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Scope

Scope or scopes may refer to:

People with the surname

 * Jamie Scope (born 1986), English footballer
 * John T. Scopes (1900–1970), central figure in the Scopes Trial regarding the teaching of evolution

Arts, media, and entertainment

 * CinemaScope or Scope prints, anamorphic film prints
 * Scope (magazine), a South African men's magazine
 * The Scope (alternative weekly), a newspaper in St. John's, Newfoundland
 * Scope (Australian TV series)
 * Scope (Irish TV series)
 * Scope (album), a 1979 studio album by Buck Hill Quartet

Computing

 * Scope (computer science), the range in which a variable can be referenced
 * scope (scopeArchiv), an archival information program
 * CDC SCOPE, a series of Control Data Corporation operating systems

Concepts

 * Scope (logic), the range influenced by the quantification in logic
 * Scope (formal semantics), the natural language counterpart of logical scope
 * Scope (project management), the sum of all projects, products and their features
 * Scope of practice (US and Canada), terminology that defines the procedures, actions, and processes that are permitted for licensed professionals

Devices and procedures

 * Any of a number of viewing instruments
 * SCOPE (protein engineering), a technique of creating gene libraries
 * Scope (synthesizer), a DSP-based synthesizer by Creamware
 * Endoscope, an optical instrument (borescope) used to perform medical visual inspection (endoscopy) of enclosed body cavities. The term "scope" may refer to the following medical procedures:
 * Arthroscopy, for examining a joint space (orthopedics)
 * Bronchoscopy, for examining the lower respiratory tract (pulmonology)
 * Colonoscopy, for examining the large intestine (gastroenterology)
 * Cystoscopy, for examining the bladder (urology)
 * Gastroscopy, for examining the esophagus, stomach and duodenum (gastroenterology)
 * Mediastinoscopy, for examining the anterior mediastinum (cardiothoracics)
 * Laparoscopy, for examining the abdominopelvic cavity (general surgery and gynecology)
 * Nephroscopy, for examining the pelvic and calyceal system of a kidney (urology)
 * Rhinoscopy, for examining the nasal cavity, sinuses and pharynx (otorhinolaryngology)
 * Thoracoscopy, for examining a pleural cavity (cardiothoracics)
 * Ureteroscopy, for examining a ureter (urology)
 * Microscope, a magnifying optical instrument used to see objects that are too small for the naked eye
 * Oscilloscope, a type of electronic test instrument
 * Scope soldering iron, an Australian low-voltage soldering iron
 * Telescope, a magnifying optical instrument used to see objects that are too distant for the naked eye
 * Spotting scope, a portable high-power telescope for observation of distant objects
 * Telescopic sight, a telescope used as a sighting device, typically on rifles and air rifles

Organisations

 * Scope (charity), a British charity that supports people with disabilities
 * SCOPE Art Show, a global emerging art fair
 * SCOPE Maastricht, a nonprofit study association at Maastricht University, The Netherlands
 * Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment
 * Senior Consulting Program for Engineering, a program at Olin College in Massachusetts

Other uses

 * Scope (horse), a racehorse
 * Scope (mouthwash)
 * Norfolk Scope, an arena in Norfolk, Virginia
 * Scopes trial, a 1925 US legal case in Tennessee

title: Scope


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Action at a distance (computer programming)

Action at a distance is an anti-pattern in computer science in which behavior in one part of a program varies wildly based on difficult or impossible to identify operations in another part of the program.

The way to avoid the problems associated with action at a distance is a proper design, which avoids global variables and alters data only in a controlled and local manner, or usage of a pure functional programming style with referential transparency.

The term is based on the concept of action at a distance in physics, which may refer to a process that allows objects to interact without a mediator particle such as the gluon. In particular, Albert Einstein referred to quantum nonlocality as "spooky action at a distance".

Software bugs due to action at a distance may arise because a program component is doing something at the wrong time, or affecting something it should not. It is very difficult, however, to track down which component is responsible. Side effects from innocent actions can put the program in an unknown state, so local data is not necessarily local. The solution in this particular scenario is to define which components should be interacting with which others. A proper design that accurately defines the interface between parts of a program, and that avoids shared states, can largely eliminate problems caused by action at a distance.

Example
This example, from the Perl programming language, demonstrates an especially serious case of action at a distance (note the  variable was deprecated in later versions of Perl ):

Action at a distance across objects
Proper object-oriented programming involves design principles that avoid action at a distance.

The Law of Demeter states that an object should only interact with other objects near itself. Should action in a distant part of the system be required then it should be implemented by propagating a message. Proper design severely limits occurrences of action at a distance, contributing to maintainable programs. Pressure to create an object orgy results from poor interface design, perhaps taking the form of a God object, not implementing true objects, or failing to heed the Law of Demeter.

One of the advantages of functional programming is that action at a distance is de-emphasised, sometimes to the point of being impossible to express at all in the source language.

Being aware of the danger of allowing action at a distance into a design, and being able to recognize the presence of action at a distance, is useful in developing programs that are correct, reliable and maintainable. Given that the majority of the expense of a program may be in the maintenance phase, and that action at a distance makes maintenance difficult, expensive and error prone, it is worth effort during design to avoid.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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KOSDAQ

The Korean Securities Dealers Automated Quotations (KOSDAQ; ) is a trading board of Korea Exchange (KRX) in South Korea established in 1996. Initially set up by Korea Financial Investment Association as an independent stock market from the Korean Stock Exchange, it was benchmarked from the American counterpart, NASDAQ. KOSDAQ is an electronic stock market, just like NASDAQ. The open hours for the market are 09:00AM to 03:30PM KST.

It is now operated as SME Market Division of KRX. As of February 2021, 1476 companies are listed on KOSDAQ for trading.

History
In July 1986, The South Korean government passed the "Market Organization for Vitalization of Publicly Traded Assets for Small Businesses Act" in order to provide a way for small and intermediate businesses to raise capital through publicly traded shares, and to provide investors with new routes of investments. In April 1987, the Market Organization was achieved, and the first three companies were registered.

On May 17, 1996, the KOSDAQ Securities Exchange (코스닥증권시장) was established in order to vitalize, modernize and fully computerize the market. KOSDAQ went into fully service on July 1, 1996.

During the 1997 Asian financial crisis, KOSDAQ market indexes plummeted and investors suffered heavy losses, but due to the quick recovery of the South Korean Economy, KOSDAQ saw rapid recovery and increase in market capitalization through the early 21st century.

title: KOSDAQ


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User talk:Linyang

Hello and welcome to Wikipedia! Hope you like it here, and stick around.

Here are some tips to help you get started:

 * To sign your posts (on talk pages, for example) use the '~' symbol. To insert just your name, type ~~~ (3 tildes), or, to insert your name and timestamp, use ~~~~ (4 tildes).
 * Try the Tutorial, and feel free to experiment in the test area.
 * If you need help, post a question at the Help Desk
 * Follow the Simplified Ruleset
 * Eventually, you might want to read the Manual of Style and Policies and Guidelines.
 * Remember Neutral point of view
 * Explore, be bold in editing pages, and, most importantly, have fun!

Good luck!

Harbin images
Hi; those are very nice images you've uploaded to Harbin. Could you please edit their desciption pages (at Image:Harbinblue.jpg, Image:Saint Sofia Church.jpg and Image:Ice Snow World.jpg) to include the images' sources and copyright information? You can use an image copyright tag for this purpose if you like. Please note that if you do not own the copyright to the images they may need to be deleted; see Copyright for more information. Cheers, -- Hadal 05:21, 31 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * You're doing fine; however, you've placed a conditional non-commercial tag on the images without stating what the condition is ("provided that..."). Also, you should include yourself as the creator of the images. I should also tell you that non-commercial-only images don't quite agree with the GFDL, so they may still be removed at a later date. If you'd rather not release your images under the GFDL, you could upload copies of lower resolution to release instead (just a suggestion). At any rate, they're lovely images. If you've any more questions, please feel free to ask me. -- Hadal 05:53, 31 Jul 2004 (UTC)

title: User talk:Linyang


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Antipode

Antipode or Antipodes may refer to:

Mathematics

 * Antipodal point, the diametrically opposite point on a circle or n-sphere, also known as an antipode
 * Antipode, the convolution inverse of the identity on a Hopf algebra

Geography

 * Antipodes, points on the Earth's surface that are diametrically opposed
 * Antipodes Islands, inhospitable volcanic islands south of New Zealand
 * The Antipodes, a principally British term for Australia and New Zealand (or more broadly the area known as Australasia), based on a rough proximity to the antipode of Britain

Arts and media

 * Antipode (journal), progressive social science general
 * Antipodes (sculpture) by Jim Sanborn
 * The Antipodes, a c. 1640 stage play by Richard Brome
 * Antipodes, journal of the American Association for Australian Literary Studies
 * Risley (circus act), a circus skill that involves juggling with one's feet while lying on one's back, also known as antipode

Other uses

 * Antipode or Abarimon, mythical creature with feet turned backwards
 * Antipodes (submersible), a commercial submersible built in 1973
 * Antipodes Water Company, a premium bottled water brand
 * Enantiomer, a molecule that has a mirror image of itself, formerly known as antipode
 * Antipode, a supersonic business aircraft concept by Charles Bombardier
 * Antipodes, mental states described by Aldous Huxley in the essay "Heaven and Hell"

title: Antipode


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List of largest cities in California by population

This is a list of the 100 largest cities in the U.S. state of California ranked by population, based on estimates for July 1, 2023, by the United States Census Bureau.

Note: The population figures are for the incorporated areas of the listed cities, as opposed to metropolitan areas, urban areas, or counties. Also, the United States Census Bureau and the California Department of Finance use different methods for estimating population, so state estimates will differ from those given here.


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Talk:List of largest cities in California by population

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the nomination page. —Community Tech bot (talk) 12:52, 9 May 2022 (UTC)
 * SanMarcospan (cropped).jpg


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Physical attractiveness stereotype

The physical attractiveness stereotype, commonly known as the "beautiful-is-good" stereotype, is the tendency to assume that physically attractive individuals, coinciding with social beauty standards, also possess other desirable personality traits, such as intelligence, social competence, and morality. The target benefits from what has been coined as “pretty privilege”, namely social, economic, and political advantages or benefits. Physical attractiveness can have a significant effect on how people are judged in terms of employment or social opportunities, friendship, sexual behavior, and marriage.

The physical attractiveness stereotype will bias an observer's opinions and decisions when comparing people of different attractiveness levels. There is evidence of this stereotype affecting decision making within social settings, but also within the workplace and the judicial system.

History
The physical attractiveness stereotype was first formally observed in a study done by Karen Dion, Ellen Berscheid, and Elaine Walster in 1972.  The goal of this study was to determine whether physical attractiveness affected how individuals were perceived, specifically whether they were perceived to have more socially desirable personality traits and quality of life. Participants, all university students, were informed that they would be tested on how well they could "read" a person after seeing a single photo of them, where their performance would then be compared to individuals trained in reading body language and other interpersonal skills. The subjects were then given three envelopes that contained a photo of either a male or female near the subjects' age, who the researchers had categorized as either attractive, average, or unattractive. Findings demonstrated that, overall, attractive individuals judged to be more socially desirable, have better job and marital prospects, be better spouses, and have better social, marital and professional lives compared to unattractive individuals. The only dimension that did not realise the same results was parenting, where attractive individuals were not rated higher on the expectation of being a better parent.  Hence, this study coined the term "beautiful-is-good".

Related Theories and Perspectives
There are some proposed theoretical underpinnings and evidence for the physical attractiveness stereotype.

Implicit personality theory
The implicit personality theory is the unconscious assumptions one makes about another's personality based on their characteristics. These assumptions can be based on other personality traits but in the context of the physical attractiveness stereotype, they are based on physical traits. Using this theory, researchers explain the physical attractiveness stereotype in that attractive physical features are linked with positive assumptions of personality and unattractive physical features are linked with negative assumptions of personality. These unconscious linkages can explain why those seen as more physically attractive are treated and perceived differently. However, this theory becomes inaccurate when individuals make assumptions based on pre-concieved judgements they believe make sense without applying them to real-world circumstances.

One prevalent study conducted a meta-analysis which used the implicit personality theory to challenge the “beauty-is-good” theory. The study found that the traits associated with attractiveness were only remarkably strong for social competence (e.g, sociability, popularity), whereas people also tended to view them as more vain and less modest. With evidence finding that the “beauty-is-good” theory was not one-dimensional, using the implicit personality framework was argued to be most appropriate, encouraging the context-dependent nature and complexity of the physically attractive stereotype to be acknowledged.

Evolution
The principle of evolutionary biology is that, in case of genetic variation within a population in a characteristic, the form which improves the individual's chance of survival and reproduction will be selected over other forms and becomes more frequent within the population. Evolutionary psychologists suggest that the physical attractiveness stereotype has evolved for individuals to assess potential mates and reproductive partners and as a means to assess our status ranking among same-sex members.

The reproductive strategy of women and men differ; however, both include advertising to potential mates and competing with same-sex members to demonstrate one's value. Attractiveness or beauty is the display of these traits and one of the most important predictors of reproductive success. Physical attractiveness may have evolved as a signal of good health, fitness, and genetic quality. Certain physical features, including symmetry, clear skin, and waist-to-hip ratio, signal reproductive health. Individuals with these features are perceived as more attractive because they possess genes which they could pass on to the next generation.

The physical attractiveness stereotype may have also evolved as a result of natural selection. Attractive individuals may have a greater chance of mating and passing on desirable traits and are therefore preferred as mates over others based on their physical attractiveness.

Physical attractiveness, therefore, provides the target with direct benefits where they gain directly for themselves and their offspring, and indirect benefits whereby the target gains genetic benefits to the offspring.

Brain regions involved in perceiving attractiveness
Here only the brain regions used in assessing facial beauty will be discussed, since there is little research of how the brain processes body judgements.

The brain uses at least three cognitive domains to decide the value of attractiveness. At first, the occipital and temporal regions of the cortex process face views. The information about facial features is then passed on to the fusiform face area of the fusiform gyrus (FG) for facial recognition. When judging an unfamiliar face, the FG responds more strongly to attractive faces than unattractive ones, suggesting that the recognition of attractive features occurs even before the rest of the brain is included in the evaluation.

The second module interprets facial movements and then interacts with other brain regions such as the amygdala, insula, and limbic system for the emotional content of facial expressions and movements.

Information is then passed on to the third module, the orbitofrontal cortex (OFC) which makes judgments of beauty and produces the neurological rewards, namely dopamine and other neurotransmitters, for finding the face's beauty. The OFC is more active when viewing an attractive face versus an unattractive face. These areas of the bran are also associated with reward processing and regulating experiences of pleasure motivation. Researchers suggest that our brains find attractive faces rewarding which could be part of the reason more attractive people benefit from pretty privilege.

Memory
See also: Memory

In memory systems, stereotypes form as information is encoded and stored, primarily as semantic memory, integrating into existing schemas. They are then primed and retrieved into working memory when forming judgements.

Studies have suggested stereotypes foster efficiency in encoding, where information congruent with stereotypes can readily assimilate and consolidate into existing schemas. Information, hence, was also better recalled, though potentially motivated by confirmation biases. Studies found people often mistakenly recognised stereotype-congruent information as familiar, bolstered by findings of recognition biases stemmed from stereotypes generating false memories. Furthermore, when memory processes were compromised, stereotypes were exercised as heuristic cues in facilitating the retrieval of information and formation of judgements. For example, studies found upon recounting episodic memories, people relied on semantic memory in reinterpreting forgotten details, as it is more easily retrievable. Similar behaviours were also observed when complexity or cognitive demand of tasks increased. For instance, one study found that as decision-making became harder, jurors exhibited stronger stereotype-congruent recall of case details and judgements on defendants. Hence, though stereotypes can sometimes allow people to remember, recall and recognise more easily, it comes at the expense of accurately recalling and utilising these concepts later on.

Findings from Jean-Christophe Rohner and Anders Rasmussens' support such findings, whilst tailoring their study’s focus specifically to the physically attractive stereotype.

Their 2011 study found evidence that both explicit (conscious) and implicit (unconscious) memory systems recognised stereotype-congruent better than incongruent information. Across three experiments, researchers presented participants with equally divided sets of congruent and incongruent face-word pairs (e.g., an attractive face with “kind” or “cruel”, respectively). Researchers then conducted subsequent memory tests, presenting new face-word pairs along with the old pairs. Explicit memory was investigated by observing whether participants could accurately recognise and categorise the pairs as "old" or "new". Implicit memory was measured similarly, albeit participants only focused on the word's valence (e.g., "kind" is "positive") to judge whether the presented “face” influenced response/reaction time. The study also measured the participants' subjective confidence in their responses

Though results demonstrated participants had recognised congruent pairs most accurately and quickly, they also frequently categorised them as "old" regardless. No significant correlation between answers and measures of low confidence was found, demonstrating participants confidently believed they encountered congruent pairs before, supporting previous notions of bias imposed on recognition memory.

Moreover, their 2012 study extended this by investigating the effects of nine moderating variables on stereotype-guided behaviours. Results demonstrated no moderator had a statistically significant impact in reducing bias, indicating the need for potentially accommodating real-world scenarios to account for the strength of the physically attractive stereotype.

Real-Life Implications
In the years since the publication of the original study, further research has bolstered the physical attractiveness stereotype and expanded its influence into other areas.

Intelligence ratings
Physical attraction also has a strong relationship with how intelligent one is perceived. For both adults and children, attractive individuals are expected to be more intellectually competent than unattractive individuals. This effect is stronger in adults and also stronger in males. Between equally attractive males and females, the males will be perceived as more intelligent. This perception exists despite little to no evidence that attractiveness is correlated with actual competence.

Workplace
Research has shown that this stereotype exists in the workplace as well. A meta-analysis looking at how one's level of physical attractiveness can affect various job-related outcomes showed a strong relationship between attractive individuals and better job outcomes. The report accumulated over 60 study results and showed that attractive individuals were perceived as better employees. They are more likely to be hired and promoted, as well as ranked higher in performance evaluations and employment potential than unattractive counterparts. This stereotype is present for and affects both men and women as neither the gender of the attractive individual nor the gender of the observer influences the relationship.

Judicial system
See also: Physically attractive stereotype— Memory

Studies have demonstrated how attractive defendants also receive more lenient treatment in judicial settings, being viewed as less dangerous and more virtuous.

A meta-analysis conducted by Ronald Mazella and Alan Feingold investigated the effect of a defendant’s physical attractiveness on jury rulings through mock trials to better understand juries’ decision-making. It was found that defendants who were physically attractive, female, and of high socioeconomic status received weaker sentences. Juries were more likely to find a physically unattractive defendant guilty than an attractive defendant. Additionally, for certain crimes, juries recommended lesser punishments for attractive individuals. In the case of robbery, rape, and cheating, the attractiveness of the defendant contributed to a lesser sentence. However, in the case of negligent homicide, attractive individuals received harsher punishments than their unattractive counterparts, though the effect size of these findings were notably small. Researchers posit that this occurs because attractive individuals are held to higher standards than unattractive individuals. Therefore, they are treated harsher when they make a mistake, such as in the case of negligent homicide.

Most studies also found that attractiveness led to weaker punishments. However, for crimes that shared relations with attractiveness, such as swindling, they received harsher sentences compared to their unattractive counterparts. This is potentially a result of jurors perceiving defendants to weaponise their attractiveness, hindering stereotype-congruent associations to be exercised in decision-making. Generally, such results were rationalised by acknowledging that benefits reaped from the physically attractive stereotype were not unidirectional. Some studies posited that when attractive defendants provided justification, jurors anchored to this more positively, and were more forgiving in sentencing. However, when justification was low, jurors could not characterise defendants with stereotype-congruent traits of attractiveness, realising no benefits over unattractive defendants.

The effects physically-attractive stereotypes have on memory also underscore the fragility of certain judicial processes. Empirical evidence revealed that people rely on stereotypes in inferring forgotten details when recalling personal memories, or as a heuristic to ease complex decision-making. Such findings further shed light on potentially detrimental biases impinging jurors, with similar implications applying to memory-based judgements like eyewitness testimonies.

Many studies have found unattractive faces are stereotypically associated with untrustworthiness, and hence, criminality and guilt in crime-settings. One study found that unattractive/“criminal” faces were more memorable and easier recognised. Another study indirectly supported this, however, their results indicated that, more significantly, participants failed to recognise individuals intra-categorically (e.g., attractive individuals from each other). Such recognition error was also demonstrated with other variables such as race, with some highlighting that people were notably confident in their judgements. The implications of this on eyewitness testimonies can be inferred, where unattractive individuals are particularly vulnerable to these stereotype-motivated recognition errors, especially when sharing similar characteristics to the actual perpetrator or those associated with criminality.

Current literature has also found that asking witnesses to select out of options can make them feel more confident in their answers, where this is misconstrued as accurate. For example, providing a series of mugshots for them to select the perpetrator. It is encouraged for them to freely recall information instead. Studies have also found that stereotype-motivated behaviour is potentially easily reversible, where simply informing participants to be more deliberate and conscious in mitigating stereotypical thinking can almost entirely remove its biassed effects.

Education
In a review of studies done that examine perception of students in the education system, it was found that attractive students were treated more favorably by their teachers than unattractive students. Consistent with the perception that attractive individuals are more intelligent, research shows that teachers have higher expectations for attractive students. They expect these students to be more intelligent, earn better grades, and have better social attributes than other, less attractive students. Furthermore, various studies done between 1960–1985 show that attractive students actually earned higher scores on standardized tests. Researchers believe this is an example of a self-fulfilling prophecy, where the teacher's higher expectations for the attractive students cause them to work harder and perform better.

Criticism
There are recent studies that indicate that the physical attractiveness stereotype can also be a negative bias and disadvantage the target. Research suggests that there might exist an exception to pretty privilege when the viewer and the target are of the same sex. In the study, targets were less likely to be recommended for a job and admission into university compared to average-looking individuals. This might stem from a desire to avoid perceived self-threats posed by attractive same-sex targets. Especially individuals who lack self-esteem are more likely to avoid these threats than those with high self-esteem.

title: Physical attractiveness stereotype


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Snowclone

Dictdef of a neologism. And I for one welcome our new * overlords is either not something we need to keep, or, at best, can be folded into Slashdot. RickK 05:27, Jul 31, 2004 (UTC)

 * Delete "overlords" at least. There's already a page for nearly every character on the Simpsons, which I guess we can deal with, but Simpsons quotes? Really gotta put my foot down here, regardess of what group has usurped it. -R. fiend 06:08, 31 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * I recognize the "I for one" meme from fark.com. Didn't realize it was originally from Slashdot, so I guess I learned something.  Delete anyway.  Isomorphic 06:11, 31 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Can't vote, clown'll eat me. Oh, okay. Kill 'em both. Bearcat 06:24, 31 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete both articles immediately. The first is a lame little neologism with 91 Google hits, and the second is an unencyclopedic Simpsons quote that happens to already be covered in Slashdot subculture.    --Ardonik 09:19, Jul 31, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete: "Why does life have to be so hard." "Get revenge on stupid world."  The "I for one" thing is originally Kent Brockman on The Simpsons.  (Poor Snowball IV) Geogre 13:42, 31 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * I for one welcome our new deletion overlords. -- Cyrius|✎ 21:05, 31 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. DJ Clayworth 18:15, 3 Aug 2004 (UTC)


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Pinto Colvig

Vance DeBar Colvig Sr. (September 11, 1892 – October 3, 1967), known professionally as Pinto Colvig, was an American voice actor, cartoonist, and circus and vaudeville performer whose schtick was playing the clarinet off-key while mugging. Colvig was the original performer of the Disney characters Goofy and Pluto, as well as Bozo the Clown and Bluto in Popeye. In 1993, he was posthumously made a Disney Legend for his contributions to Walt Disney Films, including Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs and Fun and Fancy Free.

Early life
Colvig was born Vance DeBar Colvig in Jacksonville, Oregon, the youngest of seven children of William Mason "Judge" Colvig (1845–1936) and his wife, Adelaide ( Birdseye) Colvig (1856–1912).

William Colvig was a pioneer, an attorney and a distinguished Oregonian; he was never actually a judge. Pinto attended but did not graduate from Medford High School. Pinto was accepted and attended, sporadically from 1910 to 1913, Oregon State University, in Corvallis, where he took art classes and played clarinet in the band. He drew cartoons for the Oregon Agricultural College Barometer newspaper, and the yearbook.

"I was born in Jacksonville and named Vance DeBar Colvig. At age 7 (because of too many freckles, and goony antics) I was nicknamed 'Pinto the Village Clown' (which I have used professionally during my circus and other show business activities, besides occasional jobs as a newspaper cartoonist. — ''Pinto' Colvig Writes About Names, History of Clowning', Medford Mail Tribune, July 12, 1961."

Career

In 1913, Colvig worked the Pantages Theatre Circuit, briefly, before leaving for clarinetist in the Al G. Barnes Circus band for part of a season. In 1914 he was a newspaper cartoonist in Reno, Nevada and then in Carson City, then again clarinetist in the Al G. Barnes Circus band for part of the 1915 season.

"I didn't know when I was going to school whether I wanted to be a clown, draw cartoons, write, hobo, or be a musician. So I wrapped it all up and made stew out of it. — Pinto Colvig"

Colvig performed chalk talks in vaudeville.

In 1916, Colvig worked at the Animated Film Corporation in San Francisco with Byington Ford and Benjamin Thackston Knight (1895–1977), aka "Tack" Knight at the Animated Film Corporation, which produced animated cartoons years prior to Walt Disney. The company was the oldest known studio of its kind established on the West Coast. That year Colvig at Animated Film Corporation produced "Creation," reported to be the world's first feature-length cartoon. Only five 35 mm frames survive, housed at the Southern Oregon Historical Society.

In 1919, Pinto produced "Pinto's Prizma Comedy Review," the first color cartoon, it is now considered a lost film, and published in the San Francisco Bulletin (May 1919—February 1920), the "Bulletin Boob" column, and photographs.

In 1922, Colvig created a newspaper cartoon panel titled "Life on the Radio Wave" for the San Francisco Chronicle. The feature ran three or four times per week on the newspaper's radio page, was syndicated nationally, and lasted six months. In 1922, Colvig and his family moved to Hollywood, working as an animator, title writer and comedian in silent comedies and on sound cartoons, working first for Mack Sennett.

By the late 1920s, Colvig became associated with Walter Lantz, with whom he attempted to establish a cartoon studio, creating a character called "Bolivar, the Talking Ostrich", which would have appeared in sound shorts. When Lantz became producer of Universal's Oswald the Lucky Rabbit cartoons in 1929, Colvig was hired as an animator, also working as a storyman and voice artist, briefly voicing Oswald.

In 1930, Colvig signed an eight-year contract with Walt Disney Productions as a writer, also providing sound effects, including the barks for Pluto the Pup. The following year he began voicing Goofy, originally known as Dippy Dawg. Other notable characters he voiced include Practical Pig, the pig that built the "house of bricks" in the Disney short "Three Little Pigs", and both Grumpy and Sleepy in Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs. He directed (along with Erdman Penner and Walt Pfeiffer) the 1937 Mickey Mouse short Mickey's Amateurs. Colvig was associated with Disney for most of his career.

Between 1937 and 1940, Colvig did not work for the Disney studio, after falling out with Walt Disney. He was offered a job with Fleischer Studios, then planning to produce a competing feature-length animated film in the wake of Disney's success with Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, moving to Miami in early 1938. For Fleischer, he worked on 1939's Gulliver's Travels, for which he voiced town crier Gabby, who was spun off into his own short-lived series. He also voiced Bluto for the studio's Popeye the Sailor cartoons, replacing Gus Wickie, who elected to remain in New York rather than move to Miami. Colvig's departure from Disney meant that the increasingly popular Goofy went voiceless for several years. A select few shorts during the interim period of leave featured a soundalike voice for Goofy provided by Jack Bailey. He began working on radio, providing voices and sound effects, including the sounds of Jack Benny's Maxwell on The Jack Benny Program, later performed by Mel Blanc.

In 1939, Colvig returned to California, and began to devote himself to acting, appearing for the Warner Bros. animation studio and MGM, where he voiced a Munchkin in the 1939 film The Wizard of Oz.

In 1946, Colvig was cast as Bozo the Clown for Capitol Records. He played the role for a decade, which also included portraying the character on television. During this period, Colvig also recorded the "Filbert the Frog" song, which featured Colvig's virtuoso use of the glottal stop as a musical instrument in itself.

In 1967, Colvig's last known performance, as Goofy, was for the Telephone Pavilion at Expo 67. Colvig's dialogue for this exhibit was recorded six months before his death.

Personal life
Colvig married Margaret Bourke Slavin (1892–1950) in 1916, and settled with her in San Francisco, where four of their five boys were born. Later, their last son was born in Los Angeles.

Colvig was the father of the character and voice actor Vance Colvig, who also later portrayed Bozo the Clown on a live TV program.

A lifelong smoker, Colvig was one of the pioneers in advocating warning labels about cancer risk on cigarette packages in the United States.

Death
Colvig died of lung cancer on October 3, 1967, at Motion Picture Country Hospital in Woodland Hills, Los Angeles, California, at age 75. He was interred at Holy Cross Cemetery in Culver City.

Discography

 * Bozo At The Circus (Capitol, 1946) as Bozo the Clown
 * Mickey and the Beanstalk (Capitol, 1947) as Goofy
 * Here Comes...Colonna's Trolley (Capitol, 1947) as Voice Characterizations
 * Bozo and his Rocket Ship (Capitol, 1948) as Bozo the Clown
 * Bozo Under The Sea (Capitol, 1948) as Bozo the Clown
 * Bozo and the Birds (Capitol, 1949) as Bozo the Clown
 * The Grasshopper And The Ants (Capitol, 1949) as The Grasshopper
 * Bozo on The Farm (Capitol, 1950) as Bozo the Clown
 * Bozo Has A Party (Capitol, 1952) as Bozo the Clown
 * Mickey Mouse's Candy Mine (RCA Victor, 1952) as Goofy
 * Bozo At The Dog Show (Capitol, 1954) as Bozo the Clown
 * Bozo's Merry-Go-Round Music (Capitol, 1954) as Bozo the ClownI
 * Mickey Mouse's Birthday Party (Capitol, 1954) as Goofy, Pluto, Grumpy, Practical Pig, Cleo
 * Walt Disney's Song Parade from Disneyland (Golden, 1956) as Goofy
 * Mickey and the Beanstalk (Disneyland, 1963) as Goofy
 * Goofy's TV Spectacular (Disneyland, 1964) as Goofy
 * Children's Riddles and Game Songs (Disneyland, 1964) as Goofy (speaking voice only)

title: Pinto Colvig


text:
State constitutions in the United States

In the United States, each state has its own written constitution.

They are much longer than the United States Constitution, which only contains 4,543 words. State constitutions are all longer than 8,000 words because they are more detailed regarding the day-to-day relationships between government and the people. The shortest is the Constitution of Vermont, adopted in 1793 and currently 8,295 words long. The longest was Alabama's sixth constitution, ratified in 1901, about 345,000 words long, but rewritten in 2022. Both the federal and state constitutions are organic texts: they are the fundamental blueprints for the legal and political organizations of the United States and the states, respectively.

The Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution (part of the Bill of Rights) provides that "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." The Guarantee Clause of Article 4 of the Constitution states that "The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government." These two provisions indicate states did not surrender their wide latitude to adopt a constitution, the fundamental documents of state law, when the U.S. Constitution was adopted.

Typically state constitutions address a wide array of issues deemed by the states to be of sufficient importance to be included in the constitution rather than in an ordinary statute. Often modeled after the federal Constitution, they outline the structure of the state government and typically establish a bill of rights, an executive branch headed by a governor (and often one or more other officials, such as a lieutenant governor and state attorney general), a state legislature, and state courts, including a state supreme court (a few states have two high courts, one for civil cases, the other for criminal cases). They also provide general governmental framework for what each branch is supposed to do and how it should go about doing it. Additionally, many other provisions may be included. Many state constitutions, unlike the federal constitution, also begin with an invocation of God.

Some states allow amendments to the constitution by initiative.

Many states have had several constitutions over the course of their history.

The territories of the United States are "organized" and, thus, self-governing if the United States Congress has passed an Organic Act. Two of the 14 territories without commonwealth status — Guam and the United States Virgin Islands — are organized, but have not adopted their own constitutions. One unorganized territory, American Samoa, has its own constitution. The remaining 13 unorganized territories have no permanent populations and are either under direct control of the U.S. Government or operate as military bases.

The commonwealths of Puerto Rico and the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) do not have organic acts but operate under local constitutions. Pursuant to the acquisition of Puerto Rico under the Treaty of Paris, 1898, the relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States is controlled by Article IV of the United States Constitution. Constitutional law in the CNMI is based upon a series of constitutional documents, the most important of which are the 1976 Covenant to Establish a Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands in political union with the United States of America, which controls the relationship between the CNMI and the United States; and the local commonwealth constitution, drafted in 1976, ratified by the people of the CNMI in March 1977, accepted by the United States Government in October 1977, and effective from 9 January 1978.

List of constitutions
The following is a list of the current constitutions of the states in the United States. Each entry shows the ordinal number of the current constitution, the official name of the current constitution, the date on which the current constitution took effect, and the estimated length of the current constitution. Also below are a description of organic instruments with respect to additional territory.

Constitutions of states that were independent countries prior to admission, and constitutions used by rebelling states participating in the American Civil War are not counted.

Federal district charter
The District of Columbia has a charter similar to charters of major cities, instead of having a constitution like the states and territories. The District of Columbia Home Rule Act establishes the Council of the District of Columbia, which governs the entire district and has certain devolved powers similar to those of major cities. Congress has full authority over the district and may amend the charter and any legislation enacted by the Council. Attempts at statehood for the District of Columbia have included the drafting of three constitutions in 1982 1987, and 2016 all referring to the district as the "State of New Columbia".

Commonwealth and Territorial constitutions

 * The Constitution of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, July 25, 1952. It was ratified by Puerto Rico's electorate in a referendum on March 3, 1952, approved by the United States Congress.
 * The Constitution of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands was drafted by thirty-nine elected delegates meeting in a constitutional convention on Saipan in 1976. Their proposed constitution was subsequently ratified by Northern Mariana Islands voters on March 6, 1977, and became effective January 9, 1978. Pursuant to the provisions of Section 202 of the Covenant, the Constitution of the Northern Mariana Islands was deemed to have been approved by the Government of the United States six months after the date of submission to the president. The six-month period having expired on October 22, 1977, President Carter issued a proclamation announcing the Constitution of the Northern Mariana Islands was deemed approved.
 * The Constitution of the Territory of American Samoa was signed by 68 members of the 1960 constitutional convention and was approved by United States Secretary of the Interior Fred Andrew Seaton on 27 April 1960. It became effective 17 October 1960. Several amendments to the Constitution were approved in a referendum in the general elections in 1966, subsequently by Secretary of the Interior Stewart Udall on 2 June 1967, and became effective 1 July 1967.

Organic acts

 * The Territory of Guam does not have its own constitution, but operates under the Guam Organic Act of 1950 and other federal statutes.
 * The United States Virgin Islands, an unincorporated organized territory, does not have its own constitution, instead operating under various federal statutes. See politics of the United States Virgin Islands.


text: Talk:Sailor Mercury

title: Talk:Sailor Mercury


text:
User:Azhyd/taxobox/template/archaea/subdivision

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text:
Clive Swift

Clive Walter Swift (9 February 1936 – 1 February 2019) was an English actor and songwriter. A classically trained actor, his stage work included performances with the Royal Shakespeare Company, but he was best known to television viewers for his role as Richard Bucket in the BBC sitcom Keeping Up Appearances. He played many other television and film roles.

Life and career
Swift was born in Liverpool on 9 February 1936, the son of Abram Sampson Swift, who owned a furniture shop in Bootle, and Lily Rebecca, née Greenman. He was educated at Clifton College and Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge reading English literature. He was previously a teacher at LAMDA and the Royal Academy of Dramatic Art. His family was Jewish.

He appeared as Snug in the Royal Shakespeare Company's 1968 film production of A Midsummer Night's Dream as part of a cast that included Diana Rigg, Helen Mirren and Ian Richardson. During the 1970s, he appeared as Doctor Black in two of the BBC's M. R. James adaptations: The Stalls of Barchester and in A Warning to the Curious, as well as the BBC adaptation of The Barchester Chronicles. He is best known for his role on Keeping Up Appearances as Richard Bucket, the long-suffering husband of Hyacinth. Swift made two appearances in Doctor Who, in the 1985 story Revelation of the Daleks and the 2007 Christmas special. Around the time of his second appearance, he gave a "grumpy" interview to Doctor Who Magazine in which he bemoaned "not getting paid" to promote his episode, and belittled the show. He also played Sir Ector, the adoptive father of King Arthur in John Boorman's 1981 film Excalibur.

In addition to acting, he was a songwriter. Many of his songs were included in his shows Richard Bucket Overflows: An Audience with Clive Swift, which toured the UK in 2007, and Clive Swift Entertains, in which he performed his own music and lyrics, which toured the UK in 2009. He also played the part of the Reverend Eustacius Brewer in Born and Bred, which aired on BBC One from 2002 to 2005. His last performance was in an episode of Midsomer Murders in 2017, after which he retired.

Personal life and death
Swift was married to novelist Margaret Drabble from 1960 until their divorce in 1975. He was the father of one daughter, Rebecca (who died in April 2017), known for running The Literary Consultancy in London, and two sons, Adam Swift, an academic, and Joe Swift, a garden designer, journalist and television presenter.

Swift died at home on 1 February 2019, aged 82, following a short illness. Paying tribute to Swift, fellow actor James Dreyfus said he "loved this extremely talented, subtle actor". His Keeping Up Appearances co-star Patricia Routledge said: "Clive was a skillful and inventive actor with wide experience, as his successful career proved," and that she was very sad to hear of her former co-star's death.

Swift's elder brother David was also an actor.

Radio

 * Oblomov as the Doctor (2005)
 * The Right Time (2008)

 * Measure for Measure as Escalus (2004)
 * Jorrocks's Jaunts and Jollities as Nash (2011)
 * The Price of Fear – Remains to be Seen as Fred Treiber (2012)
 * "Vivat Rex" as Lord Talbot in "Henry VI" by William Shakespeare, in episodes 15–16, BBC (1977)

Stage

 * Cymbeline (1962) as Cloten
 * The Physicists (1963) as Inspector Richard Voss (Aldwych Theatre)
 * The Tempest (1966) as Caliban (Prospect Theatre Company)

title: Clive Swift


text:
Talk:Battle of the Nile

Untitled
Some related current events from a BBC news article which could be incorporated into Battle of the Nile if someone was so inclined...

How could Brueys study Nelson´s tactic at copenhagen since this battle took place three years later? Greetings, --84.129.174.66 09:07, 5 September 2005 (UTC)

And how could he study Nelson's tactics at the battle of the saints when Nelson was in england at the time the battle was fought?

Quite true, the author probably confused the battle of the saints with the battle of Cape St Vincent - the first in 1782 the latter in 1797. I have amended this in the article. I'm dubious about the entry to Commodore James Russell - his 'rank' was Master and Commander. Unless anyone has a source for this I shall amend this as wellAlci12 15:10, 20 March 2006 (UTC)

Try for GA?
I think this article could probably make a GA if it got some touch up. Shows promise! -- Миборовский U 08:22, 9 May 2006 (UTC)

Thouars
Thouars is linked only in a diagram underneath; his unusual story, which is described in an article on Wiki, merits a line in the article for certain. Thouars is not one of the many interchangeable officers, but a singularly heroic one. By the way, the article has a certain British POV, with for instance the scratch at Nelson's brow treated at large (speaking of peacocks). Soczyczi (talk) 01:23, 14 December 2007 (UTC)
 * First of all you might want to read WP:PEACOCK and WP:POV. Both mean that referring to Thouars as 'spectacularly heroic' is not appropriate.  Secondly this article is about the battle.  Slipping in an aside about the officer because you believe his actions are particularly heroic is also not appropriate.  British captains who served in the battle and are not mentioned explicitly but in the same table as Thouars, include Edward Berry, Alexander Ball, Henry D'Esterre Darby, James Saumarez, 1st Baron de Saumarez, Sir Samuel Hood, 1st Baronet and Sir Thomas Hardy, 1st Baronet.  I will reiterate, the article is about the battle, it describes what happened and that by the end a number of the French ships had been captured or burnt.  That Tonnant was one of them, and who her captain was are described in the table.  This is the same for Sir Thomas Troubridge, 1st Baronet of Culloden, or James Saumarez, 1st Baron de Saumarez of Orion, who were perhaps also singularly remarkable officers and performed heroically in the battle.  Your addition adds nothing that is not already covered in the article and only serves to unbalance it and introduce POV in violation of our policies. Benea (talk) 02:09, 14 December 2007 (UTC)
 * I don't agree with you, but I leave you to it. It's an informative article, quite good, but balanced it's not, written from a British point of view. And what about Nelson's scratch, and Hemans' poem, whereas Thouars' appalling story merits no mention? Soczyczi (talk) 11:31, 14 December 2007 (UTC)
 * I am quite sympathetic to Thouars' story, but at this moment, adding it would unbalance the article. Rather than say it's written from a British point of view, how about it's written from a more Nelsonian point of view? (many significant British captains' actions also merit no specific mention, so it doesn't just discriminate against the French, it seems to discriminate equally).  I personally had no knowledge of Hemans' poem before this article.  I think it's more of an American thing.  Benea (talk) 20:25, 14 December 2007 (UTC)
 * You might be right, but in that case you could edit the information instead of remove it. I'm not an English native speaker, so you might make the wording more subtle, put it somewhere else in the article, and add stories about Hood, Saumarez and others to Thouars' bucket of wheat. As for the 'American thing', the Battle of the Nile is not less American than British, French, European or Egyptian. Important or interesting information should be added to the article until it is so large it may be split up. Soczyczi (talk) 09:49, 15 December 2007 (UTC)
 * I'll have a go at that, give me some time to hunt down some sources. I meant the popularity of the poem is more of an American thing it seems to me, though I didn't really understand that bit of your post. Benea (talk) 09:53, 15 December 2007 (UTC)
 * I meant the story of the Battle of the Nile is not just a 'British thing' or a 'Nelson thing', but it means something for Americans, French, other Europeans, Wikipedians in general, who just might be interested in the 'Napoleon thing' or in the absurdities and other intriguing aspects of heroism, and if I were an Egyptian, I think I would be intrigued by this grand battle, too. Soczyczi (talk) 01:40, 16 December 2007 (UTC)

Fighting on one side only?
For many years, I have understood that the French, confident that they had drawn up sufficiently close to the shoals, only cleared their guns for action on the starboard (seaward) side, and that the British, sailing between the French line and the land, were able to shoot without the French being able to shoot back at them (a big advantage in anyone's book). No mention of this appears in the article. Is it true? Did the French only prepare for battle on one side?

I'm also concerned about the overall lack of footnotes, and hope to find some sources.

--Piledhigheranddeeper (talk) 18:19, 14 October 2008 (UTC)

Notice
This is just a notice to any one interested in this article that I will be developing a fully explained and sourced version of this article in my userpace over the next month or so, to be uploaded here once complete. It will be loosely based on the current text, but will be extensively sourced, expanded and rewritten. I note that there has been no serious activity on this page for over a year, but should any one have any comments, requests or questions then please notify me at my talk page and I will do my best to respond and incorporated the results into the finished article. Regards--Jackyd101 (talk) 11:49, 11 October 2009 (UTC)
 * The new version has now been pasted onto the article. In addition to improving coverage, sourcing and prose, I have sorted out better quality images, done a huge amount of formatting and corrected the co-ordinates. The sequence of edits I used in the construction of the new version can be found at the redirect User:Jackyd101/Battle of the Nile. If anyone has any comments, queries or questions please let me know and I will do my best to address them. Regards--Jackyd101 (talk) 20:28, 22 October 2009 (UTC)

Firsthand account
In preparation for uploading a new version of this article, I am transferring information here from the old version that will not be used in the new one, but may be of interest to somebody.--Jackyd101 (talk) 15:07, 22 October 2009 (UTC)

John Nicol, a sailor aboard HMS Goliath, writes this account:

"The Goliath led the van. There was a French frigate right in our way. Captain Foley cried, 'Sink that brute, what does he there?' In a moment she went to the bottom and her crew were seen running into her rigging. The sun was just setting as we went into the bay, and a red and fiery sun it was. I would, if had I had my choice, been on the deck. There I would have seen what was passing and the time would not have hung so heavy, but every man does his duty with spirit, whether his station be in the slaughterhouse or the magazine."

"I saw as little of this action as I did of the one on 14 February off Cape St Vincent. My station was in the powder magazine with the gunner. As we entered the bay we stripped to our trousers, opened our ports, cleared, and every ship we passed gave them a broadside and three cheers. Any information we got was from the boys and women who carried the powder. The women behaved as well as the men, and got a present for their bravery from the grand signior."

"When the French Admiral's ship blew up, the Goliath got such a shake we thought the after-part of her had blown up until the boys told us what it was. They brought us every now and then the cheering news of another French ship having struck [surrendered], and we answered the cheers on deck with heartfelt joy. In the heat of the action a shot came right into the magazine but did no harm as the carpenters plugged it up and stopped the water that was rushing in."

"I was much indebted to the gunner's wife who gave her husband and me a drink of wine every now and then, which lessened our fatigue much. There were some of the women wounded, and one woman belonging to Leith died of her wounds and was buried on a small island in the bay. One woman bore a son in the heat of the action. She belonged to Edinburgh."

"When we ceased firing I went on deck to view the state of the fleets, and an awful sight it was. The whole bay was covered with dead bodies, mangled, wounded, and scorched, not a bit of clothes on them except their trousers. There were a number of French, belonging to the French Admiral's ship, the L'Orient, who had swam to the Goliath, and were cowering under her forecastle. Poor fellows! they were brought on board, and Captain Foley ordered them down to the steward's room, to get provisions and clothing. One thing I observed in these Frenchmen quite different from anything I had before observed. In the American War, when we took a French ship, the Duke de Chartres, the prisoners were as merry as if they had taken us, only saying, `Fortune de guerre - you take me today, I take you tomorrow.' Those we now had on board were thankful for our kindness, but were sullen and as downcast as if each had lost a ship of his own."

"The only incidents I heard of are two. One lad who was stationed by a salt-box, on which he sat to give out cartridges, and keep the lids closed - it is a trying berth - when asked for a cartridge, he gave none, yet he sat upright; his eyes were open. One of the men gave him a push; he fell all his length on the deck. There was not a blemish on his body, yet he was quite dead, and was thrown overboard. The other, a lad who had the match in his hand to fire his gun. In the act of applying it, a shot took off his arm; it hung by a small piece of skin. The match fell to the deck. He looked to his arm, and seeing what had happened, seized the match in his left hand, and fired off the gun before he went to the cockpit to have it dressed. They were in our mess, or I might never have heard of it. Two of the mess were killed, and I knew not of it until the day after. Thus terminated the glorious first of August, the busiest night in my life."

"Soon after the action the whole fleet set sail with the prizes, and left the Goliath as guard ship. We remained here until we were relieved by the Tigre, seventy-four, when we sailed for Naples to refit. After refitting we sailed for Malta to join the blockade, where we remained eight months without any occurrence worthy of notice."

Maffeo quote
I have moved this comment here from my talk page as I think wider input would be helpful.

Hi, looks like a great job on this article, nice one. But you've added a quotation that pinged my radar. The text states Although Nelson had previously been castigated in the press for failing to intercept the French fleet, firm rumours of the battle had begun to arrive in Britain from the continent in late September, and the news Capel brought was greeted with celebrations right across the British Isles." and you use a reference of page 277 of "Most secret and confidential: intelligence in the Age of Nelson By Steven E. Maffeo". Can you double check the page and reference for this, as the edition with the ISBN 1557505454 (9781557505453) doesn't state "celebrations across the British Isles".  Thank you.  --HighKing (talk) 18:03, 26 October 2009 (UTC)
 * I've double checked my copy of Maffeo (its a hardback version), as its always possible I have made an error. The relevant text runs across pages 277 and 278 as follows: "from this point on, information came streaming into London . . . The rejoicing that burst forth as a result is hard to imagine now, even though slight hints of the incredible enthusiasm in England can still be detected today." Do people think that this is an adequate paraphrasing of the text or are changes necessary? One potential problem I can see is that Maffeo has used "England" when I suspect he means Britain: Mostert on page 316 describes "the huge celebration that raced across Britain". Ireland is not mentioned in any source as either celebrating or lamenting the victory (I'd imagine that those in support of the British government celebrated, those that weren't didn't). Given that Ireland was at this time (October 1798) in the aftermath of a major rebellion, it might be better to simply leave the wording at Britain rather than British Isles until a source can be provided that clarifies this either way.--Jackyd101 (talk) 20:53, 26 October 2009 (UTC)
 * Thank you for checking. In these cases it's nearly always better to stick with the reference that is in use.  In this case I recommend that since the reference uses "England", the article should follow suit.  If other references refer to celebration across Britain, or the United Kingdom or wherever, we can always change the article.  --HighKing (talk) 10:15, 27 October 2009 (UTC)
 * I think that given the way that England, Britain and British Isles are used fairly interchangably in these types of source (especially contemporary ones, although both the ones here happen to be modern), and that celebrations were clearly not confined to England alone (the Irish government did vote Nelson a large pension as a reward) Britain is the best opintion here. None of the sources are discussing political entities - they are referring to the largely spontaneous reaction of the British people in the British Isles to news of the victory.--Jackyd101 (talk) 18:27, 27 October 2009 (UTC)
 * I accept that terms may appear fairly interchangable, but in reality they have different meanings. The safest option is to stick with the sources unless there is a reason to deviate.  Given that Mostert uses the term "Britain", I've no problem with that at all.  --HighKing (talk) 18:34, 27 October 2009 (UTC)
 * Glad we agree. By the way, I wasn't saying that I didn't see the difference, I was pointing out that many historians didn't (and apparently don't) and so it can be misleading to take their use of the terms "England", "Britain" and the "British Isles" too literally. --Jackyd101 (talk) 21:02, 27 October 2009 (UTC)

Images
There are many pictoral images of the Battle of the Nile that I could not use in this article, and I have collected many of them at User:Jackyd101/Images of the Battle of the Nile, which I had hoped to turn into an article in its own right before I was defeated by lack of sources. If anyone knows of any other images available that are out of copyright (and have good provenance information) then please let me know and I'd be happy to incorporate them. Regards--Jackyd101 (talk) 22:39, 21 January 2010 (UTC)
 * See Stephen George Comyn Regards Motmit (talk) 22:57, 21 January 2010 (UTC)
 * Thanks, I had forgotten that one, although at the moment I am focusing on maritime paintings that illustrate the battle itself. I might start an annex to the list however as there are a few like this around.--Jackyd101 (talk) 23:26, 21 January 2010 (UTC)

Note on casualties
I made some changes to Note A, on sources for casualties; these were reverted, with the message .."can we take this to the talk page?". So, what was wrong with them?

The note as it stood was a pretty confusing jumble of text and numbers; my aim was to tabulate them to make them easier to read. I also wanted to standardize the arrangement of the information (ie killed, wounded, missing, British then French); most were already like that, so I did the couple that weren't to follow suit. Was that not achieved? Or is it un-necessary? Xyl 54 (talk) 15:15, 27 January 2010 (UTC)
 * Really it was beacause I felt the way these changes were laid out were at odds with the style of the page - I appreciated the effort, but wasn't very enamoured with the effect. I think it boils down to a concern that this information is very hard to tabulate effectively (I have tried before) and that when presented in the way you did it lost any sense of flow or fluency. Having said that, it is clear that my original option wasn't successful at that either. Do you think another approach would be to list the estimates in the prose style but organised either by date of estimate or scale instead of alphabetically by author which I think it is now and is not a particularly helpful division? I can supply some more text to accompany it to turn it into a proper paragraph rather than a reel of statistics. I'd be interested in your opinion. I have restored your standardising of the text as I think that is a useful addition that I did not mean to revert last time. For anyone else viewing this discussion, the issue relates to these edits: and . Regards --Jackyd101 (talk) 17:16, 27 January 2010 (UTC)
 * Well OK, if you are preferring a prose format, fair enough. As far as that goes, the present arrangement does the trick; I don’t know that changing the order of things will make a difference. Is there an aspect of the figures that needs illustrating? If there was a development over time in the figures, listing by date would show it, or if you are wanting to expose the range of estimates then smallest to largest, (or largest to smallest) would do that; otherwise alphabetical is good enough.
 * As for extra text, again it depends on what you are wanting to achieve; the Aftermath section already has a piece on casualties which is clear enough. all the note needs to do is provide the numbers to back the assertions.
 * Also, the British figures seem fairly consistent, but the French figures are all over the place; are there no French sources for them? ( I’m asking; I’ve no idea). I found a French account of the event here (p1-12); it's not brilliant, or particularly informative, but it's interesting to get another perspective. Xyl 54 (talk) 18:10, 28 January 2010 (UTC)

Villeneuve...?
As I understand it from other sources, Villeneuve was in command of the rear of the French fleet. He did not receive communication from his superiors and chose to watch and stand by, rather than joining the fray on his own initiative. In the current article, Villeneuve and his inactivity are mentioned only in passing, and it remains obscure to the reader why he "came under scathing attack on his return to France". Could anybody more knowledgable provide more details for the article? -- Syzygy (talk) 18:45, 17 December 2011 (UTC)

One of the best? Really?
The article has an enormous lead section, all of which seems to be duplicated in the detailed sections following. Verbosity and repetition should not be criteria of excellence, even in an encyclopedia! Chrismorey (talk) 01:38, 23 October 2013 (UTC)
 * If it wasn't duplicated in the body of the article, I'd be worried. The idea of the lead section is to summarise the rest of the article, not to state facts that aren't mentioned again.  The lead's length should be in proportion to the size of the rest of the article - given the length of the article, the length of the lead is not surprising. See WP:LEAD. BencherliteTalk 05:37, 23 October 2013 (UTC)

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Why is it not classified as a decisive victory?
The Battle of the Nile has been called "arguably, the most decisive naval engagement of the great age of sail",[183] and "the most splendid and glorious success which the British Navy gained."[184] Historian and novelist C. S. Forester, writing in 1929, compared the Nile to the great naval actions in history and concluded that "it still only stands rivalled by Tsu-Shima as an example of the annihilation of one fleet by another of approximately equal material force".[185] The effect on the strategic situation in the Mediterranean was immediate, reversing the balance of the conflict and giving the British control at sea that they maintained for the remainder of the war.[186] The destruction of the French Mediterranean fleet allowed the Royal Navy to return to the sea in force, as British squadrons set up blockades off French and allied ports.[187] The Battle of the Nile remains one of the Royal Navy's most famous victories,[200] and has remained prominent in the British popular imagination, sustained by its depiction in a large number of cartoons, paintings, poems, and plays.[201]

Doesn't all this point to it being classified as a decisive victory rather than a regular one? --Sam 16:59, 9 September 2020 (UTC)

 * Probably because Template:Infobox military conflict is pretty clear:
 * (Hohum @ ) 17:17, 9 September 2020 (UTC)
 * (Hohum @ ) 17:17, 9 September 2020 (UTC)

 * Also the MOS:MIL guideline says: "In particular, terms like "Pyrrhic victory" or "decisive victory" are inappropriate for outcomes." Mojoworker (talk) 05:54, 24 September 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Battle of the Nile