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Blue Suede Shoes

"Blue Suede Shoes" is a rock and roll standard written and first recorded by American singer, songwriter and guitarist Carl Perkins in 1955. It is considered one of the first rockabilly records, incorporating elements of blues, country and pop music of the time. Perkins' original version of the song appeared on the Cashbox Best Selling Singles list for 16 weeks and spent two weeks at the number two position.

Elvis Presley recorded "Blue Suede Shoes" in 1956 and it appears as the opening track of his eponymous debut album Elvis Presley. Presley performed his version of the song three different times on national television. It was also recorded by Buddy Holly and Eddie Cochran, among many others.

Background
There are differing accounts about the origin of the song. In his second autobiography Cash: The Autobiography, Johnny Cash recalled planting the seed for the song in the fall of 1955, while Perkins, Cash, Elvis Presley and other Louisiana Hayride acts toured throughout the South. Cash told Perkins of a black airman, C. V. White, whom he had met when serving in the military in Germany, who had referred to his military regulation airmen's shoes as "blue suede shoes", and insisted that no one step on or scuff them. Cash suggested that Perkins write a song about the shoes. Perkins replied, "I don't know anything about shoes. How can I write a song about shoes?"

In another version, Perkins played a dance on December 4, 1955, and noticed a couple dancing near the stage. Between songs, he heard the boy scold his partner, "Uh-uh, don't step on my suedes!" Looking down, he saw that the boy was wearing blue suede shoes and one had a scuff mark. Perkins was amused to see that the boy cared more about his shoes than the pretty girl he was with, and began working on a song about the incident that night.

In either case, Perkins decided to use a nursery rhyme for the basis of the song, settling on "One for the Money". Working with his Les Paul guitar, Perkins started with an A chord and improvised some lyrics: "Well, it's one for the money... Two for the show... Three to get ready... Now go, man, go!" Satisfied, he scribbled the song onto some scrap paper, spelling the title as "Blue Swade" in his haste. According to Perkins, "On December 17, 1955, I wrote 'Blue Suede Shoes'. I recorded it on December 19", for Sun Records. Sun's producer, Sam Phillips, convinced Perkins to change the lyric from "go, boy, go" in the first take of the song to "go, cat, go" in the second, which became the release version.

Release and sales
Perkins' recording of "Blue Suede Shoes" was released in early 1956, as Sun 234. Two copies of the song on 78-rpm records were sent to Perkins but arrived broken. He soon discovered that the song was available in the newer 7-inch microgrooved 45-rpm format and was disappointed that he didn't have a copy in the older, more substantial 78-rpm format.

In Cleveland, Ohio, disc jockey Bill Randle played "Blue Suede Shoes" often on his nightly show, and before the end of the month, Phillips shipped an additional 25,000 copies to Cleveland. In Memphis and Jackson, where Perkins lived, the song's B-side, "Honey Don't", was initially more popular on the radio, but was eventually overtaken by "Blue Suede Shoes". On February 11, "Blue Suede Shoes" was the number two single on Memphis charts; by the following week it was number one, a position it held for the next three months. A Song Hits review of the song, published on February 18, stated that "Perkins has come up with some wax here that has hit the national retail chart in almost record time. Interestingly enough, the disk has a measure of appeal for pop and r&b customers."

Perkins made four appearances on the radio program Big D Jamboree on station KRLD (AM) in Dallas, where he played the song every Saturday night. He was also booked for a number of one-night performances throughout the Southwest. The Jamboree was broadcast from the Dallas Sportatorium, with about 4,000 seats, which sold out for each of Perkins' performances. Music shops in Dallas ordered a huge number of copies of the record, and at one point it was being shipped out at a rate of 20,000 copies per day.

On March 17, Perkins became the first country artist to reach the number three spot on the rhythm and blues charts. That night, Perkins and his band first performed "Blue Suede Shoes" on television, on ABC-TV's Ozark Jubilee (coincidentally, Presley was on Stage Show on CBS-TV that same night, for which he also performed the song).

Perkins was booked to appear on The Perry Como Show on NBC-TV on March 24, but on March 22 he and his band were involved in a serious automobile crash on the way to New York City, resulting in the death of a truck driver and the hospitalization of both Perkins and his brother. While Perkins recuperated from his injuries, "Blue Suede Shoes" rose to number one on most pop, R&B and country regional charts. "I was a poor farm boy, and with 'Shoes' I felt I had a chance but suddenly there I was in the hospital", Perkins recalled bitterly. It also held the number two position on the Billboard Hot 100 and country charts. Presley's "Heartbreak Hotel" held the number one position on the pop and country charts, while "Shoes" did better than "Heartbreak" on the R&B charts.

Perkins never attained the stardom of Presley, who, according to Perkins, "had everything. He had the looks, the moves, the manager, and the talent. And he didn't look like Mr. Ed, like a lot of us did, Elvis was hitting them with sideburns, flashy clothes, and no ring on the finger. I had three kids." After Presley hit the chart with his version of "Blue Suede Shoes", Perkins became known more for his songwriting than for his performing.

By mid-April, more than one million copies of "Shoes" had been sold, earning Perkins a gold record. "Blue Suede Shoes" was the first million-selling country song to cross over to both the rhythm and blues and pop charts. He became the first Sun Records performer to reach this milestone.

Sam Phillips retained the rights to "Blue Suede Shoes", although it was represented by the New York house of Hill & Range as part of the agreement when Phillips sold Presley's contract. Perkins acquired the rights to the song, along with all of his other songs recorded for Sun Records, in 1977.

Paul McCartney and his company MPL Communications purchased the rights to "Blue Suede Shoes" and other Perkins' songs in 2003.

Elvis Presley rendition
During the 1940s and 1950s, it was common to record and release cover versions of hit songs, often in different styles or genres. RCA Victor wanted to promote Elvis Presley as a rock-and-roll artist, and believed a Presley cover of "Blue Suede Shoes" could outsell the Perkins/Sun Records version, especially with RCA's larger share of distribution and radio contacts. Presley, who had been signed at Sun Records and knew Perkins and Phillips, was reluctant to record a competing version. He eventually agreed to record the song if the company would delay its release as a single. Presley's version, recorded at RCA Victor Studios in New York City, features two guitar solos by lead guitarist Scotty Moore, with Bill Black on double bass and D.J. Fontana on drums.

According to Moore, when the song was recorded, "We just went in there and started playing, just winged it. Just followed however Elvis felt." According to reports confirmed by Sam Phillips, RCA Victor producer Steve Sholes agreed not to release Presley's version of the song as a single while Perkins' release was hot. Moore has said that Presley recorded the song to help out Perkins after his accident. "Elvis wasn't really thinking at that time that it was going to make money for Carl; he was doing it as more of a tribute type thing. Of course, Carl was glad he did. It really helped as his record started going down."

Presley performed the song on national television three times in 1956. The first was February 11 on Stage Show. He also performed it again on his third appearance on Stage Show on March 17, and again on the Milton Berle Show on April 3. On July 1, Steve Allen introduced Presley on The Steve Allen Show. Presley, dressed in formal evening wear, said, "I think that I have on something tonight that's not quite right for evening wear," and showed the audience his blue suede shoes.

"Blue Suede Shoes" was the opening track on the groundbreaking album Elvis Presley, which was released in March. RCA Victor released two other records with "Blue Suede Shoes" the same month: an extended play with four songs (RCA Victor EPA 747) and a double extended play with eight songs (RCA Victor EPB 1254). RCA Victor released the Presley version as a single on September 8, one of a number of singles RCA issued simultaneously, all culled from the album Elvis Presley. This single reached number 20, whereas Perkins' version had topped the chart. In 1999, Presley's version was certified as a gold record by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA), while in 2023, the British Phonographic Industry (BPI) certified the song silver for sales and streaming figures exceeding 200,000 units.

Legacy
"Blue Suede Shoes" was chosen by the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame as one of the "500 Songs That Shaped Rock and Roll". In 1986, Perkins' version was inducted in the Grammy Hall of Fame and in 1999, National Public Radio included "Blue Suede Shoes" in the NPR 100, in which NPR's music editors sought to compile the 100 most important American musical works of the 20th century.

In 2004, Perkins's version was ranked number 95 on Rolling Stone's list of "The 500 Greatest Songs of All Time." Presley's recording of the song was also on the list, ranked number 423. The National Recording Preservation Board included the song in the National Recording Registry of the Library of Congress in 2006. The board annually selects songs that are "culturally, historically, or aesthetically significant."

As a rock-and-roll standard, "Blue Suede Shoes" has been performed and recorded by many artists. In 1969, a live performance by John Lennon and the Plastic Ono Band was included on Live Peace in Toronto 1969. An album review described it as one of the album's "blues-based oldies... they lay it down in a dignified, noisy, glorified garage band manner".

One of the characters in the 1993 ClayFighter video game is called Blue Suede Goo, which is a parody of "Blue Suede Shoes." He is an Elvis impersonator with wildly exaggerated features, including a big gut and even bigger hair.

title: Blue Suede Shoes


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Talk:Nova Express

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BetacommandBot (talk) 15:36, 8 March 2008 (UTC)

Chronologically third?
Is this really the third book (plotwise) in the Nova trilogy? Because the synopsis on the back of the book states that Nova Express picks up where Soft Machine left off. I just need this confirmed because there are differing accounts that say that Nova Express precedes Ticket That Exploded and others that say it follows it. --71.183.80.82 (talk) 03:05, 9 February 2009 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Nova Express


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Japan Socialist Party

The Japan Socialist Party (日本社会党) was a socialist and progressive political party in Japan that existed from 1945 to 1996. The party was founded as the Social Democratic Party of Japan by members of several proletarian parties that existed before World War II, including the Social Mass Party, the Labour-Farmer Party, and the Japan Labour-Farmer Party. The party represented the Japanese left after the war, and was a major opponent of the right-wing Liberal Democratic Party.

The JSP was briefly in power from 1947 to 1948. From 1951 to 1955, the JSP was divided into the Left Socialist Party and the Right Socialist Party. In 1955, Japan's two major conservative parties merged to form the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), establishing the so-called 1955 System, which allowed the party to near-continuously hold power since. The JSP was the largest opposition party but was incapable of forming government. Nonetheless, the JSP managed to hold about one third of the seats in the National Diet during this period, preventing the LDP from revising the Constitution of Japan.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the JSP under the leadership of Takako Doi earned a record-high number of seats. However, the establishment and electoral success of new conservative parties in the mid-1990s took the JSP by surprise and its share of seats in the National Diet decreased significantly. The party was formally dissolved in 1996. Its successor is the Social Democratic Party, a minor party holding two parliamentary seats, one each in the Houses of Representatives and Councillors as of 2022.

Two Japanese prime ministers, Tetsu Katayama and Tomiichi Murayama, were members of the JSP.

Foundation
The two major left-wing political parties in Japan in the 1930s were the Labour-Farmer Masses Party and Social Democratic Party. They merged into the Shakai Taishūtō in 1932, and were the third-largest party in the after the 1937 election. It was dissolved in 1940 due to the Imperial Rule Assistance Association.

Suehiro Nishio started talking about creating a new socialist party with Chōzaburō Mizutani and Komakichi Matsuoka shortly after Emperor Hirohito's surrender broadcast. Thirteen former members of the National Diet announced their intention to form a new party on 5 September 1945. This organization was officially formed on November 2. It was given the Japanese name Nihon Shakai-tō (Socialist Party of Japan), but given the official English name of Social Democratic Party of Japan.

An inaugural committee of 25 members was formed. The founding convention was chaired by Tetsu Katayama and Nishio was elected General Secretary. Nishio, Mizutani, and other inaugural committee members were appointed to the party's Executive Committee.

Katayama government
The Japanese Communist Party (JCP), unbanned and its leaders freed from prison in October 1945, asked the JSP to form a common political front of Japan's democratic parties. The JSP declined stating that neither had formally established their parties or policies yet. The JSP believed that the coalition would aid the party, but did not believe that the JSP was organized enough to maintain control over it. Morito Tatsuo proposed the creation of a Democratic League for National Salvation after the 1946 election so that the JSP could establish itself as the leader. The JSP's Central Executive Committee voted to end negations with the JCP on 14 July 1946.

The JSP initially selected a limited amount of candidates for the 1946 elections. However, the party drastically increased its candidate amount after the Purge Directive, issued on 4 January 1946, greatly reduced the membership of right-wing parties. Conservatives attempted to form a government with right-wing members of the JSP, but the Liberal Party and JSP were unable to.

The JSP rejected an offer from the JCP to work together in the 1947 election. The JSP became the largest party in the election with 143 seats. It formed a coalition government under Katayama with the Democratic Party and the Citizens' Cooperation Party. Katayama was the first socialist to lead Japan. Katayama's coalition fell in February 1948, in large part due to inexperience and subsequent poor performance in leading the government. A new cabinet was formed under the leadership of Hitoshi Ashida, a member of the Democrats. Ashida's tenure was marked by labor disputes and he resigned after eight months due to a corruption scandal. A caretaker government was formed under the leadership of Shigeru Yoshida. Nishio, who was involved in the corruption scandal and arrested, was expelled from the JSP, but later readmitted into the right-wing JSP in 1952.

Members of Hisao Kuroda's JSP faction in the Diet were expelled after voting against the budget during Ashida's tenure. Kuroda and his supporters broke away and formed the Labourers and Farmers Party. The JSP attempted to delay the 1949 election as it feared massive losses. The JSP's seat total fell from 148 to 48. The JSP rejected efforts by the Sanbetsu to form an united opposition of the JSP, JCP, and Labourers and Farmers against Yoshida's government. JSP members who left to form the Labourers and Farmers Party were readmitted in 1957.

In the period immediately following the end of World War II, the JSP had played a key role in the drafting of the new Japanese constitution, adding progressive articles related to issues such as health, welfare and working conditions. Unfortunately for the JSP and the broader Japanese left in the immediate postwar era, their time in power coincided with a change in U.S. policy towards Japan commonly known as the Reverse Course. Beginning around 1947, and intensifying with the victory of the Communists over the Nationalists in the Chinese Civil War in 1949, the U.S. occupation government headed by Douglas MacArthur felt the need to revise its previously conciliatory stance towards the kinds of policies pursued by Japanese leftists, from the breakup of Zaibatsu, the country's business conglomerates, to land reform, to the ousting of nationalist figures in government. Apart from reversing early steps taken towards implementing these policies, the U.S. occupation government oversaw and assisted in the purging of almost 30,000 workers deemed to be "red" between 1948 and 1950, frustrating leftist attempts to hold on to state power.

Fracture and reunification
The party's 1949 convention was postponed until after the year's election. The party leadership, including multiple members of the Central Executive Committee, resigned following the party's defeat. The party's right-wing wanted to rename the organization to the Social Democratic Party while the left-wing wanted to retain its name, which was approved. The left-wing wanted the entire right-wing leadership to resign, Katayama retained as chairman, and Mosaburō Suzuki appointed as Secretary General. Inejirō Asanuma was the right-wing candidate for Secretary General. Asanuma defeated Suzuki in the nominating committee's vote with 31 to 30, but lost the convention vote 390 to 261. Katayama was reelected as chairman.

By the time of the 1950 convention the party's factions formed two youth leagues. The left-wing controlled the official Youth Department while the right-wing formed the Independent Youth League. The Youth Department, which held its convention before the party's, demanded the expulsion of all members of the Independent Youth League and prepared a motion of no confidence against Katayama. The left-wing held greater control over the convention than in the previous year, holding almost all of the committee chairmanships. Katayama declined to run for reelection and the right-wing walked out of the convention.

Members of the Diet who were not aligned with either faction formed the Unification Discussion Group. The two factions held separate conventions, but worked together in the Diet due to spring labor disputes and threats from the National Railway Workers' Union to pull its support for the party. The three groups reunited on 3 April, after three months of negation. The position of chairman was left vacant, but Asanuma was made Secretary General. The Central Executive Committee was divided between fifteen left-wingers, nine right-wingers, and six centrists.

In the 1950 elections the JSP won the governorship of Kyoto Prefecture and became the second-largest party in the House of Councillors while the JCP declined in strength. The party's factions were heavily divided over the Treaty of San Francisco and Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan. The party's convention was held on 23 October 1951, and divided into the Right Socialist Party of Japan and Left Socialist Party of Japan after seventeen hours. In the Diet the left-wing voted against both treaties while the right-wing opposed the peace treaty and supported the security treaty. The party remained united at the prefecture level until the final prefecture division in 1953.

The Left Socialists selected Suzuki as chairman and Masaru Nomizo as Secretary General while the Right Socialists selected Asanuma as Secretary General and left the position of chairman vacant. At the time of the schism the JSP's House of Representatives membership was divided into 30 Right Socialists and 16 Left Socialists. Their seat totals rose to 57 for the Right Socialists and 54 for the Left Socialists after the 1952 election. Despite this divided membership the two groups worked together in the Diet with Kaishintō and disaffected Liberals to pass motions of no confidence against Minister of Finance Hayato Ikeda.

In 1953, Yoshida lost a vote of no confidence to the socialists and conservatives after disaffected Liberals abstained and new elections were called. The Left Socialists overtook the Right Socialists in seat count in the general election. In the House of Councillors election the Left Socialists rose from 30 to 41 seats while the Right Socialists declined from 30 to 26 seats. The Right Socialists attempted to form a coalition with the Left Socialists, Kaishintō, and disaffected Liberals. This failed as Minoru Takano failed to convince the Left Socialists, who wanted Suzuki as prime minister, to accept Mamoru Shigemitsu, the Kaishintō leader, as prime minister. Yoshida became prime minister again after two ballots and Kaishintō announced that it would end its partnership with the socialists.

Yoshida lost a motion of no confidence supported by the Japan Democratic Party and Socialists on 7 December 1954. Ichirō Hatoyama replaced him and new elections were called. The Left and Right Socialists, faced with Hatoyama's popularity, adopted the same platform. The two groups held conventions on 18 January 1955, in which they called to reunify after the election. The combined Socialist seat total, 156, was greater than their seat total during Katayama's government. Unification negotiation committees met in April and the platform it created was accepted by an united convention on 13 October. Suzuki was appointed as chairman and Asanuma as Secretary General. The Central Executive Committee and Control Commission was divided equally between the two factions. The left-wing gained a 22 to 18 seat majority on the Central Executive Committee at the 1957 convention.

The JSP made minor gains in the 1958 general election and 1959 House of Councillors election. It performed poorly in the 1959 gubernatorial election, including the loss of the governorship of Hokkaido. The JSP was harmed as the JCP, which had strategically withdrawn its candidates in other elections, declined to do so in the 1958 and 1959 elections.

Divisions and Asanuma's assassination
The party split again in 1960 because of internal disagreement over how to conduct the ongoing Anpo protests against revision of the security treaty and whether or not to cooperate with the JCP in doing so. Left-wingers from Sōhyō and the Youth Division, with backing from supporters of Hiroo Wada and Jiichirō Matsumoto, had attempted to expel Nishio at the 1959 convention, but it failed in the Steering Committee. Nishio attacked the left-wing for serving Sōhyō. The Association for Party Reconstruction, which called for "democratic socialism" that received support from "the whole nation, not merely the labor unions and farmers' organizations", held a convention attended by 300 right-wing leaders and 28 Diet members. The Socialist Club, under the leadership of Nishio, had 12 members in the House of Councillors and 21 in the House of Representatives. This organization broke away to form the Democratic Socialist Party (DSP) on 24 January 1960. Asanuma was elected chairman of the JSP at the 1960 convention. Asanuma was assassinated by a right-wing youth, Otoya Yamaguchi, during a televised election debate on 12 October 1960. Asanuma had been a charismatic figure who had been able to hold the antagonistic left and right factions of the party together through the force of his personality. Asanuma's untimely death deprived the party of his adroit leadership, and thrust Saburō Eda into the leadership role instead. Eda was hastily named "Acting Chairman" of the JSP and became the party's leader and candidate to become prime minister of Japan should the party triumph in the election. A centrist, Eda rapidly took the party in a more centrist direction, far faster than the left socialists were ready to accept. This led to growing infighting within the party, and drastically damaged its ability to present a cohesive message to the public.

In particular, Eda earned the enmity of the party's left-wing due to his ambitious platform of "structural reform" (構造改革) and his related "Eda Vision" of socialism. The "structural reform" platform drew inspiration from the recently concluded Anpo protests against the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, which had achieved massive size and forced the resignation of conservative prime minister Nobusuke Kishi. Eda and his allies viewed these protests as having been an unalloyed success in having allowed the JSP to play a leading role in fomenting a mass movement. Eda's "structural reform" platform called for a combination of parliamentary pressure tactics and Anpo-style extra-parliamentary mass movements that would gradually move Japan toward socialism by forcing the government into a series of piecemeal concessions. Above all, Eda and his fellow structural reformers hoped to broaden the base of the JSP beyond a hard core of labor unionists, leftist student activists, and Marxist intellectuals to encompass people from many walks of life, in order to dramatically increase the party's potential supporters at the polls.

In an effort to build popular support for his reform program, Eda announced his "New Vision of Socialism", better known by its nickname, the "Eda Vision", in July 1962. Eda declared that "[s]ocialism must be defined in sunny and cheerful terms that are easily understandable to the masses. I believe that 'socialism' is that which allows human potential to blossom to its fullest extent. The main four accomplishments that humankind has achieved so far are America's high standard of living, the Soviet Union's thoroughgoing social welfare system, England's parliamentary democracy, and Japan's peace constitution. I believe that if we can integrate these, we can give birth to a broad-based socialism."

The "Eda Vision" of a more moderate form of socialism was received enthusiastically in the mainstream Japanese press, and polled well in public opinion polls. However, it did not lead to any significant expansion of party membership; in 1961, the JSP made a push to increase its membership to over 100,000 within the next three years, but only 363 members were added over the next six months. Moreover, the "Eda Vision" was the final straw for the more orthodox Marxist left-wing factions in the JSP, who had already chafed against the moderate tone of Eda's "structural reform" platform. In particular, they could not accept praise of what they viewed as the "imperialist" United States and Great Britain, and the "deviationist" and "Stalinist" Soviet Union. At the 22nd Party Congress in November 1962, the left-wing of the JSP revolted, and succeeded in persuading a majority of party members present to adopt an "Eda Vision Criticism Resolution" that renounced the "Eda Vision" as antithetical to core party principles. Eda was forced to resign his position as Secretary General, and thereafter the party returned to a more dogmatically Marxist platform which emphasized the urban working classes as the party's main political base.

Thereafter, a younger generation of reform-minded activists became disillusioned and began to drift away from the party. At the same time, the emergence of the "Clean Government Party" (Kōmeitō), the political wing of the Sokka Gakkai Buddhist religious movement) and the increasing electoral success of the Japan Communist Party, began to eat away at the JSP's urban working class base. The Socialists slipped in the polls in the 1967 election, lost more ground in the 1968 Upper House election, and suffered a crushing repudiation in 1969, when they lost 51 seats in the National Diet.

1970s
In some regions, the party continued to perform well at the local level and by the 1970s many areas were run by JSP (or JSP-backed) mayors and governors, who supported environmental protection initiatives and introduced new social welfare programs.

Meanwhile, Saburō Eda continued his efforts to reform the party and expand its base. Eda ran numerous times for the post of party chairman, but was unsuccessful, although he did serve a second stint as Secretary General from 1968 to 1970. Nevertheless, Eda remained popular among the broader Japanese public and in the mid-1970s conservative prime minister Kakuei Tanaka said at a press conference, "If the Japan Socialist Party were ever to make Eda its Chairman again, a general election would be terrifying. They would drastically expand their seats in the Diet." Eda could never overcome the undying animosity his "Eda Vision" had won him from his party's left-wing.

In 1976, Eda lost his reelection bid and was booted from the Diet. Blaming his loss on his party's dogmatic, doctrinaire Marxism and desperate for reform, he attempted to resign from the JSP but the party refused to accept his resignation and voted to expel him instead. The following year, Eda and Hideo Den (田英夫) led a small group of JSP Dietmembers to split from the JSP and form a new party called the Socialist Democratic Federation (社会民主連合).

1980s

In July 1986, under party chairman Masashi Ishibashi, the JSP suffered a disastrous double defeat in both houses of the National Diet in the simultaneously held 1986 Japanese general election and 1986 Japanese House of Councillors election. Losing in a rout to the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) under popular prime minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, the JSP's seats in the lower house fell from 112 to a new all-time low of 85 and its share of the popular vote dropped from 19.5 percent to 17.2 percent. This defeat led the party to elect Takako Doi as party chair, making her the first woman to ever lead a Japanese political party. Doi was popular with the Japanese public led the JSP to an electoral comeback with an impressive showing in the 1990 Japanese general election, winning 136 seats and 24.4 percent of the vote. Some electoral districts had more than one successful socialist candidate. Doi's decision to put up more than one candidate for each of the 130 districts represented a controversial break with the past because unlike their LDP counterparts many party candidates did not want to run against each other; however, the great majority of the 149 socialist candidates who ran were successful, including seven of eight women.

Doi, a university professor of constitutional law before entering politics, had a tough, straight-talking manner that appealed to voters tired of the evasiveness of other politicians. Many women found her a refreshing alternative to submissive female stereotypes and in the late 1980s the public at large in opinion polls voted her their favorite politician (the runner-up in these surveys was equally tough-talking conservative LDP member Shintarō Ishihara); however, Doi's popularity was of limited aid to the party, as the powerful Shakaishugi Kyokai (Japan Socialist Association), which was supported by a contingent of the party's 76,000-strong membership, remained committed to orthodox Marxism, impeding Doi's efforts to promote what she called perestroika and a more moderate program with greater voter appeal.

In 1983, Doi's predecessor as chairman Masashi Ishibashi had begun the delicate process of moving the party away from its strong opposition to the Self-Defense Forces. While maintaining that these forces were unconstitutional in light of Article 9, he claimed that because they had been established through legal procedures, they had a legitimate status (this phrasing was changed a year later to say that the Self-Defense Forces exist legally). Ishibashi also broke past precedent by visiting Washington to talk with United States political leaders. By the end of the decade, the party had accepted the Self-Defense Forces and the 1960 U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. It advocated strict limitations on military spending (no more than 1 percent of GNP annually), a suspension of joint military exercises with United States forces, and a reaffirmation of the three non-nuclear principles (no production, possession, or introduction of nuclear weapons into Japanese territory).

Doi expressed support for balanced ties with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) and the Republic of Korea (South Korea). In the past, the party had favored the Kim Il Sung regime in Pyongyang and in the early 1990s it still refused to recognize the normalization of relations between Tokyo and Seoul with Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea (1965). In domestic policy, the party demanded the continued protection of agriculture and small business in the face of foreign pressure, abolition of the consumption tax and an end to the construction and use of nuclear power reactors. As a symbolic gesture to reflect its new moderation, the party dropped its commitment to socialist revolution at its April 1990 convention and described its goal as social democracy, the creation of a society in which "all people fairly enjoy the fruits of technological advancement and modern civilization and receive the benefits of social welfare." Delegates also elected Doi to a third term as party chairwoman.

Because of the party's self-definition as a class-based party and its symbiotic relationship with the General Council of Trade Unions of Japan (Sōhyō), the public-sector workers' confederation, few efforts were made to attract non-union constituencies. Although some Sōhyō unions supported the Japanese Communist Party, the party remained the representative of Sohyo's political interests until the merger with private-sector unions and the Japanese Trade Union Confederation (Rengō) in 1989. Because of declining union financial support during the 1980s, some party Diet members turned to dubious fund-raising methods. One was involved in the Recruit affair. Like other parties, it sold large blocks of fund-raising party tickets and the LDP even gave individual party Diet members funds from time to time to persuade them to cooperate in passing difficult legislation.

1990s
As part of the fallout of the Recruit Scandal, the party secured a mere 70 seats (down from 137) in the 1993 Japanese general election while the LDP lost its majority in the lower house for the first time since the 1983 Japanese general election and was out of government for the first time in 38 years. The anti-LDP coalition government of Morihiro Hosokawa was formed by reformists who had triggered the 1993 election by leaving the LDP (Japan Renewal Party and New Party Sakigake), a liberal party formed only a year before (Japan New Party), the traditional centre-left opposition (Kōmeitō, Democratic Socialist Party and Socialist Democratic Federation) and the Democratic Reform Party, the political arm of the Rengō trade union federation, together with the JSP. In 1994, the JSP and the New Sakigake Party decided to leave the non-LDP coalition. The minority Hata cabinet lasted only a few weeks.

The JSP then formed a grand coalition (dai-renritsu) government with the LDP and the New Party Sakigake under JSP Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama, who was leader of the party from 1993 to 1996. Most of the other parties from the anti-LDP coalition, now forced back into opposition, united to form the New Frontier Party (NFP), which overtook the JSP as second largest political party in Japan. The JSP suffered a defeat in the 1995 Japanese House of Councillors election. In January 1996, the New Socialist Party of Japan split off from the JSP, Murayama resigned as Prime Minister, and the JSP changed its name from the JSP to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) as an interim party for forming a new party.

Factions and membership
Nomizo and his faction were affiliated with agricultural workers and unions. Their power in the JSP waned after land reforms in the 1950s. Matsumoto and his faction found support among the Burakumin, whose rights Matsumoto advocated for. The JSP consistently received around 10-20% of the female vote. In 1957, women were estimated to account for 10% of the JSP's membership and the party had eleven female members in the Diet.

Agriculture
The Japan Farmers' Union was officially not aligned with any party, but its leadership were members of the JSP. Five the union's seven executive members were elected to the Diet, including Kuroda and Nomizo. Rikizō Hirano, the Minister of Agriculture and aligned with the JSP's right-wing, led 15% of the union to break away into League for Revivifying the Japan Farmers' Union (later renamed to the All-Japan Farmers' Union) after continued disputes with the left-wing and communists at the union's 1947 convention. 31 of the 143 seats won by the JSP in the 1947 election were held by officers of the Japan Farmers' Union and an additional 8 were held by members of Hirano's union. Nomizo attempted to become Minister of Agriculture after Hirano's dismissal, but the right-wing successfully opposed him.

In the face of rising communist influence in the union JSP members formed the League for the Establishment of Independence in 1948, while Kuroda and the communists formed the Unity Discussion Group. The union broke apart into the Independence Group and Unity Group as these two groups held separate conventions on 22 April 1949.

New agrarian groups were formed after the JSP broke apart into the Left and Right parties. The Independence Group was aligned with the Left JSP. The Right JSP had the New Village Construction Group of the Japan Farmers' Union, but it never held a convention during its existence and was poorly organized. The All-Japan Famers' Union federated with this organization and formed the General Federation of Farmers' Union after Hirano joined the Right JSP. A sample of 48 Left JSP and 33 Right JSP candidates in 1955 showed that 31 Left JSP candidates had farmer union support compared to 7 Right JSP candidates. The All-Japan Farmers' Union, New Village Construction Group, a rump faction of the Independence Group unified into the National Japan Farmers' Union in 1958. Another schism occurred as supporters of Nishio left to form the All-Japan Farmers' Federation aligned with the DSP.

Labor
Sōhyō, the largest labor federation in Japan, was aligned with the JSP's left-wing while the National Railway Workers' Union was aligned with the right-wing. The Red Purge resulted in the amount of unions falling by 5,500 and union membership falling by 880,000 in 1949 alone. Sōhyō's membership fell to below 47,000 in this period, but grew to 3.7 million by 1962. Sōhyō had three major factions during the JSP's split in the 1950s. The left-wing Worker Comrades Society had ties to the Suzuki and Wada factions, a communist faction under Minoru Takano's leadership, and right-wing Democratic Labor Movement Study Group. The Democratic Labor Movement Study Group broke away to form the All-Japan Trade Union Congress in April 1954. 26 representatives and 38 councilors were affiliated with Sōhyō after the 1956 election.

Polling by The Asahi Shimbun in October 1948, showed that 40% of unionized workers supported the JSP, but 18% of non-unionized workers supported them. These figures was 39% and 28% respectively in 1949, and 37% and 26% in 1950.

Domestic
The JSP is generally regarded as having been a progressive "left-wing" party that opposed the conservative "right-wing" Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). The JSP is also considered a centre-left party, but there was a far-left faction within the party. The so-called "leftists" in the JSP were Marxists in favour of scientific socialism. By contrast, the so-called "rightists" were in favour of social democracy and aimed at establishing a welfare state. The party was generally the mainstay of the "Kakushin" (radical-liberal forces) camp.

The JSP's foundation program in 1945 was three sentences long and stated that the party was "the national rally of the laboring strata". This program was maintained until 1955. Both nationalization, supported by the left-wing, and socialization, supported by the right-wing, were in the 1955 platform. In the 1950s the party supported a five-year plan to socialize the electricity, coal, iron and steel, chemical fertilizer, transportation, and cement industries. The party supported a minimum wage of in 1961.

After Takako Doi became party leader, the JSP established a European-style democratic socialism line. Apart from the party's socialist identity, the Murayama Cabinet, which came to power between 1994 and 1996, supported social-liberal reform.

The JSP opposed Shintoist social conservatism, and was politically friendly with Christianity in the United States. There were quite a few Christians in the JSP. Former Japanese Prime Minister Tetsu Katayama was also a Christian.

Foreign
The JSP supported a neutralist foreign policy and opposed amending the Constitution of Japan, especially the Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan. Japan's left-wing liberalism emerged as a "peace movement" and was largely led by the JSP. Suzuki stated that he wanted Japan to follow Yugoslavia's brand of neutrality rather than Austria's. The left-wing participated in anti-American military base protests in 1953, while the right-wing did not. The party was critical of nuclear testing done by the United States and Soviet Union.

The party interacted with the North Korea's Korean Social Democratic Party. The party was also strongly opposed to the far-right South Korea's anti-communist dictatorship, including Park Chung Hee and Chun Doo-hwan, and allied with South Korean liberals, including Kim Dae-jung. The JSP ended its support for the Two Chinas policy in 1957, and recognized the People's Republic of China rather than the Republic of China.

The JSP supported Gamal Abdel Nasser's nationalization of the Suez Canal. The party's factions were heavily divided by the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, with the right-wing supported Hungary and the left-wing supporting the Soviet Union, before a compromise was made stating that "the subsequent de-Stalinization and liberalization were somewhat taken advantage of by reactionary forces, the armed intervention of the Soviet Union cannot be condoned".

title: Japan Socialist Party


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User:Nuggehalli

Did you come to leave me a message about an article? If so visit User talk:Nuggehalli

I started here in August of 2003. I stumbled across Wikipedia while researching some history tidbits and was amazed at the wealth of information available. Just could not resist contributing to the effort.

title: User:Nuggehalli


text:
Ricardo Domínguez

Ricardo Domínguez (July 20, 1985 – February 22, 2017) was a Mexican professional boxer in the Light Welterweight division. He is best known for having won the 2009 Campeón Azteca tournament at Lightweight.

Professional career
Domínguez won his pro debut against Eduardo Castillo in Culiacán, Sinaloa, Mexico.

Campeón Azteca
In 2009, he fought at the first Campeón Azteca tournament in the Lightweight division, where he went on to beat Saul Carreon and Jesus Gonzalez in the first two rounds. At the tournament's championship fight he knocked out Reyes Sanchez to not only win the Prize money but also a title fight with the WBC Lightweight Champion.

WBC Lightweight Championship
In May 2010, Dominguez lost his first ever title fight to WBC champion Humberto Soto.

IBF Lightweight Championship
On November 27, 2010 Ricardo lost to Miguel Vazquez the IBF Lightweight champion in Tijuana, Baja California, Mexico. This was the second title fight for Dominguez.

Professional record

 * - style="margin:0.5em auto; font-size:95%;"
 * style="text-align:center;" colspan="8"|37 Wins (22 knockouts), 11 Losses, 2 Draws
 * - style="text-align:center; margin:0.5em auto; font-size:95%; background:#e3e3e3;"
 * style="border-style:none none solid solid; "|Res.
 * style="border-style:none none solid solid; "|Record
 * style="border-style:none none solid solid; "|Opponent
 * style="border-style:none none solid solid; "|Type
 * style="border-style:none none solid solid; "|Rd., Time
 * style="border-style:none none solid solid; "|Date
 * style="border-style:none none solid solid; "|Location
 * style="border-style:none none solid solid; "|Notes
 * - align=center
 * N/A ||N/A ||align=left|🇲🇽Antonio Lozada Jr.
 * N/A ||N/A || April 16, 2011 || align=left|🇲🇽Tijuana, Baja California, Mexico
 * align=left|
 * - align=center
 * Loss || 32-7-2 ||align=left|🇲🇽Miguel Vazquez
 * UD || 12 (12) || November 27, 2010 || align=left|🇲🇽Tijuana, Baja California, Mexico
 * align=left|For the IBF Lightweight title
 * - align=center

title: Ricardo Domínguez


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Francis Grenfell, 1st Baron Grenfell

Field Marshal Francis Wallace Grenfell, 1st Baron Grenfell, (29 April 1841 – 27 January 1925) was a British Army officer. After serving as aide-de-camp to the Commander-in-Chief, South Africa, he fought in the 9th Xhosa War, the Anglo-Zulu War and then the Anglo-Egyptian War. He went on to become Sirdar (Commander-in-Chief) of the Egyptian Army and commanded the forces at the Battle of Suakin in December 1888 and at the Battle of Toski in August 1889 during the Mahdist War. After that he became Governor of Malta and then Commander-in-Chief, Ireland before retiring in 1908.

Early life and career
Born in Maesteg House, Swansea on 29 April 1841, the fourth son of Pascoe St Leger Grenfell and Catherine Anne Grenfell (née Du Pre), and grandson of Pascoe Grenfell, Francis Wallace Grenfell was educated at Milton Abbas School in Dorset but decided to leave school early.

Military career
Grenfell purchased a commission as an ensign in the 3rd Battalion of the 60th Royal Rifles on 5 August 1859. He then purchased promotion to lieutenant on 21 July 1863 and to captain (in the last year in which purchase was allowed) on 28 October 1871. He became aide-de-camp to Sir Arthur Cunynghame, Commander-in-Chief, South Africa, in 1874. After taking part in the Battle of Quintana in February 1878 during the 9th Xhosa War in 1878, he was promoted to brevet major on 11 November 1878. He next fought at the Battle of Ulundi in July 1879 during the Anglo-Zulu War and then returned to England to become brigade major at Shorncliffe Army Camp shortly before he was promoted to brevet lieutenant colonel on 29 November 1879. He became brigade major of an infantry brigade in South Africa in April 1881 and, having been promoted to the substantive rank of major on 1 July 1881, he fought at the Battle of Tel el-Kebir in September 1882 during the Anglo-Egyptian War. Promoted to brevet colonel on 18 November 1882, he was made aide-de-camp to Queen Victoria that same year.

Grenfell became Deputy Sirdar (Commander-in-Chief) of the Egyptian Army in late 1882 and, after commanding the Egyptian troops stationed at Aswan during the Nile Expedition, he became Sirdar himself in April 1885. He was appointed Companion of the Order of the Bath on 25 August 1885, and having led his troops at the Battle of Ginnis in December 1885, was promoted to the substantive rank of lieutenant-colonel on 7 January 1886. He was advanced to Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath on 25 November 1886. He went on to command the forces at the Battle of Suakin in December 1888 and at the Battle of Toski in August 1889 during the Mahdist War and was promoted to major-general for distinguished service in the field on 3 August 1889. In recognition of the transformation he had achieved in making the Egyptian Army a successful fighting force, he was appointed a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG) on leaving Egypt on 25 May 1892.

Returning to England Grenfell became Deputy Adjutant-General at the War Office in 1892 and Inspector General of Auxiliary Forces at the War Office in August 1894. He returned to Egypt as commander of the British Troops in Egypt (under the new Sirdar) in 1897, and having been promoted to lieutenant-general on 1 April 1898, he was advanced to Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath on 15 November 1898. He became Governor of Malta with the local rank of general on 1 January 1899, serving as such until early 1903. The 1902 Coronation Honours list on 26 June 1902 included his name as a future peer, and he was created Baron Grenfell, of Kilvey in the County of Glamorgan on 15 July 1902. He took the oath on meeting in the House of Lords for the first time on 22 July 1902.

Lord Grenfell returned permanently to the United Kingdom to command the newly created 4th Army Corps from 1 April 1903. The IV Corps was based on the Eastern Command with headquarters in London. Following promotion to full general on 16 March 1904, he became Commander-in-Chief, Ireland and General Officer Commanding 3rd Army Corps in May 1904. He was promoted to field marshal on retirement on 11 April 1908. In May 1910 he attended the funeral of King Edward VII and in June 1911 he attended the coronation of King George V.

Grenfell served as colonel of the 1st Surrey (South London) Volunteer Regiment from 1889 to 1902, colonel of the 2nd Regiment of Life Guards and then colonel of the 1st Regiment of Life Guards as well as, latterly, colonel commandant the King's Royal Rifle Corps and colonel of the King's Own Malta Regiment of Militia.

Grenfell was Governor and Commandant of the Church Lads' Brigade from 1908 to 1925. In 1914, he was responsible for raising the 16th (Service) Battalion, King's Royal Rifle Corps (Church Lads' Brigade) as a battalion for CLB members wishing to enlist. He was also a founding committee member of the Pilgrims Society in 1902.

Grenfell received the Honorary Freedom of the Borough from his native town Swansea in 1889.

He died aged 83 at Windlesham in Surrey on 27 January 1925 and was buried at St Mary and All Saints Churchyard at Beaconsfield in Buckinghamshire.

Legacy
Grenfell Road, which runs through North Kensington, London was named for Grenfell; the road later lent its name to Grenfell Tower which was built in 1974. In June 2017, Grenfell Tower caught fire, causing 72 deaths.

Family
In 1887 Grenfell married Evelyn Wood, daughter of Major General Robert Blucher Wood; they had no children. Following the death of his first wife, he married Margaret Majendie (daughter of Lewis Majendie MP) in 1903; they had two sons and a daughter.

Honours and decorations

 * GCB: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath – 15 November 1898
 * GCMG: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George – 25 May 1892 – on leaving Egypt
 * LL.D. (honorary), University of Cambridge, May 1902.
 * LL.D. (honorary), University of Edinburgh, 26 July 1902.
 * Honorary Freeman of Swansea, 1889

Foreign decorations
Grenfell was awarded the Order of the Medjidie (second class) and the Order of Osmanieh (third class) on 27 May 1886. He was advanced to the Order of the Medjidie (first class) on 17 May 1888 and to the Order of Osmanieh (first class) on 25 July 1892. And also awarded; a 'Coronation medal', Order of the Red Eagle from Germany, Order of Alexander Nevsky from Russia, Order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus from Italy.

title: Francis Grenfell, 1st Baron Grenfell


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Enbridge

Enbridge Inc. is a Canadian multinational pipeline and energy company headquartered in Calgary, Alberta, Canada. Enbridge owns and operates pipelines throughout Canada and the United States, transporting crude oil, natural gas, and natural gas liquids, and also generates renewable energy. Enbridge's pipeline system is the longest in North America and the largest oil export pipeline network in the world. Its crude oil system consists of 28,661 kilometres (17,809 miles) of pipelines. Its 38,300 kilometre (23,800 mile) natural gas pipeline system connects multiple Canadian provinces, several US states, and the Gulf of Mexico. The company was formed by Imperial Oil in 1949 as the Interprovincial Pipe Line Company Limited to transport Alberta oil to refineries. Over time, it has grown through acquisition of other existing pipeline companies and the expansion of their projects.

Enbridge has been responsible for several oil spills, including a spill on Line 3, which was the largest inland oil spill in the US. Opposition to Enbridge projects has resulted in several popular uprisings, most notably the Dakota Access Pipeline protests, and the Stop Line 3 protests.

History
The company was initially incorporated by Imperial Oil as Interprovincial Pipe Line Company (IPL) on April 30, 1949, after Canada's first major oil discovery, in 1947, at Leduc, Alberta. In the same year, the company built its first oil pipeline from Leduc to Regina, Saskatchewan. In 1950, it was expanded through Gretna, Manitoba, to Superior, Wisconsin, in the United States. To operate the United States portion of the pipeline, the Lakehead Pipe Line Company (now Enbridge Energy Partners) was created. In 1953, the pipeline was expanded to Sarnia, Ontario, and in 1956 to Toronto and Buffalo, New York.

In 1953, IPL was listed on the Toronto and Montreal stock exchanges. In 1983, IPL built the Norman Wells pipeline and joined Frontier Pipeline Company. In 1986, through a series of stakes exchanges, IPL gained control of Home Oil and in 1988, it changed its name to Interhome Energy Inc. In 1991, it changed its name to Interprovincial Pipe Line Inc.

In 1992, Interprovincial Pipe Line Inc. was acquired by Interprovincial Pipe Line System Inc., which changed its name to IPL Energy Inc. in 1994, after the acquisition of Consumers' Gas (now Enbridge Gas Inc.) and diversification into the gas distribution business. In addition, it acquired stakes in AltaGas Services and the electric utility of Cornwall, Ontario. Through the 1990s, the company expanded its gas pipeline network and acquired a stake in the Chicap oil pipeline. It also built the Athabasca Pipeline from northeastern Alberta to the main pipeline system. In 1995, the company expanded its activities outside of North America by taking a stake in the Ocensa pipeline. This stake was sold in 2009. IPL Energy became Enbridge Inc in 1998. The Enbridge name is a portmanteau from "energy" and "bridge".

In the 2000s, Enbridge introduced several large projects. Enbridge made their first investment into renewable energy in 2002 with the purchase of a wind farm. In 2006, it announced the Enbridge Northern Gateway Pipelines Project from Athabasca to Kitimat, British Columbia. The same year, it announced the Alberta Clipper pipeline project from Hardisty, Alberta to Superior, Wisconsin, to connect oil sands production area with the existing network. This pipeline became operational in 2010.

In 2009, Enbridge bought the Sarnia Photovoltaic Power Plant and expanded it up to 80 MW, which was the world's largest photovoltaic power station at that time.

In January 2017, Enbridge acquired Midcoast Energy Partners for $170 million in cash, and later in 2018, ArcLight acquired Midcoast Operating, L.P. from Enbridge for $1.1 billion.

Enbridge released its first annual sustainability report in 2001, and in November 2020, Enbridge expanded its environmental, social and governance (ESG) goals and targets. The company aims to achieve net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, with an interim target to reduce emissions intensity by 35% by 2030. That same year, President and CEO Al Monaco said that renewable power is now "the fourth Enbridge platform." Enbridge's ESG goals also aim to diversify its workforce with 28% representation from racial and ethnic groups and 40% from women by 2025.

In 2021, Enbridge was recognized as one of Canada's top 100 employers for the 18th time, and as one of Canada's best diversity employers for the seventh time.

In September 2023, it was announced  Enbridge had agreed to acquire East Ohio Gas, Questar Gas, and Public Service Co. of North Carolina, from Dominion Energy for a total enterprise value worth $14 billion. The acquisition will result in Enbridge being the largest natural gas utility franchise in North America.

Merger with Spectra Energy
On September 6, 2016, Enbridge agreed to buy Spectra Energy in an all-stock deal valued at about $28 billion. Spectra, headquartered in Houston, Texas, operated in three key areas of the natural gas industry: transmission and storage, distribution, and gathering and processing. Spectra was formed in late 2006 as a spin-off from Duke Energy. Spectra owned the Texas Eastern Pipeline (TETCo), a major natural gas pipeline transporting gas from the Gulf of Mexico coast in Texas to the New York City area; TETCo was one of the largest pipeline systems in the United States. Spectra also operated three oil pipelines, numerous other gas pipelines and was proposing to build still 3 more gas pipelines in the U.S. The merger was completed on February 27, 2017.

Crude oil and liquids pipelines
The company is the largest transporter of crude oil in Canada with 3 million barrels per day of oil and liquids. The Enbridge Pipeline System is the world's longest crude oil and liquids pipeline system, with 27,564 km (17,127 mi) of active crude pipeline in both Canada and the United States. This pipeline network delivers 3 million barrels of oil per day.

Enbridge delivered more than 3.77 billion barrels of crude oil in 2020, and more than 29.5 billion barrels over the past decade, from 2011 through 2020 inclusive.

Enbridge has several new capacities and expansion projects, including the expansion of the Alberta Clipper, replacing of Line 6B, reversal of Line 9 and others. Its Light Oil Market Access initiative is a project to deliver light crude oil from North Dakota and Western Canada to refineries in Ontario, Quebec, and the U.S. Midwest. Eastern Access, including a reversal of Line 9, is a project to deliver oil to Western Canada and Bakken to refineries in Eastern Canada and the midwest and eastern U.S. Western Gulf Coast Access, including reversal and expansion of the Seaway Pipeline and the Flanagan South Pipeline, is a plan to connect Canadian heavy oil supply to refineries along the Gulf Coast of the United States.

Enbridge's oil pipelines cross North America, with 13,833 km (8,672 mi) of active pipe in the United States and 13,681 km (8500 mi) of active pipe in Canada. The list below outlines eight of those lines.

 * Line 1 is a 1,767 km (1,098 mi) pipeline that starts in Enbridge's Edmonton Terminal in Alberta, and runs to its Superior Terminal in Wisconsin. On average, this pipeline delivers 237,000 barrels of light crude, natural gas liquids, and refined products daily.
 * Line 2A is a 966 km (600 mi) pipeline that runs from an Enbridge terminal in Edmonton, Alberta, to its Cromer Terminal in Manitoba. On average, per day this pipeline carries 442,000 barrels of condensates, light crude, and heavy crude. Line 2B is an 808 km (502 mi) pipeline that runs from the same Cromer Terminal to the Superior Terminal in Wisconsin. That pipeline delivers on average 442,000 barrels of light crude oil per day.
 * Line 3 is a 1,769 km (1,099 mi) pipeline that runs from the Edmonton terminal to the Superior Terminal. Over half (1,070 km) of the pipeline is located in Canada, between Alberta and Manitoba. Per day, the pipeline transports an average of 390,000 barrels of light, medium and heavy crude oil.
 * Line 4 is a 1,722 km (1,101 mi) crude oil pipeline starting at the Edmonton terminal to the Superior terminal. This pipeline carries, on average, 390,000 barrels of light, medium and heavy crude oil per day.
 * Line 5 is a 1,038 km (645 mi) crude oil pipeline running from the Superior terminal in Wisconsin to Sarnia, Ontario. On average, this pipeline moves 540,000 barrels of natural gas liquids and light crude oil per day.
 * Alberta clipper Pipeline (Line 67) is a 1,790 km (1,112 mi) pipeline that runs from Hardisty, Alberta to Superior, Wisconsin. An average of 800,000 barrels of heavy crude oil is moved through this pipeline per day.
 * Southern Lights Pipeline (Line 13) is a 2,560 km (1,591 mi) pipeline that runs from Manhattan, Illinois to the Edmonton terminal. This pipeline carries on average, 180,000 barrels of diluent per day.

Natural gas pipelines

Enbridge's pipelines transport 20% of the natural gas consumed in the United States. It owns and operates Canada's largest natural gas distribution network, providing distribution services in Ontario and Quebec. Union Gas in Ontario now fully operates under Enbridge Gas Inc. In Quebec, Enbridge has interest ownership in Gazifère.

Enbridge builds, owns and operates a network of natural gas transmission pipelines across North America, connecting the continent's prolific natural gas supply to major markets in Canada, the United States, Mexico, and further abroad.

Enbridge's natural gas network currently covers 38,375 km (23,850 mi) across five Canadian provinces, 30 U.S. states, and offshore in the Gulf of Mexico, transporting roughly 16.2 Bcf (billions of cubic feet per day) of natural gas.

Canadian gas transmission: major assets

 * B.C. Pipeline (2.9 Bcf/d): this pipeline system runs from Fort Nelson in northeastern British Columbia to the U.S. border at Huntington-Sumas stretching 2,858 km (1,776 mi). It transports 60 percent of all natural gas produced in B.C., and provides natural gas service to the province as well as US states including Oregon, Idaho, and Washington.
 * Alliance Pipeline (1.6bcf/d): running 3,848 km (2,391 mi) from northern British Columbia across the U.S.-Canada border to Aux Sable gas processing plant in Channahon, Illinois. Enbridge owns 50 percent of the Alliance Pipeline and 42% of the Aux Sable processing facility.

U.S. gas transmission: major assets

 * Algonquin Gas Transmission (3.12 Bcf/d): this pipeline is 1,129 miles long, and transports natural gas to markets in New York, New Jersey, and New England.
 * East Tennessee (1.86 Bcf/d): a natural gas pipeline 1,526 miles long, extending from Tennessee to the Southeast and Mid-Atlantic states, ending in Virginia.
 * Maritimes & Northeast Pipeline: this pipeline was constructed to bring natural gas produced in Atlantic Canada through to other Canadian provinces (Nova Scotia and New Brunswick), and into U.S. states (Main, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts).
 * NEXUS Gas Transmission: measuring 257 miles long, this pipeline supplies natural gas markets in the U.S. Midwest and the Dawn Hub in Ontario. This is a 50/50 joint partnership between Enbridge and DTE Energy.
 * Sabal Trail: carries natural gas via a 287-mile pipeline to the U.S. Southeast. This is a joint partnership between Enbridge, NextEra Energy and Duke Energy.
 * Southeast Supply Header (SESH) (1.09 Bcf/d): a natural gas pipeline 287 miles in length, connecting gas supply in Texas and Louisiana to other natural gas markets in the Southeast US.
 * Texas Eastern (11.69 Bcf/d): delivers natural gas from Texas and the Gulf Coast through 8.83 miles of pipeline to markets in the Northeastern UW including New York, Boston, and Pittsburgh.
 * Valley Crossing Pipeline (2.6 Bcf/d): placed into service in November 2018, this pipeline moves Texas sourced natural gas to a Mexico State-owned power utility, the Comision Federal de Electricidad (CFE).
 * Vector Pipeline: this pipeline acts as a connector for other pipelines including the Alliance pipeline and NEXUS Gas Transmission to the Union Gas Dawn Hub.

DCP Midstream
DCP Midstream is a joint venture between Enbridge and Phillips 66. Phillips 66 is one of the largest petroleum services companies in the US, owning and operating 39 natural gas plants and 51,000 miles of gathering pipe. Headquartered in Denver, Colorado, DCP operates a portfolio of natural gas gathering, logistics, marketing and processing services across nine states.

Renewable energy generation
Enbridge made its first investment into renewable energy in 2002 with the purchase of a wind farm. To date Enbridge has invested in 23 wind farms, 7 solar energy projects, 5 waste heat recovery facilities, 1 geothermal project, 1 power transmission project and 1 hydroelectric facility.

Enbridge has a growing interest in European offshore wind energy, and its renewable assets are part of the company's plan to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050.

In 2020, President and CEO Al Monaco said that renewable power is now "the fourth Enbridge platform."

Power transmission
In February, 2020, Enbridge sold its shares of Montana-Alberta Tie-Line (MATL) to Berkshire Hathaway Energy. The MATL project is a 300-megawatt (MW), 230-kilovolt (kV) electrical transmission line allowing movement of power between Alberta and Montana. The MATL project, which was placed in service the fall of 2013, supports ongoing development of a rich wind-powered generation resource and allows electrical energy to flow in both directions. The transmission line is 210 miles (345 km) long and runs between the Lethbridge, Alberta area and the Great Falls, Montana area. Roughly one third of the line is in Canada and two thirds in the U.S.

Natural gas utility
Enbridge Gas Inc. was formed on January 1, 2019, with the combination of Enbridge Gas Distribution and Union Gas. Its network consists of 5,471 km of gas transmission lines, 66,787 km of gas distribution service lines, and 78,214 km of gas distribution main lines.

They deliver to over 15 million people in Ontario and Quebec through 3.8 million residential, commercial, industrial, and institutional meter connections and distribute roughly 2.3 bcf/d of natural gas. Additionally, in southwestern Ontario they have the largest integrated underground storage facility in Canada, and one of North America's top natural gas trading hubs.

Enbridge's natural gas distribution also includes interest ownership in two additional natural gas distributors. This includes Gazfiére, serving people in Outaouais region of Quebec, and Ènergir LP, a company that operates gas transmission, gas distribution, and power distribution throughout Quebec and Vermont.

In September 2023, Enbridge agreed to acquire three natural gas utility companies from Dominion Energy for $14 billion. The companies include the East Ohio Gas Company, Questar Gas Company, and the Public Service Company of North Carolina. These companies serve 3 million customers in the states of Ohio, Utah, Wyoming, Idaho, and North Carolina. Upon completion of the acquisition, Enbridge Gas Inc. will become the largest natural gas utility in North America supplying 9 bcf/d to 7 million customers.

Oil spills and violations
Enbridge's pipeline was responsible for the largest inland oil spill in the United States in 1991, when 1700000 U.S.gal of oil ruptured from a buried pipeline in Grand Rapids, Minnesota, spilling crude into a wetland and a tributary of the Mississippi River.

Using data from Enbridge's own reports, the Polaris Institute calculated that 804 spills occurred on Enbridge pipelines between 1999 and 2010. These spills released approximately 161,475 oilbbl of crude oil into the environment.

On July 4, 2002, an Enbridge pipeline ruptured in a marsh near the town of Cohasset, Minnesota, in Itasca County, spilling 6000 oilbbl of crude oil. In an attempt to keep the oil from contaminating the Mississippi River, the Minnesota Department of Natural Resources set a controlled burn that lasted for one day and created a smoke plume about 1 mi high and 5 mi long.

In 2006, there were 67 reportable spills totaling 5663 oilbbl on Enbridge's energy and transportation and distribution system; in 2007 there were 65 reportable spills totalling 13777 oilbbl. On March 18, 2006, approximately 613 oilbbl of crude oil were released when a pump failed at Enbridge's Willmar terminal in Saskatchewan. According to Enbridge, roughly half the oil was recovered.

On January 1, 2007, an Enbridge pipeline that runs from Superior, Wisconsin to near Whitewater, Wisconsin cracked open and spilled ~50,000 USgal of crude oil onto farmland and into a drainage ditch. The same pipeline was struck by construction crews on February 2, 2007, in Rusk County, Wisconsin, spilling ~201,000 USgal of crude, of which about 87000 U.S.gal were recovered. Some of the oil filled a hole more than 20 ft deep and contaminated the local water table.

In April 2007, roughly 6227 oilbbl of crude oil spilled into a field downstream of an Enbridge pumping station near Glenavon, Saskatchewan.

In January 2009, an Enbridge pipeline leaked about 4000 oilbbl of oil southeast of Fort McMurray at the company's Cheecham Terminal tank farm. Most of the spilled oil was contained within berms but about 1% of the oil, about 40 oilbbl, sprayed into the air and coated nearby snow and trees.

On January 2, 2010, Enbridge's Line 2 ruptured near Neche, North Dakota, releasing about 3,784 barrels of crude oil, of which 2237 oilbbl was recovered. In April 2010, an Enbridge pipeline ruptured spilling more than 9.5 oilbbl of oil in Virden, Manitoba. This oil leaked into the Boghill Creek, which eventually connects to the Assiniboine River.

In the July 2010 Kalamazoo River oil spill, a leaking pipeline spilled more than 1,000,000 USgal of oil sands crude oil into Talmadge Creek leading to the Kalamazoo River in southwest Michigan on July 26, near Marshall, Michigan. A United States Environmental Protection Agency update of the Kalamazoo River spill concluded the pipeline rupture "caused the largest inland oil spill in Midwest history" and reported the cost of the cleanup at $36.7 million (US) as of November 14, 2011. PHMSA raised concerns in a Corrective Action Order (CAO) about numerous anomalies that had been detected on this pipeline by internal line inspection tools, yet Enbridge had failed to check a number of those anomalies in the field. The Michigan spill affected more than 50 km of waterways and wetlands and about 320 people reported symptoms from crude oil exposure. The National Transportation Safety Board said at $800 million, it was the costliest onshore spill cleanup in U.S. history. The NTSB found Enbridge knew of a defect in the pipeline five years before it burst. In June 2013, a Kalamazoo man lodged himself into an Enbridge pipeline in Marshall, MI to protest Enbridge's lack of accountability for the 2010 spill and to encourage landowners along Enbridge's Line 6B expansion to offer increased resistance to construction in 2013. In 2014, Enbridge completed cleanup of the river per the EPA's order.

On September 9, 2010, a broken water line caused a rupture on Enbridge's Line 6A pipeline near Romeoville, Illinois, releasing an estimated 7,500 oilbbl of oil into the surrounding area.

On June 22, 2013, Enbridge subsidiary Athabasca pipelines reported a pipeline leak of approximately 750 barrels of light synthetic crude oil from Line 37 near Enbridge's Cheecham, Alberta, terminal about 70 km southeast of Fort McMurray. The 17-kilometre-long, 12-inch diameter pipe was constructed in 2006 and links the Long Lake oilsands upgrader to the Cheetham terminal as part of Enbridge's Athabasca system. Unusually heavy rainfall in the region, also responsible for the 2013 Alberta floods, may have caused "ground movement on the right-of way that may have impacted the pipeline." Enbridge's Athabasca (Line 19) shares a portion of right of way with Line 37 and Enbridge's Wood Buffalo/Waupisoo (Line 75/18), a major part of the network that serves Alberta's oilsands. All three lines were closed down as a precautionary measure. Operations between Hardisty and Cheecham were restored on June 23 when Enbridge's Athabasca pipeline (Line 19) was restored to service.

On July 1, 2013, WWMT News in Michigan reported that the Michigan Department of Environmental Quality had issued a citation against Enbridge for contamination of North Ore Creek by an Enbridge pipeline maintenance activity.

On January 30, 2017, a road crew in Texas punctured the Seaway S-1 crude oil pipeline, which is jointly owned by Enterprise Products Partners and Enbridge through the joint venture Seaway Crude Pipeline Company. Two days later, it was unclear how much oil had spilled over the nearby Highway 121 northeast of Dallas. After the incident, supply concerns reportedly helped push "oil prices 2% higher in early trading to nearly $54 a barrel."

On October 9, 2018, Enbridge's Westcoast Pipeline exploded in Shelley, British Columbia, sparking a massive fireball and leading to shortages of natural gas throughout British Columbia.

Protests
In May 2012, West Coast First Nations members and supporters protested near Enbridge's Annual Shareholder's meeting, against the proposed Northern Gateway Project and on May 31, 2012, the Vancouver Observer reported about 40 protesters outside the Canadian Oil and Gas Export Summit, protesting the proposed Enbridge Northern Gateway Project.

On July 17, 2012, a group calling itself "We are the Kalamazoo" protested against Enbridge's response to the Kalamazoo spill and its plans to construct the line 6B pipeline. This protest was on the second anniversary of the Kalamazoo spill.

On November 12, 2012, the Lansing State Journal reported that the head of the Line 6B Pipeline project stated that he had never seen as much organized landowner resistance despite 30 years in the pipeline industry. They noted that this was probably because of the 2010 Kalamazoo River spill.

In May 2013, Hamilton area residents protested the reversal of flow in Line 9 and temporarily closed Ontario Highway 6. Later that year, on June 6, 2013, a group called Hamilton 350 sent a letter of complaint to the Hamilton (Ontario) police service (HPS) for accepting over $44,000 in donations from Enbridge. The letter questions whether police officers would be impartial during any anti-Enbridge protests, given the donation.

On June 26, 2013, Hamilton Police arrested at least 10 people who occupied an Enbridge compound for six days to protest the expansion of Enbridge's Line 9 and intent to ship diluted bitumen through the line.

On July 22, 2013, a group of protesters locked themselves to equipment at an Enbridge pipeline construction site in Stockbridge, Michigan. Protesters stated that they had to take matters into their own hands given that state regulators were failing the public, "We felt that there was no other option."

A September 16, 2013, "Inside Climate News" report by journalist David Hasemeyer describes how many Michigan landowners are concerned about the safety of new Enbridge pipeline being laid within a few feet of their homes, and the lack of regulations for how close a pipeline can be constructed to an existing home. The article quotes Richard Kuprewicz, President of an engineering consulting company and an adviser to Pipeline Hazardous Materials Administration: "Clearly the pipeline safety regulations aren't adequate in this area and the siting regulations aren't adequate," Kuprewicz said. "It's a bad combination."

In September 2016, a group of Native Americans protested the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline, which Enbridge had announced plans to acquire a portion of in a $2 billion deal.

In November 2020, Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer revoked a 1953 easement for an Enbridge pipeline connecting two parts of the Great Lakes through the Straits of Mackinac.

In June 2021, Enbridge resumed construction on the Line 3 replacement project in Northern Minnesota after taking a brief planned break. Enbridge's plans to expand its Line 3 pipeline in Minnesota along a new route have been met with prolonged resistance from Native communities and activists calling themselves water protectors.

In January 2022, a group of about 400 met in front of a Bank of America location in Austin to protest Enbridge's plans to expand the Moda Ingleside Energy Center onto historic Karankawa land in Corpus Christi, Texas.

In September, 2023, in a trial flawed by numerous protocol breaches on the part of the prosecution and local authorities, Mylene Vialard was found guilty of felony obstruction. According to the article, Vialard was among more than a thousand arrests by Minnesota law enforcement – which along with other agencies received at least $8.6m in payments from Enbridge.

In 2024, the film Bad River was released. The film documented Enbridge's trespassing on the Bad River reservation with Line 5 and the local community's struggle to get the pipeline removed. It also covered how Enbridge attempted to influence the Bad River tribal elections.

Technology and innovation
Enbridge has two Technology and Innovation labs. In January 2019, the first lab opened in Calgary, Alberta. In April 2019, the second lab opened in Houston, Texas. The labs use industrial predictive algorithms, machine learning, and sentiment analysis to find efficiencies within the company and help improve safety and reliability of their pipeline infrastructure.

The labs have developed ways to get sensor data from pipelines, helping to improve flows of natural gas and crude oil terminals. Additionally, the labs have helped enhance pipeline leak detection, and ensure better maintenance schedules. For renewable energy projects, the labs have developed different ways to reposition wind turbine blades to help maximize wind power generation.

Financials
Dollar amounts in millions of Canadian dollars unless otherwise noted, with the exception of employee numbers. Additionally, earnings are after income tax and unadjusted.

President
Dr Oliver B. Hopkins, 1949–1951 Thomas S. Johnston, 1951–1967 David G. Waldon, 1967–1977 Robert K. Heule, 1977–1985 G. Edward Courtnage, 1985–1986 Richard F. Haskayne, 1987–1991 Brian F. MacNeill, 1991–2000 Patrick D. Daniel, 2000–2012 Albert Monaco, 2012–2023 Gregory L. Ebel, 2023–

Chairman of the Board
David G. Waldon, 1977–1978 Robert K. Heule, 1985–1989 Richard F. Haskayne, 1989–1991 H. Gordon MacNeill, 1991–1996 Donald J. Taylor, 1996–2005 David A. Arledge, 2005–2017 Gregory L. Ebel, 2017–

title: Enbridge


text:
Ensign Energy Services

Ensign Energy Services Inc. is a publicly traded Canadian company that provides oilfield services for the North American and international market. Founded in 1987, Ensign is headquartered in Calgary, Alberta. Ensign's Common Shares are publicly traded though the facilities of the Toronto Stock Exchange under the trading symbol ESI.

Global Operations
Ensign is one of the world's land-based drilling and well servicing contractors serving crude oil, natural gas and geothermal operators. The company’s premium service is focused on contract drilling with complementary services such as directional drilling, underbalanced and managed pressure drilling, rental equipment, well servicing and production services. Today, the company owns 302 drilling rigs and 102 service rigs across the globe. It has more than 5,000 employees, the majority of whom are field-based.

1987 to 2007
Ensign was founded in 1987 as Ensign Resource Service Group. It listed on the Toronto Stock Exchange in 1993. In the second quarter of 2005, the company changed its name from Ensign Resource Service Group to its current name.

2008 to Present
In 2011, the company was accused of option backdating; it eventually reached a $4 million settlement. In 2015–2016, it experienced significant losses of $104 million and $150 million; in the 2009 to 2016 period, it closed down 200 rigs.

In August 2018, Ensign made a C$470 million hostile takeover offer for Trinidad Drilling. On November 27, 2018, Ensign announced the successful acquisition of a total of 66.73 per cent of the outstanding common shares of Trinidad Drilling Ltd. ("Trinidad"), including the 9.82 per cent previously held by Ensign, which increased to 89.3 per cent by December 21, 2018. The company reported a 72 per cent increase in revenue in its first full quarter since acquiring Trinidad Drilling Ltd.

In 2019, the company was awarded significant new drilling contracts in the United States, Canada and the Middle East.

title: Ensign Energy Services


text: User talk:195.94.1.203

title: User talk:195.94.1.203


text:
Extendicare

Extendicare Inc. is a Canadian for-profit long-term care (LTC) provider that offers housing, care and related services to seniors. It operates over 100 care facilities and is based in Markham, Ontario. The company operates retirement residences and long-term care facilities under the Extendicare, Esprit Lifestyle and ParaMed brands, with 23,000 employees.

In 2006, the company became a real estate investment trust (REIT) and began trading on the Toronto Stock Exchange (TSX) under the symbol EXE.UN on November 10, 2006. In 2012, the company completed its conversion from an income trust structure named Extendicare Real Estate Investment Trust to a corporate structure named Extendicare Inc.

Extendicare owns and operates dozens of long-term care and retirement facilities, with the majority in Ontario and 11% in Alberta. The company has a number of significant subsidiaries and divisions, including ParaMed, Esprit Lifestyle Communities, Extendicare Assist, and its Purchasing Partner Network division, SGP.

From January to September 2020, Extendicare paid out about CA$29 million to shareholders. During the same period, Extendicare's ParaMed division received CA$82.2 million from the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS). The company said that government funds went to LTC workers directly, not towards dividends.

Board of directors
Michael Guerriere has been the President and CEO of Extendicare since 2018. Prior to that, Guerriere was CMO and VP at TELUS Health from 2002 to 2018, and with Courtyard Group, which was acquired by TELUS Health in 2002. Others in leadership roles (according to the 2020 annual report) include CFO and VP David E. Bacon, VP Victor Rocca, CFO HRO Leslie Sarauer, VP John Toffoletto, Bruce Wienberg, and CMO Matthew Morgan. Other board members include Alan D. Torrie, Norma Beauchamp, Sandra L. Hanington, Alan R. Hibben, Brent Houlden, Donna E. Kingelin, Samir Manji, and Al Mawani.

Segments and subsidiaries
According to its 2020 Annual Report, the company earned a total of CA$1,155.3 million in revenue in 2020. Its segments include long-term care—which generated a revenue of CA$715.6 million, retirement living, home health care, "contract services, consulting and group purchasing", and corporate activities, among others.

In Canada, the company has significant subsidiaries, including Extendicare Inc., ParaMed Inc., Harvest Retirement Community Inc., Stonebridge Crossing Retirement Community Inc., Empire Crossing Retirement Community Inc., Yorkton Crossing Retirement Community Inc., West Park Crossing Retirement Community Inc., Bolton Mills Retirement Community Inc., Douglas Crossing Retirement Community Inc., Lynde Creek Manor Retirement Community Inc., 9994165 Canada Inc., Riverbend Crossing Retirement Community Inc., and Cedar Crossing Retirement Community Inc. It also has a significant subsidiary in Bermuda, the Laurier Indemnity Company, Ltd.

By 2020, most of Extendicare's LTC and retirement facilities were in two provinces – about 77% in Ontario and 11% in Alberta. In 2020, Extendicare owned and operated 58 LTC facilities, and Esprit Lifestyle Communities owned and operated 11 retirement living facilities. Through the Extendicare Assist division, the company also provided 52 facilities with contract services. The Purchasing Partner Network division—SGP—contracts purchases of "food, capital equipment, furnishings, cleaning and nursing supplies, and office products".

COVID-19 pandemic
The company had "no plan to deal with" the coronavirus and in the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic in Canada, 80 people in the care of Extendicare died "after contracting COVID-19". The company spent CA$300,000 of its "own money on COVID-19, while distributing over $10,000,000 to shareholders during the pandemic", according to its May 28, 2020 Annual General Meeting.

During the pandemic—from January to September 30, 2020—revenues from the company's long-term-care facilities rose to CA$523.4 million, compared to CA$477.1 million in the same period in 2019.

Extendicare Parkside
By December 2020, 38 residents with COVID-19 had died in Parkside Extendicare in Regina, Saskatchewan. The outbreak was declared on November 20, 2020, and two weeks later, there were 50 residents that had tested positive for COVID-19. By March 21, it was confirmed by Saskatchewan Health Authority (SHA) that 41 people had died at Extendicare Parkside from the virus and over 200 residents and staff tested had positive for COVID-19 during the outbreak. In response to the second wave Extendicare Parkside outbreak, the Provincial Ombudsman began an investigation at the request of the Government of Saskatchewan. On December 9, SHA into a co-management agreement with Parkside Extendicare which lasted into 2021.

By March 2020, families of those who died in Extendicare facilities in Saskatchewan, represented by Regina-based lawyer Tony Merchant, prepared to file a class-action lawsuit for substandard care in Extendicare's long-term care facilities. According to Merchant, of the 117 people who died from COVID-19 in the province's care homes from the beginning of the outbreak to the middle of March 2020, 35% were in Extendicare facilities when they died. On October 12th, 2022, the Saskatchewan Health Authority and the ECI group formally agreed that the SHA would assume responsibility for five Saskatchwean based Long Term Care Extendicare facilities. Details of the agreement include the transition of nearly 1,300 Extendicare staff to the SHA and the purchase of all five properties (one in Saskatoon, one in Moose Jaw and three in Regina).

Financial support to LTC facilities
The Ontario Ministry of LTC provided COVID funding of CA$398.0 million, "which included $268.0 million in funding for COVID prevention and containment efforts". According to their 2020 annual report, they received CA$6.6 million in the spring of 2021 for the FY 2020.

According to a Toronto Star analysis of Extendicare's 2020 financial statements, in the first 3 quarters ending in September 2020, this for-profit company paid out nearly CA$29 million to shareholders in dividends at the same time that ParaMed received CA$82.2 million in federal wage subsidies through the program for front-line workers, the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS). The Star investigation included the three major for-profit LTC providers, Sienna Senior Living, Chartwell Retirement Residences, as well as Extendicare. The companies said that the CEWS grants went directly to their frontline workers and were not to pay dividends.

Class-action lawsuits and regulatory actions
There have been several COVID-related lawsuits filed against Extendicare facilities.

These lawsuits include an October 2020 CA$600,000 class action lawsuit with multiple defendants against multiple homes and levels of government, a second CA$210 class action lawsuit alleging "gross negligence" filed in October 2020, regarding one of Extendicare's LTC facilities—later amended to include claims against 35 Extendicare's operations.

In November 2020, the Ontario government, under Premier Doug Ford passed Bill 218, Supporting Ontario's Recovery Act—retroactive to March 17, 2020—which provides some liability protections to individuals, corporations, or other entities, including LTC corporations, against COVID-19-related legal claims that limit claimants ability to win a lawsuit "except in certain circumstances". Claimants must prove that an individual, corporation, or other entity acted in "gross negligence", not in a "good faith" or "honest" effort to comply with public health guidance and laws relating to COVID-19.

title: Extendicare


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Ricardo Dominguez

Ricardo Dominguez was proposed for deletion. This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was KEEP as redirect to Toywar. Rossami 21:37, 8 Sep 2004 (UTC)

155 Google hits for "Ricardo Dominguez toywar," so it's legit. But, is it notable? Not much here to go on, and the contributor seems to be relying too much on the external links. - Lucky 6.9 18:03, 13 Aug 2004 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like other '/delete' pages is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion or on the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.
 * Comment: RTmark, Voteauction and Toywar are by the same contrib. - Lucky 6.9 18:08, 13 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Not notable. --Diberri | Talk 18:23, Aug 13, 2004 (UTC)
 * Merge & Redirect to toywar. If there has to be something, it should be in the lemma that will be most likely to be searched.  In fact, I'm inclined to say that one article ought to be enough for the whole tribe (except Voteauction, which I think should be deleted for irrelevance to much of anything at all, including "future historians"). Geogre 20:23, 13 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Ricardo.Dominguez electronic.disturbance.theater gives 767 hits, among them mentions by CNN, Wired, Salon, Telepolis and El País. Also it seems he's not only known for "toywar". I'm more inclined to keeping. regards, High on a tree 21:12, 13 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Sounds OK to me. Merge and redirect, but delete "Voteauction." - Lucky 6.9 21:27, 13 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Comment: We'll need a separate nomination for Voteauction.  Geogre 02:15, 15 Aug 2004 (UTC)


text:
Talk:Itsy Bitsy Spider

Setting of story
It's been quite a while, but ISTR that the events of the rhyme occurred in the rain-gutter system of the roof of a house, rather than a teapot. Would seem likelier for rain to occur there. - knoodelhed 18:04, 13 Aug 2004 (UTC)

The Itsy Bitsy Spider as Irony
The itsy bitsy spider can be viewed as a metaphor for the failure of urination as a female method of birth control. The story is sweetly ironic where a mother lovingly teaches the child the nursery rhyme as the child demonstrates the mistake of not using a more effective contraceptive method. This instruction is now given by mothers to adolescent girls more directly and is reinforced by the girl realizing, finally, that she exists because of that misconception (sic). The joke is on her and, is her. I can still hear the mother's call as a young woman leaves on a date; "Don't forget the Itsy Bitsy Spider!"

That's the stupidest thing I've ever heard. Are you a vandal or something? Give me a break!

 * Yet ever so creative, for which I give credit. Ha! :) Fieryrogue 22:44, 15 June 2007 (UTC)

wow...that's ridiculous. Are you on an acid trip?

actually it would make sense really... —Preceding unsigned comment added by *ninjaate* (talk • contribs) 10:06, 17 July 2008 (UTC)

Actually no, it wouldn't make any sense. This sounds like something you hear in sociology or gender studies classes: Absurd, offensive garbage that is nothing except one person interpreting something in an unpleasant way. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Eelnomtih (talk • contribs) 02:33, 23 January 2015 (UTC)

Ringtone
In The Spectacular Spider-Man (TV series), the first several notes of "The Itsy Bitsy Spider" form the ringtone programmed into Peter Parker's mobile phone. On one occasion, the ringtone ironically foils Spider-Man's sneak attack of the Lizard. Glenn L (talk) 02:06, 2 May 2009 (UTC)

Name or description?
The first version given here talks of "The itsy bitsy spider", thereby giving "itsy bitsy" as an adjective describing the spider. The second version ("Incy Wincy spider") implies that "Incy Wincy" is the spider's name, which is how I've always interpreted it. Does anybody have any idea which is the correct or original interpretation? — Smjg (talk) 18:45, 16 April 2011 (UTC)

Rock And Roll
On The Pony Rider Series Episode Nightmare Moon Strikes Again (2007) The Nightmare Band (Nightmare Moon Celestea Cadence And Shining Armor) Performed A Rock And Roll Version Of The Itsy Bitsy Spider (Alt Lyrics Climbed Up The Walter Spout) — Preceding unsigned comment added by 86.134.2.193 (talk) 18:57, 26 August 2013 (UTC)

Regional variations
During a talkback on (Australian) ABC radio Trevor Chappell's Overnights program 22 July in which a number of callers discussed this song, an overwhelming majority (including the presenter) knew the words as "Incy Wincy". Is this version unique to Oz? Doug butler (talk) 12:58, 23 July 2014 (UTC)

Just came across a CD "Favourite Activity Songs Vol. 1" (Jumping Jack JJCD 486) published in Ipswich, Suffolk. Track 8 is "Incy Wincy Spider", so this version may belong to the English canon. Doug butler (talk) 03:09, 12 August 2014 (UTC)

I grew up in Great Britain and in my childhood the name for the rhyme we were taught was the Incy Wincy Spider, sometimes without the definite article, and it was on the nursery rhyme cassettes. In stories based on the rhyme Incy Wincy was the name of the spider. Sometimes, less often than not, the word water was dropped so the spider climbed up the spout. I had heard Itsy Bitsy in American videos so the name of the rhyme probably varies with dialect and I know Australian English is closer to British than American English so the name Incy Wincy might have come from Britain.Tk420 (talk) 22:09, 4 February 2015 (UTC)

It's always been Incy Wincy Spider for me in the UK. I came here after being marked wrong in a quiz when I referred to Incy Wincy Spider. Despite years of consuming US media I had no idea it could be itsy bitsy. My 37 year old world view is shaken!

I do have a question as to whether both Incy Wincy and Itsy Bitsy should be used in the title and there should be an explaination that the North American lyrics and total are being used throughout the article for clarification.

Origin
What about the Hungarian origin? I'm a native Hungarian speaker, and the we have "ici-pici" and "icike-picike", "piciri", "pirinyó", "piti", etc words. You can find these in more hundred years old Hungarian books, newspapers, fabulas, songs and poems too. These are very common used Hungarian words. For example if you want a coffee in a restaurant and the waiter ask you about the sugar and you want just a few, you can say that: "Csak egy picit" or "ici-picit". There are a few Hungarian origin words in every European language, the English is not an exception. — Preceding unsigned comment added by H Miki (talk • contribs) 01:12, 18 February 2016 (UTC)

Opinion Fancruft?
I was about to "revert" an edit of mine, but I realized I should probably ask first. To quote the summary I was gonna use, "I could see where User:Doug butler is coming from (deleting that much is a bad idea [he called my edit 'indiscriminate wholesale blanking']). However, mentioning a song's cover versions is unnecessary."
 * I do agree to a point. Itsy Bitsy Spider is not Here Comes the Sun, but it's a popular article, and a lot of people come to Wikipedia for that sort of information. I'm not particularly concerned with nursery rhymes, but got involved because only the American version (Itsy Bitsy) was mentioned, and I knew nothing but "Incey Wincey". And it's fascinating how pointless little things permeate popular culture. "Memes" I think it's called. Doug butler (talk) 22:35, 8 July 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:Itsy Bitsy Spider


text:
First Calgary Petroleums

First Calgary Petroleums Ltd. was a Calgary, Alberta based oil and gas company engaged in the exploration for and development and production of petroleum and natural gas in North Africa and the Middle East. It had no domestic holdings. In September, 2005, the company announced that it had a plan in place to move towards production wells in Algeria, driving the share price upwards.

Common shares of First Calgary Petroleums Ltd. used to trade on the Alternative Investments Market (AIM) market of the London Stock Exchange under the symbol FPL and on the Toronto Stock Exchange under the symbol FCP.

On November 21, 2008, ENI S.p.A. completed its acquisition of First Calgary for $923 million in Canadian funds, giving Italy's ENI group better access to reserves under First Calgary's control in Algeria.

title: First Calgary Petroleums