text:
Belvoir

Belvoir (beautiful view; and counterpart of fairview) may refer to:

France

 * Belvoir, Doubs, France, a commune
 * Belvoir castle (Château de Belvoir in French; 12th-17th century) in the commune

Israel

 * Belvoir Castle (Israel), a Crusader (Hospitaller) castle in the Jordan Valley
 * Battle of Belvoir Castle, a military campaign involving that castle
 * Belveer/Beauverium, a Crusader castle near Jerusalem: see Al-Qastal, Jerusalem

United Kingdom

 * Belvoir Park Golf Club, Belfast, Northern Ireland
 * HMS Belvoir, Royal Navy ships
 * Vale of Belvoir, England
 * Belvoir, Leicestershire, a village in England
 * Belvoir Castle, Belvoir village
 * Belvoir Priory, near the castle
 * Belvoir Hunt, a fox hunt in the Vale of Belvoir
 * Belvoir High School, in the Vale of Belvoir
 * Belvoir Rural District (1894–1935)

United States

 * Belvoir (Saffold Plantation), Alabama
 * Belvoir, Kansas, a ghost town
 * Belvoir (Crownsville, Maryland), a historic home
 * Belvoir Township, Pitt County, North Carolina
 * Belvoir, North Carolina, a community in the township
 * Belvoir (RTA Rapid Transit station), Cleveland, Ohio
 * Belvoir (plantation), Virginia
 * Fort Belvoir, on the plantation site

Other places

 * Belvoir St Theatre, Sydney, Australia
 * Belvoir (theatre company)
 * Villa Belvoir and Belvoirpark, Zürich, Switzerland
 * Wodonga, a regional city in Victoria, Australia, previously named Belvoir,

title: Belvoir


text:
Thomas Fallon

Thomas Fallon (1825–1885) an Irish-born Californian politician, best known for serving as 10th Mayor of San Jose. Fallon remains a controversial figure in San Jose's history, owing to his role in the American Conquest of California.

Biography
Fallon's family moved to Canada when he was a child. At age 18, he was in St. Louis and joined the third expedition of John C. Frémont to California. Early in 1846, Fallon stayed in Santa Cruz after Frémont visited the area. In June 1846, he raised a group of 22 Santa Cruz-area volunteers to join Fremont, appointing himself captain. When the Mexican–American War began in California with Commodore John D. Sloat's capture of Monterey on July 7, Fallon's force crossed the Santa Cruz Mountains to capture the El Pueblo de San José de Guadalupe (now the City of San José) without bloodshed, on July 11. On July 14, 1846 he received an American Flag from Sloat, which he raised over the juzgado of San Jose, the pueblo's administrative building. Fallon's volunteers then joined Fremont's California Battalion for the remainder of the war.

After the war, Fallon returned briefly to San Jose, then back to Santa Cruz where he established a business as a saddler. At the beginning of the California Gold Rush in 1848, Fallon took a cargo of iron picks made in Santa Cruz to sell to the gold miners. With his share of the profits, he built a combination residence/workshop/hotel on the Mission plaza in Santa Cruz (where the mission chapel replica stands now). In 1849, he married María del Carmen Cota (1827–1923), commonly called Carmelita, daughter of local landowner Martina Cota Castro (1807–1890) and her first husband Corporal Simon Cota, owners of Rancho Soquel. Carmel inherited one-tenth of Rancho Soquel, 3400 acres of land.

In 1852, Fallon sold his plaza property to the County of Santa Cruz for use as a courthouse. Shortly thereafter, Thomas and Carmel moved their family to Texas. Following the death of their children, they returned to San Jose. In San Jose, Fallon began buying land in the area and built the Fallon House (1855) in Downtown San Jose. The house is preserved as a museum, across from the Peralta Adobe. In 1856, Fallon was elected to the San Jose Common Council. In 1857, he was elected to the city's Board of Trustees (which had replaced the Common Council) for one year. He was a council-elected Mayor of San Jose in 1859, and served a single one-year term.

According to one account, in 1876 (after 26 years of marriage) Carmel found Thomas and the family maid in a compromising position, and filed for divorce. Carmel used the divorce settlement to build several hotels and other buildings, including the Carmel Fallon Building (1894) at 1800 Market Street in San Francisco, now part of the San Francisco LGBT Community Center. Thomas Fallon died in San Francisco in 1885.

Legacy
In the 1980s, San Jose Mayor Tom McEnery had the city commission a statue of Fallon raising the U.S. flag in San Jose at a cost of over $800,000. The statue was completed in 1988, and was scheduled to be located in the City Park Plaza (now known as Plaza de César Chávez) near the site of the flag raising. However local groups, including Hispanic Americans, protested that Fallon represented American imperialism and repression of the Mexican population. The statue was stored until 2002, when it was finally displayed in Pellier Park northwest of the original proposed location, near Julian and St. James Streets.

In 2020, such criticisms were revived in the aftermath to the murder of George Floyd and more specifically to the grand jury's decision over the shooting of Breonna Taylor. On the day of the grand jury's decision and following evening, peaceful protests occurred in San Jose around the same area where the statue is located. However, some protesters surrounded the statue, vandalized it including with anti-police messages, and then set it on fire. Then San Jose mayor Sam Liccardo talked with historians and community leaders and residents on what to do with the statue. It was ultimately removed April 24, 2023. The city will keep it unless a museum or educational institution requests it.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Thomas Fallon


text:
Tana Toraja Regency

Tana Toraja (lit. 'Toraja Land' in Toraja language) is a landlocked regency (kabupaten) of South Sulawesi Province of Indonesia, and home to the Toraja ethnic group. It covers an area of 2,054.30 km2 and had a population of 221,081 at the 2010 census and 280,794 at the 2020 census; the official estimate as at mid 2022 was 291,046 (comprising 150,655 males and 140,391 females), but the official figure for mid 2023 was a much reduced total of 257,901 (comprising 132,284 males and 125,617 females).

The local government seat is in the town of Makale, while the traditional center of Toraja culture is in Rantepao. Formerly, the Tana Toraja area covered a larger area, but on 24 June 2008 this was divided into two regencies, consisting of Tana Toraja with its capital at Makale and Toraja Utara (North Toraja) with its capital at Rantepao.

The Tana Toraja boundary was determined by the Dutch East Indies government in 1909. In 1926, Tana Toraja was under the administration of the Bugis state, Luwu. The regentschap (or regency) status was given on 8 October 1946, the last regency given by the Dutch. Since 1984, Tana Toraja has been named as the second tourist destination after Bali by the Ministry of Tourism, Indonesia. Since then, hundreds of thousands of foreign visitors have visited this regency. In addition, numerous Western anthropologists have come to Tana Toraja to study the indigenous culture and people of Toraja.

History
The government in Toraja has been started since the government Dutch East Indies. Based on the Emergency Law No. 3 of 1957, the District Level II Tana Toraja was formed which was inaugurated on 31 August 1957 with the first Regent of the Regional Head named Lakitta.

Decree of the Governor of the First Level Region of South Sulawesi Number 954/XI/1998 dated 14 December 1998, the district of Tana Toraja consisted of 9 definitive districts, 6 district representatives, 22 districts, and 63 villages. Then Law No. 22/1999 on Regional Government was issued, and followed up by issuing Regional Regulation No. 18 of 2000 dated 29 December 2000, 6 district representatives were changed to definitive districts, bringing the total number of districts to 15 definitive districts, 22 districts and 63 villages.

In 2001, the regional regulation no. 2 of 2001 dated 11 April 2001 provided for the entire description of the existing "village" to changed their names to "lembang". After the stipulation of Regional Regulation No. 2 of 2001 concerning the First Amendment to Regional Regulation No. 18 of 2000, the Regional Regulation of Tana-Toraja Regency Number 8 of 2004 concerning the second amendment to the Regional Regulation Number 18 of 2000, as well as the regional regulation number 6 of 2005 concerning the amendment of the Third Regional Regulation Number 18 of 2000, the Tana Toraja Regency area developed into 40 administrative districts (kecamatan), subdivided into 87 urban kelurahan and 223 lembang (rural villages).

Next came the discourse of regional expansion, namely North Toraja Regency. The discourse of the expansion has created pros and cons among the Toraja people themselves. The formation of North Toraja Regency was finally determined through the plenary session of the People's Representative Council on 24 June 2008. However, the inauguration of North Toraja Regency was carried out two months later, which was coupled with the commemoration of the 51st anniversary of Tana Toraja Regency, namely on 31 August 2008.

Geography
Tana Toraja is centrally placed in the island of Sulawesi, 300 km north of Makassar, the provincial capital of South Sulawesi. It lies between latitude of 2°-3° South and longitude 119°-120° East (center: -3°N, 120°W). The total area (since the separation of the new regency of North Toraja) is 2,043.62 km2, about 4.5% of the total area of South Sulawesi province. The topography of Tana Toraja is mountainous; its minimum elevation is 150 m, while the maximum is 3,083 above the sea level.

Administrative Districts
Tana Toraja Regency comprises nineteen administrative Districts (Kecamatan), tabulated below with their areas and their populations at the 2010 census and the 2020 census, together with the official estimates as at mid 2023. The table also includes the locations of the administrative centres of the districts, the numbers of administrative villages within each district (totaling 47 urban kelurahan and 112 rural desa), and its post code.

Notes: (a) includes one kelurahan. (b) comprising 4 kelurahan and 13 desa. (c) comprising 3 kelurahan and 9 desa. (d) including 2 kelurahan. (e) comprising 14 kelurahan and one desa. (f) comprising 4 kelurahan and 4 desa. (g) all 5 are kelurahan. (h) comprising 3 kelurahan and 3 desa.

Ethnicity
The original tribe that inhabits Tana Toraja is the Toraja tribe. The Toraja people are a tribe who live in the mountainous region of the northern part of the province of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. The population of the Toraja people is estimated at around 1 million people, and 500,000 of them are in Tana Toraja Regency, North Toraja Regency, and Mamasa Regency. Most of the Toraja people embrace Christianity, while some adhere to Islam and an animist belief known as Aluk Todolo. The Indonesian government has recognized this belief as part of the Hindu religion.

The word Toraja itself comes from the Bugis language, namely "to riaja" which means "people who live in the land above". In 1909, the Dutch colonial government called this tribe the Toraja. The Toraja tribe is famous for its funeral rituals, Tongkonan traditional houses and also various types of wood carvings typical of Toraja. Toraja funeral rituals are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

Before the 20th century, the Toraja tribe still lived in autonomous villages. They previously still adhered to animism, and had not been touched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries arrived and began to spread Christianity. Then, around the 1970s, Toraja people began to open up to the outside world, and Tana Toraja district (before it was expanded) became a symbol of Indonesian tourism. Then there was the development of Tana Toraja tourism, and it was studied by anthropology. So that in 1990-1s, the Toraja people underwent a cultural transformation, from a society with traditional and agrarian beliefs, to a society that was predominantly Christian, and the tourism sector in the Tana Toraja area continued to increase.

Religion

Based on data from the Ministry of Home Affairs in 2021, it is noted that a large majority of Tana Toraja's population (85.94%) adhered to Christianity, including 69.49% following Protestantism and 16.45% Roman Catholicism. Most of the remaining population (12.17%) followed Islam, with smaller minorities adhering to Hinduism (1.71%) and Buddhism (0.17%) and other faiths (0.01%).

Tourist attractions
The life of the indigenous people, namely the Toraja people, as well as a unique culture, makes this highland area in South Sulawesi chosen by tourists to see and learn Toraja culture.

In 1974, Tongkonan Siguntu' dirara (traditional ceremony / Rambu Tuka') was attended by delegates from 60 foreign countries who attended the PATA conference in Jakarta in 1974. Since then Toraja has become known as a cultural tourism destination in Indonesia.

Buntu Kalando
Tongkonan/house where Puang Sangalla' (king of Sangalla') lives. As the resting place of Puang Sangala' and also the palace where the government of the Sangalla' kingdom was managed at that time, Tongkonan Buntu Kalando had the title "tando tananan langi' lantangna Kaero tongkonan layuk". Currently Tongkonan Buntu Kalando is used as a museum to store prehistoric objects and relics of the Sangalla kingdom.

Kambira
The graves of babies whose teeth have not yet grown (aged 6 months and under) are placed in a living tree that is hollowed out.

Pallawa
Tongkonan Pallawa is one of the tongkonan or traditional house that is very interesting and is located among the bamboo trees at the top of the hill. The tongkonan is decorated with a number of buffalo horns that are plugged in the front of the traditional house. Located about 12 km to the north of Rantepao.

Lemo
The place is often referred to as the home of the spirits. At the Lemo cemetery, we can see corpses kept in the open air, in the middle of steep rocks. This burial complex is a blend of death, art and ritual. At certain times the clothes of the corpses will be changed through the Ma' Nene ceremony.

Located on Burake Hill, Tana Toraja has built the Statue of Jesus Christ Blessing which is claimed to be the tallest Jesus statue in the world. This means that the location of the statue is at an altitude of 1100 meters above sea level or the location of the tallest statue in the world, while the size of the statue itself is not the highest in the world.

Conservation efforts
Tana Toraja is one of the conservation sites for the PROTO MELAYU AUSTRONESIAN cultural civilization which is still well-maintained today. Traditional culture, music, dance, oral literary arts, language, houses, carvings, weaving and culinary which are still very traditional, have made the Indonesian government strive for Tana Toraja to be known internationally, one of which is to nominate Tana Toraja to UNESCO for became a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 2009.

This is supported by Japan to make Tana Toraja a UNESCO World Heritage Site, Japan itself will participate in the conservation efforts, especially related to traditional houses in the area.

This support was conveyed in a meeting between the Indonesian and Japanese delegations in Poznan, Poland, Saturday 11 November 2010. September 10 in Poznan attended by representatives from about 40 countries in Asia and Europe.

title: Tana Toraja Regency


text:
Talk:The Spectator

Untitled
How is this connected to The Spectator menioned in Jane Austen's 1817 novel, Northanger Abbey? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 76.102.16.152 (talk) 13:26, 16 June 2010 (UTC)
 * To add to this, I saw Ken Burn's documentary about Ben Franklin the other day, and it showed a bookshelf of Mr Franklin's with 'Spectator Vol I', Vol II etc. Since he died in 1790, I also wonder to what that refers. LastDodo (talk) 15:47, 16 April 2022 (UTC)
 * See the mention of Mr Franklin in the Wikipedia article The Spectator (1711). Peter Gulutzan (talk) 15:56, 17 April 2022 (UTC)
 * Thanks! So is that the likely publication mentioned in Austen do you think? LastDodo (talk) 16:05, 18 April 2022 (UTC)
 * I don't know. I won't comment further about this. Peter Gulutzan (talk) 17:46, 18 April 2022 (UTC)

Editor
Please stop vandalising my contributions. Readers have a right to know that the editor of the Spectator, Boris Johnson, is a Conservative MP.

Yes, but that is covered in his bio page. Also it is unreasonable to characterise the spectator and telegraph as "house journals" with out saying who calls them that and giving verifiable proof. the page already gives a list of the papaers bias, let the readers make thier own conclusions. Iainscott 11:55, 15 Aug 2004 (UTC)

Move
I've proposed a move from this page to "The Spectator" on WP:RM, which I assume/hope is not controversial: of the four possible sense on The Spectator (disambiguation), this weekly has by far the highest profile (just look at the various "What links here" pages) and so should have that name as its home. Do register agreement or say why you disagree here, if you care at all. --- Charles Stewart 19:58, 23 August 2005 (UTC)

 * Weak oppose Until I looked at the date twice, I thought you meant Addison's Spectator, which is the one that comes to my mind. Septentrionalis 21:39, 23 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Bother! I guess I have to make the case peroperly...   I've gone through all the links on the "what links here" page, and of 80 article links to "The Spectator", I count 11 that are to Addison's magazine (the count will be less now, since I've fixed most of the wrong links), and 1 spurious link, giving just over a 6:1 ratio for the 1828 over the 1711 magazines.  I'll rewrite the preamble so that it directly links to the Addison magazine, but reclling the guideline on article naming (namely, Generally, article naming should give priority to what the majority of English speakers would most easily recognize, with a reasonable minimum of ambiguity, while at the same time making linking to those articles easy and second nature.), I think the move should go through as I proposed.  --- Charles Stewart 15:23, 24 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Support, by far the most well-known, I would have thought. James F. (talk) 20:14, 24 August 2005 (UTC)
 * support --Irpen 17:51, August 27, 2005 (UTC)

This article has been renamed as the result of a move request. Dragons flight 06:06, August 30, 2005 (UTC)

informal query about reconsideration of move
The two principal periodicals do need to be distinguished, but this can be done without marking either one as the principal one. Saying "Well known," depends upon well know to whom. The earlier one will remain as a monument of literature, and no one could say that about the latter. The neutral way of distinguishing, which makes it immediately clear to everybody, is to call one The Spectator (1711-1712) and The Spectator (1828- ). Why judge importance when it can be avoided? DGG 02:18, 18 September 2006 (UTC)

Sorry this is the first time I've commented/edited on Wikipedia so I'm sorry if I've stuck this in the wrong place but I just had to comment on how biased this article was! As a subscriber, I admit that under the editorship of Matthew D'Ancona I have been disappointed by the increasingly sensationalist line the features take, as well as with some of the contributors who have been brought in - I can't stand Rod Liddle or the American neocon whose name I have forgotten. And, yes, the covers have at times been shocking, one of the worst being the 'Eurabia' article (though also the 'This is a war. We are losing....'). But to show only the worst aspects of it's Conservatism is awful and just as unenlightened as you yourself accuse it of being.

NPOV
"Although writing about popular culture is not a priority for The Spectator, it is one of the few remaining magazines where one can still find an old-fashioned rant against rock music (e.g. "It's all just noise").[citation needed] "Culture" for The Spectator tends towards gallery openings, new opera productions and the like. It does have a "television and cinema" section, pages most often given over to personal soliloquies by writers such as the novelist James Delingpole, who spends more time lamenting how poor and unsuccessful he is than he does reviewing television programming.

The Spectator tends to follow its educated-and-conservative target audience's fashions and social concerns: sourcing organic food at markets, the pros and cons of private education, hunting, etc. Certain British cultural establishments are also often favourably alluded to, such as the University of Oxford (alma mater of many Spectator contributors), Ascot and White's."

The entire culture section exhibits personal judgements and a certain class-war character. Another example of glaring subjectivity is the reference to Boris Johnson.

80.216.5.84 18:28, 10 September 2006 (UTC)
 * How NPOV? ALL THIS is covered by the Spectator...no opinion is given as to whether this is a good idea. And James Delingpole can go off on a trajectory unlike anyone I have ever read.  I do agree the first paragraph listed above needs some work. Boris references have been pruned by me.  The class war issue must remain subjective, and what is suggested by the subject matter of the Spectator itself Pydos 14:05, 11 September 2006 (UTC)

 * Yes, in this case, the non-neutral POV is appropriate. We are discussing the magazine, and what the magazine covers, and we are using the language the magazine uses. This wording reflects well what the reader will find in the Spectator. Those of other POVs should be able to clearly recognize this and not be offended--or at least, not more offended than the necessarily are from the contents of the magazine itself.
 * If necessary, one could begin the paragraph with "As it sees itself, the Spectator ..."

DGG 02:18, 18 September 2006 (UTC)

Good God, this is not POV
Perceived "class war"" has nothing to do with the pov issue, even if you think the culture section is a class issue (i don't). "Offending" also has nothing to do with pov and is a slippery slope best completely avoided (note that I am not talking here about unacceptable slurs, etc which of course must be kept out). A reader holding any number of opinions could be "offended" by almost anything written on any media/politics/culture article in WikiP. A policy of pov tags any time someone is "offended" in the manner of DGG will result in a complete strangulation of good writing. The culture section is a faithful reflection of the Spectator's content (e.g. the music bit). I would urge quite strongly a removal of the tag. OH, and for the record I love rock&roll.

 * I think you misunderstood. I agree with you in most of this. My argument is that the POV is in the context of the article. To an extreme liberal the whole publication may be disliked, but that is obvious from the nature of the magazine & the article and doesn't have to be explained. I was arguing against using POV tags for articles that offended someone, and proposing myself as a 'someone' to be able to give an example.
 * For another example, there is no need to say in detail in the Lenin article what conservatives (in any sense) thought of his policies. The discussion of what he did and what he said make it obvious. I may dislike R&R, but there is no need to say in the discussion of every such musician that some don't like the style. It should be obvious from the description of the music
 * I thought I was clear, but the reader is the judge of whether the writer is clear. I hope this is clearer, but if not, just ask. I was trying to support your position.
 * In short, I as well as you strongly support removal' of the POV tag from this article. DGG 23:57, 24 September 2006 (UTC)

 * Oh, my mistake then. Thought you were supporting the tag. In any case, i took the liberty of removing it since i haven't seen any good arguments for keeping it. And as an aside, your example of Lenin is a good one -- 20+ million dead won't be helped by "conservatives" giving their two rubles on Lenin's WP page. Cheers --longlivefolkmusic 20:39, 25 September 2006 (UTC)

recent times
This phrase is used in the article, and perhaps should be rewritten more precisely: "from the 1980s on ", or whatever is meant. I haven't attempted to fix, because I do not know what was intended. DGG 23:34, 24 September 2006 (UTC)

revision
I've altered the contentious paragraph above to something which I hope is more balanced and which removes the unsourced statement; I've given comparison points by mentioning some of the newspapers which ignored/dismissed popular culture in the way the Spectator still does (but no newspaper today would) and I've made an appropriate mention of the fact that the Spectator coined the phrase "young fogey", which curiously wasn't previously on this page. RobinCarmody 22:30, 12 November 2006 (GMT)

Mark Steyn is a neoconservative
This was recently deleted, but I think that it should be restored. See Talk:Mark_Steyn. Viewfinder 11:25, 28 May 2007 (UTC)

Don't like the picture
This "Eurabia" propaganda picture looks quite racialistic. --Validside 09:21, 31 May 2007 (UTC)

Current cover
The current cover is atypical of current Spectator covers, and I think it should be changed. I'm not sure if it used to look like that in 2005, or if it was just for that issue, but either way, the cover image should be more typical of the Spectator today. Briefplan (talk) 23:38, 2 January 2008 (UTC)
 * I agree with the comment above; although I'm not a regular reader of the Spectator myself, I see it around a lot, and their covers these days aren't nearly as potentially inflammatory as that one. These days, they typically just have a caricature of a well-known political figure instead. Perhaps the image should be replaced with a more appropriate one? Terraxos (talk) 20:09, 11 November 2008 (UTC)

Firstly, most Spectator covers are white and not inset, with (as described above) some political caricature (nowadays usually Cameron or Brown). Also, though the given image was indeed a real issue (I've got it), putting it as the only representative is particularly misleading. The cover is always somewhat tongue-in-cheek, and this is not reflected here; this makes it look like a BNP circular or something, when it is nothing of the kind. It is more than anything a Conservative magazine, mostly ranging from just left of centre-right to quite neocon, though it can include some startlingly left-wing articles (especially in recent months - at least two in fact by 'the enemy', Labour MPs), and has included startlingly neoconservative articles (like anything written by Mark Steyn). I vote for a change to a more representative and less seemingly offensive cover, like the current one (latest as of 4 Dec 2008), but I am sure than someone else can find a better one.

 * I for one think the image draws the attention of the reader too much, probably at the expense of the actual content of the article. I suggest it be replaced with another cover. Muad (talk) 01:50, 22 March 2009 (UTC)

 * I completely agree with all of the above as, seemingly, does everyone else, but no one has suggested a new picture in the last year? FloreatAntiquaDomus 14:27, 8 October 2010 (UTC) —Preceding unsigned comment added by FloreatAntiquaDomus (talk • contribs)

Appealing Boris?
Erm... could the description of the current Conservative and Unionist Party candidate for mayor of London as 'appealingly woodhousian' be perhaps a little bit POV?Rykalski (talk) 17:11, 31 March 2008 (UTC)

Contributors
Given the cornucopia of past and present talented contributors to this unique magazine and in view of the extremely wide range of topics covered by The Spectator, this section needs expanding and updating. The expansion should include a mention of the weekly page of Spectator's Notes by the ineffably urbane and knowledgeable Charles Moore. Some reviewers also deserve a special mention, notably Deborah Ross and James Delingpole for their unique styles of Cinema and TV criticism. In fact, I propose to start this suggested process by including all three of them now. Ombudswiki (talk) 15:30, 27 March 2009 (UTC)

Treatment in "other press"
I changed this heading to 'Treatment in Private Eye' because that was the only 'other press' mentioned. I think, as this heading should make clear through its absurdity, that it should be removed altogether. Private Eye's cariacatures don't deserve their own section in encyclopaedia entries. Spectator contributors often refer to Private Eye as 'that squalid little rag' (a quote from Jim Hacker in Yes Minister) but I don't see that noted in Private Eye's entry. The two publications have a mutually abusive yet admiring relationship, which is very interesting and funny for me (I'm a subscriber of both), but not material for an encyclopaedia. What do peeps think?

Hello, new contributor
Hi, I'm just contributing some new stuff to this page but am rather new to this side of things, so sorry if I'm getting everything wrong! Please do let me know if I am... — Preceding unsigned comment added by Johnniekerr1 (talk • contribs) 16:13, 16 April 2012 (UTC)

Miners, not minors!
Ref that part of the article which deals with "Aberdare Minors" - I'm fairly confident that it was the miners of Aberdare, and not the minors, who presented the statuette to the Spectator. Truly surprised by this spelling error. I cannot make this minor edit to the article myself! Looks like it's protected. Gm4aff (talk) 09:06, 14 May 2012 (UTC)

 * Done. Philip Cross (talk) 10:33, 14 May 2012 (UTC)

Contradiction
The lead says that the paper was first pubished in July 1828 but the body says December 1828. Both are sourced, although sourcing to an advertisement is probably dodgy. I cannot see the sources & thus cannot resolve this contradiction. - Sitush (talk) 12:16, 15 November 2013 (UTC)
 * I found the Times 1828 announcement and could not find any support for a December date, so I reconciled in favor of July. The newspaper announcement is announcing availability for the following day, so we might say it violates CRYSTAL. The Spectator archives contains an image of the first issue with a designation "week ending Saturday July 5, 1828". I've adjusted the article based on these archival sources.  — jmcgnh (talk) (contribs) 02:32, 7 October 2018 (UTC)
 * Probably should ping and .  — jmcgnh (talk)  (contribs) 03:20, 7 October 2018 (UTC)

Far right claim
An eccentric, unevidenced claim by a single journalist that the magazine is far right seems pretty irrelevant in this article. There's a slippery slope here to a wrongful categorisation down to lazy/biased writing and subediting in the original source, and if that clear context is to be removed, I suggest the whole note is, or the clarification is reinstated. Conan The Librarian (talk) 15:09, 12 November 2020 (UTC)

I've removed it, pending discussion on how to handle it, or a pointer to a rule that says spurious, unevidenced, contrary categorisation by a single journalist without any context is mandated. Conan The Librarian (talk) 15:55, 13 November 2020 (UTC)

Removal of claim regarding support for Conservative party
I removed this claim, which must have been added fairly recently. To state blanket support of the magazine for the Conservative party is crazy. Of course the magazine is conservative but much of its content is actively critical of the party. The sentence I removed made out it was in-house party support. NEDOCHAN (talk) 12:44, 20 March 2021 (UTC)

"Political Ideology" section misleading
It's of course difficult to define a publication's political outlook, especially a publication that is intentionally contentious like the Spectator. However, the current section on "Political ideology and policy positions" is vague enough to be actively misleading at this point. The inclusion of the only the historical liberal outlook, a campaign in favour of decriminalising homosexuality in the 50s, and one specific editorial from 2019 that's pro immigration gives a casual reader the impression that the magazine is currently still in a liberal-conservative mindset. Leaving aside the fights about where the Spectator actually stands now, it's fair to say that it's definitely not that.

I've only been able to find limited sources on this, including one New Statesman article, but there must be a way to rewrite this section to at least give a more balanced view of their output than one cherry picked liberal article from 2019. Hotpantsraindance (talk) 13:58, 9 November 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:The Spectator


text:
Apple Open Collaboration Environment

Apple Open Collaboration Environment (AOCE) is a collection of messaging-related technologies introduced for the Classic Mac OS in the early 1990s. It includes the PowerTalk mail engine, which is the primary client-side interface to the system, the PowerShare mail server for workgroup installations, and a number of additional technologies such as Open Directory, encryption, and digital signature support.

AOCE and PowerTalk were heavily marketed between 1993 and 1996, but the hardware requirements meant that most users couldn't even install or use it. Developers were likewise stymied by the complex system, and since the installed base was so small their potential sales were even smaller. In 1996, Apple Computer quietly dropped its efforts to market AOCE, and the project quickly disappeared.

History
Development of AOCE started in 1989, largely the "pet project" of Apple Fellow Gursharan Sidhu, formerly engineering lead at Apple for LaserWriter, AppleShare, and related networking products.

Objective
The project started by looking at existing mail systems and trying to find common concepts and problems. The team also found problems with existing email systems. They tended to support plain text mail only, and rarely supported non-English characters. Support for mobile users was poor, often relying on third party workarounds that were of dubious reliability. And they were all based on a dedicated email server that was typically complex to set up, and often excessive for small installations with only a few people in an office.

None of the existing products could give the user what they really wanted: a single universal mailbox and a single universal address book. In this pre-Internet era, savvy users often had mailboxes on their corporate network, online services such as CompuServe or AppleLink, and perhaps also a number of bulletin board systems (BBSs). Each email system used its own standards for collecting and storing information, which required users to run multiple clients to access the different services. Although a single-mailbox system could be constructed by administrators with the use of email gateways, these tended to be expensive and technically challenging to maintain.

Solutions
At one end of the system, AOCE focuses on the underlying delivery and addressing systems, generalizing the email concept so the system can be used to deliver anything from email to word processor documents to print jobs. Addressing was another issue the market was struggling with, so AOCE offers a single universal addressing mechanism and address book, one that could support not only people's email addresses, but the addresses of things like printers and fax machines as well. These could be looked up in an interface much easier to use than the existing Macintosh solution, the Chooser.

AOCE normally store users' email on each personal computer, as opposed to a server. This not only allows the user to read mail offline, but also removes the need for a single machine with huge storage space. Small networks can be set up simply by installing the standard client software; the machines discover each other on AppleTalk and communicate directly. AOCE understands that users are not always connected to the network, so outbound mail is cached on the sender's machine until both the sender and recipient are online. Even on a LAN this is valuable, as many users turn off their computers at night and the mail would must wait until the next morning for delivery.

Since the mail is stored locally, users with laptop computers are able to read and compose mail while mobile. Everything automatically updates upon reconnection to the office LAN. AppleTalk Remote Access, Apple's standard implementation of AppleTalk over modems, provides remote sync.

For security over the potentially open phone lines, all communications can be secured using RSA encryption and digital signing, even on the local network. Additionally, the Keychain stores various login credentials in an encrypted file. This allows the users to use a different username and password on the various systems, placing them in the keychain database for secure storage. This requires only a single password for the keychain; AOCE can retrieve the credentials for a particular service on demand.

Users can share documents directly simply by dropping the address on the document, or vice versa, bypassing a message at all – the document would arrive automatically in the other user's mailbox. Delivery of email (which in this scenario is nothing more than a text document in a specialized format), or of anything else, was handled entirely by plugins, allowing the user to collect mail from all of their sources into a single inbox.

An optional server can be installed for performance and maintenance needs for those sites that required it. In this case any attempted delivery would be intercepted immediately by the server, thereby avoiding delays if the recipient was not online. The server then delivers the message on behalf of the sender when the recipient connects online.

The AOCE project suffered from what is known as second-system effect, where engineers spend considerable time designing a system that does everything. Invariably these projects fail as the demands are not only incredibly difficult to meet, but often fail to meet real user needs. Often the ideas themselves are good, but buried inside unusable implementations.

Release
By early 1993 the client side of AOCE was nearing completion, which was then referred to as PowerTalk. Apple started a pre-release marketing campaign, telling larger customers and even third party email vendors that AOCE would soon arrive and change the market completely. Their claim was that nothing else would be able to compete with its usability, power, and lack of maintenance overhead – all hallmarks of the Apple way.

The system was first widely shown at the Macworld Expo in Boston in mid-1993. At the show the developers found that the choice of naming was unwise, due to confusion between PowerTalk and Apple's new voice recognition system, PlainTalk.

AOCE was publicly released in September 1993, part of the System 7 Pro bundle that also includes AppleScript utilities.

Deployment
When the product finally shipped after years of hype, users were dismayed to find that to install it requires a machine with 2.5 MB of RAM minimum, and needed 4 MB to run well. This is the maximum available RAM in many Mac systems of the era. Removing unneeded components do little to address this, and AOCE and the other Apple technology, QuickDraw GX, typically could not be run together because of a lack of memory. While newer machines were able to run AOCE more comfortably, as an email system intended to be run on diverse networks of heterogeneous machines the requirements greatly impaired market acceptance. Simply downloading and installing separate stand-alone client applications for each mail system the user actually had would use considerably less disk space, and had no constant memory footprint.

While PowerTalk was generally an interesting system, a combination of design features made it frustrating to use. For instance, the addressing system is so deeply embedded into the core of the system that simply typing in a new address is an ordeal. First the user clicks on a button, selects the address type, types it in, and then finally clicks  to have it appear in the message. Disk usage is also a problem because each message is stored as a separate file, requiring 1 kB or more of space in an era where 40 MB and 80 MB disks are still common. Thus a few hundred messages are enough to fill the free space on the drive. Backing up email was likewise almost impossible as a side-effect of the design; the mail was spread out over the network, some of it remote and inaccessible.

The system could not know who a user was, because the single-user Mac OS 7 does not require users to log in. Thus documents had to be delivered to a user's machine. This does not work well when the user has two or more machines, making the concept of a universal mailbox difficult to achieve in practice.

Even the remote access functionality is doomed by feature interaction. To ensure that all messages are delivered in a reasonable time on a network where machines might appear and disappear at random (when they are turned on and off), AOCE has a 15-minute timeout in which it repeatedly tries to deliver pending messages. If the user is using a dialup connection on a modem, AOCE keeps the line open for a full 15 minutes before giving up on disconnected user, driving up long distance bills to deliver a potentially tiny message.

Many of these problems were intended to be solved with the PowerShare server, which acts as an always-on, always responsive super-peer. The basic AOCE protocol notices these machines when attempting delivery, and sends to them first, thereby eliminating the delays and centralizing storage and maintenance. The server was not ready in time for the release, and did not ship for another year. When it did it was likewise slow and resource hungry, largely a side effect of various features of the Mac OS that makes it unsuitable for server applications—a role for which it was never designed in the first place.

Cancellation
AOCE had one year at Apple's Worldwide Developers Conference in 1995 when it was finally selling, but by this point, the market was moving toward SMTP-based Internet mail as a universal format. By 1996 Apple had given up on AOCE, and started talking about the CyberDog project based on the OpenDoc platform. AOCE is not supported in Mac OS 7.6.

Overview
AOCE's Open Directory and related software introduced the concept of directory entries (such as business cards) as first-class desktop objects. This is used to create a drag-and-drop metaphor for mail, fax, and other directory-based activities. Each endpoint, a mail server for instance, is driven by a plug-in extension that is driven by a common AOCE-supplied queue and queue viewer. PowerTalk provides a set of standard forms for interacting with the items in the queues, and a common interface for mail, and a universal mailbox. Encryption is supported by a single keychain that remembered all your passwords and digital signatures, encrypting them together so only a single password needed to be remembered.

The system was designed in an era when there were many email formats and services, including online services such as CompuServe and AppleLink, networking standards like X.400 and SMTP (Internet mail), and LAN-based servers such as Microsoft Mail and QuickMail. In order to support this diverse environment, AOCE includes a robust layered protocol stack that, in theory, can be used with practically any store-and-forward type of environment. This is used within AOCE not only to service mail, but faxes, printing and even directly sending files from one machine to another without enclosing them in a mail message or needing a file server.

Adoption of AOCE among third party developers was slow due to a complicated API. The book documenting the system is larger than all of the books describing the rest of the pre-System 7 Macintosh combined. Adding a simple feature like "mail this document" to an application requires wading through hundreds of pages of documentation, and writing a core AOCE component is many times more complex.

Several parts of the AOCE engine are useful on their own, such as the Keychain. However, in order to get the keychain, the user must install all of AOCE, a cost the users were not willing to pay. Many years later the keychain was finally shipped as a stand-alone component in Mac OS 9. The encryption and signing support is arguably also useful (although not widely deployed), and it reappeared in Apple's bundled Mail application starting with Mac OS X 10.2 Jaguar in August 2002.

Reception
In August 1994, Mel Beckman of MacWorld gave AOCE one star out of five, citing profoundly poor usability, documentation, hardware resource requirements, and telephone technical support. A network administrator of five years, Beckman failed to even properly send email after three dedicated days, saying "setting up and maintaining a PowerShare server is not a chore for the fainthearted" with daily tasks being "odious".

title: Apple Open Collaboration Environment


text:
Martha Summerhayes

Martha Summerhayes (October 21, 1844 – May 12, 1926) was an American memoirist.

She was a Nantucket, Massachusetts, native who later on in life immigrated to Arizona. A well travelled and educated woman, Summerhayes spent two years, from 1871 to 1873, studying literature in Germany. Her passion for writing took her into a career as a writer. She became well known as a writer in Massachusetts, but she usually did her writing during the winter, which, in turn, led to her becoming interested in the warmer weather of Arizona.

In 1873, she married soldier John Wyer Summerhayes, a veteran of the American Civil War.

Wyer Summerhayes was still in the military when the couple married, so Martha further expanded her travels by going with her husband wherever the military sent him when no war was being fought. The Summerhayes arrived at Fort Russell, near Cheyenne, Wyoming, shortly after marrying. In 1874, they were sent by the military to an Arizona that at the time counted with only about 20,000 inhabitants. They stayed at a ranch owned by Corydon Cooley, a White man who had two Indian wives.

Accommodations at Cooley's ranch were quite different from what Martha Summerhayes had experience in the east and Europe. She was also disturbed by the fact that Cooley had two wives. Her observations were published in 1908 in an autobiography named "Vanished Arizona" that details her memories of Arizona and the West before widespread settlement and the experiences of military wives.

Summerhayes travelled, in August 1874, about 200 miles by a steamboat to Fort Mohave from Fort Yuma, enduring temperatures along the Colorado River that soared to 122 degrees.

Soon after arriving at Fort Mohave, the military and their families loaded their belongings into wagons, heading to Prescott, near where Fort Whipple stood. For Martha Summerhayes, the experience of traveling through the desert was both adventurous and frightening; she was not used to using snake protection before sleep, witnessing dogs being eaten to their deaths by these animals, and other experiences.

Soon after arriving at Prescott, the group of soldiers and their families moved slightly to the north, to Camp Verde.

Martha Summerhayes by this point began to think that the military had better accommodations for prostitutes than they had for the soldiers' wives themselves. In Camp Verde, she befriended Mrs. George Brayton, who advised her to "Take all you need, and it will get carried along, somehow". The military group, consisting of 100 people, mostly men, faced a two-month-long trip to Camp Apache, passing by the Mogollon Rim. According to Summerhayes in her autobiography, they were attacked by Indians along the way.

During that era, Apache Indians went twice a week to Camp Apache to be counted and receive food and water. At one point, she noticed that one Apache woman had a disfigured face and that she had lost her nose because she had supposedly committed adultery.

Another time, she was watching a show, when the Apache chief "Diablo" supposedly approached major William Worth and asked him how many ponies would Worth accept in exchange for Worth's wife. Again, she attended an Apache show, and she feared for her life when the Indians, painted and wearing feathers, began to jump and shout around fires. She said that they had knives and recalled her fear. Eventually, she was able to leave the show.

During her stay at Camp Apache, she found out that soldiers had also used cruelty in killing Apaches. Once handed a box, she noticed a foul smell coming from it. A soldier told her that the box had rotten cheese, and, in reality, it had the head of an Apache Indian, a fact which she found out about later, because she did not open the box herself. In January 1875, she was by herself as she gave birth to her son Harry. She had to perform various tasks by herself, because there were no nurses around, no running water for her or the newborn, barely any food (she and her baby survived the first days only on vegetables and milk), and, perhaps more importantly, no doctor to attend to them, as the military doctor on base was not well prepared to handle newborns and their mothers.

In April 1875, despite the pleas of Mexicans not to try to travel to Phoenix because of hazards related to warring tribes, the Summerhayes made it to Arizona's future capital. Soon after, however, she and her husband, whom she affectionately nicknamed "Jack", moved back to Nantucket, thinking about baby Harry's welfare and about the hot Arizona summers. But they missed Arizona and returned shortly afterwards.

In 1878, the Summerhayes moved to California. This was followed by various other moves which were appointed by the military. After Geronimo's campaign was over, the Summerhayes were ordered to Arizona once again. They arrived at Tucson using a Pullman car.

In 1900, her husband retired from the military, and the Summerhayes returned to the East, where they lived in various cities including Washington, D.C., New York and Nantucket.

After her 1908 autobiography was published, Martha Summerhayes became a celebrity, receiving fan mail from hundreds of people, especially military men and students that valued her view of military.

Martha Summerhayes died on May 12, 1926, at Schenectady, New York. She and her husband John are buried next to each other, at the Arlington National Cemetery.

title: Martha Summerhayes


text:
Josef Dobrovský

Josef Dobrovský (17 August 1753 – 6 January 1829) was a Czech philologist and historian, one of the most important figures of the Czech National Revival along with Josef Jungmann.

Life and work
Dobrovský was born at Balassagyarmat, Nógrád County, in the Kingdom of Hungary, when his father Jakub Doubravský (1701, Solnice – 1764, Horšovský Týn) was temporarily stationed as a soldier there. His mother was Magdalena Dobrovská (1733, Čáslav – 1797).

He received his first education in the German school at Horšovský Týn, made his first acquaintance with the Czech language and soon made himself fluent in it at the Německý Brod gymnasium, and then studied for some time under the Jesuits at Klatovy. In 1769 he began to study philosophy at the University of Prague. In 1772 he was admitted among the Jesuits at Brno and was preparing for a Christian mission in India. However, the entire order was dissolved in the Czech lands in 1773 and Dobrovský thus returned to Prague to study theology.

After holding for some time the office of tutor to Count Nostitz, he obtained an appointment first as vice-rector, and then as rector, in the general seminary at Hradisko (now part of Olomouc); but in 1790 he lost his post through the abolition of the seminaries throughout the Habsburg Empire, and returned as a guest to the house of the count. At this time, he wrote some of the most important works in Slavic studies, historiography and philology.

In 1792 he was commissioned by the Bohemian Academy of Sciences to visit Stockholm, Turku, Saint Petersburg and Moscow in search of the manuscripts which had been scattered by the Thirty Years' War, and on his return he accompanied Count Nostitz to Switzerland and Italy.

In the 1780s Dobrovský participated in the academic life of Prague. In 1784, he helped to set up the Royal Czech Society of Sciences, and in 1818 the National Museum of what was to become Czechoslovakia and eventually the Czech Republic.

However, his reason began to give way in 1795, and in 1801 he had to be confined in a lunatic asylum, but by 1803 he had completely recovered. The rest of his life was mainly spent either in Prague or at the country seats of his friends Counts Nostitz and Czernin, but his death occurred in Brno, where he had gone in 1828 to study in the local libraries.

While his fame rests chiefly on his labours in Slavonic philology his botanical studies are not without value in the history of the science.

Between 1948 and 1968 Czech poet Vladimír Holan lived in the so-called "Dobrovský House" on Kampa, often saying that the Blue Abbé (a nickname by which Dobrovský was known) would sometimes visit him.

Most important works

 * Fragmentum Pragense evangelii S. Marci, vulgo autographi (1778)
 * a periodical for Bohemian and Moravian literature (1780–1787)
 * Scriptores rerum Bohemicarum (2 vols., 1783)
 * Geschichte der böhm. Sprache und alten Literatur (1792)
 * Die Bildsamkeit der slaw. Sprache (1799)
 * a Deutsch-böhm. Wörterbuch compiled in collaboration with Leschk, Puchmayer and Hanka (1802–1821)
 * Entwurf eines Pflanzensystems nach Zahlen und Verhältnissen (1802)
 * Glagolitica (1807)
 * Lehrgebäude der böhmischen Sprache (1809)
 * Institutiones linguae slavicae dialecti veteris (1822)
 * Entwurf zu einem allgemeinen Etymologikon der slaw. Sprachen (1813)
 * Slowanka zur Kenntnis der slaw. Literatur (1814)
 * a critical edition of Jordanes, De rebus Geticis, for Pertz's Monumenta Germaniae Historica

See Palacký, J. Dobrowskys Leben und gelehrtes Wirken (1833).

title: Josef Dobrovský


text:
Ren'ai CHU!

Ren'ai CHU! is a Japanese erotic game released by Saga Planets in 2001. A non-hentai disc of bonus extras called "Motto Love-CHU!" was released in the same year, and the Dreamcast version, 'Renai Chu! Happy Perfect', released by GN Software in 2003.

It is well known for its theme song, of the same name as the game. Two Para Para remix versions are contained on the fun disc, and also the original and another vocal edition exist.

Characters

 * Nanami Kanzaki
 * Miduki Saeki
 * Rei Sudo
 * Karin Tsukishima
 * Nonoka Tsukishima - Karin's sister
 * Wakana Higuchi
 * Lime Regan
 * Yayoi Nishina
 * Taiyou Kawasaki
 * Hikaru Ijuin

title: Ren'ai CHU!


text:
Leona

Leona is a female given name derived from the Latin word leo for "lion".

People and fictional characters named Leona include:

People

 * Leona (wrestler) (born 1980), Japanese professional wrestler
 * Leona Aglukkaq, Canadian politician
 * Leona Alleslev (born 1968), Canadian politician and military officer
 * Leona Anderson (1885–1973), American actress
 * Leona Brown, American boxer
 * Leona Cavalli, Brazilian actress
 * Leona Dalrymple, American author
 * Leona Detiège (born 1942), Belgian politician
 * Leona Dombrowsky, Canadian politician
 * Leona Edmiston, Australian fashion designer
 * Leona Florentino, Philippine poet
 * Leona Gom, Canadian novelist and poet
 * Leona Graham, British DJ and voiceover artist
 * Leona Helmsley, American hotel operator and real estate investor
 * Leona Hutton, American silent film star
 * Leona Lewis (born 1985), British singer-songwriter
 * Leona Lishoy (born 1991), Indian actress and model
 * Leona Maguire (born 1994), Irish professional golfer
 * Leona Mitchell, American soprano
 * Leona Naess (born 1974), British singer-songwriter
 * Leona Popović (born 1997), Croatian alpine ski racer
 * Leona Riemann (born 1952), German writer, author, and publisher
 * Leona Roberts (1879–1954), American stage and film actress
 * Leona Vidal Roberts (born 1972), Falkland Islands politician
 * Leona Vaughan (born 1995), Welsh actress
 * Leona Vicario, Mexican, supporter of the Mexican War of Independence
 * Leona Winter (born 1995), French drag queen
 * Leona Woods, American physicist

Fictional characters

 * Leona Heidern, in The King of Fighters video game series
 * Leona Ozaki, in Masamune Shirow's Dominion anime and manga series
 * Leona, the Radiant Dawn, a playable champion character in the multiplayer online battle arena video game League of Legends
 * Leona, from the TV series Between the Lions
 * Leaky Leona, a character from the third season of the TV series Codename: Kids Next Door

title: Leona


text:
Anaconda, Montana

Anaconda, county seat of Deer Lodge County, which has a consolidated city-county government, is located in southwestern Montana, United States. Located at the foot of the Anaconda Range (known locally as the "Pintlers"), the Continental Divide passes within 8 mi south of the community. As of the 2020 census the population of the consolidated city-county was 9,421. As a consolidated city-county area, it ranks as the ninth most populous city in Montana, but as only a city is far smaller.

History
Anaconda was founded by Marcus Daly, one of the Copper Kings, who financed the construction of the Anaconda smelter on nearby Warm Springs Creek to process copper ore from the Butte mines. Daly originally named the site "Copperopolis", but that name was already used by Copperopolis, Montana, a small mining town in Meagher County. Instead, Daly accepted the name "Anaconda", and on June 25, 1883, Daly filed for a town plat using that name. There exists another story that the name was selected by the United States postmaster of the time, Clinton Moore. However, Moore filed the post office application in October 1883, well after the town plat was filed. When Montana was admitted as a state in 1889, Daly lobbied to have the capital moved to Anaconda, and Montana legislators decided to hold two referendums in 1892 and 1894 to choose a capital city. The campaigns for the referendums were heated, ending with a victory for Helena, the location supported by Daly's rival William A. Clark.

In 1903, the Socialist Party of America won its first victory west of the Mississippi when Anaconda voters elected a socialist mayor, treasurer, police judge, and three councilmen. The Socialist Party had grown within the expanding Montana labor movement. Initially, the Anaconda Copper Mining Company tolerated socialist activities, but when the Socialists gained political power and threatened to implement reform, the company systematically undermined the party. City workers and councilmen refused to cooperate with the new mayor, and the company began to fire Socialists. In the long run labor lost ground in Anaconda and the company exerted ever greater political control.

The Anaconda Company expanded smelting capacity over time; by 1919 the Washoe Reduction Works could boast that its 585-foot (178 m) smokestack (Anaconda Smelter Stack) was the tallest masonry structure in the world and that the smelter-refining complex constituted the world's largest non-ferrous processing plant.

In 1980, Atlantic Richfield Company closed the smelter, bringing an end to almost a century of mineral processing. While some aspects of the operation had been cleaned up under environmental laws, closing the smelter resulted in a large area contaminated with hazardous wastes. Since then, an operation for environmental cleanup was put into place by the federal Environmental Protection Agency and executed with the assistance of ARCO. The multimillion-dollar cleanup and redevelopment has resulted in the "Old Works" Golf Course, a championship 18-hole course designed by Jack Nicklaus.

Anaconda joined with Deer County to form a consolidated city-county government in 1977. Part of Anaconda is included in the Butte-Anaconda Historic District.

Geography
Central Anaconda is 5335 ft above sea level, and is surrounded by the communities of Opportunity and West Valley.

 * Elevation: 5335 ft
 * Average annual rainfall: 14 in
 * Average length of growing season: 114 days
 * Average annual snowfall: 48.0 in
 * Average annual temperature: 43.0 °F

The county area is 736.53 sqmi, characterized by densely timbered forestlands, lakes, mountains and recreation grounds. The county has common borders with Beaverhead, Butte-Silver Bow, Granite, Jefferson and Powell counties.

Climate
According to the Köppen climate classification, Anaconda has a humid continental climate.

Demographics
For Anaconda, US Census Bureaus's 2015-2019 American Community Survey showed a median household income of $41,820. Anaconda had earlier peaks of population in 1930 and 1980, based on the mining industry.

Arts and culture
On main street is the Washoe Theater, which is listed on the National Register of Historic Places. It was the last theater constructed in the United States in the Nuevo Deco style. The theater was designed in 1930 by B. Marcus Priteca, an architect from Seattle and opened in 1936. It was listed by the NRHP for architectural significance in 1982. It currently is used for showing films, plus periodically hosting plays and other types of entertainment.

Government and politics
Deer Lodge County voters have a record as the most consistently Democratic county in Montana for Presidential elections. These voters have not supported a Republican candidate since Calvin Coolidge in 1924. In the last five elections before 2016, the Democratic candidate has won by 21% to nearly 49% of Deer Lodge County's vote. In gubernatorial elections, the only Republican to carry the county in the last twenty years was Marc Racicot in the 1996 election. In that election the original Democratic nominee, Chet Blaylock, died and Marc Racicot carried every county.

The city is currently in the 39th district of the Montana Senate and is represented by Republican Terry Vermeire in the 2023 legislative session. Anaconda is also in the 77th district of the Montana House of Representatives, which has been represented by Republican John Fitzpatrick since 2023. This is the first time since 1945 that the city has been represented by a Republican in the state House of Representatives.

Elected in 2017, Bill Everett is the current CEO. The CEO is elected by a plurality vote on a non-partisan ballot for a four-year term.

Sports and recreation

 * Hunting – There are hundreds of square miles of hunting available to the public in the area. With permit, hunting is permitted for fowl, bear, mountain lion, elk, deer and moose.
 * Fishing – Many nearby mountain lakes and streams offer such primary fishing spots as Silver Lake, Georgetown Lake, Echo Lake, Storm Lake, Racetrack Lake, Warm Springs Creek, Warm Springs Ponds, and the Big Hole River.
 * Golf – The Old Works Golf Course is a Jack Nicklaus-signature golf course, developed of brownfield land. A local country club and an 18-hole championship golf course are located at Fairmont Hot Springs.
 * Skiing – The area has many trails for cross-country skiers, and the nearby Discovery Ski Area has downhill skiing with 15 downhill double-black diamond trails and 5 km of groomed cross-country ski trails.
 * Darts -The annual Winter Getaway dart tournament, held in several local establishments, is the largest regional dart tournament in Montana.
 * Museums – The Copper Village Museum and Arts Center provides visitors and residents with art and history of the local area.
 * Hiking – Hiking opportunities in and around Anaconda include trails up to mountain lakes and a 10067 ft mountain that can be climbed without technical equipment. A walking trail is on the north side of Anaconda next to Warm Springs Creek.
 * Drag Racing –  Lost Creek Raceway was founded in 1986 and hosts over 20 events a year bringing racers from Washington, Idaho and Montana.
 * Mountain Biking

Education
Four schools are part of Anaconda School District 10, including a Head Start program; Lincoln Elementary (grades K-3), Fred Moodry Intermediate School (grades 4–6), and Anaconda Junior-Senior High School (grades 7–12). The mascot of Anaconda Junior-Senior High School is the Copperheads.

The Hearst Free Library serves the area.

Infrastructure
Anaconda is on Montana Highway 1 off of Interstate 90. The Highway extends to Drummond and is known as the Pintler Scenic Loop. East of town is the Montana Highway 48 junction.

Bowman Field is a public airport located three miles (5 km) northeast of Anaconda. The nearest commercial airport is Bert Mooney Airport in Butte.

The Community Hospital of Anaconda provides medical care to the town.

Media
The Anaconda Leader is the local newspaper. It is published twice weekly.

KGLM-FM is licensed in Anaconda. It is owned by Butte Broadcasting Inc.

Film credits
Anaconda has been a filming location for a few movies, documentaries and a TV show, including:

 * 1960 - Perch of The Devil,  Harvey Richards Media Archive (Estuary Press)
 * 1974 - The Legendary Mountain.  Montana State University Film and T.V. Center
 * 1978 - The Other Side of Hell, Aubrey-Lyon Productions
 * 1981 - Today, NBC News Production
 * 1985 - Runaway Train,  Golan-Globus Productions
 * 1986 - Better Pictures,  Left Handed Pictures
 * 1987 - Portrait Of America,  Turner Broadcasting System
 * 1992 - Return to Better Pictures,  Sloppy Films
 * 1993 - Return to Lonesome Dove, Artisan Home Entertainment
 * 2005 - Backroads of Montana,  Montana PBS
 * 2008 - Prodigal Sons,  Big Sky Productions
 * 2012 - Diggers, Half Yard Productions
 * 2016 - Dead 7,  Syfy
 * 2016 - Lester Leaps In,  Montana Mafia Productions
 * 2018 - Jeremy Bass: We Will Be You,  Annie McCain Casting
 * 2018 - Far Cry 5: Inside Eden's Gate,  Asylum Entertainment
 * 2019 - Worth The Wait,  Maney Telefilm Co.
 * 2019 - Mickey and the Bear,  Utopia
 * 2020 - Trail of Justice,  Eagle Ridge Studios
 * 2020 - Two Eyes, Two Eyes Productions
 * 2020 - Backroads of Montana,  Montana PBS
 * 2022 - The Ghost Town Terror,  Travel Channel
 * 2022 - Father Stu,  Sony Pictures Releasing
 * 2022 - 1923 (TV series),  101 Studios, Bosque Ranch Productions & MTV Entertainment Studios
 * TBA - Brown,  Dark Frames
 * TBA - Broke,  Broken Films
 * TBA - Ghosts of Gold Creek,  TBA

Notable people

 * Lucille Ball – actress; lived in Anaconda briefly as a child; she was born in Jamestown, New York.
 * John H. Collins – classical scholar
 * Frank Cope – New York Giants offensive lineman
 * Joseph Paul Cretzer - Bank Robber & Alcatraz Inmate
 * Marcus Daly – founder of Anaconda, and one of the "Copper Kings" of Butte
 * Lester Dragstedt – first surgeon to successfully separate conjoined twins
 * Wayne Estes – college basketball star
 * Bert Glennon – cinematographer and director
 * Raymond Hunthausen – Roman Catholic Archbishop of Seattle
 * Rob Johnson – former Major League Baseball catcher
 * Ed Kalafat – NBA Minneapolis Lakers basketball player
 * Nancy Keenan – politician, NARAL president
 * Hal C. Kern – film editor
 * Angela McLean – Lieutenant Governor of Montana
 * Jesse Laslovich - Montana Attorney & US District Attorney for District of Montana
 * Milan Lazetich – football player for Los Angeles Rams
 * George A. Lingo – politician in the Alaska Territory
 * Jack Morris, S.J. – born in Anaconda, founded and named the Jesuit Volunteer Corps.
 * Casper Oimoen – Olympic ski jumper
 * Bill Ray – Alaska businessman, politician, writer
 * Roger Rouse - Professional Boxer
 * Michael Sells – Islamic studies expert
 * Bridget Sullivan - Lizzie Borden's maid. Lived in Anaconda for the rest of her life until her death.
 * George Leo Thomas – First Roman Catholic Archbishop of Las Vegas.
 * Ralph "Papa" Thorson – bounty hunter, subject of The Hunter starring Steve McQueen
 * Lester Thurow – economist
 * John H. Tolan – U.S. Congressman from California
 * Gene Vuckovich - Montana Senate of 39th District
 * Thomas J. Ward – Medal of Honor recipient in the Civil War

title: Anaconda, Montana


text:
Talk:Charles Moore

Untitled
This is not the place to bash the tories. If you can find somewhere else on the web which calls Moore an arrogant snob, add a link to the appropiate section, and let the readers check it out for them selves. Please do not add POV to encylopdies articles. Iainscott 12:04, 15 Aug 2004 (UTC)

title: Talk:Charles Moore


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Mark Levinson Audio Systems

Mark Levinson is an American high-end audio equipment brand established in 1972 by eponymous founder Mark Levinson, and based in Stamford, Connecticut. It is owned by Harman International Industries, a subsidiary of Samsung Electronics.

History
Mark Levinson Audio Systems Ltd. (MLAS) was founded 1972 in Woodbridge, Connecticut (a suburb of New Haven) by Mark Levinson. Original MLAS products were designed by John Curl (Hence the JC abbreviation to many of the early products) under the supervision of Mark Levinson, with a team of associates. Audio pioneer Dick Burwen, Levinson’s first electronics mentor, helped Levinson start the company with the iconic LNP-2 Preamplifier. Chief engineer Tom Colangelo, who brought visionary audio circuitry to the company, died in a tragic car accident in 2007.

By 1980 MLAS was in serious financial trouble. Levinson then asked Sandy Berlin, a retired executive in the audio industry, to invest in MLAS and to aid in the management of the company, which Berlin did, personally investing $480,000 in the company and persuading several others to invest an additional $300,000. At Berlin's request, Levinson entered into an Employment Agreement with MLAS from December 1980, under which Levinson agreed to convey to MLAS the permanent and exclusive right, title and interest to the trade name "Mark Levinson". He also agreed that, should he leave MLAS' employ, he would not engage in the audio business "anywhere in the world".

In October 1984, three creditors forced MLAS into bankruptcy and Mark Levinson Audio Systems, Ltd. ceased to exist, with Madrigal Audio Labs acquiring "all of [MLAS'] equipment, inventory, parts, finished and semi-finished goods, office furniture, blueprints and trademark and tradename rights including those arising under agreement between Mark Levinson and MLAS. Since 1990, the Mark Levinson brand and trade name have been property of Harman International Industries. Mark Levinson produces audio amplifiers and digital audio processors that have a characteristic black anodized chassis, a design associated with the brand since the beginning. Harman also makes Mark Levinson audio systems as an optional upgrade for Lexus luxury automobiles. Harman's Mark Levinson automotive audio systems are designed in collaboration with sound, electrical, and design engineers who produce Mark Levinson audio electronics.

Certain Lexus models have featured Mark Levinson sound systems as an option since 2001, with prices varying based on the vehicle and its specific components (~US$2,500 for the LS 460, ~US$1,600 for the ES 350, ~US$1,440 for the IS 350, etc.). The first Mark Levinson car 5.1 surround sound system appeared on the Toyota Crown Majesta in 2004. Current US Lexus models available with the Mark Levinson Audio System include: IS 300/350/500, ES300h/350, RC & RC F, NX 350/350h, LC500/500h, LS500/500h, RX350/350h/500h, GX460, and LX600.

Amplifiers

 * ML-2, a Class A Mono Amplifier with 25 Watts output power at 8 Ohms, regulated power supply for output section and modular construction.
 * ML-3, a Class AB Power Amplifier with 2 x 200 Watts output power at 8 Ohms in a dual mono construction.
 * ML-9, a Class AB Power Amplifier with 2 x 100 Watts output power at 8 Ohms.
 * ML-11, a Class AB Power Amplifier with 2 x 50 Watts output power at 8 Ohms.

Preamplifiers

 * LNP-1 Preamplifier, prototype
 * LNP-2 Professional Preamplifier
 * JC-1 Moving Coil Cartridge Preamplifier
 * JC-1AC Moving Coil Cartridge Preamplifier with battery
 * JC-2 Straightline Preamplifier
 * ML-1 Preamplifier
 * ML-6, ML-6A, ML-6B Preamplifier
 * ML-7, ML-7A Preamplifier
 * ML-8 Microphone Preamplifier
 * ML-10, ML-10A Preamplifier
 * ML-12, ML-12A Preamplifier

Design credits

 * LNP-1 and 2, Dick Burwen and Mark Levinson
 * JC-1 and JC-2, John Curl
 * ML-1 and ML-2, John Curl and Thomas Colangelo
 * ML-3 through ML-12A, Thomas Colangelo

Power Supplies

 * PLS-150, for LNP-2 JC-2, ML-1 and LNC-2
 * PLS-151, for LNP-2, ML-1, ML-6 and LNC-2
 * PLS-153L (Japanese version of PLS 151)
 * PLS-154, for, ML-6A and 6B, ML-7 and 7A
 * PLS-124, for ML-12A (the ML-12 preamplifier was powered by two umbilical cables from the ML-11 power amplifier.)

Crossovers

 * LNC-2 Electronic Crossover

Tape Machines

 * ML-5 modified Studer A-80 professional tape recorder with custom electronics

System
This was Levinson’s tri-amped active replay system. Each of the two channels comprising a woofer using a 24” Hartley drive unit, a pair of stacked Quad electrostatic speakers for the midrange and between the two Quad speakers a Decca (Kelly) ribbon tweeter for the treble, the latter modified by having the horn removed. Each speaker was driven by a separate ML-2 amplifier fed by a LNC-2, this in turn being fed by an ML-1 preamp.
 * Mark Levinson HQD System

title: Mark Levinson Audio Systems


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South Region (Cameroon)

The South Region (Région du Sud) is located in the southwestern and south-central portion of the Republic of Cameroon. It is bordered to the east by the East Region, to the north by the Centre Region, to the northwest by the Littoral Region, to the west by the Gulf of Guinea (part of the Atlantic Ocean), and to the south by the countries of Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and Congo. The South occupies 47,720 km2 of territory, making it the fourth largest region in the nation. The major ethnic groups are the various Beti-Pahuin peoples, such as the Ewondo, Fang, and Bulu.

The South Region has a fair amount of industry, its main commerce consisting of logging, timber, mining, and offshore oil drilling. Commercial agriculture is also important in the South, the major cash crops being cocoa and rubber. Cattle rearing and fishing are significant economic components, as well. Much of the population is made up of subsistence farmers.

2008 presidential decree abolishes provinces
In 2008, the President of the Republic of Cameroon, President Paul Biya signed decrees abolishing "Provinces" and replacing them with "Regions". Hence, all of the country's ten provinces are now known as Regions. This was to be the end of South.

Land
The soil of the South is made up primarily of metamorphic rock, particularly gneiss. However, the land is riddled with faults around the border with the Centre Province that arc toward the border with Congo; granite deposits occur along this line. The soil is primarily ferrallitic except for southwestern portions near the border with Equatorial Guinea and moving north to Ebolowa, where it is mixed. Due to high amounts of leaching, the South's red earth is only marginally productive.

Drainage
Several river systems drain the South Region. The northernmost of these is the Nyong, which forms part of the border with the Littoral. The coastal Ocean division is drained by two rivers, the Lokounje to the north and the Lobé to the south. The Ntem, or Campo, rises in the east of the region and flows along or just north of the southern border to the town of Campo. All of these rivers empty into the Atlantic Ocean.

The Dja and Lobo Rivers flow through the easternmost division of the region, splitting south of Bengbis and encompassing the Dja Reserve. These two rivers form part of the Congo River basin.

Relief
The South Region begins at sea level on the coast. The land slowly climbs throughout the Kribi-Douala basin, which averages 300–600 metres in altitude, until it reaches the South Cameroon Plateau with elevations of 500 to 1000 metres above sea level. Rocky promontories on the coast and rolling, tree-covered hills inland characterize the land. The Ntem Massif near Ebolowa is the province's highest point at 1400 metres.

Climate
The climate of the South Region is Type A or Guinea-type climate. Humidity is high, and precipitation averages 1500–2000 mm per year in the interior and 2000–3000 mm per year in the coastal region. The coast from the north of Kribi south to Ebodjé gets as much as 4000 mm of rain per year. Temperatures are relatively high as well, averaging 24˚ C and 26˚ C from Kribi north along the coast.

In lieu of traditional seasons, the Guinea-type climate affords alternating dry and wet periods. The year begins in a long dry season that lasts from December to May. This is followed by a light wet season from May to June and a short dry season from July to October. A heavy wet season begins around October and lasts through November.

Plant and animal life
The South is almost entirely covered in rain forest, the exception being a small tract of mangrove on the coast south of Campo. Much of this land has been intensely exploited for logging, however, allowing sunlight to penetrate to the forest floor and for thick undergrowth to flourish.

Today, the only relatively untouched forest is located in a handful of nature reserves. The Dja Reserve (Réserve du Biosphère du Dja) covers 5,260 km² in the northeastern portion of the province and the south-central portion of the neighbouring East. The Campo Reserve (Réserve du Campo) covers 2,640 km² in the southwest on the border with Equatorial Guinea. Finally, the Mangame Gorilla Sanctuary (Sanctuaire à Gorilles de Mangame) covers 1,224 km² on the Gabon border. In these more virgin areas, the forest is composed of multiple levels. Tall trees about 40 metres high make up the highest stratum. Below these lie smaller, thinner trees with leaves clustered at their tops. The forest bed has very little vegetation as little sunlight penetrates to it.

The southern rain forest supports abundant wildlife, including some of Cameroon's last populations of chimpanzees, gorillas, and elephants. All of these are becoming increasingly rare due to poaching and deforestation. More numerous are the various monkey, bat, and bird species. Other common animals include pangolins, porcupines and other rodents, and genets.

Settlement patterns
Over 324,000 Cameroonians live in the South Province, and the overall population density is about seven inhabitants per square km. The most populous area is the central region south of Cameroon's capital, Yaoundé, in the neighbouring Centre Province and extending south to Ebolowa, west to Kribi, and east to Sangmélima. The rest of the population lives in the villages and towns built around the roads that criss-cross the terrain. In contrast, the vast tracts of jungle that have little or no road access are scarcely populated. The forest area is also plagued by disease-carrying mosquitoes and blackflies that keep settlers away.

Tradition settlements in the Centre are placed along roads, resulting in large numbers of houses near the road with forest beginning directly behind them. The traditional house is a rectangular structure made of mud bricks and thin, wooden or bamboo posts. Roofs were mostly thatched raffia palm in the past, but they are more often made of corrugated aluminium, iron, or tin today.

People
The majority of the inhabitants of the South are members of various Bantu tribes that are collectively known as the Beti-Pahuin (Béti-Pahouin), the Fang-Beti, or simply the Fang. All of these groups speak various dialects of the Beti language. In addition, most inhabitants of the more populated areas can also speak French.

Beti-Pahuin
The Beti portion of the group is primarily situated in the Centre Province, but large numbers of Ewondo and Bane inhabit the Ntem and the Dja and Lobo divisions of the South.

The Fang group lives close to the province's southern borders. The Fang proper are inland on the border with Equatorial Guinea and near Djoum. The Ntumu inhabit the area around Ambam, also on the southern border. The Mvang (or Mvae) occupy the regions directly east and west of the Ntumu. These tribal groups have many more members in Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and the Congo.

The Bulu form the third group with about a third of the total Beti-Pahuin population. They are further broken down into the Bulu proper, who inhabit the rich cocoa producing area from Kribi to Ebolowa and east through Sangmélima and Djoum. Inland from Kribi live the Pahuin proper, centered on the villages of Bivouba and Fifinda. The Zaman occupy the valley of the Dja River.

Other tribes
Several non-Pahuin tribes also inhabit parts of the South. Several related peoples who speak Makaa–Njem languages live inland a short ways. One of these is the Mabi, who live inland of this around Eboundja. The Ngumba (Numba) tribe inhabits portions of the interior around Bandévouri to Lolodorf. The Mabea (Maboa), also have pockets or territory. Non-Makaa–Njem-speaking groups include the Batanga, who occupy the coastal region from Kribi to Grand Batanga. The Bakolo (Bakolle) are a coastal people north of Kribi, and the Bakola live inland from the border with Equatorial Guinea to Ngumba territory. Most of these tribes have their own distinct languages.

The South is also home to some of Cameroon's oldest continuous inhabitants, pygmies of the Baka (Babinga, Bibaya) and Beye'ele tribes. These hunter-gatherers roam the forests of the region, particularly the area at the center and southeast of the province from Ebolowa to Ambam and Djoum with the Lala on the coast near Lolodorf, Bipindi, and Kribi. These pygmy groups are becoming increasingly sedentary, however, taking up lifestyles very similar to their Beti-Pahuin and Makaa–Njem-speaking neighbours and intermarrying with them.

Religion
Presbyterian and Roman Catholic missionaries converted most of the peoples of the region by 1939. Traditional beliefs are still strong, however, and large numbers of people still adhere to various animist beliefs, often in tandem with Christian beliefs. In some areas, such as the village of Mbéle, animists still greatly outnumber Christians.

Economy
The South is one of Cameroon's most economically robust areas due to its numerous plantations and the tourism generated by its scenic beaches. The area's economic stronghold, however, is the port of Kribi, which services the Gulf of Guinea. Campo, near the border with Equatorial Guinea, is another important port.

Sustenance farming
The majority of farming in the South Province is done on the sustenance level. Plantains are the major crop grown, with cocoyams being common north of Ebolowa. Maize, groundnuts, manioc, yams, beans, and other foodstuffs are raised in more modest quantities.

Traditional farms are placed in forest plots that are cleared with basic tools such as axes, hoes, and machetes. This is done during the dry season, and the resulting brush is then burned, with care taken to preserve any fruit trees. Planting occurs at the start of the wet season. Vegetables and spices are grown close to the house, while tubers such as cassava, cocoyams, and yams are planted with plantains in larger fields further into the forest. Plots are fertilised with farmyard manure. Farmers harvest at the beginning of the next dry season.

These slash and burn methods provide high yields the first year or two, but they eventually drain the soil of fertility. This necessitates the clearing of more farmland every few years, as this exhausted land can remain infertile for up to ten years. This presents little problem in the South's more underpopulated areas, but can pose difficulties in areas of higher population density.

Plantation farming
The South's equatorial climate makes it suitable for large plantations, as well. Cocoa is the major cash crop for the entire region, with 80% of the arable land of Dja and Lobo division and Ocean division dedicated to raising it. Major cocoa collection facilities are located in Ebolowa. Rubber is another important crop, and a major operation is located at Njété, about 20 km inland from Kribi. Palm oil is harvested near Campo.

Other food sources
The South is also home to various animal husbandry operations. Poultry farms operate in the towns of Ebolowa and Sangmélima. Modest cattle rearing takes place inland from Kribi, as well, though the area's thick forests and the presence of the tsetse fly prevents larger-scale operations. Kribi is also the base for various commercial fishing interests that operate along the province's coast.

Rural inhabitants of the South also practice hunting and gathering. Hunters traditionally utilise basic tools such as spears, bows and arrows, knives, and traps. In modern times, guns are increasingly used as well. This latter development has led to a great depopulation of many animal species, especially as demand has risen in urban centers such as Yaoundé for bushmeat from the region.

Industry
With ocean access and vast tracts of forest, the South is home to a good deal of industry. Timber is a substantial part of the region's economy, and various logging companies have operations in the area. However, because the largest trees within the South itself have mostly been harvested, the region is increasingly being used as a transport network for logging vehicles from Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and the Congo on their way to the ports of Kribi and Douala. Kribi is also the site of sawmills, and a palm oil mill operates in Lobé. Ebolowa was in past years an important ivory-working center, but government regulations and the scarcity of elephants in modern times have dampened this part of the economy. Much of the South's electricity is produced in hydroelectric power stations on the Ntem and Ma'an rivers.

The South also has a fair amount of mineral wealth. Iron ore is mined near Campo and Kribi. Natural gas is found offshore of Campo, and a Kribi-based plant has been processing this since the 1980s. Perhaps the region's most lucrative resource is oil. This, too, is found off the coast of Campo. But more importantly, the South Province is located at the terminus of the Chad-Cameroon oil pipeline, which was completed in June 2004. The pipe's mouth is located just south of Kribi, a fact that promises to bring in high revenues for both Cameroon and the province.

Transportation
For a region so heavily forested, the South has a fairly developed transportation network. Four main roads service the greater area of the region. The first of these, National Road 2, runs from Yaoundé to Ambam and then to the border with Gabon and Equatorial Guinea. National Road 7 is located completely in the South, travelling along the coast from Kribi to Campo. National Road 9 comes south from Yaoundé via Mbalmayo and then to Sangmélima, Djoum, and Mintom. Finally, National Road 17 begins at Sangmélima and goes to Megong before crossing the border to Gabon. Other major roads cover the stretches between Mbalmayo and Ebolowa and between Kribi and Edéa in the Littoral Province. Of these, the route from Edéa to Kribi and from Ebolowa and Sangmélima to Yaoundé are paved. All other roads in the province are dirt, and thus subject to weather conditions.

The South is also accessible via sea and air. The major seaports are Kribi and Campo, though Kribi is busier. Kribi is also the site of the regional airport. There are also airstrips at Ambam, Campo, Ebolowa, and Sangmélima.

Tourism
The South sees a good number of tourists due largely to its long, white-sand beaches. These run along the entire coastline, though the easiest to reach are at Kribi and Lobé. Kribi is the most popular destination due to its accessibility from Douala and Yaoundé via paved roads. It is also the largest beachfront town in the South, and it has an active nightlife and several large hotels. Undertow is a significant problem, however, and several bathers drown on Kribi's beaches each year, a fact the locals personify as the siren-like "Mami Water". The undertow at Campo is less dangerous, though the difficult road to reach that town keeps most holiday-seekers away.

Lobé, only a few kilometres south of Kribi, is another popular spot with tourists due to its even more isolated beaches and the picturesque Lobé Falls (chutes de Lobé), found where the Lobé River empties into the Atlantic. Local artists and vendors frequent the area around the falls, as do drivers offering to take passengers to Kribi or 65 km further south to see the Lala Pygmy village Elogbatindi,.

In addition, the Cameroonian government is working with various non-governmental organisations to develop ecotourism in the South. These efforts are largely concentrated on the area's two major parks, the Dja and Campo Reserves, both of which are bases for various gorilla habituation projects. The Netherlands Development Organisation runs another project that takes travellers to the Campo Reserve and then to traditional homes in Ebodjé, a village 25 km north.

Administration and social conditions
With the opening of the Chad-Cameroon pipeline in 2003, the population of the South Region only promises to grow as more industry moves to the area, particularly the coast, making the South an important target for Cameroonian politicians.

President Paul Biya, himself a Bulu from a village near Sangmélima, enjoys widespread support in the South due to its place as the heart of Bululand. However, Biya has often been accused of showing favouritism toward members of the Bulu and closely related Beti groups, and a disproportionate number of Bulu and Beti today work in the civil service, in government posts, or in state-owned businesses. On the other hand, Biya has repeatedly shown intolerance of any opposition from his Bulu-Beti base. In 1996, for example, South Region native and Biya aide Titus Edzoa announced his candidacy for the presidency and was arrested on embezzlement charges, apparently at Biya's urging.

Government

The capital of the region is Ebolowa, where the presidentially appointed governor has his offices. The region is further divided into four departments (départements), also called divisions, each under the supervision of a presidentially appointed prefect (préfet) or senior divisional officer.

The Océan department is the farthest west, located on the coast and administered from Kribi. Bordering this are the Vallée-du-Ntem (Ntem-Valley) department, governed from Ambam, and the Mvila department, headed from Ebolowa. Farthest east is the Dja-et-Lobo (Dja and Lobo) department, with Sangmélima its capital.

The Beti-Pahuin and other ethnic groups in the South have little traditional political organisational structure. Instead, groups of families are loosely organised into clans under a single patriarch. During the French colonial period, the Bulu formed a tribal union of their various clans. Today, these elders hold little actual power, and most such positions are merely honorary.

Education
There are 972 schools in the territory. Most of these are located in the area's larger towns and villages. Attendance numbers diminish as one moves into the area's frontiers, particularly the vast, forested areas south of Ebolowa and Sangmélima. Here, students are expected to walk long distances to attend school each day, or else to stay with relatives or alone in towns where schools are located. This problem is not as pronounced at the level of primary school, as these tend to be more widely distributed even in the remoter areas. Nevertheless, all schools in the region tend to be overcrowded.

Health
Poor sanitation is perhaps the South Region's greatest health hazard. Many villages have no access to running water, and even areas that do have it must contend with outbreaks of amoebic dysentery, bacterial dysentery, brucellosis, giardia, hepatitis A, and schistosomiasis. In 2004, the relatively developed town of Kribi suffered a major cholera epidemic.

As it is almost entirely forested, the South supports many disease-carrying organisms. Malaria-bearing mosquitoes are one such pest, and the disease is a major health hazard in the region. Other parasitic diseases found in the South include dengue fever, falariasis, tuberculosis, and typhoid fever.

Hospitals and clinics are fairly widespread, but they are mostly located in larger towns and cities. Traditional medicine is thus still the major source of treatment for many of the South's citizens, particularly those in more remote locations. Witchcraft is still blamed for many maladies, including HIV and AIDS in many cases.

Early population movements
Archaeological finds in the areas of Kribi and Lobé attest to human presence in the territory of the South Province since prehistory. Of the area's current inhabitants, the earliest to arrive were the Pygmies, who moved in from further south and east in ancient times and lived for centuries as hunter-gatherers in the forests. The Batanga arrived and settled the coastal areas in the 18th century.

The Beti-Pahuin Bantu groups entered the area in the 19th century from the northeast, south of the Sanaga River. They were under pressure from the migrating Vute, Mbum, Babouti, and Gbaya, who were themselves fleeing the Fulbe (Fula). The Beti-Pahuin were more militarily advanced than the natives they encountered, and they easily subdued and assimilated these peoples or else pushed them away, as with the Ngumba and Mabea, descendants of the Maka and Njem, who had traveled southwest toward the coast when the Beti-Pahuin had first encountered them a century earlier north of the Lom River. The Beti-Pahuin may have practiced cannibalism at this time, as well.

Once across the Sanaga, in present-day East and Centre Provinces, the various tribal groups settled individually in family groups, or clans. The Ntumu, Fang, and Mvae moved toward the Dja valley and into present-day Gabon while the Bulu travelled west along the Nyong to their present territory. The Beti formed the final wave.

European contacts
Europeans knew the entire western coast of the present-day South Province since Portuguese ships first explored it in 1472. The Portuguese set up trade with the natives, collecting particularly pepper, ivory, kola nuts, and slaves. Other Europeans followed the Portuguese, and the Dutch became the most active by the 17th century. Minor trading centers emerged, including Kribi and Campo. Trade was carried out on the Europeans' ships, allowing the coastal tribes to set themselves up as go-betweens, finding slaves from the interior and distributing goods obtained from the Europeans. In fact, the Beti-Pahuin migration was still taking place during this time, allowing the Bulu to set themselves in such a position.

The British supplanted the Dutch as the pre-eminent traders in the region by the 19th century. This was also the period of abolition, and the British sent elements of the Royal Navy in 1827 to the Cameroonian coast to prevent further slave trading. Merchants were instead encouraged to trade in items such as ivory, rubber, and palm kernels. Under the British, trade was conducted on land, and Europeans quickly set up bases along the coast. For example, a trading post was opened in Grand Batanga in 1828 to service the lower Cameroonian coastline. Slaves continued to be traded clandestinely.

German administration
Germany annexed the Cameroons in 1884, and for the first few years, they were only interested in the coastal area. Explorers under Governor Julius Von Soden were the first to penetrate into the southern interior when they pushed in to Beti lands in 1887. Eugen Von Zimmerer followed as colonial governor with an aggressive push to build plantations, particularly to grow cocoa. Much of the road infrastructure of the province dates from Von Zimmerer's time, since the Germans needed a means of travelling along the coast and from plantation to plantation. It was largely the native population who was forced to build these improvements.

As the Germans consolidated their power and conscripted workers, they faced resistance from the indigenous peoples. Of Cameroon's southern groups, the Bulu revolted first in 1891 in protest over their loss to the Germans of their lucrative trade position. Von Zimmerer's army finally suppressed the rebellion in 1895. That same year, the Ewondo rose up until the colonials were able to suppress them in 1896. Germany also replaced native chiefs with more sympathetic ones when they deemed it necessary.

Jesko Von Pultkamer became governor of German Kamerun in 1895. He accelerated the creation of plantations through the southern forest zone, which created more need for conscripted native labourers. In 1907, the Ewondo rebelled once more, but the Germans again suppressed them.

French administration
In 1916, France gained control of most of Germany's Cameroonian territory at the end of World War I. Under French administration, the present South Province fell into the Kribi-Lolodorf-Campo district, governed from Kribi, and the Ebolowa-Akoafim district, governed from Ebolowa.

The French maintained the various German-founded plantations and started new ones, including coffee plantations at Ebolowa, palm plantations at Kribi, and groundnut fields at Batoke. They also continued Germany's policy of propping up puppet chiefs of the various native peoples. The French greatly expanded the road network through the region and improved the port at Kribi, albeit still with native forced labour.

Post-independence
Upon Cameroon's independence in 1960, the present-day Centre and South Provinces were one territory called the Centre-South. In 1982, Paul Biya became the second president of Cameroon. One of his first moves was to separate the Centre-South into the modern Centre and South Provinces in August, 1983.

Geology
The West African coast has several structural basins, along with counterparts along the South American margin, which formed during the Late Jurassic to Albian-Cenomanian rifting associated with the breakup of Gondwanaland. During rifting, fluvial and marine clastic rocks plus evaporites were deposited. The Sanaga Sud Field, located in the Douala Basin, was discovered with the Sanaga Sud A-1 well in 1979, and produces from Lower Cretaceous shales and sands overlain by Upper Cretaceous shales. The gas-water contact shows up as a seismic amplitude event. .

Towns and settlements

 * Oveng

title: South Region (Cameroon)


text:
Leadwood

Leadwood may refer to:

 * Ceratostigma, a genus of flowering plants native to Africa and Asia
 * Combretum imberbe, an African tree
 * Krugiodendron ferreum, a species of tree found in the Americas
 * Leadwood, Missouri, U.S.

title: Leadwood