text:
Anti-Japanese sentiment

Anti-Japanese sentiment (also called Japanophobia, Nipponophobia and anti-Japanism), a form of racism against Asians, involves the hatred or fear of anything which is Japanese, be it its culture or its people.

Overview
Anti-Japanese sentiments range from animosity towards the Japanese government's actions and disdain for Japanese culture to racism against the Japanese people. Sentiments of dehumanization have been fueled by the anti-Japanese propaganda of the Allied governments in World War II; this propaganda was often of a racially disparaging character. Anti-Japanese sentiment may be strongest in Korea and China,   due to atrocities committed by the Japanese military.

In the past, anti-Japanese sentiment contained innuendos of Japanese people as barbaric. Following the Meiji Restoration of 1868, Japan was intent to adopt Western ways in an attempt to join the West as an industrialized imperial power, but a lack of acceptance of the Japanese in the West complicated integration and assimilation. Japanese culture was viewed with suspicion and even disdain.

While passions have settled somewhat since Japan's surrender in World War II, tempers continue to flare on occasion over the widespread perception that the Japanese government has made insufficient penance for their past atrocities, or has sought to whitewash the history of these events. Today, though the Japanese government has effected some compensatory measures, anti-Japanese sentiment continues based on historical and nationalist animosities linked to Imperial Japanese military aggression and atrocities. Japan's delay in clearing more than 700,000 (according to the Japanese Government ) pieces of life-threatening and environment contaminating chemical weapons buried in China at the end of World War II is another cause of anti-Japanese sentiment.

Periodically, individuals within Japan spur external criticism. Former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi was heavily criticized by South Korea and China for annually paying his respects to the war dead at Yasukuni Shrine, which enshrines all those who fought and died for Japan during World War II, including 1,068 convicted war criminals. Right-wing nationalist groups have produced history textbooks whitewashing Japanese atrocities, and the recurring controversies over these books occasionally attract hostile foreign attention.

Some anti-Japanese sentiment originates from business practices used by some Japanese companies, such as dumping.

Brazil
Like the elites in Argentina and Uruguay, the Brazilian elite wanted to racially whiten the country's population during the 19th and 20th centuries. The country's governments always encouraged European immigration, but non-white immigration was always greeted with considerable opposition. The communities of Japanese immigrants were seen as an obstacle to the whitening of Brazil and they were also seen, among other concerns, as being particularly tendentious because they formed ghettos and they also practiced endogamy at a high rate. Oliveira Viana, a Brazilian jurist, historian, and sociologist, described the Japanese immigrants as follows: "They (Japanese) are like sulfur: insoluble." The Brazilian magazine O Malho in its edition of 5 December 1908, issued a charge of Japanese immigrants with the following legend: "The government of São Paulo is stubborn. After the failure of the first Japanese immigration, it contracted 3,000 yellow people. It insists on giving Brazil a race diametrically opposite to ours." On 22 October 1923, Representative Fidélis Reis produced a bill on the entry of immigrants, whose fifth article was as follows: "The entry of settlers from the black race into Brazil is prohibited. For Asian [immigrants] there will be allowed each year a number equal to 5% of those residing in the country...."

Years before World War II, the government of President Getúlio Vargas initiated a process of forced assimilation of people of immigrant origin in Brazil. In 1933, a constitutional amendment was approved by a large majority and established immigration quotas without mentioning race or nationality and prohibited the population concentration of immigrants. According to the text, Brazil could not receive more than 2% of the total number of entrants of each nationality that had been received in the last 50 years. Only the Portuguese were excluded. The measures did not affect the immigration of Europeans such as Italians and Spaniards, who had already entered in large numbers and whose migratory flow was downward. However, immigration quotas, which remained in force until the 1980s, restricted Japanese immigration, as well as Korean and Chinese immigration.

When Brazil sided with the Allies and declared war on Japan in 1942, all communication with Japan was cut off, the entry of new Japanese immigrants was forbidden, and many restrictions affected the Japanese Brazilians. Japanese newspapers and teaching the Japanese language in schools were banned, which left Portuguese as the only option for Japanese descendants. As many Japanese immigrants could not understand Portuguese, it became exceedingly difficult for them to obtain any extra-communal information. In 1939, research of Estrada de Ferro Noroeste do Brasil in São Paulo showed that 87.7% of Japanese Brazilians read newspapers in the Japanese language, a much higher literacy rate than the general populace at the time. Japanese Brazilians could not travel without safe conduct issued by the police, Japanese schools were closed, and radio receivers were confiscated to prevent transmissions on shortwave from Japan. The goods of Japanese companies were confiscated and several companies of Japanese origin had interventions by the government. Japanese Brazilians were prohibited from driving motor vehicles, and the drivers employed by the Japanese had to have permission from the police. Thousands of Japanese immigrants were arrested or deported from Brazil on suspicion of espionage. On 10 July 1943, approximately 10,000 Japanese and German and Italian immigrants who lived in Santos had 24 hours to move away from the Brazilian coast. The police acted without any notice. About 90% of the people displaced were Japanese. To reside in coastal areas, the Japanese had to have a safe conduct. In 1942, the Japanese community that introduced the cultivation of pepper in Tomé-Açu, in Pará, was virtually turned into a "concentration camp". his time, the Brazilian ambassador in Washington, DC, Carlos Martins Pereira e Sousa, encouraged the government of Brazil to transfer all Japanese Brazilians to "internment camps" without the need for legal support, just as was done with the Japanese residents in the United States. However, no suspicion of activities of the Japanese against "national security" was ever confirmed.

Even after the war ended, anti-Japanese sentiment persisted in Brazil. After the war, Shindo Renmei, a terrorist organization formed by Japanese immigrants that murdered Japanese-Brazilians who believed in Japanese surrender, was founded. The violent acts committed by this organization increased anti-Japanese sentiment in Brazil and caused several violent conflicts between Brazilians and Japanese-Brazilians. During the National Constituent Assembly of 1946, the representative of Rio de Janeiro Miguel Couto Filho proposed an amendment to the Constitution saying "It is prohibited the entry of Japanese immigrants of any age and any origin in the country." In the final vote, a tie with 99 votes in favour and 99 against. Senator Fernando de Melo Viana, who chaired the session of the Constituent Assembly, had the casting vote and rejected the constitutional amendment. By only one vote, the immigration of Japanese people to Brazil was not prohibited by the Brazilian Constitution of 1946.

In the second half of the 2010s, a certain anti-Japanese feeling has grown in Brazil. The former Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro, was accused of making statements considered discriminatory against Japanese people, which generated repercussions in the press and in the Japanese-Brazilian community, which is considered the largest in the world outside of Japan. In addition, in 2020, possibly as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, some incidents of xenophobia and abuse were reported to Japanese-Brazilians in cities such as São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro.

According to a 2017 BBC World Service survey, 70% of Brazilians view Japan's influence positively, with 15% expressing a negative view, making Brazil one of the most pro-Japanese countries in South America.

Canada
Like other countries to which the Japanese immigrated in significant numbers, anti-Japanese sentiment in Canada was strongest during the 20th century, with the formation of anti-immigration organizations such as the Asiatic Exclusion League in response to Japanese and other Asian immigration. Anti-Japanese and anti-Chinese riots also frequently broke out such one in early 1900s Vancouver. During World War II, Japanese Canadians were interned like their American counterparts. Financial compensation for surviving internees was finally paid in 1988 by the Brian Mulroney government.

China
Anti-Japanese sentiment is felt very strongly in China and distrust, hostility and negative feelings towards Japan and the Japanese people and culture is widespread in China. Anti-Japanese sentiment is a phenomenon that mostly dates back to modern times (since 1868). Like many Western powers during the era of imperialism, Japan negotiated treaties that often resulted in the annexation of land from China towards the end of the Qing dynasty. Dissatisfaction with Japanese settlements and the Twenty-One Demands by the Japanese government led to a serious boycott of Japanese products in China.

Today, bitterness persists in China over the atrocities of the Second Sino-Japanese War and Japan's postwar actions, particularly the perceived lack of a straightforward acknowledgment of such atrocities, the Japanese government's employment of known war criminals, and Japanese historic revisionism in textbooks. In elementary school, children are taught about Japanese war crimes in detail. For example, thousands of children are brought to the Museum of the War of Chinese People's Resistance Against Japanese Aggression in Beijing by their elementary schools and required to view photos of war atrocities, such as exhibits of records of the Japanese military forcing Chinese workers into wartime labor, the Nanjing Massacre, and the issues of comfort women. After viewing the museum, the children's hatred of the Japanese people was reported to significantly increase. Despite the time that has passed since the end of the war, discussions about Japanese conduct during it can still evoke powerful emotions today, partly because most Japanese are aware of what happened during it although their society has never engaged in the type of introspection which has been common in Germany after the Holocaust. Hence, the usage of Japanese military symbols is still controversial in China, such as the incident in which the Chinese pop singer Zhao Wei was seen wearing a Japanese war flag while she was dressed for a fashion magazine photo shoot in 2001. Huge responses were seen on the Internet, a public letter demanding a public apology was also circulated by a Nanjing Massacre survivor, and the singer was even attacked. According to a 2017 BBC World Service Poll, only 22% of Chinese people view Japan's influence positively, and 75% express a negative view, making China the most anti-Japanese nation in the world.

In recent times, Chinese Japanophiles are often denounced by nationalists as Hanjian (traitors) or Jingri.

Anti-Japanese film industry
Anti-Japanese sentiment can also be seen in war films and anime that are currently being produced and broadcast in Mainland China. More than 200 anti-Japanese films were produced in China in 2012 alone. In one particular situation involving a more moderate anti-Japanese war film, the government of China banned the 2000 film, Devils on the Doorstep because it depicted a Japanese soldier being friendly with Chinese villagers. While Lycoris Recoil considered too violent in Southeast Asia since the assassination of Shinzo Abe.

France
Japan's public service broadcaster, NHK, provides a list of overseas safety risks for traveling, and in early 2020, it listed anti-Japanese discrimination as a safety risk on travel to France and some other European countries, possibly because of fears over the COVID-19 pandemic and other factors. Signs of rising anti-Japanese sentiment in France include an increase in anti-Japanese incidents reported by Japanese nationals, such as being mocked on the street and refused taxi service, and least one Japanese restaurant has been vandalized. A group of Japanese students on a study tour in Paris received abuse by locals. Another group of Japanese citizens was targeted by acid attacks, which prompted the Japanese embassy as well as the foreign ministry to issue a warning to Japanese nationals in France, urging caution. Due to rising discrimination, a Japanese TV announcer in Paris said it's best not to speak Japanese in public or wear a Japanese costume like a kimono. Japanese people are also subject to many stereotypes from the French Entertainment industry that has cemented a general image, often a negative one.

Germany
According to the Japanese foreign ministry, anti-Japanese sentiment and discrimination has been rising in Germany, especially when the COVID-19 pandemic began affecting the country.

Media sources have reported a rise in anti-Japanese sentiment in Germany, with some Japanese residents saying suspicion and contempt towards them have increased noticeably. In line with those sentiments, there have been a rising number of anti-Japanese incidents such as at least one major football club kicking out all Japanese fans from their stadium over fears of the coronavirus, locals throwing raw eggs at Japanese people's homes and a general increase in the level of harassment toward Japanese residents.

Indonesia
In a press release, the embassy of Japan in Indonesia stated that incidents of discrimination and harassment of Japanese people had increased, and they were possibly partly related to the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, and it also announced that it had set up a help center in order to assist Japanese residents in dealing with those incidents. In general, there have been reports of widespread anti-Japanese discrimination and harassment in the country, with hotels, stores, restaurants, taxi services and more refusing Japanese customers and many Japanese people were no longer allowed in meetings and conferences. The embassy of Japan has also received at least a dozen reports of harassment toward Japanese people in just a few days. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Japan), anti-Japanese sentiment and discrimination has been rising in Indonesia.

Korea
The issue of anti-Japanese sentiment in Korea is complex and multifaceted. Anti-Japanese attitudes in the Korean Peninsula can be traced as far back as the Japanese pirate raids and the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598), but they are largely a product of the Japanese occupation of Korea which lasted from 1910 to 1945 and the subsequent revisionism of history textbooks which have been used by Japan's educational system since World War II.

Today, issues of Japanese history textbook controversies, Japanese policy regarding the war, and geographic disputes between the two countries perpetuate that sentiment, and the issues often incur huge disputes between Japanese and South Korean Internet users. South Korea, together with Mainland China, may be considered as among the most intensely anti-Japanese societies in the world. Among all the countries that participated in BBC World Service Poll in 2007 and 2009, South Korea and the People's Republic of China were the only ones whose majorities rated Japan negatively.

Today, chinilpa is also associated with general anti-Japanese sentiment in South Korea and is often used as a derogatory term for Japanophilic Koreans.

Anti-Japanese sentiment can at times be seen in Korean media. One example is the widely popular web novel, Solo Leveling in which Japanese characters appear as antagonists who have malicious intent and want to hurt the Korean protagonist. However, the Webtoon version significantly edits such depictions of Japanese characters out, though not completely, in order to avoid upsetting non-Korean readers.

Peru
Anti-Japanese sentiment in Peru started during 20th century as part of a general anti-Asiatic sentiment after Chinese immigration in Perú, because Japanese and Chinese people were catalogued as a "yellow menace" that deteriorate the race and invaded Peruvian territory. Politicians and intellectuals tried to generate repudiation against Asians through publications such as bulletins and articles in newspapers and pamphlets that ridiculed them, even inciting the Peruvian people to attack Peruvian-Japanese citizens and their businesses. Peruvian worker protests led to the creation of an Anti-Asian Association in 1917 and the abolition of contract migration in 1923.

Then, the pre-war times were especially difficult for Japanese immigrants, coming to influence the Peruvian government itself (with the deportations of Japanese to concentration camps in the United States during World War II, specially to the country's only family internment camp in Crystal City, Texas). Although there had been ongoing tensions between non-Japanese and Japanese Peruvians, the situation was drastically exacerbated by the war. The economic success of Japanese farmers and businessmen in niche but visible sectors, the significant amount of remittances sent back to Japan, the fear that Japanese were taking jobs from the locals and a growing trade imbalance between Japan and Peru were motives to implement legislation in order to curb Japanese immigration into its borders. Like In 1937, in which Peruvian government passed a decree revoking citizenship rights of Peruvians who had Japanese ancestry, followed by a second decree making it even more difficult to maintain citizenship, the results of which included stigmatization of Japanese immigrants as "bestial", "untrustworthy", "militaristic,". and "unfairly" competing with Peruvians for wages. These contributed to increasing nationalism and anti-Japanese sentiment which worsened alongside the depressed and unstable Peruvian economy.

Fueled by legislative discrimination and media campaigns, a massive race riot (referred to as the "Saqueo") began on May 13, 1940, and lasted for three days. During the riots Japanese Peruvians were attacked and their homes and businesses destroyed. There were damaged over 600 Japanese residences and businesses in Lima, resulting in dozens of injuries and one Japanese death. Not only was it the “worst rioting in Peruvian history,” but it was also the first to target a racial group (because Peruvians mostly discriminate by social class, but doesn't had a tradition of discrimination by race). Despite its massive scale, the saqueo was underreported, a reflection of public sentiment towards the Japanese population at the time.

The deportees were viewed as a threat to both Peru and the United States before and after the bombing of Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, being registered pressure from the United States, which was an influence for Peruvians’ “anti-Japanese attitude” against their own citizens. The deportation of Japanese Peruvians to the United States also involved expropriation without compensation of their property and other assets in Peru. As noted in a 1943 memorandum, Raymond Ickes of the Central and South American division of the Alien Enemy Control Unit had observed that many ethnic Japanese had been sent to the United States "... merely because the Peruvians wanted their businesses and not because there was any adverse evidence against them."

During post-war, decreased anti-Japanese sentiment on Peruvian society, specially after 1960 (when Japan started to develop closer relations with Peru and their Nikkei community). However, there was a light revival of those sentiments after the government of Alberto Fujimori, a Peruvian-Japanese who was involved in Corruption in Peru, which generated antipathy against Japan in Peruvian circles. This revival of the sentiment was so intense that were concerned by the Japan government, after Alberto Fujimori's arrest and trial, the Japanese embassy in Peru and the local media have received frequent telephone calls threatening to harm Japanese-Peruvians, Japanese businesses in Peru, the installations of the embassy and its staff.

Philippines

Anti-Japanese sentiment in the Philippines can be traced back to the Japanese occupation of the country during World War II and its aftermath. An estimated 1 million Filipinos out of a wartime population of 17 million were killed during the war, and many more Filipinos were injured. Nearly every Filipino family was affected by the war on some level. Most notably, in the city of Mapanique, survivors have recounted the Japanese occupation during which Filipino men were massacred and dozens of women were herded in order to be used as comfort women. Today the Philippines has peaceful relations with Japan. In addition, Filipinos are generally not as offended as Chinese or Koreans are by the claim from some quarters that the atrocities are given little, if any, attention in Japanese classrooms. This feeling exists as a result of the huge amount of Japanese aid which was sent to the country during the 1960s and 1970s.

The Davao Region, in Mindanao, had a large community of Japanese immigrants which acted as a fifth column by welcoming the Japanese invaders during the war. The Japanese were hated by the Moro Muslims and the Chinese. The Moro juramentadoss performed suicide attacks against the Japanese, and no Moro juramentado ever attacked the Chinese, who were not considered enemies of the Moro, unlike the Japanese.

According to a 2011 BBC World Service Poll, 84% of Filipinos view Japan's influence positively, with 12% expressing a negative view, making Philippines one of the most pro-Japanese countries in the world.

Singapore
The older generation of Singaporeans have some resentment towards Japan due to their experiences in World War II when Singapore was under Japanese Occupation but because of developing good economical ties with them, Singapore is currently having a positive relationship with Japan.

Taiwan
Due to Japan's various oppression and enslavement of Taiwan during World War II and the dispute over the Senkaku Islands, anti-Japanese sentiment in Taiwan is very common, and most Taiwanese people have a negative impression of Japan.

During the 2005 anti-Japanese demonstrations in East Asia, Taiwan remained noticeably quieter than the PRC or Korea, with Taiwan–Japan relations regarded at an all-time high. However, the KMT victory in 2008 was followed by a boating accident resulting in Taiwanese deaths, which caused recent tensions. Taiwanese officials began speaking out on the historical territory disputes regarding the Diaoyutai/Senkaku Islands, which resulted in an increase in at least perceived anti-Japanese sentiment.

Thailand
Anti-Japanese sentiment was widespread among Thai pro-democracy student protesters in the 1970s. Demonstrators viewed the entry of Japanese companies into the country, invited by the Thai military, as an economic invasion. Anti-Japanese sentiment in the country has since then simmered down.

Russian Empire and Soviet Union
In the Russian Empire, the Japanese victory during the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 halted Russia's ambitions in the East and left it humiliated. During the later Russian Civil War, Japan was part of the Allied interventionist forces that helped to occupy Vladivostok until October 1922 with a puppet government under Grigorii Semenov. At the end of World War II, the Red Army accepted the surrender of nearly 600,000 Japanese POWs after Emperor Hirohito announced the Japanese surrender on 15 August; 473,000 of them were repatriated, 55,000 of them had died in Soviet captivity, and the fate of the others is unknown. Presumably, many of them were deported to China or North Korea and forced to serve as laborers and soldiers. The Kuril Islands dispute is a source of contemporary anti-Japanese sentiment in Russia.

United Kingdom
In the 1902, the United Kingdom signed a formal military alliance with Japan. However, the alliance was especially discontinued in 1923, and by the 1930s, bilateral ties became strained when Britain opposed Japan's military expansion. During World War II, British anti-Japanese propaganda, much like its American counterpart, featured content that grotesquely exaggerated physical features of Japanese people, if not outright depicting them as animals such as spiders. Post-war, much anti-Japanese sentiment in Britain was focused on the treatment of British POWs (See The Bridge on the River Kwai).

Pre-20th century
In the United States, anti-Japanese sentiment had its beginnings long before World War II. As early as the late 19th century, Asian immigrants were subjected to racial prejudice in the United States. Laws were passed which openly discriminated against Asians and sometimes, they particularly discriminated against Japanese. Many of these laws stated that Asians could not become US citizens and they also stated that Asians could not be granted basic rights such as the right to own land. These laws were greatly detrimental to the newly arrived immigrants because they denied them the right to own land and forced many of them who were farmers to become migrant workers. Some cite the formation of the Asiatic Exclusion League as the start of the anti-Japanese movement in California.

Early 20th century

Anti-Japanese racism and the belief in the Yellow Peril in California intensified after the Japanese victory over the Russian Empire during the Russo-Japanese War. On 11 October 1906, the San Francisco, California Board of Education passed a regulation in which children of Japanese descent would be required to attend racially-segregated separate schools. Japanese immigrants then made up approximately 1% of the population of California, and many of them had come under the treaty in 1894 which had assured free immigration from Japan.

The Japanese invasion of Manchuria, China, in 1931 and was roundly criticized in the US. In addition, efforts by citizens outraged at Japanese atrocities, such as the Nanking Massacre, led to calls for American economic intervention to encourage Japan to leave China. The calls played a role in shaping American foreign policy. As more and more unfavorable reports of Japanese actions came to the attention of the American government, embargoes on oil and other supplies were placed on Japan out of concern for the Chinese people and for the American interests in the Pacific. Furthermore, European-Americans became very pro-China and anti-Japan, an example being a grassroots campaign for women to stop buying silk stockings because the material was procured from Japan through its colonies.

When the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, Western public opinion was decidedly pro-China, with eyewitness reports by Western journalists on atrocities committed against Chinese civilians further strengthening anti-Japanese sentiments. African-American sentiments could be quite different than the mainstream and included organizations like the Pacific Movement of the Eastern World (PMEW), which promised equality and land distribution under Japanese rule. The PMEW had thousands of members hopefully preparing for liberation from white supremacy with the arrival of the Japanese Imperial Army.

World War II

The most profound cause of anti-Japanese sentiment outside of Asia started by the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, which propelled the United States into World War II. The Americans were unified by the attack to fight the Empire of Japan and its allies: the German Reich and the Kingdom of Italy.

The surprise attack on Pearl Harbor without a declaration of war was commonly regarded as an act of treachery and cowardice. After the attack, many non-governmental "Jap hunting licenses" were circulated around the country. Life magazine published an article on how to tell the difference between Japanese and Chinese by describing the shapes of their noses and the statures of their bodies. Additionally, Japanese conduct during the war did little to quell anti-Japanese sentiment. The flames of outrage were fanned by the treatment of American and other prisoners-of-war (POWs). The Japanese military's outrages included the murder of POWs, the use of POWs as slave laborers by Japanese industries, the Bataan Death March, the kamikaze attacks on Allied ships, the atrocities which were committed on Wake Island, and other atrocities which were committed elsewhere.

The US historian James J. Weingartner attributes the very low number of Japanese in US POW compounds to two key factors: a Japanese reluctance to surrender and a widespread American "conviction that the Japanese were 'animals' or 'subhuman' and unworthy of the normal treatment accorded to POWs." The latter reasoning is supported by Niall Ferguson: "Allied troops often saw the Japanese in the same way that Germans regarded Russians [sic] — as Untermenschen." Weingartner believed that to explain why merely 604 Japanese captives were alive in Allied POW camps by October 1944. Ulrich Straus, a US Japanologist, wrote that frontline troops intensely hated Japanese military personnel and were "not easily persuaded" to take or protect prisoners, as they believed that Allied personnel who surrendered got "no mercy" from the Japanese.

Allied soldiers believed that Japanese soldiers were inclined to feign surrender in order to launch surprise attacks. Therefore, according to Straus, "[s]enior officers opposed the taking of prisoners[,] on the grounds that it needlessly exposed American troops to risks...." An estimated 112,000 to 120,000 Japanese migrants and Japanese Americans from the West Coast were interned regardless of their attitude to the US or to Japan. They were held for the duration of the war in the Continental US. Only a few members of the large Japanese population of Hawaii were relocated in spite of the proximity to vital military areas.

A 1944 opinion poll found that 13% of the US public supported the genocide of all Japanese. Daniel Goldhagen wrote in his book, "So it is no surprise that Americans perpetrated and supported mass slaughters - Tokyo's firebombing and then nuclear incinerations - in the name of saving American lives, and of giving the Japanese what they richly deserved."

Decision to drop the atomic bombs
Weingartner argued that there was a common cause between the mutilation of Japanese war dead and the decision to bomb Hiroshima and Nagasaki. According to Weingartner, both of these decisions were partially the result of the dehumanization of the enemy: "The widespread image of the Japanese as sub-human constituted an emotional context which provided another justification for decisions which resulted in the death of hundreds of thousands." Two days after the Nagasaki bomb, US President Harry Truman stated: "The only language they seem to understand is the one we have been using to bombard them. When you have to deal with a beast you have to treat him like a beast. It is most regrettable but nevertheless true."

Postwar
In the 1970s and the 1980s, the waning fortunes of heavy industry in the United States prompted layoffs and hiring slowdowns just as counterpart businesses in Japan were making major inroads into US markets. That was most visible than in the automobile industry whose lethargic Big Three (General Motors, Ford, and Chrysler) watched as their former customers bought Japanese imports from Honda, Subaru, Mazda, and Nissan because of the 1973 oil crisis and the 1979 energy crisis. (When Japanese automakers were establishing their inroads into the US and Canada. Isuzu, Mazda, and Mitsubishi had joint partnerships with a Big Three manufacturer (GM, Ford, and Chrysler) in which its products were sold as captives). Anti-Japanese sentiment was reflected in opinion polling at the time as well as in media portrayals. Extreme manifestations of anti-Japanese sentiment were occasional public destruction of Japanese cars and in the 1982 murder of Vincent Chin, a Chinese-American who was beaten to death after he had been mistaken for being Japanese.

Anti-Japanese sentiments were intentionally incited by US politicians as part of partisan politics designed to attack the Reagan presidency.

Other highly-symbolic deals, including the sale of famous American commercial and cultural symbols such as Columbia Records, Columbia Pictures, 7-Eleven, and the Rockefeller Center building to Japanese firms, further fanned anti-Japanese sentiment.

Popular culture of the period reflected American's growing distrust of Japan. Futuristic period pieces such as Back to the Future Part II and RoboCop 3 frequently showed Americans as working precariously under Japanese superiors. The film Blade Runner showed a futuristic Los Angeles clearly under Japanese domination, with a Japanese majority population and culture, perhaps a reference to the alternate world presented in the novel The Man in the High Castle by Philip K. Dick, the same author on which the film was based in which Japan had won World War II. Criticism was also lobbied in many novels of the day. The author Michael Crichton wrote Rising Sun, a murder mystery (later made into a feature film) involving Japanese businessmen in the US. Likewise, in Tom Clancy's book, Debt of Honor, Clancy implies that Japan's prosperity was caused primarily to unequal trading terms and portrayed Japan's business leaders acting in a power-hungry cabal.

As argued by Marie Thorsten, however, Japanophobia was mixed with Japanophilia during Japan's peak moments of economic dominance in the 1980s. The fear of Japan became a rallying point for techno-nationalism, the imperative to be first in the world in mathematics, science, and other quantifiable measures of national strength necessary to boost technological and economic supremacy. Notorious "Japan-bashing" took place alongside the image of Japan as superhuman, which mimicked in some ways the image of the Soviet Union after it launched the first Sputnik satellite in 1957, and both events turned the spotlight on American education.

US bureaucrats purposely pushed that analogy. In 1982, Ernest Boyer, a former US Commissioner of Education, publicly declared, "What we need is another Sputnik" to reboot American education, and he said that "maybe what we should do is get the Japanese to put a Toyota into orbit." Japan was both a threat and a model for human resource development in education and the workforce, which merged with the image of Asian-Americans as the "model minority."

Both the animosity and the superhumanizing peaked in the 1980s, when the term "Japan bashing" became popular, but had largely faded by the late 1990s. Japan's waning economic fortunes in the 1990s, now known as the Lost Decade, coupled with an upsurge in the US economy as the Internet took off, largely crowded anti-Japanese sentiment out of the popular media.

Yasukuni Shrine
The Yasukuni Shrine is a Shinto shrine in Tokyo, Japan. It is the resting place of thousands of not only Japanese soldiers, but also Korean and Taiwanese soldiers killed in various wars, mostly in World War II. The shrine includes 13 Class A criminals such as Hideki Tojo and Kōki Hirota, who were convicted and executed for their roles in the Japanese invasions of China, Korea, and other parts of East Asia after the remission to them under the Treaty of San Francisco. A total of 1,068 convicted war criminals are enshrined at the Yasukuni Shrine.

In recent years, the Yasukuni Shrine has become a sticking point in the relations of Japan and its neighbours. The enshrinement of war criminals has greatly angered the people of various countries invaded by Imperial Japan. In addition, the shrine published a pamphlet stating that " [war] was necessary in order for us to protect the independence of Japan and to prosper together with our Asian neighbors" and that the war criminals were "cruelly and unjustly tried as war criminals by a sham-like tribunal of the Allied forces". While it is true that the fairness of these trials is disputed among jurists and historians in the West as well as in Japan, the former Prime Minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi, has visited the shrine five times; every visit caused immense uproar in China and South Korea. His successor, Shinzo Abe, was also a regular visitor of Yasukuni. Some Japanese politicians have responded by saying that the shrine, as well as visits to it, is protected by the constitutional right of freedom of religion. Yasuo Fukuda, chosen Prime Minister in September 2007, promised "not to visit" Yasukuni.

Derogatory terms
There are a variety of derogatory terms referring to Japan. Many of these terms are viewed as racist. However, these terms do not necessarily refer to the Japanese race as a whole; they can also refer to specific policies, or specific time periods in history.

In English

 * Especially prevalent during World War II, the word "Jap" (short for Japanese) or "Nip" (short for Nippon, Japanese for "Japan" or Nipponjin for "Japanese person") has been used mostly in America, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand as a derogatory word for the Japanese throughout the 19th and the 20th century when they came to Western countries, mostly the United States in large numbers. During WW2, some in the United States Marine Corps tried to combine the word Japs with apes to create a new description, Japes, for the Japanese, although this slur never became popular.
 * The word Japanazi has also been used in English language media, a combination of the words "Japan" and "Nazi" (after Nazi Germany) as a derogatory word to insult Japan and the Axis powers in general.

In Chinese

 * Riben guizi (日本鬼子; Cantonese: Yaatboon gwaizi; Mandarin: Rìběn guǐzi) – literally "Japanese devils" or "Japanese monsters". This is used mostly in the context of the Second Sino-Japanese War, when Japan invaded and occupied large areas of China. This is the title of a Japanese documentary on Japanese war crimes during WWII. Recently, some Japanese have taken the slur and reversed the negative connotations by transforming it into a cute female personification named Hinomoto Oniko, which is an alternate reading in Japanese.
 * Wokou (倭寇; ) – originally referred to Japanese pirates and armed sea merchants who raided the Chinese coastline during the Ming dynasty. The term was adopted during the Second Sino-Japanese War to refer to invading Japanese forces (similarly to Germans being called "Huns" In France and Britain). The word is today sometimes used to refer to all Japanese people in extremely negative contexts.
 * Xiao Riben (小日本; ) – literally "puny Japan(ese)", or literally "little Japan(ese)". This term is very common (Google Search returns 21,000,000 results as of August 2007). The term can be used to refer to either Japan or individual Japanese people.
 * Riben zai (日本仔; ) – this is the most common term in use by Cantonese speaking Chinese, having similar meaning to the English word "Jap". The term literally translates to "Japanese kid". This term has become so common that it has little impact and does not seem to be too derogatory compared to other words below.
 * Wo (倭; ) – this was an ancient Chinese name for Japan, but was also adopted by the Japanese. Today, its usage in Mandarin is usually intended to give a negative connotation. The character is said to also mean "dwarf", although that meaning was not apparent when the name was first used. See Wa.
 * Riben gou (日本狗; ) – "Japanese dogs". The word is used to refer to all Japanese people in extremely negative contexts.
 * Da jiaopen zu (大腳盆族; ) – "big foot-basin race". Ethnic slur towards Japanese used predominantly by Northern Chinese, mainly those from the city of Tianjin.
 * Huang jun (黃軍; ) – "Yellow Army", a pun on "皇軍" (homophone huáng jūn, "Imperial Army"), used during World War II to represent Imperial Japanese soldiers due to the colour of the uniform. Today, it is used negatively against all Japanese. Since the stereotype of Japanese soldiers are commonly portrayed in war-related TV series in China as short men, with a toothbrush moustache (and sometimes round glasses, in the case of higher ranks), huang jun is also often used to pull jokes on Chinese people with these characteristics, and thus "appear like" Japanese soldiers. Also, since the colour of yellow is often associated with pornography in modern Chinese, it is also a mockery of the Japanese forcing women into prostitution during World War II.
 * Zi wei dui (自慰隊; ) – a pun on the homophone "自衛隊" (same pronunciation, "self-defense forces", see Japan Self-Defense Forces), the definition of "慰" (Cantonese: wai3; pinyin: wèi) used is "to comfort". This phrase is used to refer to Japanese (whose military force is known as "自衛隊") being stereotypically hypersexual, as "自慰隊" means "self-comforting forces", referring to masturbation.
 * Ga zai / Ga mui – used only by Cantonese speakers to call Japanese men / young girls. "㗎" (gaa4) came from the frequent use of simple vowels (-a in this case) in Japanese language. "仔" (zai2) means "little boy(s)", with relations to the stereotype of short Japanese men. "妹" (mui1) means "young girl(s)" (the speaker usually uses a lustful tone), with relations to the stereotype of disrespect to females in Japanese society. Sometimes, ga is used as an adjective to avoid using the proper word "Japanese".
 * Law bak tau (蘿蔔頭; ) – "daikon head". Commonly used by the older people in the Cantonese-speaking world to call Japanese men.

In Korean

 * Jjokbari – translates as "a person with cloven hoof-like feet". This term is the most frequently used and strongest ethnic slur used by Koreans to refer to Japanese. Refers to the traditional Japanese footwear of geta or tabi, both of which feature a gap between the big toe and the other four toes. The term compares Japanese to pigs. The term is also used by ethnic Koreans in Japan.
 * Seom-nara won-sung-i – literally "island country monkey", more often translated as simply "island monkey". Common derogatory term comparing Japanese to the Japanese macaque native to Japan.
 * Wae-in – translates as "small Japanese person", although used with strong derogatory connotations. The term refers to the ancient name of Yamato Japan, Wae, on the basis of the stereotype that Japanese people were small (see Wa).
 * Wae-nom – translates as "small Japanese bastard". It is used more frequently by older Korean generations, derived from the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598).
 * Wae-gu – originally referred to Japanese pirates, who frequently invaded Korea. The word is today used to refer to all Japanese people in an extremely negative context.

In Filipino

 * Sakang is a Filipino insult meaning bow-legged, mainly directed towards Japanese people.

In Portuguese

 * Japa is a term used in Brazil to refer to Japanese immigrants and their descendants many times accepted by the Japanese community, not analogous to English Jap.

Other

 * Corona – There have been strong indications that the word "corona", from the coronavirus, has become a relatively common slur toward Japanese people in several Arabic-speaking countries, with the Japanese embassy in Egypt acknowledging that "corona" had become one of the most common slurs at least in that country, as well as incidents against Japanese aid workers in Palestine involving the slur. In Jordan, Japanese people were chased by locals yelling "corona". Outside of the Arabic-speaking world, France has also emerged as a notable country where use of the slur toward Japanese has become common, with targets of the slur ranging from Japanese study tours to Japanese restaurants and Japanese actresses working for French companies such as Louis Vuitton.

title: Anti-Japanese sentiment


text:
Talk:Stirling engine

Lede image
The image at the article head conveys nothing. It is too dark and even when animated it explains nothing about the working or history of the Stirling engine. A better image needs to be found. We need one that conveys the working with being confusing.Lumos3 (talk) 14:42, 8 April 2022 (UTC)

 * I favour this image because 1) it shows the essential simplicity of the design 2) it conveys the timeframe of the design which goes all they way to the industrial revolution.  3)It has warm attractive colours of brass and engineering red. It attracts the reader to look into the subject. Lumos3 (talk) 14:51, 8 April 2022 (UTC)

pressure
contrary to what one reads all over the internet stirling engines do not go below atmospheric pressure and suck the power piston back in if the power piston has one side in the open air.

in another part of the article it is correctly stated that the flywheel provides the work for compressing the working fluid.

imagine an engine sitting ready for work, start heating the hot end, engine runs, the cold end must be above ambient temperature to transfer heat to the atmosphere and so the pressure of the working fluid must be above atmospheric. Froggarana (talk) 16:10, 23 August 2020 (UTC)

 * Your argument is not convincing because the working piston's movement means the total volume is higher than at the start of the cycle. So the conditions you describe do not rule out a pressure of <1atm at the phase within 90° of max volume. 2.100.227.229 (talk) 11:21, 1 May 2024 (UTC)

While the above would be true for a perfectly sealed engine, in practice small leaks mean that the average internal pressure will stabilise to atmospheric, therefore the pressure will indeed be below atmospheric for part of the cycle.Pv=mrt (talk) 18:48, 9 July 2021 (UTC)

by what means does the working fluid leak from a region which you say is below atmospheric to a region at higher pressure ie atmospheric ? 37.1.170.203 (talk) 10:53, 7 October 2021 (UTC)

Single source in section - hotairengines.com
Early hot air engines

This entire section depends upon a single source. While this dissertation seems well laid out, the entire website is the work of a single person, Isaac Woerlen, whose only point of contact is through LinkedIn. The author seems greatly concerned with the environmental impact of all types of engines, and he shows a distinct bias towards hot air energy.

Another problem here is that the text of this section follows very closely on what the website presents:

The first engine of this kind which, after various modifications, was efficiently constructed and heated, had a cylinder of 12 inches (approx. 30 cm) in diameter, with a length of stroke of 2 feet (approx. 61 cm), and made 40 strokes or revolutions in a minute (40 rpm). This engine moved all the machinery at the Dundee Foundry Company's works for eight or ten months, and was previously ascertained to be capable of raising 700,000 lbs. one foot in a minute (approx. 21 HP). —hotairengines.org

The first engine of this kind which, after various modifications, was efficiently constructed and heated, had a cylinder of 30 centimetres (12 inches) in diameter, with a length of stroke of 60 centimetres (2 ft), and made 40 strokes or revolutions in a minute (40 rpm). This engine moved all the machinery at the Dundee Foundry Company's works for eight or ten months, and was previously found capable of raising 320,000 kg (700,000 lbs) 60 cm (2 ft) in a minute, a power of approximately 16 kilowatts (21 horsepower). —Stirling_engine

I've started an RfC about this source. I'd like to hear thoughts on the rest. — Myk Streja ( beep ) 21:40, 31 December 2020 (UTC)

 * That text appears in the 1845 engineering journal where Stirling published his research. Copyright-wise, it is probably public domain now.  It should be presented as a quote here.  Thundermaker (talk) 15:07, 2 January 2021 (UTC)

Agree Re. single questionable source, plus the 'early hot air engines' section was intended to be a brief round-up of precursors to Stirling's work. TBF, this article seems to have become a bit of a mess since I last looked in!Pv=mrt (talk) 18:31, 9 July 2021 (UTC)

The Beta-Configuration blatantly, avoidably, departs from the Stirling-Cycle.
As for the Beta-Configuration, the whole point of the Stirling is that the air expands at the max temp, with heat being added to keep it there, and is compressed at the min temp, with heat being removed to keep it there. But, in the Beta-Configuration, the expanding air has to go through, and be in contact with, the heat-sink. Having the heat-sink remove heat from the expanding air wasn't part of the plan. The Alpha-Configuration doesn't have that fault.

 * Here's a possible (at least partial)answer to my objections:
 * When the air in the hot-space expands: Though the air expanding through the regenerator (which evidently was around the displacer in Stirling's patent) is being cooled by the regenerator, and though the air expanding into the cool region is being cooled...most of the volume of the air is in the large (due to the position of the displacer) hot-space, and therefore most of the air is not being cooled by the regenerator and the cold-space. So the expansion isn't so seriously hindered by that cooling by the regenerator and the cold-space.
 * That mitigates the problems I spoke of, though it doesn't eliminate them. It seems to me that the Alpha Stirling would be more efficient, because it doesn't have that problem, not having to try to use those spaces for dual-purpose.
 * Maybe the inefficiency of Beta & Gamma could be reduced a bit:
 * 1. Maybe it would be feasible for the heat-sink surface to be arranged so that, when the displaer is at or near its top position, it covers all or most of the heat-sink surface.  ...so that the hot air expanding into the top section won't be (as much) chilled by the heat-sink surface.
 * 2. Why not have an outward-flare in the diameter of the displacer's cylinder, a little below the level where the bottom of the displacer is when the displacer is at the top. ...so that, when the displacer is up, having sent the air down to the hot-space, the bottom of the displacer will be in the flared section of its cylinder, thereby leaving a wider space around it, through which for the hot air from below to expand past the displacer without being chilled by the regenerator.
 * In that way, as well, of course the regenerator won't be heated by that expanding air, thereby leaving the regenerator more effective when it's later needed to cool the air being displaced upward to the cold-space.
 * Someone who collects & sells, and maybe makes Stirlings has said that he finds that the Alphas tend to be more powerful. An Alpha was what was used in NASA's Stirling Chevy Celebrity, which beat the original Otto Celebrity in 0 to 60.
 * Of course, if transportation-energy-use, as measured by gallons of fuel purchased, were alloted equally, then a driver could choose any of the ultra-clean-burning external-combustion engines--Stirling (Alpha, Beta, or Gamma) or Rankine (Steam or Freon) based on their price, and based on how much mileage they'd give, with the alloted gallons of fuel.
 * — Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.84.136.105 (talk) 01:24, 17 January 2021 (UTC)

 * Someone said that there are no examples of the Alpha-Configuration being used. Maybe not in table-models, but when, in or near 1986, a NASA team built an automotive Stirling, and installed it in a Chevy Celebrity, a fully-capable and practical prototype that did 0-60 faster than the ordinary Otto Celebrity, and was 33% more efficient, their Stirling-engine used the Alpha-Configuration.  — Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.84.136.105 (talk) 15:04, 4 January 2021 (UTC)

Efficiency compared to that of an internal combustion engine
The article says:

""Stirling engines by definition cannot achieve total efficiencies typical for internal combustion engine, the main constraint being thermal efficiency.""

Though it's true that Otto & Diesel engines can have a higher max temperature due to their briefer combustion, and that the combustion is inside the piston-cylinder, thereby not requiring heat-conduction through a cylinder-wall, the Stirling is still more efficient, due to its ability to more closely approach the Carnot efficiency for a given temperature-difference.

Typically, with current technology, the Stirling is reported to be about 33% to 60% more efficient than the Otto, and about 12.5% more efficient than the Diesel. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.84.136.105 (talk) 15:59, 4 January 2021 (UTC)

 * That entire section seems suspect just by the way it's written, making many assertions as if they were common knowledge without source.
 * It's even more suspect considering that it's flat out wrong. Solar concentrator Stirling engines can focus light through a clear section of the shell onto an internal tungsten wire mesh - making them internally heated. As the heat is not conducted though the structural casing you have a theoretical operating temperature limit for the non-structural heat source approaching 3000 degrees Celsius - the actually relevant concerns for max temp are the tungsten wire heat source actually melting (as we all know, tungsten is known for being easy to melt), cooling the transparent section enough for it to remain strong and transparent (that's a thing, clear stuff usually turns opaque at high temperatures!), and actually concentrating Solar energy to that kind of extreme (not as easy as it sounds due to conservation of etendue).

142.186.66.67 (talk) 04:00, 16 February 2022 (UTC)

Deletion of claim that Stirlings require more expensive material.
In the section that compares Stirlings to ICEs, there's a claim that Stirlings require more expensive materials. No, the NASA Stirling installed in a Chevy Celebrity didn't use metals more exotic than stainless-steel. Stainless-steel was used for the high-temperature parts.

Here's that passage, with that claim removed:

[quote] However, Stirling engines are generally not price-competitive as an automobile engine, because of high cost per unit power, low [[power density]. [/quote]

NASA's report about their MOD2 engine said that, with mass-production economy, a Stirling car could be priced comparably to an ICE-powered car. Sure, maybe a bit more, but not prohibitively, outright unaffordably, more. When comparing price, it's important to not forget that mass-production will cost less per unit than building a prototype.

Because of its greater efficiency, the Stirling can run a bit cooler. The MOD2 report said that, at the Stirling's max temperature, NOx emission isn't a problem.

A Stirling car has an advantage over an electric car: The Stirling, made of abundant metals like aluminum & iron (which is what stainless-steel is) doen't need the exotic scarce or semi-scarce metals that batteries & fuel-cells need. For everyone to have electric cars would likely cause disastrous environtal damage from the mining of the needed exotic metals. Iron and aluminum are very abundant in the Earth's crust.

Here's a possible disadvantage of the Stirling for a mass-ownership vehicle-engine:

One good thing about internal-combustion engines is that the combustion is enclose inside the large, heavy and thick motor-block. An external-combustion-engine's burner isn't quite as well isolated.

In any acceptable transportation/energy future, it would obviously be out of the question for the general population to own and drive the big & heavy cars that are now in use. Any personal motor-vehicles would have to be limited to low-power motorbikes & motor-scooters; and maybe tiny ultra-ultra-light cars for special needs, for families & disabled-people.

For such small vehicles, might there not be a problem protecting the fuel-tank and the driver (& any passengers) from the burner?

Well, maybe that problem could be avoided by having a V-2 or V-4 Alpha Stirling at the very rear of the motor-scooter, motor-bike, or tiny car. The crankshaft would be oriented transversely (parallel to the axles), and the hot cylinder(s) would be on the rear side of the V. In that way, the burner(s) would be far from the fuel-tank and the driver.

The cold-cylinder could be vertical, with the hot-cylinder horizontal and pointed backward.

By the way, ICEs have another huge disadvantage for mass-ownership vehicles: They're filthy. ...no matter what the fuel is. Even burning hydrogen or ammonia, there's NOx. Controllable by hang-on devices? With everyone having an ICE car, lots of people don't maintain their cars (maybe many can't afford to). The hang-on devices have to be maintained. The engine itself has to be maintained. With everyone owning & using the filthy ICEs, inevitably there will be many dirty unmaintained ones. ...all the worse when idling at the curbe or under your window, especially when they're cold. With ammonia fuel burned in mass-ownership ICEs, the air will be as full of NOx, in its many forms, and unburned NH3, as it now is full of half-burned carcinogenic hydrocarbons and particulates...and of course NOx. With hydrogen ICEs mass-owned, NOx will be thick.

So I suggest that ICEs (Otto & Diesel) are completely unacceptable for mass-ownership, no matter what the fuel.
 * it all comes down to sources. If you can provide verifiable references for the statements you want to include, that is suitable material for the article; otherwise it can't be used. Personal reasoning, synthesis, or arguments based on personal knowledge without a print source to back it up are not usable here. -- Elmidae (talk · contribs) 22:52, 16 January 2021 (UTC)

 * I know better than to try to get into the article anything that hasn't been copied from somewhere :D
 * Additionally, for verification about the unacceptability of ICEs for mass-ownership, just get a whiff of the air along any busy city street, or in a low-income neighborhood during morning warmup-time. The families of the drivers have to live there.
 * — Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.84.136.105 (talk • contribs) 02:33, 17 January 2021 (UTC)

Proposed explanation of Stirling cycle & the mechanisms that achieve it...for the beginning of the article.
— Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.84.136.105 (talk • contribs) 22:07, 22 January 2021 (UTC)

HP to KW
At 700,000 lb in 2 minutes that's 1,400,000 ft*lb/min. At 33,000 ft*lb/min per HP, that's 41 HP, or 30.75 KW, right? Not 16 KW or 21 HP. 2603:7080:7006:67D3:5197:4559:7896:2EF (talk) 22:46, 1 January 2022 (UTC)

STIRLING ENGINE, STILL JUST AN IDEA!
When we use the term "Stirling Engine" we must strictly distinguish whether we are referring to the heat engines built and patented by Robert Stirling or we are referring to Stirling's idea of a Heat Engine which should operate between two isotherms and two isochores in the so-called Stirling's Thermodynamic Cycle !

Likewise, if we want to explain to someone what the Thermodynamic cycle is, we cannot do it using the Boyle-Mariotte pV-diagram. What is a thermodynamic cycle and how heat is exchanged and converted into work and work into heat is shown in Thermodynamics with a Ts-diagram, i.e. the relationship between temperature and specific values of entropy, volume and pressure in a working medium. Only the Ts-diagram can clearly show the difference between Stirling's and Carnot's Thermodynamic Cycle.

In addition, when explaining the term Stirling engine, it is important to note to readers that this term is massively abused by: irresponsible hobbyists, fake inventors and experts, traders and fraudsters, who sell their " thermal toys " under the name Stirling engine, even though these toys do not have not the slightest connection with Stirling's idea and the Stirling cycle. The same can be said for all the illustrations and animations that mistakenly try to explain to Wikipedia readers what a Stirling engine is and how it should work.

It is even more important to note to the readers that Robert Stirling never realized his ingenious idea of the construction of a heat engine with heat regeneration of the working medium "at a constant volume"! Neither Stirling nor the later builders of the so-called Stirling engine did not solve the problem of guiding the machine elements at a constant volume, but remained on improvisations (it turned out that constant volume is not so easy to control!), which led to the misconception that the problem was solved! Without further ado, this is how I imagine the content of this page (https://austav.eu/stirling.html). Just an idea? Vjekoslav Brkić, Osijek. 89.201.254.27 (talk) 17:38, 5 February 2023 (UTC)

Please get another picture
The picture is terrible as it obscures the very parts we need to see to understand how a Stirling engine works. It is made even worse by the fact that it is the first thing one sees when googling Stirling engine. Earth deserves a better intro to this subject. 23.115.207.161 (talk) 11:20, 6 May 2023 (UTC)

Oil & Gas Wells as heat sources
It is recognized that exhausted oil and gas wells present problems, but many such wells provide a heat source, because the temperature deep in the well is generally quite a bit higher than the temperature at the surface. This temperature difference can be used to power a Stirling engine, so as to provide a source of electricity. I am in Alberta, and there is sporadic interest in utilizing abandoned wells in this way. I would like to see this idea discussed in an article, with a view to the value of many small power production sites. It is reasonable to power a farm or heat a home, using Stirling technology. Janice Vian, Ph.D. (talk) 16:14, 8 July 2023 (UTC)

Regenerator
I edited the leading description to distinguish between the working piston and the displacer. The next paragraph talks about a regenerator, which is not clear enough to judge whether it's true, because I can't tell what it's talking about. As far as I know my stirling engine has no regenerator that stores heat for more efficiency, unless we're saying that the hot side of the engine does not need tool cool down and heat up again because the fluid is moving rather than the flame. 2.100.227.229 (talk) 11:25, 1 May 2024 (UTC)

Ross Linkage
While the relevancy is debatable considering his chief contribution is the linkage design and the source would need fixed if not improved, Ross' work on alpha designs featuring the linkage has been cited by other sources for Stirling engine design, and I've seen multiple vendors with low-temperature beta designs marketed as novelties that are described as having Ross linkages, so I think it's safe to say his contribution is broadly recognized and its inclusion is not promotional. Proposing a removal or re-source. SoundwavePS (talk) 12:54, 27 June 2024 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Stirling engine


text:
Służewiec Przemysłowy

Służewiec Przemysłowy, originally known as the Industrial and Storage District of Służewiec, is a neighbourhood of the city of Warsaw, Poland, located within the district of Mokotów and Ursynów, within the City Information System areas of Służewiec, western Ksawerów, and northern Wyczółki. It mostly consists of office buildings.

Housing and business
The neighbourhood consists of residential apartments and office buildings. The neighbourhood contains one of the largest complexes of office buildings in Poland, with 83 office buildings within its boundaries in 2019. Many of them include headquarters of the branches of many multinational corporations. Among them are: Saatchi & Saatchi, Starcom, Filmweb, IQVIA, LuxMed, Abbott Laboratories, Polska Grupa Prasowa, Ringier Axel Springer, Plus, National Fund for Environmental Protection and Water Management, National Appeals Chamber, Panasonic, Institute of National Remembrance, Groupe Renault, AstraZeneca, DNB ASA, T-Mobile Polska, Mondelez, and Toyota Bank Polska. The embassy of Cuba is also located in the neighbourhood.

According to estimates, commutes to the area of office buildings in Służewiec and the western portion of the nearby Ksawerów average between 80 and 100 thousand employees, with 87% of employees of these corporations aged between 20 and 39 years. The largest age group (39%) is between 26 and 30 years. The huge number of people commuting to and from the area every day, together with local road systems not designed for a such number of vehicles, causes massive traffic congestion, as well as lack of parking spaces. Many potential employees cite difficulties in commuting as the main reason for turning down offers to work in the area.

In Służewiec is located Westfield Mokotów, one of the biggest shopping centres in the city.

Area of "Mordor"
The area of the complex of the office buildings within Służewiec and the western portion of the nearby Ksawerów is colloquially referred to as Mordor, and Mordor in Domaniewska. Its boundaries are commonly accepted to be Cybernetyki, Domaniewska, Marynarska, and Wołoska Streets.

The name was given to the area, due to terrible traffic congestion present in the area, in reference to Mordor, a fictional location, and personification of evil, from the 1954–1955 fantasy novel The Lord of the Rings written by J. R. R. Tolkien. The name had been popularized by Facebook fan page titled Mordor na Domaniewskiej (translation from Polish: Mordor in Domaniewska), established in 2013, by one of the employees from the area. In 2018, the fansite had gained 100 000 followers, and by February 2022, it has over 170 000. In the city is also published magazine Głos Mordoru (translation from Polish: The Voice of Mordor), addressed to the employees of the corporations from the area.

There were several attempts to make Mordor the officially recognized name of the area. In 2015, its supporters hung a street sign with name Mordor in the area; however, authorities quickly removed the sign. In 2018, the local inhabitants had proposed via the participatory budgeting, the recognition of the name, which was not approved. Since 2015, the name is accepted in the search of Google Maps.

On 12 December 2020, following the petition of local inhabitants, two small streets in the neighbourhood of Służewiec were named in reference to Mordor. One of them is J. R. R. Tolkiena Street, named after J. R. R. Tolkien, and which goes perpendicularly to the south from Suwak Street. The other is Gandalfa Street, named after Gandalf, one of main characters from Tolkien's The Hobbit and The Lord of the Rings, and which goes perpendicularly to the north from Konstruktorska Street. Both roads meet in their middle, forming a crossing. They were originally intended to be named Pirytowa and Tytanowa Streets; however, the local council people decided to name them in reference to Tolkien, following the petitioning of the local population.

History
The oldest known mention of Służewiec in documentation comes from 1378. In said documents, it was listed as one of 17 villages of the landed property of Służewo. It was a village attached to the nearby village of Służewo (currently known as Służew), and was listed to have an area of 9 voloks (equivalent to 1.616 km² or 0.624 square miles), making it the biggest on the list. In 1411, the village was given the Kulm law privileges by duke Janusz I of Warsaw, ruler of the Duchy of Warsaw.

On 27 September 1938, Służew and Służewiec were incorporated into the city of Warsaw. The area had been destroyed in 1944 by Nazi Germany, during the Second World War, as part of the destruction of Warsaw.

In 1951, the area of Służewiec and Zbarż, had been designated as the industrial area of the Industrial–Storage District of Służewiec (Polish: Dzielnica Przemysłowo-Składowa „Służewiec”), later known as Służewiec Przemysłowy (Industrial Służewiec). It was planned to construct 60 factories and industrial plants in the area, as well as residential buildings for 26 thousand people. The buildings were constructed in the large panel system technique, marking it as one of the first instances of such system being used in Poland. The designated area covered around 2.6 km² (1 sq mi). The construction began in 1952. In the early 1970s, around 20 000 people worked in the industrial area. The corporations in the area were: the Tewa Semiconductors Factory (Polish: Fabryka Półprzewodników „Tewa”, Lifting Devices Factories (Polish: Zakłady Urządzeń Dźwigowych), Elwa Radio Components Factory (Polish: Fabryka Podzespołów Radiowych „Elwa”), Radio Cenamics Plants (Polish: Zakłady Ceramiki Radiowej), and Służewiec Meat-Packing Factories (Polish: Zakłady Mięsne „Służewiec”.

In the 1990s, the industrial activity in the area of Służewiec Przemysłowy and nearby western part of Ksawerów, went to a hold. As such, it had caused the appearance on the Real estate market of huge and developed estates, located near the city centre and the Warsaw Chopin Airport. It had then contributed to the development of business industry in the area, and eventually leading to the creation of the biggest complex of office buildings in Poland. One of the first of new infestations in the area was the construction of Curtis Plaza office building in 1992, located at 18 Wołoska Street. From 1995 to 2001, in the area had been built the complex of office buildings known as Mokotów Business Park, located in the area of Domaniewska and Postępu Streets. In 2000, in the area had been opened Westfield Mokotów (originally known as Galeria Mokotów), one of the biggest shopping centres in the city. By 2019, 83 office buildings had been built in the area. They were mostly built without city oversight and contributed to the development of the office monoculture. In 2019, the area began losing its status of office centre, to the district of Wola.

title: Służewiec Przemysłowy


text:
Tupamaros

The National Liberation Movement – Tupamaros (Movimiento de Liberación Nacional – Tupamaros, MLN-T) was a Marxist-Leninist urban guerrilla group in Uruguay in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1989 it joined the Movement of Popular Participation (MPP), which was admitted to the Broad Front.

The MLN-T is inextricably linked to its most important leader, Raúl Sendic, and his brand of social politics. José Mujica, who later became President of Uruguay, was also a member. 300 Tupamaros died either in action or in prisons (mostly in 1972), according to officials of the group. About 3,000 Tupamaros were also imprisoned.

Origins of the Tupamaros
For most of the 1900s, Uruguay was one of the most flourishing nations in Latin America. President José Batlle y Ordóñez raised Uruguay's living standard to nearly match that of European industrialized nations by creating a complex social welfare system, after the civil war that preceded his presidency. During both world wars, Uruguay was considered the "Switzerland of the Americas" as it made the majority of its profits through exporting agricultural goods. After World War II, food prices decreased in Europe and Asia, causing exports from Uruguay to decrease and resulting in lower wages for unionized workers, fewer social services, and increased national tension. The Tupamaros formed in this time of instability, as a youthful group of students and professionals. They attracted trade union members, students, and people of poor socioeconomic status from rural areas.

Activity
The Tupamaro movement was named after the revolutionary Túpac Amaru II, who in 1780 led a major indigenous revolt against the Viceroyalty of Peru. Its origins lie in the union between the Movimiento de Apoyo al Campesino (Peasant Support Movement), members of trade unions founded by Sendic in poverty-stricken rural zones, and radicalized cells of the Socialist Party of Uruguay.

The movement began by staging the robbing of banks, gun clubs and other businesses in the early 1960s, then distributing stolen food and money among the poor in Montevideo. It took as its slogan, "Words divide us; action unites us."

Later on as the Tupamaros grew, they helped develop the 'Frente Amplio' political coalition, serving as the counterpart to their underground organization. The Frente Amplio combined leftist and centre-left views.

At the beginning, it abstained from armed actions and violence, acting not as a guerrilla group but a political movement. In June 1968, President Jorge Pacheco, trying to suppress labour unrest, enforced a state of emergency and repealed all constitutional safeguards. The government imprisoned political dissidents, used torture during interrogations, and brutally repressed demonstrations. In 1969 they conducted the largest robbery in Uruguayan history and occupied the city of Pando. The Tupamaro movement engaged then in political kidnappings, "armed propaganda" and assassinations. Of particular note are the kidnapping of powerful bank manager and of the British ambassador to Uruguay, Geoffrey Jackson, as well as the assassination of Dan Mitrione, a U.S. FBI agent that was also working for the CIA (via the Agency for International Development's Office of Public Safety), who the Tupamaros learned was advising the Uruguayan police in torture and other security work.

The Tupamaros peaked as a guerrilla group in 1970 and 1971. During this period they made liberal use of their Cárcel del Pueblo (or People's Prison) where they held those that they kidnapped and interrogated them, before making the results of these interviews public. A number of these hostages were later ransomed for considerable sums of money, including the Brazilian Consul in Montevideo,. In September 1971 over 100 imprisoned Tupamaros escaped the Punta Carretas prison by digging a hole across their cells and then a tunnel that led from the floor of one ground-level cell to the living room of a nearby home. As a result of this, the government summoned the military to prepare a counter-insurgency campaign to suppress the MLN.

End
Nonetheless, in 1972 the group was quickly crippled by a series of events. First, it had started to engage in political violence since 1970, a choice that weakened its popular support. Second, the group responded to the assassination and/or disappearance of four Tupamaros on the part of illegal parapolice squads with a wave of high-profile assassinations that concentrated political opposition against them. Later on, the MLN directly attacked the military and killed a number of soldiers. The army's response was swift; it included the heavy use of torture and the flipping of high-ranking Tupamaros, including Héctor Amodio Pérez, towards collaborating with them.

The Tupamaros collapsed in mid-1972, with the army killing many of them and capturing a majority of the rest. Shortly after defeating the MLN the military successively confronted the independence of the judiciary in October 1972, of the civilian executive branch in February 1973, and lastly the independence of the parliament in June 1973. On this latter occasion, it completed its coup d'état by deploying armored vehicles in the capital and shutting down the legislative branch by request of the Uruguayan President. Nine Tupamaros were specially chosen to remain in squalid conditions, including Sendic, Fernández Huidobro, José Mujica, Henry Engler, and Mauricio Rosencof. They remained there until the restoration of liberal democracy in Uruguay in 1985. During the intervening years, the military regime killed and "disappeared" additional numbers of people, focusing particularly on the Communist Party of Uruguay.

In 1984, a set of several 24-hour Uruguayan general strikes, eventually forced the military to accept civilian rule, with democratic elections held that year. Under Julio María Sanguinetti, the new president, amnesty was granted to the Tupamaros. The Tupamaros were released from prison after over a decade and they joined in representing the Frente Amplio coalition party. In 2004, Tabaré Vásquez was the first to become president on the "Frente Amplio" ticket. The ceramicist and former member, Eva Díaz Torres, returned to Uruguay during this period.

List of attacks

 * 8 October 1969 – taking of Pando.
 * 31 July 1970 – kidnapping of U.S. government official, Dan Mitrione, who trained Uruguayan police in the use of torture. He was murdered on 10 August.
 * 31 July 1970 – kidnapping of the Brazilian consul Aloysio Dias Gomide, released on 21 February 1971 for ransom ($250,000).
 * 7 August 1970 – the kidnapping of U.S. agronomist Dr. Claude Fly, released on 2 March 1971 after a health crisis following a heart attack inside the People's Prison.
 * 29 September 1970 – bombing of the Carrasco Bowling Club, gravely injuring the elderly caretaker Hilaria Ibarra (rescued from the rubble by Gustavo Zerbino who would later be a survivor of the Andes disaster).
 * 8 January 1971 – the kidnapping of the British ambassador Geoffrey Jackson.
 * 21 December 1971 – killing of rural laborer Pascasio Báez by sodium pentothal injection.
 * 18 May 1972 – four Uruguayan Army soldiers killed by machine gun fire while watching over the house of the commander-in-chief of the Army, General Florencio Gravina.
 * 14 April 1972 - several members of the paramilitary Death Squads (Uruguay) were killed, after the abduction of a member of the group revealed its existence and government involvement.

Notable members

 * The Uruguayan "nine hostages" kept under arrest between 1972 and 1985:
 * Raúl Sendic – Founder and leader of the group. Famous for his self-effacing, timid nature.
 * Eleuterio Fernández Huidobro – Became a prominent politician beginning in the mid-1990s. Ministry of National Defense in 2011 until his death. On August 5, 2016, he died in office at the age of 74.
 * José Mujica – President of Uruguay from 2010 to 2015 and leader of the Movement of Popular Participation.
 * Mauricio Rosencof – Became a prominent writer and playwright after leaving prison. Director of Culture of the Intendancy of Montevideo in 2005.
 * Henry Engler – Left for Sweden post-prison and became a prominent medical researcher.
 * Adolfo Wasem – Died of cancer before liberation.
 * Jorge Zabalza – The youngest of the "nine hostages". Famous in Uruguay for his continued radical militancy well into his later years, as well as his criticism of his fellow ex-Tupamaros. Died on February 23, 2022.
 * Julio Marenales
 * Jorge Manera
 * Héctor Amodio Pérez – The only prominent and founding member of the Tupamaros who organized the escape from Punta Carretas prison. He fled to Spain in 1973 and only resurfaced in the public eye in 2013.
 * Lucía Topolansky – First female vice-president of Uruguay from 2017 to 2020, after Raúl Sendic (son) stepped down. Married José Mujica in 2005, after decades of living together.

title: Tupamaros


text:
User:IlyaHaykinson/Todo

Articles to expand

 * aircraft safety card – add history

Articles or Stubs to work on

 * raft – add more info on life rafts, etc
 * lifejacket – add more info, categorize etc

Minor Copyedit

 * none now

Other

 * Wikiproject_Computer_File_Formats - perhaps we need something like this?

title: User:IlyaHaykinson/Todo


text:
Republic: The Revolution

Republic: The Revolution is a video game produced by Elixir Studios and published by Eidos Interactive and for Mac OS X by Feral Interactive. The game is a political simulation in which the player leads a political faction to overthrow the government of a fictional totalitarian country in Eastern Europe, using diplomacy, subterfuge, and violence. Development of Republic was led by Elixir Studios, a company by founder Demis Hassabis, who had previously worked on simulation games for Bullfrog Productions and Lionhead Studios. Design of the game was ambitious, with the game experiencing media hype from Demis Hassabis' descriptions of the game as a highly detailed and realistic simulation of political dynamics. The game experienced several delays, leading to the restriction of the scope of the game's features and scale.

Republic was released on 27 August 2003 to mixed reception, with many critics observing that the game fell short of the expectations induced by its lead developer. Whilst the originality and detail of the game was praised, many reviews observed the game lacked depth. The underperformance of Republic lead to Elixir Studios' discontinuation of development of additional features for the game, and a planned multiplayer sequel, Republic Dawn, was discontinued.

Gameplay
The player in Republic leads a grassroots political faction seeking to place their preferred government in power. As a strategy game, the 3D game engine is mostly a facade on top of simpler rules and mechanics reminiscent of a boardgame. The 3D engine provides a high level of detail and helps 'flesh out' the world of Novistrana, enabling players to take a virtual tour of their current location. However, the overall influence of the 3D engine on the actual mechanics of gameplay is minimal - the ability to view actions taking place does not affect the outcome of those actions. Some actions carried out in the game offer extra customization options in the 3D view (for instance, choosing the approach for canvassing or allocating 'cards' in negotiations) but these are separate to the 3D world.

Ideology is the main way in which the political dynamics in Novistrana are simulated in Republic. The player, characters, actions, and districts in the game possess an ideology score as a total sum of three measures: Force, Influence, and Wealth. This score represents alignment towards certain actions on the political spectrum. Ideology influences many aspects of gameplay, including player's chances of success or failure in interacting with other characters, and their ability to take over and maintain a district.

The game is divided into Days, each of which is a cycle of a Morning, Afternoon, and Night. Each of these periods is a turn of sorts, in which orders may be given to faction members to be carried out in the next available turn. Every morning force, influence, and wealth, the in-game resources, are collected.

Setting

The game is set in Novistrana, a fictional former state of the Soviet Union. The design of Novistrana was inspired by real-world states such as Belarus, Ukraine, and Azerbaijan. Game characters speak a fictional language reminiscent of Ukrainian or Russian. The population is largely Slavic, and the country's churches are Eastern Orthodox. Novistrana is rife with political turmoil, with many differing political forces vying for power representing a range of ideologies. The ideologies of Novistranans are generally influenced by their class or career. Police brutality and political corruption are prevalent. Novistrana has its own national anthem, which is sung in a fictional language. Similarly, the alphabet used in Novistrana is fictional although it draws heavily from the Cyrillic alphabet. "Novistrana" can be translated in Russian and some Eastern European/Slavic languages as "New Country". In other Slavic languages it could be translated as "New Party".

Plot
Republic depicts the rise to political power of the player in the country of Novistrana. Following the collapse of communism across the Soviet Union, Novistrana has deteriorated into a totalitarian regime run by Vasily Karasov. Elected President-for-life, Karasov has overseen enormous inequality in Novistrana, whilst orchestrating crackdowns on dissidents, siphoning state funds into his own accounts, and conducting clandestine arrests with the Secret Police. The player is a young man in Novistrana who is compelled to take political action after witnessing the arrest of his parents by the Secret Police. The player has been monitoring the rise of Karasov over the previous decades, waiting for a chance to exact revenge. The game's ultimate goal is to build a faction to topple Novistrana's government and liberate the country from Karasov's rule.

Production
Republic was the initial project of Elixir Studios, a company established by London based founder Demis Hassabis. Hassabis had closely collaborated with Peter Molyneux on the 1994 simulation game Theme Park with Bullfrog Productions. In 1998, Hassabis left the successor company Lionhead Studios to pursue his aspirations to establish his own studio. The Republic development team initially consisted of 15 Elixir Studios staff, growing to a team of 35 by 2003. Hassabis acquired several staff for Elixir Studios from colleagues and graduates at Cambridge University, and had avoided poaching staff from his connections from Lionhead Studios due to having left on good terms with the studio. The studio immediately began work on Republic, inspired by a range of sources, including the board games Junta, Illuminati, and Diplomacy, and the Elias Canetti book Crowds and Power.

Starting in 1998, Republic had a troubled production, with the game experiencing considerable delays over its initial release schedule for Spring 2002. Demis Hassabis attributed these delays at the time to an underestimation of the time needed to implement features at scale and detail desired for the game. However, alternative explanations have included the decision to hire Cambridge University graduates inexperienced with games development to undertake lead and manager positions within Elixir Studios. Further issues in the development process resulted from the close involvement of founder Demis Hassabis in all stages of production. In acting as lead designer, CEO and producer, Hassabis curated the game's vision in a way that led to direct decision-making over critical design aspects of the game. Hassabis ultimately decided to step down from his role as CEO of Elixir Studios during production in May 2003, to focus on involvement in the development process.

Delays to Republic led the Elixir Studios development team to restrict the ambitious scope of the game. Revisions to the scope included the number of locations, with the concept of "hundreds of cities and towns" to a district-based system within a single city. Furthermore, the level of detail advertised early in the game, citing "thousands of factions, organizations and parties to subvert and control, each with their own goals and powers" was profoundly simplified to a total of ten distinctive factions. Following major delays, Republic reached its beta testing stage in July 2003, with final mastering of the game completed on August 8, 2003, and the game was launched by Eidos Interactive in North America on August 25, Europe on August 29, and Australia on September 11. Feral Interactive released a port for Mac OS X the following year on July 30, 2004.

Marketing

Republic experienced significant media hype arising from how its political simulation mechanics and level of graphical detail were marketed to the press, and significant coverage of the game at events such as E3. Many outlets were impressed by the scope of previews of the game, and shared predictions that the game would be "the most ambitious game ever", "a landmark moment in strategy gaming", and "a gaming milestone and stunning paradigm shift in games technology". Initial previews of Republic in 2000 focused upon the purported level of detail behind the game's engine, the "Totality Engine". Described as "the most advanced graphics engine ever seen, (with) no upper bound of on the number of polygons and objects", it was claimed the game could "render scenes with an unlimited number of polygons in real time". Tech demonstrations of Republic at this time showcased a high polygonal level of detail, with the claim that players would be able to zoom smoothly from the buildings in Novistrana to assets such as flowers upon the balconies of buildings with no loss of detail. The game was further purported to have artificial intelligence that would simulate "approximately one million individual citizens" at a high level of detail, each with "their own unique and specific AI" comprising "their own daily routine, emotions, beliefs and loyalties".

Republic was showcased to press at several major events, including the Game Developers Conference in March 2001, and E3 in May 2001 to 2003, Industry impressions were broadly positive of Republic, with the game winning several accolades from publishers, including GameSpy awarding the game the "Best of Show" at E3 2001 for its "fresh new concept and great graphics engine", and IGN awarding it with the most "Innovative Design" of E3 2002.

However, by 2003, delays in the release of the game and the ambitious tone of the marketing had soured the enthusiastic tone of the gaming press. Interviews with Demis Hassabis at this time began to highlight shared concerns that the game may be too detailed or cerebral to attract an audience, that delays to the game indicated scope creep with the project, and that the high expectations for the game may be unrealistic and not met upon release.

Soundtrack
The music for Republic was composed by James Hannigan, and used an innovative adaptive music system. This process involved programming software to re-order and layer recordings from an orchestra into a seamless background music track. The music was designed to play certain elements in accord with events that occurred in the game, such as the transitions from day and night, the occurrence of in-game events, and the success or failure of player actions. James Hannigan reflected that "a lot of music tends in games tends to be disconnected from what is going on...the aim of the game is rise to power and I wanted the music to play a narrative role in that." Hannigan was nominated for a BAFTA Games award for Original Music in 2004 for his work on Republic.

Reviews
Critical reception of Republic was mixed, with review aggregator Metacritic indicating the game received "mixed or average" reviews, with an average score of 62 out of 100 based on 21 reviews.

Many reviewers expressed disappointment that Republic fell short of their expectations. Anthony Fordham of PC PowerPlay described the game as a "colossal disappointment", citing the "hype about its living city...a massively detailed game world where you could zoom in to unprecedented levels of intimate detail." Stephen Poole of PC Gamer similarly observed "it's almost never a good sign when a game spends four years in development and ships two years after its original release date, and Republic doesn't buck the odds."

Many reviews of Republic praised the game's originality in spite of its acknowledged shortcomings. PC Zone praised the game as a game that "(dares) to be unique", with "levels of depth and subtle complexity that have not been seen in computer games before". Sam Parker of GameSpot found "the core game...can be at times fascinating in its free-form simulation of grassroots politics. In a negative review, Anthony Fordham of PC PowerPlay conceded "you will eventually discover a deep and detailed game buried somewhere under Republic's layers of obscurity", suggesting that it may find appeal as a "cult hit".

Reviews of Republic were mixed in their assessment of whether the game reflected a convincing political simulation. PC Zone stated the game is "simulating real-world social, class and moral dynamics closer than anything seen before". Stephen Poole of PC Gamer stated the "ideological relationships" underpinning the politics of Republic "have all the depth of rock, paper scissors...it's not very gratifying for anyone expecting a realistic representation of realpolitik in action." Reviewers were also mixed on the representation and detail of the setting, Novistrana, due to its poor relationship to the gameplay. Sam Parker of GameSpot noted ironically that despite the "lofty technical ambitions and sustained development delays...the huge world that took so long to construct ends up as the least involving part of the game." Similarly, Bruce Geryk of Computer Gaming World observed "the attempt to create an immersive game world utterly fails...the vast environment turns out to be singularly uninspiring and completely useless", due to all actions in the game being planned in the two-dimensional menu of the game.

Many critics expressed frustration with the poor ability of the interface to reflect the mechanics of the game. Rob Fahey of Eurogamer stated the game "lacked the "interface...suited to handling masses of statistics and information in a competent way." Anthony Fordham of PC PowerPlay found "the methodology of managing that information tedious. The interface is woeful. The game fails to communicate with the player effectively." Similarly, Allen Rausch of GameSpy stated the interface was "one of the most diabolically obscure I've ever seen in a video game...the (map) does a remarkably poor job of transmitting what's going on." Negative reviews of Republic also focused on the slow pace and passive turn-based approach to the gameplay. Reviewers Adam Biessner and Andy McNamara of Game Informer felt the game was "really pretty tedious for little to no pay off, especially since it starts off at an insanely slow place...it's turn-based at heart (and) nothing happens except in time blocks." Allen Rausch of GameSpy noted "you'll often be waiting for an event to occur...while time can be sped up, there's far too much dead time waiting for the clock to move."

Legacy
Following the release of Republic, many evaluated the game to have been a disappointment, with journalists remarking it was "widely considered to be a letdown following its lengthy development cycle and ambitious design", and was an "unusual and expensive misfire". Elixir Studios abandoned additional features planned for Republic following poor reception of the game, including the testing of a multiplayer mode for potential inclusion.

Republic Dawn
Elixir Studios undertook initial development on a sequel to Republic, titled Republic Dawn: The Chronicles of the Seven. The sequel was announced by the studio on February 22, 2005, and was planned for release in 2007. The game was announced as a partnership with Nicely Crafted Entertainment, who had created the online strategy game Time of Defiance.

Republic Dawn was envisaged as a first-person massively multiplayer online game featured in space in which players must build a republic. The game's online capabilities were touted to support "hundreds of thousands of people (who) will be able to take part in building a republic." The game would feature player versus player mechanics allowing for combat and competitive business, allowing players to create political movements and influence the running of the republic and its actions. The game's story was also developed independent of Republic, with both studios collaborating as a result of uniting "separate long term visions", with both companies reportedly contributing to the game's creative development towards developing a prototype.

Elixir Studios shut down in April 2005, leading to the discontinuation of the development of Republic Dawn. Whilst Elixir Studios CEO Mark Hewitt initially represented that the studio's closure would "have no bearing on Republic Dawn" and technical advice and ongoing support would continue to be provided to Nicely Crafted Entertainment, the project was ultimately abandoned and Republic Dawn was never released.

title: Republic: The Revolution


text:
Trance Atlantic Air Waves

Trance Atlantic Air Waves (also known as TAAW), is a side project from Enigma's Michael Cretu. He had previously worked with Jens Gad on Enigma's 1996 release Le Roi Est Mort, Vive Le Roi! and they once again teamed up for this side project. Only one studio album was released, The Energy of Sound, by Virgin Records. Most of the songs were cover versions but there were also three original songs.

Studio albums

 * 1998 — The Energy of Sound

Singles

 * 1997 — "Magic Fly"
 * 1998 — "Chase"
 * 1998 — "Crockett's Theme"

title: Trance Atlantic Air Waves