text:
Talk:Thornton-Donovan School

Untitled
From VfD:

Non-notable private school. Producing a couple of famous people isn't notable; my school has some famous alums. - Kenwarren 01:36, Jul 23, 2004 (UTC)
 * Comment. None of the "prominent alumni" are notable enough to have Wikipedia articles. OTOH, the article is considerably richer in history and detail than many of the school articles we get. It would be a decent article if only the school were notable, but I'm not yet convinced it is. Dpbsmith 02:07, 23 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete: It's well written, but the foundation story is common to a number of Northeastern US private schools. If it is rewritten by the end of VfD voting to indicate notability, I will change my vote.  At present, it does not meet the bar. Geogre 13:38, 23 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. Interesting article. Interesting facts. Arevich 18:53, 23 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * The WWI Fighter Ace and the Yachtsman probably at least deserve mention in lists of "WWI Aces" and "Winners of the Americas Cup" however, unless they learned piloting and yachting at the Donovan School, non-notable. Delete.--Samuel J. Howard 21:09, Jul 23, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Non-notable.  Bacchiad 21:47, 23 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep, but mark this as a stub. More information would be good! - Ta bu shi da yu 10:13, 28 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. I see no reason for deletion. What requirements does it not meet? Nach0King

end moved discussion

My school
I'll be hopefully adding some more useful information. The school is quite interesting, considering how small it is (~13 students per grade).

Fair use rationale for Image:Tdlogo.jpg
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BetacommandBot (talk) 06:18, 24 January 2008 (UTC)

Is the Travelogue necessary?
Couldn't the travelogue info be condensed or removed? Perhaps it is important to note travel as "Thematic Education", but the details are not necessary. Skopelos-Slim (talk) 06:41, 26 February 2010 (UTC)

Progressive School?
It is my understanding that this is one of a relatively small number of progressive schools in the US, and if that is accurate it seems that it would be good to include that information, as well as some details about the school's educational philosophy. (Syndicalista (talk) 17:35, 24 August 2010 (UTC))

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

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title: Talk:Thornton-Donovan School


text:
Aerts

The Aerts (also spelled Aarts) was a Dutch automobile manufactured in 1899; a small number of cars are known to have been built at Dongen, but little else seems to be known about the marque.

The manufacturer also advertised as "Neerlandia, the first Dutch car", although "Groninger" and Eysink were earlier.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Aerts


text:
Cascais

Cascais is a town and municipality in the Lisbon District of Portugal, located on the Portuguese Riviera. The municipality has a total of 214,158 inhabitants in an area of 97.40 km2. Cascais is an important tourist destination. Its marina hosts events such as the America's Cup and the town of Estoril, part of the Cascais municipality, hosts conferences such as the Horasis Global Meeting.

Cascais's history as a popular seaside resort originated in the 1870s, when King Luís I of Portugal and the Portuguese royal family made the seaside town their residence every September, thus also attracting members of the Portuguese nobility, who established a summer community there. Cascais is known for the many members of royalty who have lived there, including King Edward VIII of the United Kingdom, when he was the Duke of Windsor, King Juan Carlos I of Spain, and King Umberto II of Italy. Exiled Cuban president Fulgencio Batista was also once a resident of the municipality. The Casino Estoril inspired Ian Fleming's first James Bond novel, Casino Royale.

The municipality is one of the wealthiest in both Portugal and the Iberian Peninsula. It has one of the most expensive real estate markets and one of the highest costs of living in the country,   and is consistently ranked highly for its quality of life.

History
Human settlement of the territory today known as Cascais dates to the late Paleolithic, as indicated by remnants encountered in the north of Talaíde, in Alto do Cabecinho (Tires) and south of Moinhos do Cabreiro. It was during the Neolithic that permanent settlements were established in the region, their inhabitants utilizing the natural grottoes (such as the Caves of Poço Velho in Cascais) and artificial shelters (like those in Alapraia or São Pedro) to deposit their dead. The bodies were buried along with offerings, a practice that continued to the Chalcolithic.

Roman interventions in the area occurred with the settlement of the villae of Freiria (today São Domingos de Rana) and Casais Velhos (Charneca), evidence for which includes a group of ten tanks discovered along the Rua Marques Leal Pancada in Cascais, which was the location of a salting factory for fish. Roman dominion over the territory also influenced place names in the region, as was the case with the word "Caparide" (from the Latin capparis, meaning "caper"), as well as several inscriptions associated with funerary graves.

The Visigoths also left their mark especially on the Visigothic Cemetery of Alcoitão, as well as in the late-Roman and medieval necropolis of Talaíde.

Similarly, Muslim settlers in the region left their mark on local place names, including "Alcoitão" and "Alcabideche", where the romantic poet Ibn Muqana al-Qabdaqi, who wrote of the region's agriculture and windmills, was born at the beginning of the 11th century. The discovery of several corpses in 1987 at Arneiro, in Carcavelos, led to the identification of fifteen burials that, due to their characteristics, made it possible to verify that the individuals buried there were of Berber origin.

The development of Cascais began in earnest in the 12th century, when it was administratively subordinate to the town of Sintra, located to the north. In its humble beginnings, Cascais depended on the products of the sea and land, but by the 13th century its fish production was also supplying the nearby city of Lisbon. The toponym "Cascais" appears to derive from this period, a plural derivation of cascal (monte de cascas) which signified a "mountain of shells", referring to the abundant volume of marine mollusks harvested from the coastal waters. During the 14th century, the population spread outside the walls of its fortress castle.

The settlement's prosperity led to its administrative independence from Sintra in 1364. On 7 June 1364, the people of Cascais obtained from King Peter I the elevation of the village to the status of town, necessitating the appointment of local judges and administrators. The townspeople were consequently obligated to pay the Crown 200 pounds of gold annually, as well as bearing the expense of paying the local administrators' salaries. Owing to the regions' wealth, these obligations were easily satisfied. The town and the surrounding lands were owned by a succession of feudal lords, the most famous of whom was João das Regras (died 1404), a lawyer and professor of the University of Lisbon who was involved in the ascension of King John I to power as the first King of the House of Aviz.

The castle of Cascais was likely constructed during this period, since by 1370, King Ferdinand had donated the castle and Cascais to Gomes Lourenço de Avelar to hold as a seigneurial fiefdom. These privileges were then passed on to his successors, among them João das Regras and the Counts of Monsanto, and later the Marquess of Cascais. Meanwhile, despite its conquest and sack by Castilian forces in 1373, and blockade of the port in 1382 and 1384, Cascais continued to grow beyond its walls. By the end of the 14th century this resulted in the creation of the parishes of Santa Maria de Cascais, São Vicente de Alcabideche and São Domingos de Rana.

From the Middle Ages onward, Cascais depended on fishing, maritime commerce (it was a stop for ships sailing to Lisbon), and agriculture, producing wine, olive oil, cereals, and fruits. Due to its location at the mouth of the Tagus estuary, it was also seen as a strategic post in the defence of Lisbon. Around 1488, King John II built a small fortress in the town, situated by the sea. On 15 November 1514, Manuel I conceded a foral (charter) to Cascais, instituting the region's municipal authority. It was followed on 11 June 1551 by a license from King John III to institutionalise the Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Cascais. The Mother Church of Cascais, the Church of Nossa Senhora da Assunção, dates back to the early 16th century. The town's medieval fortress was inadequate to repel invasions, and in 1580 Spanish troops led by the Duque of Alba took the village during the conflict that led to the union of the Portuguese and Spanish crowns. The fortress was enlarged towards the end of the 16th century by King Philip I (Philip II of Spain), turning it into a typical Renaissance citadel with the characteristic flat profile and star-shaped floorplan. Following the Portuguese restoration in 1640, a dozen bulwarks and redoubts were constructed under the direction of the Count of Cantanhede, who oversaw the defences of the Tagus estuary, the gateway to the city of Lisbon. Of these structures, the citadel of Cascais, which was constructed alongside the fortress of Our Lady of Light, considerably reinforced the strategic defences of the coast.

In 1755, the great Lisbon earthquake destroyed a large portion of the city. Around 1774, the Marquis of Pombal, prime-minister of King José I, took protective measures for the commercialisation of the wine of Carcavelos and established the Royal Factory of Wool in the village, which existed until the early 19th century. During the invasion of Portugal by Napoleonic troops in 1807, the citadel of Cascais was occupied by the French, with General Junot staying some time in the village.

In 1862, the Visconde da Luz built a summer house in Cascais. He and a group of friends also organized the construction of a road from Cascais to Oeiras, effectively linking Cascais to Lisbon, and also promoted other improvements to the town. As a result of these improvement, King Luís I decided to make Cascais into his summer residence and, from 1870 to 1908, the Portuguese royal family from the House of Braganza-Saxe-Coburg and Gotha spent part of the summer in Cascais to enjoy the sea, turning the quiet fishing village into a cosmopolitan address. Thanks to King Luís, the citadel was equipped with the country's first electric lights in 1878. Cascais also benefited from the construction of a better road to Sintra, a bullfight ring, a sports club, and improvements to basic infrastructure for the population. Many noble families built impressive mansions in an eclectic style commonly referred to as summer architecture, many of which are still to be seen in the town centre and environs. The first railway arrived in 1889. Another important step in the development of the area was made in the first half of the 20th century with the building of a casino and infrastructure in neighbouring Estoril.

In 1882 Cascais installed one of the first tide gauges in Europe in order to assist with navigation into the port of Lisbon. In 1896, King Carlos I, a lover of all maritime activities, installed in the citadel the first oceanographic laboratory in Portugal. The King himself led a total of 12 scientific expeditions to the coast; these ended in 1908 after his assassination in Lisbon.

Due to Portugal's neutrality in World War II and the town's elegance and royal past, Cascais became home to many of the exiled royal families of Europe, including those of Spain (House of Bourbon), Italy (House of Savoy), Hungary and Bulgaria. Their stories are told at the Exiles Memorial Centre.

Nowadays, Cascais and its surroundings are a popular vacation spot for the Portuguese as well as for the international jet set and regular foreign tourists, all of them drawn by its fine beaches. The town hosts many international events, including sailing and surfing. In 2018 it was the European Youth Capital.

Geography
Cascais is situated on the western edge of the Tagus estuary, between the Sintra mountains and the Atlantic Ocean; the territory occupied by the municipality is limited in the north by the municipality of Sintra, south and west by the ocean, and east by the municipality of Oeiras.

Administratively, the municipality is divided into 4 civil parishes (freguesias), with municipal authority vested in the Câmara Municipal of Cascais:
 * Alcabideche
 * Carcavelos e Parede
 * Cascais e Estoril
 * São Domingos de Rana

Cascais' coastline is home to 17 beaches. These are: • Praia das Avencas

• Praia da Azarujinha

• Praia da Bafureira

• Praia da Conceição

• Praia da Cresmina

• Praia da Duquesa

• Praia da Parede

• Praia da Poça

• Praia da Rainha

• Praia da Ribeira de Cascais

• Praia das Moitas

• Praia de Carcavelos

• Praia de S. Pedro do Estoril

• Praia de Santa Marta

• Praia do Abano

• Praia do Tamariz

• Praia do Guincho

Guincho Beach and Carcavelos Beach are especially well known as good surf spots. Close to Praia do Guincho is the Cresmina Dune, which is an unstable dune system due to the constant drifting of sand particles caused by strong winds.

Climate
Cascais has a Mediterranean climate (Köppen: Csb) with mild, wet winters and warm, dry summers. Moderated by the Atlantic and the typical urban heat island of a city, temperatures in Cascais rarely get below 5 C or above 30 C.

Economy
Cascais is easily reached from Lisbon by car on the A5 Lisbon-Cascais highway, or alternatively on the scenic "marginal" road, as well as by frequent inexpensive commuter trains. Taxis are also a common and inexpensive mode of transport in the area. The city has the ruins of a castle, an art museum and an ocean museum, as well as parks and the cobbled streets of the historic centre. The town has many hotels and tourist apartments as well as many good restaurants of varying cost. It is a fine base to use for those visiting Lisbon and its environs who prefer to stay outside of the city.

Cascais ranks 9th in population density and 6th in percentage of population employed among Portuguese municipalities.

Cascais is surrounded by popular beaches. Guincho Beach to the northwest is primarily a surfing, windsurfing, and kitesurfing beach because of the prevailing winds and sea swells, while the calm waters of the beaches to the east attract sunbathers. The lush Sintra mountains to the north are a further attraction. The shoreline to the west has cliffs, attracting tourists who come for the panoramic views of the sea and other natural sights such as the Boca do Inferno. It is also becoming a popular golf destination, with over 10 golf courses nearby.

A large marina with 650 berths was opened in 1999 and has since held many sailing events. It was the official host of the 2007 ISAF Sailing World Championships for dinghies and racing yachts. The municipality also hosts international tennis and motorcycling events and for many years hosted the FIA F1 Portugal Grand Prix at the Estoril race track. The Estoril Casino is one of the largest in Europe. Near the casino is the "Hotel Palácio" (Palace Hotel), where scenes of the James Bond movie On Her Majesty's Secret Service were shot.

In 2017 the municipality started charging a small tourist tax, as the city had become one of the most visited destinations in Portugal. It is estimated that around 1.2 million tourists stay in the city's hotels each year (2016).

The Cascais Aerodrome in Tires (São Domingos de Rana) serves general aviation and also offers domestic scheduled flights by Aero VIP.

Education
The Carcavelos community houses the Saint Julian's School, a British international school.

The Estoril community hosts a kindergarten and elementary school campus of the German School of Lisbon.

Outeiro de Polima, São Domingos de Rana, in Cascais, houses Saint Dominic's International School.

Culture
The Gil Vicente theatre dates back to 1869. In its early years it was frequently attended by Portugal's royal family. The Cascais Experimental Theatre was established in 1965 and has presented more than a hundred shows since then. Over the years Cascais has developed several art galleries and museums. These are concentrated in a relatively small area of the town, mainly in parkland. Combined, they are known as The Museum Quarter. Several occupy large buildings that were formerly private residences and were subsequently taken over and restored by the Municipality. Entrance is either free or for a small fee (usually not more than €4). The galleries and museums are:

Art galleries Museums
 * Casa das Histórias Paula Rego. This is a relatively modern museum devoted to the paintings of Paula Rego and her husband Victor Willing.
 * Cascais Cultural Centre. Located on the site of the former convent of Our Lady of Mercy, this colourful building houses rotating exhibitions and also has a small concert hall.
 * Casa Duarte Pinto Coelho. The former guardhouse of the Condes de Castro Guimarães Palace, this building houses the Duarte Pinto Coelho art collection.
 * Cidadela Arts Centre. This occupies a small part of the Citadel of Cascais and offers space for artists to display and sell their work.
 * The Exiles Memorial Centre is located on the first floor of the iconic modernist building that houses the Estoril post office. It is a history museum which focuses on the lives of the refugees, exiles, and notables who came through Portugal and Cascais during the Second World War.
 * The Cascais Citadel Palace Museum is situated inside the grounds of the Citadel. It was used as the summer residence of the royal family from 1870 until 1908, and was subsequently used as one of the official residences of Portuguese presidents. After extensive restoration it was opened as a museum in 2011, with an emphasis on the role of Portuguese presidents.
 * Condes de Castro Guimarães Museum. This was built as an aristocrat's summer residence and became a museum in 1931. The building follows an eclectic architectural style, while the museum includes paintings, furniture, porcelain, jewellery and a neo-Gothic organ.
 * Casa de Santa Maria. This was built for the same person as the building housing the Condes de Castro Guimarães Museum. Both are built on the banks of a small sea cove. It was acquired by the Cascais Municipality in October 2004 and is interesting mainly for the design and the wall tiles.
 * Lighthouse museum. This is built into the Santa Marta Lighthouse, next to the Casa de Santa Maria. Examples of lighthouse lens and other technology can be seen and at certain times the lighthouse can be climbed.
 * Casa Sommer is a distinguished private residence converted into a historical museum. It also houses the Municipal Archives. It is the newest museum in the Quarter, having been opened in 2016.
 * King D. Carlos Sea Museum was inaugurated in 1992. It has a variety of exhibitions reflecting the origins of Cascais as a fishing village.
 * Town museum (Museu da Vila). Provides an introduction to the history of the town.

International relations
Cascais is twinned with:

 * 🇫🇷 Biarritz, France, since 1986
 * 🇧🇷 Vitória, Brazil, since 1986
 * 🇸🇹 Santana, São Tomé and Príncipe, since 1986
 * 🇯🇵 Atami, Japan, since 1990
 * 🇨🇳 Wuxi, China, since 1993
 * 🇨🇻 Sal, Cape Verde, since 1993
 * 🇵🇸 Gaza City, Palestine, since 2000
 * 🇧🇷 Guarujá, Brazil, since 2000
 * 🇲🇿 Xai-Xai, Mozambique, since 2000
 * 🇺🇸 Sausalito, United States, since 2012
 * 🇲🇩 Ungheni, Moldova, since 2012
 * 🇧🇷 Campinas, Brazil, since 2012
 * 🇷🇴 Sinaia, Romania, since 2018
 * Pampilhosa da Serra, Portugal, since 2018
 * 🇺🇦 Bucha, Ukraine, since 2022

Notable residents

 * Joaquim António Velez Barreiros (1802–1865). As the Visconde da Luz, is celebrated in Cascais with two streets and a park named after him
 * José de Freitas Ribeiro (1868–1929) Portuguese Navy officer, Governor-General of Mozambique, 1910-1911 and Governor-General of Portuguese India, 1917-1919
 * Ricardo Espírito Santo (1900-1955) a banker, economist, patron of the arts, international athlete & friend of António de Oliveira Salazar and President of Banco Espírito Santo
 * António da Mota Veiga (1915–2005) a politician and former Minister and law professor
 * Nadir Afonso (1920 - 2013 in Cascais), a geometric abstractionist painter, notable for his City Series artwork
 * John Tojeiro (1923–2005) known at Toj, an engineer and racing car designer
 * Francisco Pinto Balsemão (born 1937) a former Prime Minister of Portugal, 1981-1983
 * José Luis Encarnação (born 1941) a computer scientist and senior academic in Germany
 * Pedro Cardoso (born 1962), Brazilian actor, writer and comedian
 * Manuela Carneiro da Cunha (born 1943) a Portuguese-Brazilian anthropologist, studies indigenous people in Brazil.
 * Ricardo Salgado (born 1944) an economist and banker, president of Banco Espírito Santo
 * Julião Sarmento (1948–2021) a multimedia artist and painter; lived and worked in Estoril
 * Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa (born 1948), a Portuguese politician, former Minister, law professor, former journalist, political analyst and current President of Portugal since 2016
 * Manuel Botelho (born 1950) a Portuguese artist who lives and works in Estoril
 * Ana Gomes (born 1954) a Portuguese former diplomat and politician
 * Isabel Jonet (born 1960) president of the Portuguese Federation of Food Banks
 * Aure Atika (born 1970) a French actress, writer and director.
 * Chabeli Iglesias (born 1971) a Spanish journalist and socialite, daughter of Julio Iglesias
 * Luana Piovani (born 1976), a Brazilian actress and former model.
 * Diogo Machado (born 1980) known as Add Fuel, a Portuguese visual artist and illustrator
 * Ricardo Baptista Leite (born 1980) a doctor, academic, politician and author
 * Daniela Ruah (born 1983, Boston, Massachusetts), a Portuguese-American actress, brought up in Portugal, currently starring in the TV series NCIS: Los Angeles.
 * Vera Kolodzig (born 1985) a Portuguese actress, brought up in Cascais.
 * Ana Gomes Ferreira (born 1987) known as Ana Free, singer/songwriter made popular by YouTube
 * Mariana Bandhold (born 1995) a Portuguese-American singer, actress, and songwriter.

Sport

 * Nuno Durão (born 1962) a Portuguese rugby union footballer and coach with 44 caps for Portugal
 * Fernando Gonçalves (born 1967) a former footballer with 43 goals
 * Paulo Ferreira (born 1979) a former footballer with 306 club caps and 62 for Portugal
 * Duarte Félix da Costa (born 1985) racing car driver
 * António Félix da Costa (born 1991) racing car driver a former Red Bull test driver and the 2020 Formula E Champion
 * Fernando Varela (born 1987) a footballer with over 350 club caps and 49 for Cape Verde
 * Frederico Morais (born 1992) a surfer in the World Surf League
 * Teresa Bonvalot (born 1999) a surfer in the World Surf League the 2016 and 2017 European Junior Champion and 2021-22 WSL Qualifying Series European Champion

Royalty

 * King Luís I of Portugal (1838 – 1889 in Cascais) a member of the ruling House of Braganza and King of Portugal from 1861 to 1889.
 * King Carol II of Romania (1893–1953) and Miklós Horthy (1868–1957), Regent of the Kingdom of Hungary, both lived and died in Estoril, in Cascais.
 * Edward, Duke of Windsor (1894–1972) formerly Edward VIII during his brief reign as British King and his wife Wallis, Duchess of Windsor (1896–1986), stayed in Cascais in July 1940 waiting for a ship to the Bahamas.
 * King Umberto II of Italy (1904–1983) the last Italian monarch until a referendum ended the Italian monarchy in 1946. He lived the rest of his life at Cascais.
 * Prince Juan of Spain, Count of Barcelona (1913–1993), (son of the King Alfonso XIII of Spain and Princess Victoria Eugenie of Battenberg), the designated heir to the Spanish throne, also lived in the municipality of Cascais with his family. Prince Juan's son, future King Juan Carlos I of Spain (born 1938) lived his childhood in exile in Estoril, while his youngest brother Prince Alfonso of Bourbon (1941–1956) died there and was originally buried in Cascais.
 * Luisa Isabel Álvarez de Toledo, 21st Duchess of Medina Sidonia (1936–2008) holder of the Dukedom of Medina Sidonia in Spain.
 * Tsar Simeon II of Bulgaria (born 1937), arrived in the municipality, with his mother Tsarina Giovanna of Italy (1907-2000) who died in Estoril. He returned from exile to be elected Prime Minister of Bulgaria from 2001 to 2005.
 * Prince Charles Philippe, Duke of Anjou (born 1973) descendant of the last King of France has lived in Cascais since 2008.

title: Cascais


text:
AFA (automobile)

The Aymerich Fábrica de Automoviles (AFA) was a Spanish automobile manufactured between 1943 and 1944.

Cabriolet
Little is known about the marque other than that a few (1 or 2) 5cv 4-cylinder cabriolets were built by Joan Aymerich Casanoves in Barcelona. The AFA was powered by a four-stroke 527 cc engine that produced 13 hp at 3,500 rpm. The AFA microcar had a manual transmission with four gears with a top speed of 85 km/h. The AFA prototype was registered in Barcelona in April 1943, with the registration number B-72.107 and its patent number was 159,882. The company exhibited at the Exposición Automovilista Nacional in Madrid on July 10, 1944.

 * Dimensions and weights:
 * Length: 3,200 mm
 * Width: 1,320 mm
 * Height: 1,280 mm
 * Weight: 530 kg
 * Load: 710 kg
 * Maximum speed: 85 km/h
 * Consumption: 100 km with 6 L
 * Acceleration: 0 to 85 km/h in 50 seconds

In 2008, a son of Joan Aymerich contacted the mNACTEC,Terrassa, which took the only remaining car and restored it. After three years of restoration work, the AFA is now on exhibition at Transport mNACTEC.

Joan Aymerich Casanoves
In 1935 Casanoves had created the failed "National Ruby" car, due to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War he was not able to go to production. But his experience served as the basis for the AFA. Casanoves hoped to make 100 cars annually, but only produced one or two cars. He died in 1946, and the car project was then abandoned in 1947.

title: AFA (automobile)


text:
Alphonso mango

The Alphonso mango, also called the hapus mango, is a named mango cultivar that originated in India.

Origin
The variety is named after Afonso de Albuquerque, a distinguished militarian and viceroy of Portuguese India from 1509 to 1515. Jesuit missionaries introduced grafting on mango trees in Portuguese Goa, to produce varieties like Alphonso. In 1563, Garcia da Orta wrote of Alphonsos grown in Portuguese Bombay, which were to be presented to the governor (viceroy) in Goa. Alphonso is also one of the most expensive varieties of mango, and is grown mainly in the Konkan region of Maharashtra in Western India

Description
The Alphonso mango is a seasonal fruit harvested from mid-April through the end of June. The time from flowering to harvest is about 90 days, while the time from harvest to ripening is about 15 days. The fruits generally weigh between 150 and 300 g, have a rich, creamy, tender texture and delicate, non-fibrous, juicy pulp. As the fruit matures, the skin of an Alphonso mango turns golden-yellow with a tinge of red across the top of the fruit.

Culinary
Mango sorbet, ice cream, lassi, soufflé, mousse, and puree are some culinary preparations using Alphonso mangoes.

Trade
The Alphonso is prized in domestic and international markets for its taste, fragrance and vibrant color. It is exported to various countries, including Japan, Korea and Europe.

Import bans
An import ban imposed in 1989 by the United States on Indian mangoes, including the Alphonso, was lifted in April 2007. However, the mangoes needed to be treated before entering the country in order to stop the introduction of non-native fruit flies, destructive fungi, and other pests that could harm American agriculture. The European Union imposed a ban beginning in April 2014 on import of mangoes after finding "non-European fruit flies" in some consignments, creating a significant threat to UK salad crops. The Indian government had described this decision as arbitrary and businesses claimed they would suffer financial losses due to the ban.

In January 2015, the European Commission lifted the ban following significant improvements in the Indian mango export system.

title: Alphonso mango


text: File:Slanted and Enchanted album cover.jpg


text:
Category:Lakes of Belarus

This category is for articles pertaining to lakes and reservoirs in Belarus.

title: Category:Lakes of Belarus


text: Category:Belarusian language

title: Category:Belarusian language


text:
Abid Hamid Mahmud

Lieutenant General Abid Al-Hamid Mahmud al-Tikriti (عبد الحميد محمود التكريتي) (21 September 1957 – 7 June 2012) was an Iraqi military officer and Saddam Hussein's personal secretary.

Biography
Mahmud began his military career as a non-commissioned officer in the Iraqi Army. He rose through the ranks to Lieutenant General, becoming part of Saddam Hussein's personal bodyguard detail, and finally, his personal secretary.

A distant cousin of Saddam Hussein, observers regarded Mahmud as being Hussein's right-hand man. He always maintained constant contact with Hussein and acted as a gatekeeper, controlling access to him. He was trusted, along with Saddam's son Qusay Hussein, in overseeing the Iraqi Special Security Organization.

He was designated ace of diamonds in the U.S. administration's most-wanted Iraqi playing cards and fourth on the most-wanted list after Saddam and his sons Uday and Qusay.

He was captured in a joint raid by members of B Squadron Delta Force and G Squadron SAS and the 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment of 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division, in Tikrit on 16 June 2003. At the time it was recognized as the "greatest success" since the end of major hostilities, and a sign that Saddam Hussein might soon be found.

On 29 April 2008, he appeared before the Iraq Special Tribunal set up by the Iraq Interim Government and stood trial with six others including Tariq Aziz, Ali Hassan al-Majid, Watban Ibrahim al-Hassan and Sabbawi Ibrahim al-Hassan.

On 26 October 2010, he was sentenced to death by the Iraqi High Tribunal after being found guilty of crimes against humanity and genocide for organising a crackdown against banned political parties in Iraq in the 1980s and 1990s, including assassinations and unlawful detentions.

On 7 June 2012, he was executed by hanging, according to a spokesman of the Iraqi Ministry of Justice.

title: Abid Hamid Mahmud


text:
AGA (automobile)

The Aktiengesellschaft für Automobilbau (= corporation for automotive engineering, abbreviation A.G.A. or AGA) was a German producer of cars in the 1920s in the German capital of Berlin (Prussia).

The company was founded as Autogen-Gas-Akkumulator-AG in Berlin in 1909 as the German subsidiary of the Swedish company Aktiebolaget Gasaccumulator, since 2000 a part of the German Linde group. During World War I the company produced parts for machine-guns, and had a new factory constructed on Herzbergstraße in the suburb of Lichtenberg. The company was rebranded as Aktiengesellschaft für Automobilbau in 1920, but AGA was refounded at the same time, so that both gas and automotive versions of the company existed simultaneously. In 1922 AGA became part of Stinnes-trust. AGA continued to be active after 1945 in West Berlin. Those data are based on the commercial register in the Berlin Landesarchiv.

The first car, the Typ A of 1919, had a 1418 cc four-cylinder engine driving the rear wheels through a three-speed manual transmission. The later Typ C followed in 1921 with the same configuration, and its engine gave a maximum of 20 PS as did the Typ A. The Typ C extended the wheelbase from 2550 mm to 2780 mm, increased the engine's power output to 24 PS, and even added brakes to all four wheels. Only very few cars of that kind were built. Never realized was a Typ D. This type had in the very beginning 16 PS. The car was without much obvious technical ambition, but it was robust and inexpensive for its size, becoming popular especially with small business owners despite its dire brakes. In several cities, including Berlin and Breslau, it was for some time a popular car for use as a taxi.

After the death of Hugo Stinnes in 1924, AGA ran into cashflow difficulties, which ended in the company's bankruptcy at the end of 1925. Stinnes' son Edmund had been trying to implement a very expensive assembly line production at AGA, but never finished the project.

There were also plans for a small 850cc car to be built under licence from Singer Motors, and a 45 PS six-cylinder model, but these never reached the production stage. However, production from 1926 was severely curtailed, and ended in 1929. By that time between 8,000 and 12,000 AGA cars were produced.

AGA cars featured in a number of races, with notable Willy Loge as one of the drivers. For the 1924 Targa Florio AGA produced a small number of the TF 6/30 PS sports cars featuring a 1490cc engine. AGA won many races and was entered in the 1926 German Grand Prix. Other racers also drove AGA cars.

The Swedish company Thulin made around a hundred AGA cars under licence between 1920 and 1924.

title: AGA (automobile)


text:
Guayabera

The guayabera, also known as camisa de Yucatán (Yucatán shirt), is a men's summer shirt, worn outside the trousers, distinguished by two columns of closely sewn pleats running the length of the front and back of the shirt. Typically made of linen, silk, or cotton, and appropriate for hot and/or humid weather, guayaberas are popular in Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean (especially Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Jamaica, and Puerto Rico), South America, Southeast Asia, the south of Spain, and Portugal.

Design

The design of a typical guayabera is distinguished by several details: Though traditionally worn in white and pastels, guayaberas are now available in many solid colors. Black guayaberas, embroidered with colorful flowers and with French cuffs, have for many decades been extremely popular in Mexico and are considered formalwear in some situations.
 * Either two or four patch pockets and two vertical rows of alforzas (fine, tiny pleats, usually 10, sewn closely together) run down the front and three down the back of the shirt. The pockets are detailed with alforzas that are identical to, and aligned with, the alforzas on the body of the shirt.
 * Long or short sleeves, the more common being the short-sleeved version, having a cuffed sleeve with a single decorative button.
 * Some shirt designs include slits on either side, and these include two or three buttons. The bottom has a straight hem and is never tucked into the trousers.
 * The top of each pocket is usually adorned with a matching shirt button, as are the bottoms of the alforza pleats. Vertical rows of adjusting buttons are often used at the bottom hem. While most versions of the design have no placket covering the buttons, a few newer designs do.

Mexican guayaberas often use complicated embroidery as a supplement to the traditional alforzas. This style originated in Mérida, Mexico.

History

The exact origin of the garment is unknown, although some sources attribute the shirt to the people of the Philippines who introduced the design to Mexico. Specifically, the design is believed to be from the lace-like white Philippine barong Tagalog, which has documented origins in the Philippines prior to the arrival of the Spanish. It made its way to Cuba through Mexico via the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade (AD 1565 to 1815). Some scholars dispute the Philippine origin based on perceived design differences. The barong traditionally does not have pockets and has an intricate U-shaped embroidery around the chest (the pechera) which is mostly absent in Cuban guayaberas. Guayaberas are also made from linen or cotton, and not the expensive piña or abacá sheer fabrics used in formal barong (although informal barong worn by the lower classes in the Philippines use common opaque fabrics like linen).

However, guayaberas in Mexico also have chest designs like pleats and embroidery similar to the barong (and in contrast to Cuban guayaberas); they can range from having no pockets to having one, two, or four. This is the reason why Mexicans also claim that it originated from either the state of Veracruz or the Yucatán Peninsula. In Mexico, the same basic style is also known as the "camisa de Yucatán" (Yucatán shirt) or "wedding shirt".

Regardless, a clearer line of evidence is that guayaberas are actually also referred to as "filipinas" in Yucatán, Mexico, with the former regarded as a variant of the latter. The only difference between the two is the type of collar used. Filipinas have a collar similar to the Nehru or mandarin-style (a style known as the baro cerrada in the 19th-century Philippines), while guayaberas have a more typical spread collar. Both filipinas and the derivative guayaberas were the traditional everyday men's shirts in Yucatán since the mid-19th century, before they were replaced by western shirts in the early 20th century. The white filipina shirt is still regarded as the traditional formal dress for men in Yucatán, along with the terno for women (cf. traje de Mestiza of the Philippines). In particular, white filipinas are the traditional shirts worn for the jarana Yucateca dance, paired with white trousers. This suggests an origin from the Philippines that entered Mexico early during the colonial period through Yucatán then to Cuba, where it was later adapted to local fashion and materials.

Cubans also claim the guayabera originated from Cuba. Cuban literature refers to the shirt from 1893, and documentary evidence mentions the shirt in Cuba as early as 1880. The Cuban origin story tells of a poor countryside seamstress sewing large patch-pockets onto her husband's shirts for carrying guava (guayabas) from the field. In another version of the story, in 1709 Spanish immigrants from Granada, José Pérez Rodríguez and his wife Encarnación Núñez García arrived in Sancti Spiritus, located along the Yayabo River. José asked his wife to make him a shirt with long sleeves and four large pockets to store his cigars and belongings while he worked. Because it was easy to make, as well as being useful, it soon became a popular garment in that region. Another belief is that the name guayabera is said to have originated from the word yayabero, the nickname for those who lived near the Yayabo River in Cuba.

Wear and use

The guayabera is often worn in formal contexts, such as offices and weddings. In Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, and Puerto Rico, guayaberas are part of the traditional wear for men and may be considered formalwear. In 2010, Cuba reinstated the guayabera as the "official formal dress garment".

Political symbolism

Guayaberas have been worn extensively by a number of Latin American political leaders, including Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Cesar Chavez, Carlos Prío Socarrás, and Fidel Castro. This is often interpreted as a sign of the wearer's affiliation with populist political positions. Michael Manley, populist Jamaican prime minister, specifically advocated for the guayabera as an anti-colonialist mode of dress, and conversely the shirt was later banned in Parliament by the conservative Jamaica Labour Party. Similarly, Mexican left-wing populist Luis Echeverría advocated for its use in Mexico in part to symbolize rejection of European and American-style business suits.

U.S. presidents, including Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and Barack Obama, have worn the shirts as a sign of solidarity when visiting the Cuban community in Miami and when attending Latin American summits. Visiting politicians are sometimes given the shirts by Cuban American or Latin American political leaders.

Similar shirts and alternative names
A variety of similar, lightweight dress shirts exists in other tropical countries. These include:
 * In America: the Western shirts with pointed yokes and elaborate embroidery were directly copied from the guayaberas of 19th century Mexican vaqueros.
 * In Guyana: a similar or identical shirt is called a "shirt-jac".
 * In Jamaica: the guayabera is called a "bush jacket".
 * In the Dominican Republic: guayaberas are referred to as "chacabana".
 * In the Philippines: the barong Tagalog shirt has some features which are similar to the guayabera: it is long-sleeved, light, traditionally white, and worn without being tucked in. However, the most traditional styles are decorated with U-shaped embroidery (called the pechera), rather than the guayabera's straight pleats, and lack pockets. It is also traditionally made of hand-woven, fine, translucent piña or jusi fiber, rather than linen.
 * In Trinidad and Tobago, physicians often wear them because of their practicality; one pocket for pens, one for a prescription pad, another for a stethoscope, etc.

title: Guayabera


text:
Soyuz TM-14

Soyuz TM-14 was the 14th expedition to the Mir space station. It included an astronaut from Germany, and was the first Russian Soyuz mission after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Mission highlights
Klaus Dietrich Flade became the second German to visit a space station when he reached Mir with the Vityaz crew. The first was Sigmund Jähn of East Germany, who visited Salyut 6 in 1978. Flade conducted 14 German experiments as part of Germany's preparation for participation in the Freedom and Columbus space station projects.

Suffered a landing system malfunction, causing its descent module to turn over. It came to rest upside down, trapping its occupants inside until it could be righted.

title: Soyuz TM-14


text:
Ageron

Construction d’Automobiles Ageron et Cie was a French automobile manufacturer. The name may also be spelled as Agéron.

History
The company was based in Lyon, France and began production of automobiles in 1908 under the name Ageron. Production ended in 1910.

Vehicles
Ageron offered a car named the 10/12 CV. The vehicle had a four-cylinder engine with power being transferred to the rear axles via a chain. The vehicle also featured a compressed-air starter. Models with a single cylinder or two cylinder engines that offered 6 to 12 CV were also available.

title: Ageron


text:
Tory Channel

Tory Channel (officially Tory Channel / Kura Te Au) is one of the drowned valleys that form the Marlborough Sounds in New Zealand. Inter-island ferries normally use it as the principal channel between Cook Strait and the Marlborough Sounds.

Tory Channel lies to the south of Arapaoa Island, separating it from the mainland. At its western end it joins the larger Queen Charlotte Sound, which it meets halfway along the latter's length. Its eastern end meets Cook Strait close to the strait's narrowest point. The Channel is 16.8 km long, averages 1.1 km in width, and is up to 65 m deep, with an average channel depth of 39.2 m.

Tory Channel forms a substantial part of the ferry route between Wellington and Picton. Erosion attributed to the wake from the ferries, particularly the new faster ones (discontinued in 2005 ), has resulted in speed restrictions.

One of the two candidates for the easternmost point in the South Island (along with Cape Campbell) lies at the entrance of Tory Channel. It is called West Head.

History
Te Āti Awa and Ngāti Tama recognize the channel Kura Te Au as an important historic mahinga kai (food source), and settlement for Te Āti Awa. The channel was used as a primary highway by Te Āti Awa, and is still monitored and defended by the iwi in the environmental courts.

The name Kura Te Au originates from the red colour of the sea caused by a variety of plankton and the high populations of crustacean krill. According to legend, Kura Te Au is where Kupe killed the giant, mythical octopus, Te Wheke-a-Muturangi, causing its blood to run through the channel, turning the water red. Kurahaupō and Rangitāne give the meaning "the red current" for Kura Te Au.

James Cook anchored several times in the nearby bay he named Ship Cove. He sighted the Tory Channel in an excursion on the pinnace from his ship HMS Resolution on 5 November 1774. John Guard established the first permanent whaling station on Arapaoa Island in 1827, targeting whales in the Tory Channel for their baleen and whale oil. Tory Channel was accurately surveyed in 1840 and named after the New Zealand Company ship Tory, a pioneer ship that brought British colonists to Wellington. Around this time, whaling stations were already operating in Te Awaiti Bay. Between 1911 and 1964, the Perano family hunted whales from Whekenui Bay. Humpback whales were spotted from the hills at the Tory Channel entrance during their migration through Cook Strait. The Perano Whaling Station was the last whaling operation in New Zealand and closed in 1964.

The name of the channel was officially altered to Tory Channel / Kura Te Au in August 2014.

Tidal power
Energy Pacifica planned to install up to ten underwater tidal stream turbines, each able to produce up to 1.2 MW, near the Cook Strait entrance to Tory Channel. They claimed Tory Channel had tidal flows of 3.6 m/s with good bathymetry and access to the electricity network. Other designs envisaged up to 50 turbines, but there are uncertainties about flow rates, the area is about 15 km from the HVDC Inter-Island transmission station at Ōraumoa / Fighting Bay and a calculation in 2013 suggested that an economic return was unlikely.

title: Tory Channel


text:
Mary Lambert (director)

Mary Lambert Gary (born October 13, 1951) is an American director. She has directed music videos, television episodes and feature films, mainly in the horror genre.

Life and career
Lambert was born in Helena, Arkansas, the daughter of Martha Kelly and Jordan Bennett Lambert III, a rice and cotton farmer. Her younger sister is former U.S. Senator Blanche Lincoln of Arkansas. Lambert graduated from the Rhode Island School of Design with a B.F.A.

Lambert directed Chris Isaak's first music video "Dancin'" and Janet Jackson's "Nasty" and "Control" music videos. She also directed videos for Annie Lennox, Mick Jagger, The Go-Go's, Whitney Houston, Alison Krauss, Live, Mötley Crüe, Queensrÿche, Sting, Debbie Harry, Tom Tom Club and others. She directed many of Madonna's early videos including "Borderline", "Like a Virgin", "Material Girl", "La Isla Bonita", and "Like a Prayer".

In 1987, she released her first feature film, the stylish and controversial Siesta, starring Ellen Barkin and Jodie Foster. It was nominated for the IFP Spirit Award for Best First Feature, losing to Dirty Dancing. She is known to horror fans for directing the 1989 adaptation of Stephen King's novel Pet Sematary and its sequel, Pet Sematary Two. More recently, Lambert directed 2005's Urban Legends: Bloody Mary and the 2011 Syfy horror film Mega Python vs. Gatoroid.

She directed the 1993 Digital Pictures FMV video game Double Switch.

Personal life
She is married to Jerome Gary.

Filmography
Short film

Television
TV movie
 * Dragstrip Girl (1994)
 * Face of Evil (1996)
 * Love Is Strange (1996)
 * My Stepson, My Lover (1997) (a.k.a. Love, Murder and Deceit)
 * Mega Python vs. Gatoroid (2011)

TV special
 * VH1 Divas 2012 (2012)

Documentary works

 * Bobby Brown: His Prerogative (1989) (Video)

Short films

Film

TV series appearances

TV movies

Video game
Director
 * Double Switch (1993)

title: Mary Lambert (director)


text:
AGR (automobile)

The AGR was an English automobile built by of Brixton between 1911 and 1915.

The company offered a 10/12 hp 1540 cc four-cylinder model based on the French Hurtu, a marque for which they were agents. The car was slightly longer than the Hurtu and was sold at £255 for the chassis or £315 with open four-seater coachwork.

title: AGR (automobile)


text:
Talk:Antisemitism/Archive 14

Dispute resolution
Simonides, I've been investigating various resolution dispute mechanisms, which up until now I had not fully understood. I probably still do not understand them fully; nevertheless, do you feel you can eventually resolve your issues with the other contributors to this page, or should we request mediation? Jayjg 21:48, 12 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * Can I request you two seek mediation? It would certainly beat you hurling abuse at each other on this page - David Gerard 22:38, 12 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * David, no objection to dispute resolution here, but I really do not see how that will help matters when what Wikipedia really needs is an Idiot Filter. -- Simonides 23:07, 12 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * PS if the above sections are done with I recommend they be archived, each on separate pages, as they are around or over 30 KB each; I archived the past two/three pages.

 * David, what is the best way of getting mediation? Jayjg 20:45, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Concession
This article has just been unprotected and to prevent another edit war I have made a radical edit which I hope we can simply leave alone, based on some reasons and conditions I hope we can all agree on:

1) Since most of the ruckus here is focused on the section "Modern Anti-Semitism", and I was responsible for moving the section back here from its separate article page, I have moved it back to its own article, including the majority of links which focus on alleged anti-Semitism in the modern era.

2) As Danny has pointed out, this article lacks adequate context or historical depth; there is already a long section on 20th century anti-Semitism which prevents redundancy, and perhaps makes up for the absence of "Modern anti-Semitism". In separating the two articles some of us can perhaps focus on the historical deficiency and hope to gradually improve this article to a high standard. The links and the bibliography too will, I hope, alter in emphasis from recent polemical studies to historical studies that offer a good overview or introduction to the subject as a whole.

3) This is a key point: I will avoid the Modern_anti-Semitism article and allow edits to go unchallenged, etc., so long as the "neutrality" tag is not removed. In return I ask that my most energetic critics not interfere with this article, on which the "neutrality" tag will also be retained. Since I would like this article to focus almost exclusively on the tradition of anti-Semitism rather than modern manifestations, I don't believe there will be much reason for contention, but if there is, please bring it to the Talk page and your objections will be given due consideration, although I offer no guarantees; similarly I will bring any serious objections to the Talk page at Modern_anti-Semitism without making edits and will permit its main contributors the final editorial decision.

I realise this is a tough call but without it we're at an impasse and this is probably the best short-term solution. -- Simonides 01:11, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * Simonides, you may not claim ownership of this article. Nor may you continue to use this article to insist on pro-Arab and pro-Christian apologetics. Further, you must stop referring to all edits as vandalism. No vandalism has occured, not the slightest. The content of this article must be about the topic, anti-Semitism; this is not an appropriat location for you to inist on apologetics for any religion's activities. RK 12:06, Jul 13, 2004 (UTC)

 * Is the title "Modern anti-Semitism" a good one? Wouldn't something like "anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism" make more sense? Jayjg 17:54, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Agreed. Many people see a connection between some forms of anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism, and this matter must be included in this article. Slrubenstein

It is impossible to work with people who adopt such a juvenile approach. Slrubenstein, you don't seem to have the faintest idea of what is going on, yet turn up from time to time to attack a strawman; as I have said repeatedly there is no problem with inclusion of a summary of the view you stated, but I will not have sections that duplicate others in the article, filled with obviously partisan quotes based on dubious 'facts', that do more than simply represent a POV. As for RK, your edits have simply been reverted. Not that all were bad. But please don't delete material that has long been in the article without bringing your reasons here first; next, most of your edits will gladly be accepted, but again, please bring them here so we can discuss them first. To keep up my end of the bargain, I haven't touched the modern anti-Semitism article except to move stuff there, but it seems I can't rely on RK to return the favour.

In effect I am asking that we behave as if the article has been protected and only make changes as and when necessary after agreement. This is, in my opinion, a method that works between mature and reasonable people. I do not seem to be talking to such people so far, but I hope you can prove that wrong. -- Simonides 17:15, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Simonides, I understand quite well what is going on. I have seen your abusive language and your assertions that you will remove points of view you do not approve of, and I have seen you cut most material on different views of anti-semitism and anti-zionism. What you call a summary, from what I can tell, is simply the statement "some people think some forms of anti-zionism are anti-semitism." The article needs to have more information than that: who holds such claims, and why, for example. Slrubenstein

 * Your version is yet another distortion of the events and you have just demoted yourself to another member of the "pack". Thank you for making your position clear. As for my point, I still do not see any consensus on creating and following a protocol. Jayjg has followed RK's lead in making edits at will. Indeed this is a privilege we all have at Wiki but the suggestion of a protocol is to make collective editing on this particularly contentious article smoother. Until we can reach a decision I plan to revert edits. -- Simonides 18:23, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * The section I edited was not the controversial anti-Zionism / anti-Semitism section, which I understood to be the area in contention. I do not agree that changes in all areas need be discussed first, but rather the only the section that is in dispute should be discussed first.  It is hard to understand how someone can make a huge series of edits to the article, and then declare "all future edits must be discussed with me first", and portray others as recalcitrant for not doing so.  I have accepted the idea that the anti-Zionism section changes should be discussed first, but see no need to follow this protocol for the other, less controversial sections.  Until we reach some consensus on this, I plan to make resanable edits other sections, and encourage others to do the same where appropriate. Jayjg 19:14, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * The entire article is open to NPOV violation, so any changes to any part of the article must be discussed first. Until that time reverts will continue to be made. -- Simonides 19:19, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * You yourself have admitted that other changes were valid and useful. This standing on a "point of law" that you have invented is ridiculous.  Changes will continue to be made, unless you have specific objections to the changes in question. Jayjg 19:28, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * The point is to agree on a protocol so we can co-operate easily. Given the history of this page it is a far from ridiculous option, and far better than wasting time on daily edit wars. -- Simonides 19:41, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * I haven't seen any attempt to gain agreement on a protocol; rather, you have made huge arbitrary changes to the article, and then attempted to enforce your preferred protocol on everyone else. I personally have proposed a more reasonable protocol, prior agreement in Talk: required on the one controversial section, and normal Wikipedia protocol for the rest. However, you still insist on arbitrarily reverting any changes to the article that you don't agree with, or that don't meet your imposed protocol, regardless of their value. Jayjg 14:52, 14 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * That's right, there has been no attempt at agreement from any of you that have replied. My changes were not "abitrary" because I have detailed the reasons behind them here; in fact every one of my edits has been defensible and defended, which has not been the case with screeching, rampant vandals like RK and more moderate but still partisan editors like yourself. Your suggestion still leaves open too much room for edit wars, which is what I wish to minimize - and since the article is now protected, I believe we could use the opportunity to review any contributions anyone wants to make to the article. Please post them. We can review them and agree on wording together. As for reverts, again, I am simply enforcing the need for respect - I will respect your judgement on a companion article if you respect mine. If that is not possible, there will be little or no agreement in future. -- Simonides 20:37, 14 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * Now that the topic has been shoved off into a secondary article which is currently not even linked to, I'm sure you do "respect" my judgement on it. It's all very convenient for you to take control of the main article, excise all the material you don't like, and say "This is mine, you go play with that other stuff," but pretending that it is reasonable won't wash.  As for "respect", you have shown me quite the opposite, from your first comments to me to your more recent ones.  The fact that one of your very first comments to me described me as "impudent" indicates your beliefs about the nature of your status vis a vis my own. If you were interested in respect, you would have taken my many suggestions and urgings that you moderate your insults and invective.  It is not reasonable for you to expect that you can viciously denigrate those who disagree with you in post after post, and then suddenly expect them to trust and "respect" you. Jayjg 21:11, 14 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * I did not create the "secondary article", so the material was not "shoved off" - it was restored. As explained previously - proving you either don't follow or habitually distort events - I moved it in here to prevent it from becoming slop; then moved it back since we could not agree on it (it has now returned to being slop.) It is true that I haven't shown you much respect so far, because I find your edits and your reasoning execrable, but I optimistically believe we can put that aside when making judgements on the article. -- Simonides 22:24, 14 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * Sigh. Here's another classic example of your technique. I didn't accuse you of creating the secondary article, I stated that you excised material from this article and shoved it off into secondary article.  The fact that you may have take other material from the secondary article, put it in here, and then later put it back into the other article does not impinge in any way on the truthfullness of my statements.  The material that I added to this article was excised by you and shoved off into a secondary article, soon after I started working on trying to clean up the topic.  You seem to want to lump me in with other editors (you've certainly done it often enough), but I am just me, myself, no-one else.  As for the rest, you still can't seem to resist the steady stream of ad hominems and insults; rest assured, until you learn how to conduct yourself civilly, there will be no way of "put[ting] that aside when making judgements on the article."  In fact, I will revert any changes you make as a matter of policy, just as you do to me and the other editors working here. If you want to work on a more civil basis, let me know; I've certainly been encouraging you to. Jayjg 15:59, 15 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Anti-Zionism
A modest proposal to start:

Current wording:

Anti-Zionism is a term that has been used to describe several very different political and religious points of view, both historically and in current debates. All these points of view have in common some form of opposition to Zionism, but their diversity of motivation and expression is so great that "anti-Zionism" cannot be seen as a single phenomenon.

Proposed wording:

Anti-Zionism is a term that has been used to describe several very different political and religious points of view, both historically and in current debates, all expressing some form of opposition to Zionism. Many commentators have seen links between some forms of anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism, or see some forms of anti-Zionism as anti-Semitic. See etc.

Also, the links should actually work.

Jayjg 17:53, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

We can fix the links - it's a minor problem. Re: wording, here is a tentative draft

 * Anti-Zionism is a term that has been used to describe several very different political and religious points of view, both historically and in current debates. All these points of view have in common some form of opposition to Zionism, but their diversity of motivation and expression is so great that "anti-Zionism" cannot be seen as a single phenomenon. A large variety of commentators - politicians, journalists, academics and others - frequently attribute criticism of Israeli military actions and its occupation of disputed areas to anti-Zionism. In turn, the majority of these commentators also claim that most of these manifestations of anti-Zionism are caused by anti-Semitism. They believe Israel receives a disproportionate degree of censure. Since anti-Zionism is itself problematic to define, critics of such a view believe that associating criticism with anti-Zionism, or anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism, is intended to stifle debate by colouring almost any criticism as anti-Zionist, deflect attention from valid criticism, and taint anyone opposed to the above Israeli actions and policies. They point to the absurdity of some of these claims of anti-Semitism, which have been directed at Jews, Israelis, and other people with close ties to Jewish people and culture or to Israel, who are merely in disagreement.

The reason this does not need to be long (repeating myself) is that the article already spends a lot of time on the contemporary era and there are already main articles linked which explore the same issues. -- Simonides 18:36, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

I find Simonides' version wordy and long -- and unnecessarily complicated because it goes back and forth from charge to countercharge. Also, it is vague as to who it is talking about. I propose a much simpler structure. There is no need to charachterize "anti-zionism," especially if it is so heterogeneous, since this is not an article on zionism or antizionism -- I think it is enough to have links to articles on zionism, anti-Zionism, Israel-Palestinian conflict, etc. What is necessary is a description of what kinds of criticisms have been characterized as anti-Semitic. I don't know of anyone who has said that ANY form of criticism is anti-Semitic, but if someone or better, some organization has said so, we can certainly metnion that. Otherwise, we should try to sum up the particular kinds of criticisms that have been labeled as "anti-Semitic. By the way, my sense is that it is not just the kind of criticism that leads to questions of anti-Semitism, but the circumstances and also assumptions about the motives.  In any event, we just need s simple description that sums up these factors. In short, the first two sentences of Simonides proposal could be cut as they don't have to do with anti-Semitism, and the last two sentences can go as they are argumentative.  What we do need instead is explanation of what kinds of criticisms of Israel, or Zionism, specifically, have been characterized as anti-Semitic and why.  Slrubenstein

Of course you want the first two and last two sentences to go - that would conveniently expel context and reinforce your POV. My version is too wordy and vague, but 1) this issue doesn't even belong in the article; 2) if it got any more specific, it would get even longer. Why don't you write a draft too, so we can look at it? -- Simonides 19:14, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * I think this is much less wordy, to the point, and NPOV:

 * Anti-Zionism is a term that has been used to describe several very different political and religious points of view (both historically and in current debates) all expressing some form of opposition to Zionism. A large variety of commentators - politicians, journalists, academics and others - believe that criticisms of Israel and Zionism are often disproportionate in degree and unique in kind, and attribute this to anti-Semitism.  In turn, critics of this view believe that associating anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism is intended to stifle debate, deflect attention from valid criticism, and taint anyone opposed to Israeli actions and policies. See etc. Jayjg 19:27, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * That is a good draft. It could be explained a little further but I am fine with including that in the relevant section, and adding the link to the main article. -- Simonides 19:43, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

The above version is certainly tighter. As for POV -- I have none, what is important is the content of this article. It is an article on anti-Semitism so anti-Semitism should lead, not anti-Zionism (UNLESS we are saying that anti-zionism is a unified concept and all anti-zionism is anti-Semetic. I don't know of anyone who claims this, so I see no point in making "anti-Zionism" the focus.  We still need info on who believes these criticisms of zionism are anti-semetic, and why. Slrubenstein

As Steve Rubenstein has noted, Simonides is rude and abusive, and is deleting large chunks of information to only replace them with his own personal opinions. Simonides further has a habit of inserting Muslim and Christian apologetics, and of repeatedly trying to turn this into an article on "Why Jews don't have it as bad as Muslims." He keeps reverting everyone else's additions and edits; argues with every contributor, and has assumed total ownership of this article. Jayjg, Slr and others, we need to take Simonides to arbitration, or perhaps let him know that further abuse from him will be grounds for a ban. RK 20:12, Jul 13, 2004 (UTC)

 * Simonides, there still seems to be no link to the Modern Anti-Semitism page you created, even after you inserted the changes; I thought you said you could fix the links as they were a "minor problem". Jayjg 14:47, 14 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * It still is a minor problem. The article was protected right after your draft was added and before it could be reviewed. -- Simonides 20:39, 14 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Offensive links
I do not think that wikipedia should link to grossly offensive pages, not even for reasons of "documenting". Someone added a link "Fuckfrance.com" to Anti-French sentiment in the United States. Such a title is totally unacceptable for a website, and we should not advertise such things under any condition. What would you say if we listed crap like FuckUSA.org or FuckIsrael.com? At both George W. Bush and John Kerry even all "critical" links were deleted. I do not see why there should not be a limit of indecency for link lists of other controversial articles as well. What do others think? I ask the same question at Talk:anti-American sentiment - and a similar one at pedophilia-related "Childlover". Get-back-world-respect 20:42, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * I totally agree. The only criticism that we should have, or link to, is encyclopedia scholarly criticism. And I am using the word criticism in it academic sense of the word, which has nothing to do with disparagement. Rather, criticism in it academic sense means to give a topic or a view a critical reading and analysis. RK 21:25, Jul 13, 2004 (UTC)

 * I disagree. This amounts to censorship. If such a link adds something to the article put it in. pir 22:09, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * That is exactly the point, disparagement does not add anything to articles. Get-back-world-respect 23:01, 13 Jul 2004 (UTC)

title: Talk:Antisemitism/Archive 14


text:
Soyuz TM-15

Soyuz TM-15 was the 15th expedition to the Mir space station. It included spationaut Michel Tognini from France. The Soyuz TM-15 flight set what was then a new Soyuz spacecraft on orbit endurance record.

Mission highlights
Michel Tognini, passenger aboard Soyuz- TM 15, was the third Frenchman to visit a space station. He conducted ten experiments using 300 kg of equipment delivered by Progress-M flights. Tognini spent 2 weeks in space as part of ongoing space cooperation between Russia and France.

title: Soyuz TM-15


text:
Ailloud

The Ailloud was a French automobile, built between 1898 and 1904 by Claude Ailloud of Lyon. The first car had a 618 cc twin-cylinder air-cooled engine, rear-mounted, driving through a 3-speed gearbox and chain drive. To improve cooling the engine was soon moved to the front of the car. Probably only one was made.

He joined Francisque Dumond in 1900 to form Automobiles Ailloud et Dumond, and they made a small number of cars some with De Dion engines.

title: Ailloud


text:
Dilvish, the Damned

Dilvish, the Damned is a collection of fantasy stories by American writer Roger Zelazny, first published in 1982. Its contents were originally published as a series of separate short stories in various fantasy magazines. Prior to publication, Zelazny's working title for the book was Nine Black Doves. The working title was later re-used for the fifth volume of The Collected Short Stories of Roger Zelazny collection, as a tribute to Dilvish. The storyline begun in this collection was resolved in the novel The Changing Land, which was published before the other Dilvish stories appeared in book form.

Plot summary
Dilvish is the descendant of both elves and humans, a scion of a prominent Elven house and "the Human House that hath been stricken" which lost its peerage for mixing Elven and Human blood. Hundreds of years before the main story, he comes across a dark ritual being performed by the sorcerer Jelerak who is sacrificing a human girl. He attempts to stop the ritual but is turned into stone, with his soul banished to Hell. His body becomes a statue, and for many decades it resides within the square of a nearby town that he had formerly saved from enemy conquerors. When this town is again in need of a hero, their citizens' plight allows Dilvish the passage he needs to escape from Hell. He returns to the world of the living with his steed, the metal demon horse Black, and a burning desire for revenge against Jelerak, but must first repulse the assault against the endangered town. Dilvish then goes to call upon the Shoredan - a cursed people bound to his family. He searches for Jelerak in the Tower of Ice and finds the sorcerer's apprentice and his sister trapped there. The two of them believe him to be a servant of Jelerak, sent to kill them.

Contents
The original short story sequence comprising Dilvish, the Damned was originally published as follows:
 * "Passage to Dilfar" (Fantastic Stories of Imagination, February 1965)
 * "Thelinde's Song" (Fantastic Stories of Imagination, June 1965)
 * "The Bells of Shoredan" (Fantastic, March 1966)
 * "A Knight for Merytha" (Eternity SF v. 1, no. 3, 1974)
 * "The Places of Aache" (Other Worlds 2, January 1980)
 * "A City Divided" (first published in this collection, 1982)
 * "The White Beast" (Whispers 13-14, October 1979)
 * "Tower of Ice" (Flashing Swords! #5: Demons and Daggers, December 1981)
 * "Devil and the Dancer" (first published in this collection, 1982)
 * "Garden of Blood" (Sorcerer's Apprentice #3, Summer 1979)
 * "Dilvish, the Damned" (first published in this collection, 1982)

Awards
Dilvish, the Damned was a 1982 Locus nominee.

title: Dilvish, the Damned


text:
Airedale (automobile)

The Airedale is an English automobile made in Esholt, near Shipley, West Yorkshire. It was the successor to the Tiny made by Nanson, Barker & Co in the same town from 1911 until the outbreak of war in 1914.

History
After the war in 1919 a larger car was developed and the company name changed to Airedale. This new model was rated at 12 hp and had a 1795 cc four-cylinder overhead-valve Dorman KNO engine with Zenith carburettor producing 22 bhp at 1500 rpm. Drive to the rear wheels was through a four-speed gearbox and plate clutch. The car had a wheelbase of 9 ft and overall length of 13 ft with conventional half elliptic leaf springs all round. It seems to have also been known as the 12/24 and 11.9 hp. In 1922 they had sufficient confidence to take a stand at the London Motor Show and the name of the company was changed from Nanson, Barker and Company to Airedale Cars. The cars at the show were priced at £575 for a special coupé, £435 for a 4-seat tourer, £425 for a 2-seater with dickey and £375 for a bare chassis.

A larger Meadows engine of 2120 cc was offered in the similar 14hp model from 1922. This car was slightly larger with a 10 ft wheelbase and 13 ft total length. A bare chassis was £360, an open two-seater cost £425 and a limousine £625.

Apart from the engines nearly all parts including gearboxes were made on site by Airedale themselves. The cars were very well finished and equipped, which made them expensive. Approximately 90 cars were made, about 55 of the 12 hp and 35 of the 14 hp models.

The company went into liquidation in September 1924, a revival was attempted in 1927 but also failed. No cars are known to survive.

title: Airedale (automobile)


text:
Cetacean stranding

Cetacean stranding, commonly known as beaching, is a phenomenon in which whales and dolphins strand themselves on land, usually on a beach. Beached whales often die due to dehydration, collapsing under their own weight, or drowning when high tide covers the blowhole. Cetacean stranding has occurred since before recorded history.

Several explanations for why cetaceans strand themselves have been proposed, including changes in water temperatures, peculiarities of whales' echolocation in certain surroundings, and geomagnetic disturbances, but none have so far been universally accepted as a definitive reason for the behavior. However, a link between the mass beaching of beaked whales and use of mid-frequency active sonar has been found.

Whales that die due to stranding can subsequently decay and bloat to the point where they can explode, causing gas and their internal organs to fly out.

Species
Every year, up to 2,000 animals beach themselves. Although the majority of strandings result in death, they pose no threat to any species as a whole. Only about ten cetacean species frequently display mass beachings, with ten more rarely doing so.

All frequently-involved species are toothed whales (Odontoceti), rather than baleen whales (Mysticeti). These species share some characteristics which may explain why they beach.

Body size does not normally affect the frequency, but both the animals' normal habitat and social organization do appear to influence their chances of coming ashore in large numbers. Odontocetes that normally inhabit deep waters and live in large, tightly knit groups are the most susceptible. This includes the sperm whale, oceanic dolphins, usually pilot and Orcas, and a few beaked whale species. The most common species to strand in the United Kingdom is the harbour porpoise; the common dolphin (Delphinus delphis) is second-most common, and after that long-finned pilot whales (Globicephala melas).

Solitary species naturally do not strand en masse. Cetaceans that spend most of their time in shallow, coastal waters almost never mass strand.

Causes
Strandings can be grouped into several types. The most obvious distinction is between single and multiple strandings. Many theories, some of them controversial, have been proposed to explain beaching, but the question remains unresolved.

 * Natural deaths at sea: The carcasses of deceased cetaceans are likely to float to the surface at some point; during this time, currents or winds may carry them to a coastline. Since thousands of cetaceans die every year, many become stranded posthumously. Offshore deaths of multiple whales are unlikely to lead to multiple strandings, since winds and currents are variable and will scatter a group of corpses. Most carcasses never reach the coast, and are scavenged, or decompose enough to sink to the ocean bottom, where the carcass forms the basis of a unique local ecosystem called a whale fall.

 * Individual strandings: Single live strandings are often the result of individual illness or injury; in the absence of human intervention these almost inevitably end in death.

 * Multiple strandings: Multiple strandings in one place are rare, and often attract media coverage as well as rescue efforts. The strong social cohesion of toothed whale pods appears to be a key factor in many cases of multiple stranding: If one gets into trouble, its distress calls may prompt the rest of the pod to follow and beach themselves alongside.

Environmental
Whales have beached throughout human history, with evidence of humans salvaging from stranded sperm whales in southern Spain during the Upper Magdalenian era some 14,000 years before the present. Some strandings can be attributed to natural and environmental factors, such as rough weather, weakness due to old age or infection, difficulty giving birth, hunting too close to shore, or navigation errors.

In 2004, scientists at the University of Tasmania linked whale strandings and weather, hypothesizing that when cool Antarctic waters rich in squid and fish flow north, whales follow their prey closer towards land. In some cases predators (such as killer whales) have been known to panic other whales, herding them towards the shoreline.

Their echolocation system can have difficulty picking up very gently-sloping coastlines. This theory accounts for mass beaching hot spots such as Ocean Beach, Tasmania and Geographe Bay, Western Australia where the slope is about half a degree (approximately 8 m deep 1 km out to sea). The University of Western Australia Bioacoustics group proposes that repeated reflections between the surface and ocean bottom in gently sloping shallow water may attenuate sound so much that the echo is inaudible to the whales. Stirred up sand as well as long-lived microbubbles formed by rain may further exacerbate the effect.

A 2017 study by scientists from Germany's University of Kiel suggests that large geomagnetic disruptions of the Earth's magnetic field, brought on through solar storms, could be another cause for whale beachings. The authors hypothesize that whales navigate using the Earth's magnetic field by detecting differences in the field's strength to find their way. The solar storms cause anomalies in the field, which may disturb the whales' ability to navigate, sending them into shallow waters where they get trapped. The study is based on the mass beachings of 29 sperm whales along the coasts of Germany, the Netherlands, the UK and France in 2016.

"Follow-me" strandings
Some strandings may be caused by larger cetaceans following dolphins and porpoises into shallow coastal waters. The larger animals may habituate to following faster-moving dolphins. If they encounter an adverse combination of tidal flow and seabed topography, the larger species may become trapped.

Sometimes following a dolphin can help lead a whale out of danger: In 2008, a local dolphin was followed out to open water by two pygmy sperm whales that had become lost behind a sandbar at Mahia Beach, New Zealand.

Orcas' intentional, temporary strandings
Pods of killer whales – predators of dolphins and porpoises – very rarely strand. It might be that killer whales have learned to stay away from shallow waters, and that heading to the shallows offers the smaller animals some protection from predators. However, killer whales in Península Valdés, Argentina, and the Crozet Islands in the Indian Ocean have learned how to operate in shallow waters, particularly in their pursuit of seals. The killer whales regularly demonstrate their competence by chasing seals up shelving gravel beaches, up to the edge of the water. The pursuing whales are occasionally partially thrust out of the sea by a combination of their own impetus and retreating water, and have to wait for the next wave to re-float them and carry them back to sea.

In Argentina, killer whales are known to hunt on the shore by intentionally beaching themselves and then lunging at nearby seals before riding the next wave safely back into deeper waters. This was first observed in the early 1970s, then hundreds times more since within this pod. This behavior seems to be taught from one generation to the next, evidenced by older individuals nudging juveniles towards the shore, and can sometimes also be a play activity.

Sonar
There is evidence that active sonar leads to beaching. On some occasions cetaceans have stranded shortly after military sonar was active in the area, suggesting a link. Theories describing how sonar may cause whale deaths have also been advanced after necropsies found internal injuries in stranded cetaceans. In contrast, some who strand themselves due to seemingly natural causes are usually healthy prior to beaching: "The low frequency active sonar (LFA sonar) used by the military to detect submarines is the loudest sound ever put into the seas. Yet the U.S. Navy is planning to deploy LFA sonar across 80 percent of the world ocean. At an amplitude of two hundred forty decibels, it is loud enough to kill whales and dolphins and has already caused mass strandings and deaths in areas where U.S. and/or NATO forces have conducted exercises."

Direct injury
The large and rapid pressure changes made by loud sonar can cause hemorrhaging. Evidence emerged after 17 cetaceans were hauled out in the Bahamas in March 2000 following a United States Navy sonar exercise. The Navy accepted blame agreeing that the dead whales experienced acoustically induced hemorrhages around the ears. The resulting disorientation probably led to the stranding. Ken Balcomb, a cetologist, specializes in the killer whale populations that inhabit the Strait of Juan de Fuca between Washington and Vancouver Island. He investigated these beachings and argues that the powerful sonar pulses resonated with airspaces in the dolphins, tearing tissue around the ears and brain. Apparently not all species are affected by sonar.

Injury at a vulnerable moment
Another means by which sonar could be hurting cetaceans is a form of decompression sickness. This was first raised by necrological examinations of 14 beaked whales stranded in the Canary Islands. The stranding happened on 24 September 2002, close to the operating area of Neo Tapon, an international naval exercise, about four hours after the activation of mid-frequency sonar. The team of scientists found acute tissue damage from gas-bubble lesions, which are indicative of decompression sickness.

The precise mechanism of how sonar causes bubble formation is not known. It could be due to cetaceans panicking and surfacing too rapidly in an attempt to escape the sonar pulses. There is also a theoretical basis by which sonar vibrations can cause supersaturated gas to nucleate, forming bubbles, which are responsible for decompression sickness.

Diving patterns of Cuvier's beaked whales
The overwhelming majority of the cetaceans involved in sonar-associated beachings are Cuvier's beaked whales (Ziphius cavirostrus). Individuals of this species strand frequently, but mass strandings are rare.

Cuvier's beaked whales are an open-ocean species that rarely approach the shore, making them difficult to study in the wild. Prior to the interest raised by the sonar controversy, most of the information about them came from stranded animals. The first to publish research linking beachings with naval activity were Simmonds and Lopez-Jurado in 1991. They noted that over the past decade there had been a number of mass strandings of beaked whales in the Canary Islands, and each time the Spanish Navy was conducting exercises. Conversely, there were no mass strandings at other times. They did not propose a theory for the strandings. Fernández et al. in a 2013 letter to Nature reported that there had been no further mass strandings in that area, following a 2004 ban by the Spanish government on military exercises in that region.

In May 1996, there was another mass stranding in West Peloponnese, Greece. At the time, it was noted as "atypical" both because mass strandings of beaked whales are rare, and also because the stranded whales were spread over such a long stretch of coast, with each individual whale spatially separated from the next stranding. At the time of the incident, there was no connection made with active sonar; A. Frantzis, the marine biologist investigating the incident, made the connection to sonar because he discovered a notice to mariners concerning the test. His report was published in March 1998.

Peter Tyack, of Woods Hole Oceanographic Institute, has been researching noise's effects on marine mammals since the 1970s. He has led much of the recent research on beaked whales (Cuvier's beaked whales in particular). Data tags have shown that Cuvier's dive considerably deeper than previously thought, and are in fact the deepest-diving species of marine mammal yet known.

At shallow depths Cuvier's stop vocalizing, either because of fear of predators, or because they don't need vocalization to track each other at shallow depths, where they have light adequate to see each other.

Their surfacing behavior is highly unusual, because they exert considerable physical effort to surface by a controlled ascent, rather than passively floating to the surface as sperm whales do. Every deep dive is followed by three or four shallow dives. The elaborate dive patterns are assumed to be necessary to control the diffusion of gases in the bloodstream. No data show a beaked whale making an uncontrolled ascent, or failing to do successive shallow dives. This behavior suggests that the Cuvier's are in a vulnerable state after a deep dive – presumably on the verge of decompression sickness – and require time and perhaps the shallower dives to recover.

Summary review
De Quirós et al. (2019) published a review of evidence on the mass strandings of beaked whale linked to naval exercises where sonar was used. It concluded that the effects of mid-frequency active sonar are strongest on Cuvier's beaked whales but vary among individuals or populations. The review suggested the strength of response of individual animals may depend on whether they had prior exposure to sonar, and that symptoms of decompression sickness have been found in stranded whales that may be a result of such response to sonar. It noted that no more mass strandings had occurred in the Canary Islands once naval exercises where sonar was used were banned, and recommended that the ban be extended to other areas where mass strandings continue to occur.

Disposal

If a whale is beached near an inhabited locality, the rotting carcass can pose a nuisance as well as a health risk. Such very large carcasses are difficult to move. The whales are often towed back out to sea away from shipping lanes, allowing them to decompose naturally, or they are towed out to sea and blown up with explosives. Government-sanctioned explosions have occurred in South Africa, Iceland, Australia and United States. If the carcass is older, it is buried.

In New Zealand, which is the site of many whale strandings, treaties with the indigenous Māori people allow the tribal gathering and customary (that is, traditional) use of whalebone from any animal which has died as a result of stranding. Whales are regarded as taonga (spiritual treasure), descendants of the ocean god, Tangaroa, and are as such held in very high respect. Sites of whale strandings and any whale carcasses from strandings are treated as tapu sites, that is, they are regarded as sacred ground.

Health risks
A beached whale carcass should not be consumed. In 2002, fourteen Alaskans ate muktuk (whale blubber) from a beached whale, resulting in eight of them developing botulism, with two of the affected requiring mechanical ventilation. This is a possibility for any meat taken from an unpreserved carcass.

Large strandings
This is a list of large cetacean strandings (200 or more).

Others
On June 23, 2015, 337 dead whales were discovered in a remote fjord in Patagonia, southern Chile, the largest stranding of baleen whales to date. Three hundred and five bodies and 32 skeletons were identified by aerial and satellite photography between the Gulf of Penas and Puerto Natales, near the southern tip of South America. They may have been sei whales. This is one of only two or three such baleen mass stranding events in the last hundred years. It is highly unusual for baleen whales to strand other than singly, and these Patagonia strandings are tentatively attributed to an unusual cause such as ingestion of poisonous algae.

In November 2018, over 140 whales were witnessed stranded on a remote beach in New Zealand and had to be euthanised because of their declining health condition. In July 2019, nearly 50 long-finned pilot whales were found stranded on Snaefellsnes Peninsula in Iceland. However, they were already dead when spotted.

On the evening of November 2, 2020, over 100 short-finned pilot whales were stranded on the Panadura Beach in western coast of Sri Lanka. Four deaths were reported, and all other whales were rescued.

title: Cetacean stranding


text: User talk:81.111.79.112

title: User talk:81.111.79.112


text: User talk:218.101.90.32

title: User talk:218.101.90.32


text:
Amanda Platell

Amanda Jane Platell (born 12 November 1957) is an Australian journalist. Between 1999 and 2001 she was the press secretary to William Hague, the then leader of the British Conservative Party. She is currently based in the UK.

Personal life
Platell was born in Perth, Western Australia. Her father was a journalist working for The West Australian newspaper and her mother was a secretary. Platell graduated with an Honours Degree in Politics and Philosophy from the University of Western Australia. Her first job was in 1978 when she joined the Perth Daily News.

She has lamented that for medical reasons she has been unable to have children.

Early British career
After a backpacking tour of the world with her then fiancé John Chenery, she arrived in London in 1985. Aiming to earn enough money to return home she worked as a freelancer for publications including The Observer and the Sunday Express.

After being part of the start-up team of Today, she then joined Robert Maxwell's short-lived London Daily News, before returning under Today editor David Montgomery in 1987 as deputy editor. In 1993 she was appointed managing editor of the Mirror Group, and then moved in the same year to The Independent, initially as marketing director and then managing director.

In 1996 she joined the Sunday Mirror as acting editor, where she was the superior of Labour party's later director of communications, Alastair Campbell. In 1998 she was appointed acting editor of the Sunday Express, a position she was sacked from by Rosie Boycott following the publication of details of Peter Mandelson's gay relationship with his Brazilian partner.

In 1999, Platell published a novel Scandal, about women in the newspaper industry. "Two editors, one paper, may the best woman win" was how the cover summarised the plot.

It was from 1999 to 2001 that Platell moved into politics to become the Conservative Party's head of media, during which she supported William Hague, advising him to just "be yourself" as it was at these times he was his strongest. In her role, Platell made an important contribution to Hague's reversion from a modernising agenda to a 'core vote' strategy pursued during the 1999 European Elections, in which the Conservatives gained the most votes, as well as the 2001 General Election campaign. Hague, however, only managed to make a net gain of 1 seat in 2001, forcing his resignation shortly after the General Election.

Later media career
Since 2002, Platell has contributed as a freelancer to the Daily Mail.

On 21 November 2011, at the Leveson Inquiry into the culture, practice and ethics of the British press, Hugh Grant accused Platell of a "hatchet job" on his recent fatherhood following an article she wrote for the Daily Mail.

She has written articles calling for greater restrictions on Internet pornography.

Platell regularly reviewed the Sunday newspapers on The Andrew Marr Show.

In 2020 the Daily Mail paid damages of £25,000 to the Cambridge academic Professor Priyamvada Gopal and agreed to pay her legal costs after Platell libellously claimed, citing fake tweets, that she was "attempting to incite an aggressive and potentially violent race war".

Television

 * Unspin: Amanda Platell's Secret Video Diary – Channel 4 (2001)
 * Morgan & Platell – Channel 4 (2004–2005)
 * Prime Ministers Spouses – Channel 4 (2005)
 * Crisis Command: Could You Run The Country? – BBC Two (2004)
 * Bee in Your Bonnet – BBC Two (2004)
 * How Euro Are You? – BBC Two (2005)
 * Richard & Judy – Channel 4 (2001–07), regular commentator
 * The Daily Politics – BBC Two
 * Question Time – BBC One (1993, 2001, 2003, 2004, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2010, 2013 and 2014), panellist
 * The Apprentice: You're Fired! – BBC Two (2008, 2009, 2010), guest panellist
 * The Andrew Marr Show – BBC One (2005–), regular newspaper reviewer
 * The Alan Titchmarsh Show – ITV (2007–), occasional discussion contributor
 * This Morning – ITV (2009–), occasional newspaper reviewer
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 * Press Preview – Sky News (2023–), weekly panellist

title: Amanda Platell


text:
Soyuz TM-16

Soyuz TM-16 was the sixteenth expedition to the Russian Space Station Mir.

The Soyuz-TM crew transports (T - транспортный - Transportnyi - meaning transport, M - модифицированный - Modifitsirovannyi- meaning modified) were fourth generation (1986–2002) Soyuz spacecraft used for ferry flights to the Mir and ISS space stations. It added to the Soyuz-T new docking and rendezvous, radio communications, emergency and integrated parachute/landing engine systems. The new Kurs rendezvous and docking system permitted the Soyuz-TM to maneuver independently of the station, without the station making "mirror image" maneuvers to match unwanted translations introduced by earlier models' aft-mounted attitude control.

Mission highlights
16th expedition to Mir.

First Soyuz without a probe and drogue docking system since 1976. It carried an APAS-89 androgynous docking unit different from the APAS-75 unit used for ASTP in 1975, yet similar in general principles. Soyuz-TM 16 used it to dock with an androgynous docking port on the Kristall module. This was a test of the docking system in preparation for dockings by the Space Shuttles with Mir.

title: Soyuz TM-16