008 (UTC)

Innocent until proven guilty?
'  Alleged militants in the War on Terror who have lived in the United States '

If al-Shehri is merely alleged, then surely he shouldn't be described as '...one of five hijackers...' ? Beingsshepherd (talk) 13:52, 20 January 2014 (UTC)Beingsshepherd

 * No, this is a quibble often attempted to water down statements about deceased perpetrators who will never face trail on account of being deceased: Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting article sections on Adam Lanza, for example, are consistent targets for conspiracy theorists who insist that the Sandy Hook massacre was a put-up job. When investigations conclude that someone was guilty, but will not be charged because they died during or after the perpetration of their crime, there is no requirements for "alleged." Additionally, reliable sources don't make such a distinction (you don't see "alleged" used in the New York Times in such circumstances when discussing the 9/11 participants).  Acroterion   (talk)   14:01, 20 January 2014 (UTC)

 * But we do see 'alleged' feature, in this very (inconsistent) article.
 * Ignorance is Strength Beingsshepherd (talk) 15:06, 20 January 2014 (UTC)Beingsshepherd

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title: Talk:Waleed al-Shehri


text:
Green jersey

In road bicycle racing (e.g. Grand Tour stage races), the green jersey is a distinctive racing jersey worn by the most consistent highest finisher in the competition.

While the overall race leader in the Tour de France will wear the yellow jersey, or "maillot jaune", the green jersey ("maillot vert") will be worn by the leader in the points competition. Since 2009, the Vuelta a España has also used the green jersey to signify the leader of the points competition. In the Giro d'Italia, the green jersey was, from 1974 to 2011, worn by the King of the Mountains, the leader in the competition for climbing specialists.

Classification guide
The following events use the "green jersey" to signify the current leader and/or final winner of the overall classification by points (often known as the sprinters' competition):

 * Tour de France (known as the "maillot vert") (see also Points classification in the Tour de France)
 * Vuelta a España
 * Critérium du Dauphiné Libéré
 * Tour de l'Avenir
 * Tour de Georgia
 * Tour de Romandie
 * Tour of Ireland
 * Tour of California (known as the "sprints classification")

Mountains competition leader
The following events have used the "green jersey" to signify the current leader and/or final winner of the overall classification of the best climber (often known as the King of the Mountains competition):

 * Giro d'Italia (Italian: known as the maglia verde: 1974 to 2011) (see also Mountains classification in the Giro d'Italia)
 * Tour de Pologne (Polish: known as the najlepszy góral or Klasyfikacja Górska)
 * Vuelta a España (prior to 2008)

As of 2009, no major race uses the "green jersey" to signify the current leader and/or final winner of the overall classification of sprinter where the polka dot jersey represents the king of the mountain.

title: Green jersey


text:
Stephen Ross, Baron Ross of Newport

Stephen Sherlock Ross, Baron Ross of Newport (6 July 1926 – 10 May 1993) often known as Steve Ross was a Liberal politician in the United Kingdom.

Ross came from a Scottish background, his family being in shipping in Liverpool. His mother died when he was a baby and he was brought up by his father, who held the MC, in London.

Educated at Bedford School, he went into the Royal Navy aged 18 in 1944 and served four years on the lower decks, which he claimed was the best thing that ever happened to him. In 1948 he joined his uncle's firm in Kidderminster, which was an auction and cattle market. He qualified as a chartered surveyor and land agent. He went to the Isle of Wight in 1953 to secure a better job, and in 1958 tried to join the Liberal Party but 'no one wanted to know'. He finally joined in 1961 and in the 1964 election worked for an elderly lady candidate 'who was slightly muddled about who was Prime Minister'. He decided things could not go on like that and fought the 1966 election himself with his wife, Brenda, and a few friends, covering the island by Land Rover. He did the same in 1970, by which time he had become a county councillor. Ross was Leader of Isle of Wight County Council 1973-74 and 1981-83.

He was elected as Member of Parliament for the Isle of Wight at the February 1974 general election; this was the one surprising Liberal win at this election, outside areas where the Liberals had been traditionally strong. He was re-elected in October 1974, 1979 and 1983 until his retirement from the House of Commons in 1987. In the Commons he was successively party spokesman on housing and local government, the environment, transport and Northern Ireland, but his main legislative imprint remains to this day in the Housing (Homeless Persons) Act of 1977 which he promoted successfully as a Private Member's Bill.

Shortly after he chose to not stand for a fourth term, he was elevated to the House of Lords, being created a life peer on 4 November 1987 taking the title Baron Ross of Newport, of Newport in the County of the Isle of Wight, where he spoke on local government

As an MP in his constituency he enjoyed a popular following, and reports that he received support from others who would normally have voted for candidates from other parties were often cited. On his departure from the Commons, the Conservative candidate Barry Field was elected and held onto the seat for two terms until 1997 when the seat was temporarily regained for one term by the successors to the Liberals, the Liberal Democrats.

title: Stephen Ross, Baron Ross of Newport


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Labour power

Labour power (Arbeitskraft; force de travail) is the capacity to do work, a key concept used by Karl Marx in his critique of capitalist political economy. Marx distinguished between the capacity to do work, i.e. labour power, and the physical act of working, i.e. labour. Labour power exists in any kind of society, but on what terms it is traded or combined with means of production to produce goods and services has historically varied greatly.

Under capitalism, according to Marx, the productive powers of labour appear as the creative power of capital. Indeed, "labour power at work" becomes a component of capital, it functions as working capital. Work becomes just work, workers become an abstract labour force, and the control over work becomes mainly a management prerogative.

Definition
Karl Marx introduces the concept in chapter 6 of the first volume of Capital, as follows:
 * "By labour-power or capacity for labour is to be understood the aggregate of those mental and physical capabilities existing in a human being, which he exercises whenever he produces a use-value of any description."

He adds further on that:
 * "Labour-power, however, becomes a reality only by its exercise; it sets itself in action only by working. But thereby a definite quantity of human muscle, nerve. brain, &c., is wasted, and these require to be restored."

Another explanation of labour-power can be found in the introduction and second chapter of Marx's Wage Labour and Capital (1847). Marx also provided a short exposition of labour power in Value, Price and Profit (1865).

Versus labour
Marx adapted a distinction, in Hegel's Elements of the Philosophy of Right between labour power (Arbeitskraft) and labour (Arbeit) and gave this distinction a new significance. For Marx, Arbeitskraft, which he sometimes instead refers to as Arbeitsvermögen ("labour-ability" or "labour-capacity") refers to a "force of nature": the physical ability of human beings and other living things to perform work, including mental labour and skills such as manual dexterity, in addition to sheer physical exertion. Labour power is, in this sense, also the aspect of labour that becomes a commodity within capitalist society and is alienated from labourers when it is sold to capitalists.

By contrast, "labour" may refer to all or any activity by humans (and other living creatures) that is concerned with producing goods or services (or what Marx calls use-values). In this sense, the usage of labour (per se) in Marxian economics is somewhat similar to the later concept, in neoclassical economics, of "labour services".

The distinction between labour and labour-power, according to Marx, helped to solve a problem that David Ricardo had failed to solve, i.e. explaining why the surplus value resulting from profit normally arises out of the process of production itself—rather than in the investment of capital (e.g. the advance of money-capital in the form of wages) in labour-power (acquired from labourers).

While Marx's concept of labour power has been compared to that of human capital, Marx himself may have considered a concept such as "human capital" to be a reification, the purpose of which was to imply that workers were a kind of capitalist. For instance, in Capital Vol. 2, Marx states: Apologetic economists... say:... [the worker's] labour-power, then, represents his capital in commodity-form, which yields him a continuous revenue. Labour-power is indeed his property (ever self-renewing, reproductive), not his capital. It is the only commodity which he can and must sell continually in order to live, and which acts as capital (variable) only in the hands of the buyer, the capitalist. The fact that a man is continually compelled to sell his labour-power, i.e., himself, to another man proves, according to those economists, that he is a capitalist, because he constantly has "commodities" (himself) for sale. In that sense a slave is also a capitalist, although he is sold by another once and for all as a commodity; for it is in the nature of this commodity, a labouring slave, that its buyer does not only make it work anew every day, but also provides it with the means of subsistence that enable it to work ever anew.

As commodity
Under capitalism, according to Marx, labour-power becomes a commodity – it is sold and bought on the market. A worker tries to sell his or her labour-power to an employer, in exchange for a wage or salary. If successful (the only alternative being unemployment), this exchange involves submitting to the authority of the capitalist for a specific period of time.

During that time, the worker does actual labour, producing goods and services. The capitalist can then sell these and obtain surplus value; since the wages paid to the workers are lower than the value of the goods or services they produce for the capitalist.

Labour power can also be sold by the worker on "own account", in which case he is self-employed, or it can be sold by an intermediary, such as a hiring agency. In principle a group of workers can also sell their labour-power as an independent contracting party. Some labour contracts are very complex, involving a number of different intermediaries.

Normally, the worker is legally the owner of his labour power, and can sell it freely according to his own wishes. However, most often the trade in labour power is regulated by legislation, and the sale may not be truly "free"—it may be a forced sale for one reason or another, and indeed it may be bought and sold against the real wishes of the worker even although he owns his own labour power. Various gradations of freedom and unfreedom are possible, and free wage labour can combine with slave labour or semi-slavery.

The concept of labour power as a commodity was first explicitly stated by Friedrich Engels in The Principles of Communism (1847): "Labor [power] is a commodity, like any other, and its price is therefore determined by exactly the same laws that apply to other commodities. In a regime of big industry or of free competition—as we shall see, the two come to the same thing—the price of a commodity is, on the average, always equal to its cost of production. Hence, the price of labor is also equal to the cost of production of labor. But, the costs of production of labor consist of precisely the quantity of means of subsistence necessary to enable the worker to continue working, and to prevent the working class from dying out. The worker will therefore get no more for his labor than is necessary for this purpose; the price of labor, or the wage, will, in other words, be the lowest, the minimum, required for the maintenance of life.

Value
Labour power is a peculiar commodity, because it is an attribute of living persons, who own it themselves in their living bodies. Because they own it within themselves, they cannot permanently sell it to someone else; in that case, they would be a slave, and a slave does not own himself. Yet, although workers can hire themselves out, they cannot "hire out" or "lease" their labour, since they cannot reclaim or repossess the labour at some point after the work is done, in the same way as rental equipment is returned to the owner. Once labour has been expended, it is gone, and the only remaining issue is who benefits from the results, and by how much.

Labour power can become a marketable object, sold for a specific period, only if the owners are constituted in law as legal subjects who are free to sell it, and can enter into labour contracts. Once actualised and consumed through working, the capacity to work is exhausted, and must be replenished and restored.

In general, Marx argues that in capitalism the value of labour power (as distinct from fluctuating market prices for work effort) is equal to its normal or average (re-)production cost, i.e. the cost of meeting the established human needs which must be satisfied in order for the worker to turn up for work each day, fit to work. This involves goods and services representing a quantity of labour equal to necessary labour or the necessary product. It represents an average cost of living, an average living standard.

The general concept of the "value of labour power" is necessary because both the conditions of the sale of labour power, and the conditions under which goods and services are purchased by the worker with money from a salary, can be affected by numerous circumstances. If, for example, the state imposes a tax on consumer goods and services (an indirect tax or consumption tax such as value-added tax or goods and services tax), then what the worker can buy with his wage-money is reduced. Or, if price inflation increases, then again the worker can buy less with his wage money. The point is that this can occur quite independently of how much a worker is actually paid. Therefore, the standard of living of a worker can rise or fall quite independently of how much he is paid—simply because goods and services become more expensive or cheaper to buy, or because he is blocked from access to goods and services.

Included in the value of labour power is both a physical component (the minimum physical requirements for a healthy worker) and a moral-historical component (the satisfaction of needs beyond the physical minimum which have become an established part of the lifestyle of the average worker). The value of labour power is thus a historical norm, which is the outcome of a combination of factors: productivity; the supply and demand for labour; the assertion of human needs; the costs of acquiring skills; state laws stipulating minimum or maximum wages, the balance of power between social classes, etc.

Buying labour power usually becomes a commercially interesting proposition only if it can yield more value than it costs to buy, i.e. employing it yields a net positive return on capital invested. However, in Marx's theory, the value-creating function of labour power is not its only function; it also importantly conserves and transfers capital value. If labour is withdrawn from the workplace for any reason, typically the value of capital assets deteriorates; it takes a continual stream of work effort to maintain and preserve their value. When materials are used to make new products, part of the value of materials is also transferred to the new products.

Consequently, labour power may be hired not "because it creates more value than it costs to buy", but simply because it conserves the value of a capital asset which, if this labour did not occur, would decline in value by an even greater amount than the labour cost involved in maintaining its value; or because it is a necessary expense which transfers the value of a capital asset from one owner to another. Marx regards such labour as "unproductive" in the sense that it creates no new net addition to total capital value, but it may be essential and indispensable labour, because without it a capital value would reduce or disappear. The larger the stock of assets which is neither an input nor an output to real production, and the wealthier society's elite becomes, the more labour is devoted only to maintaining the mass of capital assets rather than increasing its value.

Wages
Marx regards money-wages and salaries as the price of labour power (though workers can also be paid "in kind"), normally related to hours worked or output produced. That price may contingently be higher or lower than the value of labour power, depending on market forces of supply and demand, on skill monopolies, legal rules, the ability of negotiate, etc. Normally, unless government action prevents it, high unemployment will lower wages, and full employment will raise wages, in accordance with the laws of supply and demand. But wages can also be reduced through high price inflation and consumer taxes. Therefore, a distinction must always be drawn between nominal gross wages and real wages adjusted for tax and price inflation, and indirect tax imposts must be considered.

The labour-costs of an employer are not the same as the real buying power a worker acquires through working. An employer usually also has to pay taxes & levies to the government in respect of workers hired, which may include social security contributions or superannuation benefits. In addition there are often also administrative costs. So, in the United States for example, out of the total expenditure on labour by employers, the workers get about 60% as take-home pay, but about 40% consists of taxes, benefits and ancillary costs. Employers may be able to claim back part of the surcharge on labour by means of various tax credits, or because the tax on business income is lowered.

There is typically a constant conflict over the level of wages between employers and employees, since employers seek to limit or reduce wage-costs, while workers seek to increase their wages, or at least maintain them. How the level of wages develops depends on the demand for labour, the level of unemployment, and the ability of workers and employers to organise and take action with regard to pay claims.

Marx regarded wages as the "external form" of the value of labour power. The compensation of workers in capitalist society could take all kinds of different forms, but there was always both a paid and unpaid component of labour performed. The "ideal" form of wages for capitalism, he argued, were piece wages because in that case the capitalist paid only for labour which directly created those outputs adding value to his capital. It was the most efficient form of exploitation of labour power.

Consumption
When labour power has been purchased and an employment contract signed, normally it is not yet paid for. First, labour power must be put to work in the production process. The employment contract is only a condition for uniting labour power with the means of production. From that point on, Marx argues, labour power at work is transformed into capital, specifically variable capital which accomplishes the valorisation process.

Functioning as variable capital, living labour creates both use values and new value, conserves the value of constant capital assets, and transfers part of the value of materials and equipment used to the new products. The result aimed for is the valorisation of invested capital, i.e. other things being equal, the value of capital is maintained and has also increased through the activity of living labour.

At the end of the working day, labour power has been more or less consumed, and must be restored through rest, eating and drinking, and recreation.

Medical estimates of the average holiday time necessary for fulltime workers to fully recuperate in a physiological and psychological sense from work stress during the year differ from country to country; but as an approximate gauge, three weeks continuous holiday is physiologically optimal for the average worker.

ILO statistics show a wide range of average hours worked and average holidays for different countries; for example, Korean workers work the most hours per year, and Americans have fewer formal holidays than West Europeans.

Several researchers have questioned however to what extent additional hours worked really increase the marginal productivity of labour; particularly in services, the work that gets done in five days could often also be done in four. The most difficult aspect to measure is the intensity of work, though some argue the incidence of work accidents are a reliable yardstick. If workers are laid off by an organization, but the organization continues to produce the same amount of output or services as before, or even more, with the same technology, we can often conclude that the intensity of work must have increased.

Reproduction
Marx himself argued that: "The maintenance and reproduction of the working-class is, and must ever be, a necessary condition to the reproduction of capital. But the capitalist may safely leave its fulfilment to the labourer's instincts of self-preservation and of propagation. All the capitalist cares for, is to reduce the labourer's individual consumption as far as possible to what is strictly necessary..."

This understanding, however, only captures the sense in which the reproduction of labour power comes at no cost to capitalists, like the reproduction of ecological conditions, but unlike the reproduction of, say, machine bolts and plastic wrap. Elites and governments have always sought to actively intervene or mediate in the process of the reproduction of labour power, through family legislation, laws regulating sexual conduct, medical provisions, education policies, and housing policies. Such interventions always carry an economic cost, but that cost can be socialized or forced upon workers themselves, especially women. In these areas of civil society, there has been a constant battle between conservatives, social reformists and radicals.

Marxist-Feminists have argued that in reality, household (domestic) labour by housewives which forms, maintains and restores the capacity to work is a large "free gift" to the capitalist economy. Time use surveys show that formally unpaid and voluntary labour is a very large part of the total hours worked in a society. Markets depend on that unpaid labour to function at all. Some feminists have therefore demanded that the government pay "wages for housework". This demand conflicts with the legal framework of the government in capitalist society, which usually assumes a financial responsibility only for the upkeep of "citizens" and "families" lacking other sources of income or subsistence.

Other social scientists have tackled this issue from a supercapitalist perspective. Economist Shirley P. Burggraf's parental dividend concept proposes the replacement of existing government payments to the elderly based on an individual's payroll tax contributions (e.g. US Social Security), with a new system granting retirement benefits proportional to the income of one's own children. Such a system could theoretically introduce a return on investment for reproductive labor, thereby incentivizing the care and rearing of children.

The role of the state
The state can influence both the value and price of labour-power in numerous different ways, and normally it regulates wages and working conditions in the labour market to a greater or lesser extent. It can do so for example by:

 * Stipulating minimum and maximum wage rates for work.
 * Stipulating maximum and minimum working hours, and the retirement age.
 * Stipulating minimum requirements for working conditions, workplace health and safety issues and the like.
 * Stipulating requirements for labour contracts, trade union organization and wage bargaining.
 * Legally defining the civil rights and entitlements of the workers.
 * Adjusting direct and indirect tax rates, levies and tariffs for wage earners and employers in various ways.
 * Adjusting social insurance policies, pension charges/claims and the like.
 * Instituting and adjusting unemployment benefits and other social benefits.
 * Subsidizing workers or their employers in various ways through eligibility to various benefits or supplements to salary.
 * Influencing the general price level, by means of fiscal policy and monetary policy, or by instituting price controls for consumer goods and services.
 * Regulating the consumption of goods and services by workers.
 * Policing workers on the job and off-work, and prosecuting criminal activity with respect to workers' lives.
 * Requiring military service from young workers at fixed pay rates.
 * Creating additional jobs and employment by means of various policies, or, permitting unemployment to grow.
 * Encouraging or preventing labour mobility and job mobility.
 * Permitting or preventing the inflow of immigrant workers, or the emigration of workers.
 * Stipulating legal requirements relating to the accommodation, health, sex life, family situation and pregnancy of workers.

Marx was very aware of this and in Das Kapital provides many illustrations, often taken from the Blue Books and factory inspector's reports. Part of the role of the state is to secure those general (collective) conditions for the reproduction and maintenance of workers which individuals and private enterprise cannot secure by themselves for one reason or another—for example, because:

 * providing those conditions practically requires an authority which stands above competing interests.
 * meeting the conditions is too costly for private agencies, requiring investment funds not available to them.
 * it is technically not possible to privatize those conditions.
 * the conditions that have to be supplied are not sufficiently profitable, or too risky for private agencies.
 * there is a specific political or moral reason why the state should intervene.

However, Marx did not provide a general theory of the state and the labour market. He intended to write a separate book on the subject of wages and the labour market (see Capital Vol. 1, Penguin edition, p. 683), but did not accomplish it, mainly because of bad health. Nevertheless, Marx made quite clear his belief that capitalism "overturns all the legal or traditional barriers that would prevent it from buying this or that kind of labour-power as it sees fit, or from appropriating this or that kind of labour" (Ibid., p. 1013). It is possible—apart from bad health—that he did not write a general critique of the state, because he lived himself as an exile in Britain, and therefore, he might have got into major trouble personally, if he had criticized the state publicly in his writings in ways not acceptable to the British state.

In modern times, the fact that the state has a big effect on wages and the value of labour power has given rise to the concepts of the social wage and collective consumption. If the state claims just as much money from workers through taxes and levies as it pays out to them, then it is of course doubtful whether the state really "pays a social wage". However, more often the state redistributes income from one group or workers to another, reducing the income of some and increasing that of others.

Quotation by Marx on the value of labour power and classical political economy
"Classical Political Economy borrowed from every-day life the category "price of labour" without further criticism, and then simply asked the question, how is this price determined? It soon recognized that the change in the relations of demand and supply explained in regard to the price of labour, as of all other commodities, nothing except its changes i.e., the oscillations of the market-price above or below a certain mean. If demand and supply balance, the oscillation of prices ceases, all other conditions remaining the same. But then demand and supply also cease to explain anything. The price of labour, at the moment when demand and supply are in equilibrium, is its natural price, determined independently of the relation of demand and supply. And how this price is determined is just the question. Or a larger period of oscillations in the market-price is taken, e.g., a year, and they are found to cancel one the other, leaving a mean average quantity, a relatively constant magnitude. This had naturally to be determined otherwise than by its own compensating variations. This price which always finally predominates over the accidental market-prices of labour and regulates them, this "necessary price" (Physiocrats) or "natural price" of labour (Adam Smith) can, as with all other commodities, be nothing else than its value expressed in money. In this way Political Economy expected to penetrate to the value of labour through the medium of the accidental prices of labour. As with other commodities, this value was then further determined by the cost of production. But what is the cost of production-of the labourer, i.e., the cost of producing or reproducing the labourer himself? This question unconsciously substituted itself in Political Economy for the original one; for the search after the cost of production of labour as such turned in a circle and never left the spot. What economists therefore call value of labour, is in fact the value of labour-power, as it exists in the personality of the labourer, which is as different from its function, labour, as a machine is from the work it performs. Occupied with the difference between the market-price of labour and its so-called value, with the relation of this value to the rate of profit, and to the values of the commodities produced by means of labour, &c., they never discovered that the course of the analysis had led not only from the market-prices of labour to its presumed value, but had led to the resolution of this value of labour itself into the value of labour-power. Classical economy never arrived at a consciousness of the results of its own analysis; it accepted uncritically the categories "value of labour," "natural price of labour," &c.,. as final and as adequate expressions for the value-relation under consideration, and was thus led, as will be seen later, into inextricable confusion and contradiction, while it offered to the vulgar economists a secure basis of operations for their shallowness, which on principle worships appearances only."

Labour market flexibilisation
The commercial value of human labour power is strongly linked to the assertion of human needs by workers as citizens. It is not simply a question of supply and demand here, but of human needs which must be met. Therefore, labour costs have never been simply an "economic" or "commercial" matter, but also a moral, cultural and political issue.

In turn, this has meant that governments have typically strongly regulated the sale of labour power with laws and rules for labour contracts. These laws and rules affect e.g. the minimum wage, wage bargaining, the operation of trade unions, the obligations of employers in respect of employees, hiring and firing procedures, labour taxes, and unemployment benefits.

This has led to repeated criticism from employers that labour markets are over-regulated, and that the costs and obligations of hiring labour weigh too heavily on employers. Moreover, it is argued that over-regulation prevents the free movement of labour to where it is really necessary. If labour markets were deregulated by removing excessive legal restrictions, it is argued that costs to business would be reduced and more labour could be hired, thereby increasing employment opportunities and economic growth.

However, trade union representatives often argue that the real effect of deregulation is to reduce wages and conditions for workers, with the effect of reducing market demand for products. In turn, the effect would be lower economic growth and a decline in living standards, with increased casualisation of labour and more "contingent labour". It is argued that, because the positions of employees and employers in the market are unequal (it is usually easier for an employer to loose an employee than an employee to loose an employer), employees must be legally protected against undue exploitation. Otherwise employers will simply hire workers as and when it suits them, without regard for their needs as citizens. A further twist in some countries is that unions are part of the political establishment, and not interested in collecting complaints and suggestions from individual employees, employing staff in proportion to dues received, backing employees' legal cases, or rocking the boat in their public statements. For example, in China some workers are in prison for criticising the official unions.

Often the demand for "labour market flexibility" is combined with the demand for strong immigration controls, to block any movement of labour which would be only a burden for capital accumulation. The term "flexibility" is used because, while capital must be able to move freely around the globe, the movement of labour must be strictly controlled. If that control does not exist, it is argued, it could mean additional costs to employers and taxpayers.

Criticism
It has been argued by Ian Steedman that Marx's own concept of labour power was in truth very similar to that of David Ricardo and Adam Smith and, therefore, that Marx was not saying anything really new. However, Marx's interpretation is (as he himself said) different from the "natural price of labour" of the classical political economists, because the "free play of market forces" does not gravitate spontaneously and automatically toward the "natural price" (the value) of labour power. Precisely because labour power is a unique and peculiar commodity, being lodged in the living worker, it does not conform to all the same laws as other kinds of commodities. Depending on social conditions, labour power may durably trade at prices well above, or below, its real value. Marx only assumed that labour power traded at its value, in order to show that even if that was the case, the worker was still economically exploited. But he was well aware that often labour power did not trade at its value, either because of unfavourable wage-bargaining conditions or because of labour scarcity.

A recent criticism by Prof. Marcel van der Linden is as follows: "Marx's thesis is based on two dubious assumptions, namely that labour needs to be offered for sale by the person who is the actual bearer and owner of such labour, and that the person who sells the labour sells nothing else. Why does this have to be the case? Why can labour not be sold by a party other than the bearer? What prevents the person who provides labour (his or her own or that of somebody else) from offering packages combining the labour with labour means? And why can a slave not perform wage labour for his master at the estate of some third party?" This difficulty was first noted in research conducted during the 1980s by Tom Brass, gathered together in his 1999 book.

The buying and selling of human work effort can and has taken many more different forms than Marx acknowledges—especially in the area of services. A modern information society makes possible all kinds of new forms of hustling. Marx said himself that "Above all [capitalism] overturns all the legal or traditional barriers that would prevent it from buying this or that kind of labour-power as it sees fit, or from appropriating this or that kind of labour". The concept of the value of labour power referred to the underlying economic relationship, not to be confused with the formalities of all the kinds of labour contracts which are possible.

title: Labour power


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Talk:Bishop Rock

[Untitled]
Hey. Great Stub! I thought, though, that

and takes perhaps the worst battering from the waves of any of the world's lighthouse.

might be a bit too non-neutral/unsubstantiated. But it's here in case you or anyone disagrees! MDCore 23:07, 26 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Blue Riband
"The ship with the fastest time (in either direction) between a line of longitude running through the rock [sic] Bishop Rock and a similar line of longitude running through the Nantucket Lightship claimed the 'Blue Riband' prize for the fastest crossing." According to Blue Riband the eastern measuring point was Sandy Hook or Ambrose (Ambrose Lightship?). Kablammo 22:02, 25 June 2006 (UTC) The western point was Sandy Hook and later Ambrose; text corrected accordingly. For ships coming from the Mediterranean however the Starting point was Gibralter. Kablammo 00:41, 26 June 2006 (UTC)

convicts
I read somewhere that convicts used to be left on the island with bread and water. Does anyone know where that might be referenced? 124.170.173.1 (talk) 12:14, 22 March 2009 (UTC) nina

dead men and keepers going mad
the local story is that one of a pair of keepers died and that by the time the survivor was rescued he had gone mad. therafter they alwasy used 3 keepers. Is this true - any refs?Engineman (talk) 17:21, 16 August 2009 (UTC)
 * It's probably apocryphal. The macabre tale mirrors famous events that happened at a different (earlier) lighthouse: Smalls. The engineer James Douglass worked on both lighthouses, which could account for the local story's existence. –Whitehorse1 00:11, 1 October 2009 (UTC)

1818 Duchy of Cornwall Report
Just added the above report. Is it reasonable to assume that the mentioned engineer, Mr Rennie is John Rennie the Elder? Jowaninpensans (talk) 16:03, 27 December 2012 (UTC)

History revision
"The rock was recorded as Maen Escop in 1284 and Maenenescop in 1302. In Welsh, Maen Esgob means Bishop Rock. The outer rocks to the west of St Agnes used to be known as the Bishop and Clerk, but exactly how they acquired their names is not known for certain. One explanation is that when a fleet of merchantmen out of Spain were wrecked 200 years ago, only Miles Bishop and John and Henry Clerk survived.[4] Another possible explanation is that the shape of the rock is similar to a bishop's mitre.[5]"

200 years ago? What year is that? And I thought the rock was recorded as Bishop Rock in Welsh in 1284, not 200 years ago. Also, what is St Agnes? Why are we talking about St Agnes. This article is about Bishop Rock and the relevance of this St Agnes should be specified. This section needs a lot of cleaning up. Too much obscurity. Gordon410 (talk) 11:33, 22 August 2016 (UTC)

External links modified
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Guinness Record
This should be checked somehow. The CNN article is not strong evidence of this and the record may also not be current - there is an inhabited island in the St Lawrence seaway (Hub Island) that is now inhabited and may now hold the title. See also: https://www.laputa.it/is-bishop-rock-smallest-island-in-the-world/?lang=en Mike (talk) 22:23, 23 January 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:Bishop Rock


text:
Lowry Mays

Lester Lowry Mays (July 24, 1935 – September 12, 2022) was an American businessman. He was the founder and chairman of Clear Channel Communications.

Early years
Mays was born in Houston on July 24, 1935. His father, Lester T. Mays, was an executive in the steel industry and died in a car accident when Mays was twelve; his mother, Mary Virginia Lowry, became a real estate agent after her husband's death. Mays was raised in University Park in suburban Dallas, where he attended Highland Park High School. He then studied at the A&M College of Texas (now Texas A&M University), where he received a Bachelor of Science in petroleum engineering.

After graduating in 1957, Mays joined the Air Force, where he served as an officer. Upon his discharge from the Air Force, Mays obtained a Master of Business Administration from Harvard University. He became an investment banker, rising to Vice President of Corporate Finance during his ten years at Russ & Company.

Clear Channel Communications
In 1972, Mays founded the San Antonio Broadcasting Company, which became Clear Channel Communications. The company purchased its first radio station, KEEZ-FM in San Antonio in 1972. He and his business partner Red McCombs bought a second San Antonio Station, WOAI, in 1975. This station was considered a "clear channel" station because no other station operated on its frequency and its 50,000-watt signal could be heard hundreds or even thousands of miles away on a clear night. Over the next several years, the company bought ten more struggling radio stations and turned them profitable, usually by switching their formats to religious or talk programming. Their first non–San Antonio acquisition was 1250 KPAC and 98.5 KPAC-FM in Port Arthur, bought from the then Port Arthur College, now Lamar-Port Arthur. KPAC-FM was upgraded by Clear Channel in the early 1980s to be their first "Houston" station when the company built a 2,000-ft tower near Devers, Texas, hoping to cover Houston. The effort failed to meet expectations and the station was sold after Clear Channel bought radio stations with in-town Houston signals. The company went public in 1984. Four years later, the company bought its first television station.

By the mid-90s, Clear Channel Communications owned 43 radio and 16 television stations. After the Telecommunications Act of 1996 significantly deregulated the broadcast industry, Mays and his company purchased 49 radio stations and an interest in New Zealand's largest radio group. A merger with Jacor Communications, based in Covington, Kentucky (which had bought the former broadcast side of Nationwide Insurance a year earlier), brought the operation of 450 stations to the Clear Channel portfolio. Within eight years, and with an influx of capital investment from the private-equity Griffith Family, Clear Channel had accumulated ownership of over 1,200 radio stations and 41 television stations in the United States, one of the nation's leading live entertainment companies, and over 750,000 outdoor advertising displays.

In 2003, Mays testified before the US Senate that the deregulation of the telecommunications industry had not hurt the public. However, in an interview that same year with Fortune magazine, he remarked, "We're not in the business of providing news and information. We're not in the business of providing well-researched music. We're simply in the business of selling our customers' products."

Mays was inducted into the Radio Hall of Fame in 2004. After suffering a stroke the following year, Mays relinquished his position as a CEO of the company to his son, Mark Mays.

Texas A&M University
Mays served on the Texas A&M Board of Regents from 1985 to 1991. He was reappointed to the Board of Regents in 2001 and served as chairman of the Board of Regents from 2003 to 2005. He was also a chair of the Presidential Library Committee and a member of the Committee on Buildings and Physical Plant and was the Board's special liaison to the Texas A&M Foundation. His final term on the Board of Regents expired on February 1, 2007.

Mays donated a substantial amount of money to the school to improve the business department. In 1996, A&M rewarded him by renaming their business school, now Mays Business School, in his honor.

Personal life and death
Mays served as a chairman of the United Way of San Antonio. He was also a member of the Associates Board at Harvard Business School. He was inducted into the Texas Business Hall of Fame in 1999.

Mays was married to Peggy Pitman from 1959 until her death in November 2020. Together, they had four children, Kathy, Mark, Linda, and Randall Mays. They lived in San Antonio, Texas, where they oversaw the operations and giving of the Mays Family Foundation. His son-in-law, Michael McCaul, is a Republican congressman from Texas's 10th congressional district.

Mays died in San Antonio on September 12, 2022, at age 87.

Awards and honors

 * 1997 San Antonio Business Hall of Fame
 * 1998 Golden Plate Award of the American Academy of Achievement
 * 1999 Texas Business Hall of Fame
 * 2004 Radio Hall of Fame
 * 2010 Sterling C. Evans Medal

title: Lowry Mays


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Waitomo

Waitomo is a rural community in the King Country region of New Zealand's North Island. There are several solutional cave systems in the area around the village, which are popular tourist attractions. Restaurants and accommodation are centred in the village to serve visiting tourists.

The word Waitomo comes from the Māori language: wai meaning water and tomo meaning a doline or sinkhole; it can thus be translated to be "water passing through a hole". The caves are formed in Oligocene limestone.

The historic Waitomo Caves Hotel is located in Waitomo Caves village.

History
The village Waitomo Caves is named for the hundreds of caves present in the spectacular karst landscape.

The limestone landscape of the Waitomo District area has been the centre of increasingly popular commercial caving tourism since before 1900. Initially mostly consisting of impromptu trips guided by local Māori, a large cave system near Waitomo Caves were nationalised by the Crown and managed as a (relatively genteel) tourism attraction from 1904 onwards. A 1915 guide said, "It is reached by railway to Hangatiki, thence 6 miles by coach along a good road".

A visit to Waitomo Caves made number 14 amongst a list of 101 "Kiwi must-do's" in a New Zealand Automobile Association poll of over 20,000 motorists published 2007, and in 2004, around 400,000 visitors entered caves in the area.

The Waitomo Caves Museum provides information about the karst landscape, caves and caving and the history of the area.

Tourist caves
Companies specialise in leading tourists through the caves of the area, from easily accessible areas with hundreds of tourists per hour in the peak season, to extreme sports, like crawls into cave systems, which are only seen by a few tourists each day.

The caves are noted for their stalactite and stalagmite displays, and (in the caves with streams running through) for the presence of glowworms (the fungus gnat Arachnocampa luminosa).

Walks
The Waitomo Walkway runs through the valley of the Waitomo Stream (a tributary of the Waipā River) for 3.3 km from the village to the Ruakuri Scenic Reserve. At the reserve the Ruakuri Walk leads through short caves to the Ruakuri Natural Bridge.

Te Araroa, a national long distance walkway, passes through Waitomo. The section from Mt Pirongia joins the Waitomo Walkway to enter the village. The 17.5 km section to Te Kuiti goes over Mangapu River suspension bridge and through Pehitawa kahikatea forest.

Demographics
Waitomo settlement is within Hangatiki statistical area, which covers 326.46 km2 and had an estimated population of as of  with a population density of  people per km2.

Hangatiki had a population of 1,185 at the 2018 New Zealand census, an increase of 84 people (7.6%) since the 2013 census, and an increase of 126 people (11.9%) since the 2006 census. There were 432 households, comprising 618 males and 564 females, giving a sex ratio of 1.1 males per female. The median age was 41.4 years (compared with 37.4 years nationally), with 240 people (20.3%) aged under 15 years, 213 (18.0%) aged 15 to 29, 543 (45.8%) aged 30 to 64, and 189 (15.9%) aged 65 or older.

Ethnicities were 72.9% European/Pākehā, 36.5% Māori, 1.3% Pacific peoples, 1.5% Asian, and 1.8% other ethnicities. People may identify with more than one ethnicity.

The percentage of people born overseas was 11.4, compared with 27.1% nationally.

Although some people chose not to answer the census's question about religious affiliation, 57.0% had no religion, 31.4% were Christian, 3.3% had Māori religious beliefs, 0.5% were Hindu and 1.5% had other religions.

Of those at least 15 years old, 138 (14.6%) people had a bachelor's or higher degree, and 219 (23.2%) people had no formal qualifications. The median income was $34,000, compared with $31,800 nationally. 123 people (13.0%) earned over $70,000 compared to 17.2% nationally. The employment status of those at least 15 was that 558 (59.0%) people were employed full-time, 165 (17.5%) were part-time, and 21 (2.2%) were unemployed.

Marae
The community has a number of marae, affiliated with Ngāti Maniapoto hapū:

 * Kaputuhi Marae is affiliated with the hapū of Ngāti Matakore, Pare te Kawa, Ngāti Peehi and Rōrā.
 * Te Kauae Marae and Te Kauae o Niu Tereni meeting house are affiliated with the hapū of Huiao, Ngāti Kinohaku, Ngāti Peehi and Ngāti Te Kanawa.
 * Te Korapatu Marae is affiliated with the hapū of Peehi and Te Kanawa.
 * Pohatuiri Marae is affiliated with the hapū of Uekaha.
 * Tokikapu Marae and Matua a Iwi meeting house are affiliated with the hapū of Ruapuha, Te Kanawa and Uekaha.

Education
Waitomo Caves School is a co-educational state primary school, with a roll of  as of

title: Waitomo


text: Category:Cadillac engines

title: Category:Cadillac engines


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France and England in North America

France and England in North America (ISBN 1-425-56179-9) is a multi-volume history of the European colonization of North America, written by Francis Parkman and published between 1865 and 1892, which highlights the military struggles between France and Great Britain. It was well regarded at the time of publication, and continues to enjoy a reputation as a literary masterpiece.

The separate volumes, and the dates of first publication, are:
 * Pioneers of France in the New World (1865)
 * The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century (1867)
 * The Discovery of the Great West (1869) (Revised and republished as La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West in 1879)
 * The Old Regime in Canada (1874)
 * Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV (1877)
 * Montcalm and Wolfe (1884)
 * A Half-Century of Conflict (1892)

A single-volume condensed version, edited by John Tebbel, was published in 1948 as The Battle for North America.

A two-volume unabridged version, with notes by David Levin, was published in 1983 by the Library of America as ''France and England in North America.

title: France and England in North America


text: Category:Mazda engines

title: Category:Mazda engines


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Vasily Golovnin

Vasily Mikhailovich Golovnin (Russian: Василий Михайлович Головнин; 19 April 1776, Gulyniki, Ryazan Oblast – 11 July 1831, Saint Petersburg) was a Russian navigator, Vice Admiral, and corresponding member of the Russian Academy of Sciences (1818).

Early life and career
Vasily Mikhailovich Golovnin was born in April 1776, in the village of Gulyniki in Ryazan Oblast, on his father's country estate. Both his father and grandfather had served in the Russian military as officers in the elite Preobrazhensky Lifeguard regiment. Golovnin appeared set to continue the family tradition, but his father died while he was still a child, and at the age of twelve he was enrolled in the Russian Naval College as a cadet. He graduated four years later in 1792.

Golovnin entered active service as a midshipman in May and June 1790, participating in several naval battles against the Swedes. He served in several foreign campaigns between 1793 and 1798. From 1798 to 1800 he served as adjutant and interpreter to Vice Admiral M. K. Makarov, commander of a Russian squadron operating jointly with the British fleet in the North Sea.

On the orders of Tsar Alexander I, Golovnin was sent, along with several other Russian officers, to obtain further training aboard British ships. He served three years (1802–1805) with the British fleet under Admirals Nelson, Collingwood, and Cornwallis. During this period, war was once again declared between the British and French, and Golovnin saw action while serving under Admiral Nelson. He returned to Russia in 1806, and began compiling a code of naval signals on the English pattern, which remained in use by the Russian fleet for more than twenty years.

Diana's voyage

Golovnin was given command of the sloop Diana in 1806, and made his first voyage around the world (1807—1809), with the object of conducting a survey of the northern Pacific, and transporting supplies to Okhotsk.

Diana set sail from Kronstadt on 7 July 1807. A severe storm in April 1808 prevented Diana from sailing around Cape Horn, and Golovnin decided to set sail for the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa, to restock the ship's supplies. He anchored in the nearby port of Simon's Town on 3 May 1808. Golovnin, having been at sea for ten months, was unaware that Russian relations with Britain had deteriorated, and Russia had allied herself with the French. Diana was immediately detained as an enemy vessel by a British naval squadron, pending receipt of appropriate instructions from London. Golovnin and his crew spent more than a year detained aboard Diana at Simon's Town awaiting a decision from British authorities. When it became increasingly clear that a decision might never come, Golovnin began to plot their escape. On 28 May 1809, perfect conditions presented themselves - a fair wind and poor visibility. The crew severed the anchor cables, and managed successfully to sail out of the bay, passing directly in front of several British warships. Once the British discovered that they had escaped, they set off in pursuit, but failed to overtake Diana, which sailed safely to Kamchatka in 1810, and news of Diana's "audacious escape" quickly spread throughout the world. Golovnin left Kamchatka in 1810, sailing to Baranof Island, a recently settled outpost of the Russian-American Company.

In 1819, he published an account of their voyage, detention and escape, titled Journey of the Russian Emperor’s sloop Diana from Kronstadt to Kamchatka.

Captivity in Japan

In 1811, Golovnin described and mapped the Kuril Islands from the Strait of Hope to the eastern shores of Iturup Island (Etorofu in Japanese). While exploring Kunashir Island (Kunashiri in Japanese), he was lured ashore, taken prisoner, charged with violating Sakoku (a Japanese policy prohibiting foreigners from entering Japan), and held captive for two years by the Japanese on the island of Hokkaido. Golovnin was said to possess a "superior education and fascination with foreign cultures." After making one failed attempt to escape his captors, Golovnin decided to utilize his time in detainment to master the Japanese language, and familiarize himself with Japanese culture and traditions.

Golovnin was released in 1813, returned to Russia, and published an account of his years in captivity. His book, Captivity in Japan During the Years 1811, 1812, 1813, became an instant classic. It was hailed in Russia as an authoritative volume on Japanese culture, and helped shape an entire generation's view of Japan. Golovnin clearly respected the Japanese, portraying them "as intelligent, as patriotic, and as worthy rivals" of the Russians in the Pacific. His representation of Japanese religious practices also became influential in Europe; he claimed that the Japanese practiced a form of Hinduism or Indian religion but a minority followed a distant, indigenous form of Christianity, influencing later scholars' claims about Japanese religion well into the 19th century. The captivity of Golovnin almost led to war between Russia and Japan in what became known as the Golovnin Incident.

Around the world on the Kamchatka
On 7 September 1817, Golovnin set out on a second voyage around the world aboard the frigate Kamchatka. Serving under him were three future Russian explorers of prominence - Fyodor Litke, Fyodor Matyushkin, and Ferdinand von Wrangel. After sailing around Cape Horn, the objective was to deliver supplies to Kamchatka, and survey previously unexplored islands along what is now the northwestern coast of Alaska. Golovnin was also tasked with compiling a report detailing relations between the Kodiak Islanders and employees of the Russian-American Company.

He arrived in Kamchatka the following May, then returned to Europe via the Cape of Good Hope, completing his circumnavigation by landing at St Petersburg on 17 September 1819. After the journey, Golovnin published Around the World on the Kamchatka, describing his voyage, and his encounters with the native Kodiak and Sandwich Islanders. Though the journey had "achieved little in the way of new discoveries," Golovnin returned with "a vast store of scientific and astronomical information" to share with Russian scientists.

In the book The Lost Pianos of Siberia by Sophy Roberts, it is mentioned that Golovnin was "busted" out of his Japanese captivity by Pyotr Rikord, the newly appointed chief of Kamchatka. As a "thank you" Golovnin rewarded Rikord's wife Lyudmila, a keen pianist, with a piano shipped all the way from St Petersburg, which took eight months and eight days to deliver.

Later career and death
In 1821, Golovnin was appointed assistant director of the Russian Naval College, and later, in 1823, General Quartermaster of the Fleet. A talented administrator, Golovnin successfully managed the activities of the shipbuilding, commissariat, and artillery departments. Under his supervision, over two hundred ships were built, including the first Russian steamships. Golovnin also served as a mentor to numerous Russian navigators, including the aforementioned Fyodor Litke and Ferdinand von Wrangel.

Golovnin died of cholera during an epidemic that swept through the city of Saint Petersburg in 1831.

Legacy and honors

Golovnin was awarded many honors during his life, including the Order of St. Vladimir and the Order of Saint George, serving as commander of the latter. According to one historian, his literary works detailing his adventures at sea and on shore remain notable due to his "respect for historical detail...[his] critical ability, literary skill, and lively curiosity." A complete edition was published at St Petersburg in five volumes in 1864, with maps and charts, and a biography of the author.

The village of Golovin, Alaska, Cape Golovnin, as well as Golovnin Bay and Golovnin Lagoon, are all named in honor of Vasily Golovnin. A strait between two of the Kuril Islands, Golovnin volcano on Kunashir Island, capes on Novaya Zemlya and Franz Josef Land, are among other landmarks bearing his name. The cape of Point Hope in Alaska was also originally named in Golovnin's honor.

Family
Golovnin married the daughter of a Tver landowner and retired army officer, Evdokiya Stepanovna Lutkovskaya (1795–1884). All four of Evdokiya's brothers served in the Russian Navy; two of them, Peter and Feopemt Lutkovsky, became Admirals, and rose to great prominence.

Admiral Feopemt Lutkovsky (1803–1852) served under Golovnin during his voyage aboard the Kamchatka (1817–1819). Feopemt was described as "free thinking", and according to testimony given by individuals involved in the Decembrist Uprising, he was in close communication with several members of their society. He avoided prosecution for treason due to the intervention of Fyodor Litke. Evdokiya's sister Ekaterina also married a naval officer, Rear Admiral Maksim Maksimovich Genning.

Golovnin's son, Alexander Vasilyevich Golovnin (1821–1886), initially followed in his father's footsteps, serving in the Russian Navy. A close friend and associate of Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolayevich, Alexander retired from the Navy, and served as Minister of Education (1861–1866) under Tsar Alexander II. In addition to his work as a naval officer and bureaucrat, Alexander served as director of the journal Morskoi Sbornik, and was actively involved in the Zemstvo. It was Alexander who preserved, collected, and eventually published his father's works under the title Works and Translations (Sochineniia i Perevody).

Fiction

 * Vasily Golovnin makes an appearance in Patrick O'Brian's novel The Mauritius Command (1977).

title: Vasily Golovnin


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Norman Cyril Jackson

Norman Cyril Jackson VC (8 April 1919 – 26 March 1994) was a sergeant in the Royal Air Force (RAF) who earned the Victoria Cross during a Second World War bombing raid on Schweinfurt, Germany in April 1944.

Early life
Born in Ealing, Middlesex, Jackson was adopted as a one-week-old baby by Mr. and Mrs. Edwin Gunter. The Gunters also adopted Geoffrey Oliver Hartley, who in 1951 was awarded the George Medal as a Federation of Malaya police lieutenant for protecting his party, which included three children, from bandits. Upon this occasion, Mrs. Gunter said, "We adopted two of the finest sons any parents could wish for."

Jackson qualified as a fitter and turner. Although he was married and in a reserved occupation at the outbreak of the Second World War, he enlisted in the RAF.

Military career
He joined the RAF Volunteer Reserve in 1939 and originally served as a Classified Fitter IIE (engines). In January 1941, he was assigned to a Sunderland flying boat squadron based in Freetown, Sierra Leone. He applied for retraining as a flight engineer and returned to England in September 1942.

On 28 July 1943, he joined No. 106 Squadron which operated Avro Lancaster bombers. Jackson completed his tour of 30 missions on 24 April 1944, but, as he had flown one sortie with a different crew, he chose to fly once more so that he and his original aircrew could finish their tour together. Jackson's 31st mission was a raid on the German ball bearing factories at Schweinfurt on the night of 26–27 April.

Having bombed the target, Jackson's Lancaster (serial ME669) was attacked by a German night fighter and a fuel tank in the starboard wing caught fire. Jackson, already wounded from shell splinters, strapped on a parachute and equipped himself with a fire extinguisher before climbing out of the aircraft and onto the wing, whilst the aeroplane was flying at 140 mph, in order to put out the fire. He gripped the air intake on the leading edge of the wing with one hand, and fought the fire with the other. The flames seared his hands, face, and clothes. The fighter returned and hit the bomber with a burst of gunfire that sent two bullets into his legs. The burst also swept him off the wing.

He fell 20000 ft, but his smouldering and holed parachute worked well enough to save his life. He suffered further injuries upon landing, including a broken ankle, but managed to crawl to a nearby German village the next morning, where he was paraded through the street.

He spent 10 months recovering in hospital before being transferred to Stalag IX-C prisoner-of-war camp. He made two escape attempts, the second of which was successful as he made contact with a unit of the US Third Army.

Jackson's exploit became known when the surviving crewmen of his bomber were released from German captivity at the end of the war. He was promoted to warrant officer and his Victoria Cross (VC) award was gazetted on 26 October 1945. When he went to Buckingham Palace to receive his VC from King George VI, he was accompanied by Leonard Cheshire who was also due to receive his on that day. Group Captain Cheshire insisted that, despite the difference in rank, they should approach the King together. Jackson remembers that Cheshire said to the King, "This chap stuck his neck out more than I did – he should get his VC first! Of course the King had to keep to protocol but I will never forget what Cheshire said."

The crew members

 * Pilot – Flying Officer Frederick Manuel Mifflin – killed in action on April 27, 1944.
 * Navigator – Flight Sergeant Frank Lewis Higgins – imprisoned in Stalag 357 Kopernikus prisoner-of-war camp.
 * Bombardier – Flight Sergeant Maurice Harry Toft – imprisoned in Stalag 357 Kopernikus prisoner-of-war camp.
 * Weapon systems officer – Flight Sergeant Ernest "Sandy" Sandelands – imprisoned in Stalag 357 Kopernikus prisoner-of-war camp.
 * Air Gunner – Sergeant William "Smudger" Smith – imprisoned in Stalag 357 Kopernikus prisoner-of-war camp.
 * Air Gunner – Flight Sergeant Norman Hugh Johnson – killed in action on April 27, 1944.

Victoria Cross citation
Extract from Fourth Supplement, The London Gazette No 37324 of Friday 26 October 1945:

"The KING has been graciously pleased to confer the VICTORIA CROSS in recognition of most conspicuous bravery to:-

905192 Sergeant (Now Warrant Officer) Norman Cyril Jackson R.A.F.V.R., 106 Squadron.

This airman was the flight engineer in a Lancaster detailed to attack Schweinfurt on the night of 26th April 1944. Bombs were dropped successfully and the aircraft was climbing out of the target area. Suddenly it was attacked by a fighter at about 20,000 feet. The captain took evading action at once, but the enemy secured many hits. A fire started near a petrol tank on the upper surface of the starboard wing, between the fuselage and the inner engine.

Sergeant Jackson was thrown to the floor during the engagement. Wounds which he received from shell splinters in the right leg and shoulder were probably sustained at that time. Recovering himself, he remarked that he could deal with the fire on the wing and obtained his captain's permission to try to put out the flames.

Pushing a hand fire-extinguisher into the top of his life-saving jacket and clipping on his parachute pack, Sergeant Jackson jettisoned the escape hatch above the pilot's head. He then started to climb out of the cockpit and back along the top of the fuselage to the starboard wing. Before he could leave the fuselage his parachute pack opened and the whole canopy and rigging lines spilled into the cockpit.

Undeterred, Sergeant Jackson continued. The pilot (Fred Mifflin), bomb aimer (Maurice Toft) and navigator (Frank Higgins) gathered the parachute together and held on to the rigging lines, paying them out as the airman crawled aft. Eventually he slipped and, falling from the fuselage to the starboard wing, grasped an air intake on the leading edge of the wing. He succeeded in clinging on but lost the extinguisher, which was blown away.

By this time, the fire had spread rapidly and Sergeant Jackson was involved. His face, hands and clothing were severely burnt. Unable to retain his hold he was swept through the flames and over the trailing edge of the wing, dragging his parachute behind. When last seen it was only partly inflated and was burning in a number of places.

Realising that the fire could not be controlled, the captain gave the order to abandon aircraft. Four of the remaining members of the crew landed safely. The captain and rear gunner have not been accounted for.

Sergeant Jackson was unable to control his descent and landed heavily. He sustained a broken ankle, his right eye was closed through burns and his hands were useless. These injuries, together with the wounds received earlier, reduced him to a pitiable state. At daybreak he crawled to the nearest village, where he was taken prisoner. He bore the intense pain and discomfort of the journey to Dulag Luft with magnificent fortitude. After ten months in hospital he made a good recovery, though his hands require further treatment and are only of limited use.

This airman's attempt to extinguish the fire and save the aircraft and crew from falling into enemy hands was an act of outstanding gallantry. To venture outside, when travelling at 200 miles an hour, at a great height and in intense cold, was an almost incredible feat. Had he succeeded in subduing the flames, there was little or no prospect of his regaining the cockpit. The spilling of his parachute and the risk of grave damage to its canopy reduced his chances of survival to a minimum. By his ready willingness to face these dangers he set an example of self-sacrifice which will ever be remembered."

Postwar and personal life
After the war, he worked as a travelling salesman of Haig whisky.

He and his wife Alma had seven children. Jackson died on 26 March 1994 at Hampton Hill, in the London Borough of Richmond upon Thames, and is buried in Twickenham Cemetery.

Legacy
In April 2004, Jackson's VC medal was sold at auction to Lord Ashcroft for £235,250 (GBP) against a pre-auction estimate of £130,000. His family were upset because the medal went to a private bidder rather than the RAF museum at Hendon. They had planned to give their father's medals to the museum, but found they could not do so under the terms of their mother's will and the museum was outbid. His VC is now on display in the Lord Ashcroft Gallery at the Imperial War Museum, London.

Norman Jackson's son appeared in the episode on his father's crew in Lord Ashcroft's documentary series Heroes of the Skies (broadcast on Channel Five on 4 October 2012), as well as the Discovery Channel's Air Aces (premiering October 2013), and Air Aces:Full Throttle (premiering 17 March 2014).

title: Norman Cyril Jackson