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Edward Woodward

Edward Albert Arthur Woodward, OBE (1 June 1930 – 16 November 2009) was an English actor and singer. After graduating from the Royal Academy of Dramatic Art, he began his career on stage. Throughout his career, he appeared in productions in both the West End of London and on Broadway in New York City. He came to wider attention from 1967 in the title role of the British television spy drama Callan, earning him the 1970 British Academy Television Award for Best Actor.

Woodward starred as Police Sergeant Neil Howie in the 1973 cult British horror film The Wicker Man, and in the title role of the 1980 Australian biopic Breaker Morant. From 1985 to 1989, Woodward starred as ex-secret agent and private investigator Robert McCall in the American television series The Equalizer, earning him the 1986 Golden Globe Award for Best Television Drama Actor.

Early life
Woodward was born on 1 June 1930 in Croydon, Surrey, the only child of parents Edward Oliver Woodward, a metalworker, and Violet Edith Woodward (née Smith). As a boy, he was bombed out of his home three times during the Blitz. He attended Eccleston Road, Sydenham Road, as well as Kingston Day Commercial School and Elmwood High School, Hackbridge, all in Surrey. He then attended Kingston College.

Theatre
After leaving school at the age of 15, Woodward wanted to train as a journalist, but took work in a sanitary engineer's office and then at the age of 16 entered the Royal Academy of Dramatic Art (RADA). After the Second World War, he became an associate member of that academy. He was torn between becoming an actor and a professional footballer, and was on the books of Leyton Orient FC and Brentford FC, making three appearances in the football league for the latter, but a serious knee injury kept him out of the game for over a year.

Woodward's professional acting debut was in the Castle Theatre, Farnham, in 1946. After graduation from RADA, he worked extensively in repertory companies as a Shakespearean actor throughout England and Scotland, making his London stage debut in R. F. Delderfield's Where There's a Will in 1955 and also appeared in the film adaptation that same year, his first film, and then Romeo and Juliet and Hamlet (1955). Having established himself, he also worked in Broadway theatre in New York City and in Australia. Woodward first appeared on Broadway in Rattle of a Simple Man (1963) and the musical comedy High Spirits (1964–1965), which won three Tony Awards, followed by the 1966 comedy The Best Laid Plans. In 1970, after Woodward played Sidney Carton in the West End musical Two Cities, based on Dickens's novel A Tale of Two Cities, Laurence Olivier invited him to choose his own role in the Royal National Theatre, and he chose Cyrano de Bergerac (1971).

Woodward played Dr. Watson opposite Keith Baxter as Sherlock Holmes in the play Murder Dear Watson in 1983.

In 2004, Woodward, alongside Australian actor Daniel MacPherson, appeared as God in a revival of The Mystery Plays at Canterbury Cathedral. From a cast of hundreds of local actors, Joseph McManners and Thomas James Longley also featured with smaller speaking roles.

Film
He made occasional appearances until taking the role of Police Sergeant Neil Howie in the thriller The Wicker Man in 1973. Woodward was offered a cameo role in the 2005 remake, but declined. He also appeared in the 1982 film Who Dares Wins, also known as The Final Option on the film's release history. as Commander Powell.

Woodward played the title role in the 1980 Australian biographical film drama Breaker Morant, which was highly acclaimed, and his presence brought the film worldwide attention. Woodward also had a supporting role in the 2007 action comedy Hot Fuzz. His last lead film role was that of the Reverend Frederick Densham in A Congregation of Ghosts, the story of an eccentric vicar who is said to have alienated his congregation and preached to cardboard cut-outs.

Robin Hardy, who directed The Wicker Man, said, "He was one of the greatest actors of his generation, without a doubt, with a broad career on American television, as well as on British film." Noël Coward once said of him, "He was one of the nicest and most co-operative actors I've ever met or worked with."

In 1990, Woodward was the narrator for the official FIFA film of the 1990 World Cup entitled Soccer Shoot-Out.

Television
Woodward appeared in many television productions. In the early 1960s, he was a jobbing actor who made a number of minor TV appearances in supporting roles. His casting as Guy Crouchback in the 1967 adaption of Evelyn Waugh's Sword of Honour trilogy, dramatised by Giles Cooper and directed by Donald McWhinnie, established him as an actor of quality and standing. Crouchback was the central character in Waugh's three novels set against the background of Britain's involvement in World War II. This black-and-white TV dramatisation is now much less well known than a more lavish 2001 colour version with Daniel Craig playing the part of Crouchback. However, the 1967 dramatisation enjoyed a high profile at the time, and it featured several leading actors of that era, including Ronald Fraser, Freddie Jones, Vivian Pickles, Nicholas Courtney, and James Villiers. Moreover, Evelyn Waugh had met and approved Giles Cooper as the scriptwriter, having their schooling at Lancing College in common, albeit more than a decade apart.

In 1967, Woodward played the eventual victim in an episode of The Saint TV series ("The Persistent Patriots"). The same year, he was cast as David Callan in the ITV Armchair Theatre play A Magnum for Schneider, which later became the spy series Callan, one of his early television roles and one in which he demonstrated his ability to express controlled rage. His performance assured the series success from 1967 to 1972, with a film appearing in 1974. He also appeared opposite Laurence Olivier in a 1978 adaptation of Saturday, Sunday, Monday in the Laurence Olivier Presents anthology series.

The success of Callan typecast him somewhat, but the enduring success of the genre allowed him to gain leading roles in similar productions, though none would prove to be as iconic as Callan. In 1977, he starred in two series(series is sometimes BrE the AmE seasons) of the BBC2 dystopian drama 1990, about a future Britain lurching into totalitarianism.

The late 1970s he spent on both stage and film, but he had not found recognition and popularity exceeding that of Callan until he took the lead role in the American television series The Equalizer (1985–89) as a former intelligence operative. After filming a few episodes of the third season, Woodward suffered a massive coronary. For several episodes, additional actors were brought in to reduce the workload on Woodward as he recovered from the condition. The first episode filmed following Woodward's heart attack involved his character being severely injured by a KGB bullet, providing Woodward with a chance to rest over several episodes. Later in the season, Woodward resumed his full duties and carried the show through a fourth season during 1988-1989. During this period, he also starred in the Cold War espionage thriller, Codename: Kyril (1988), as an MI6 double agent.

Subsequently, he starred in the short-lived CBS series Over My Dead Body, which ran in 1990, playing a mystery writer who gets involved in solving real crimes. In 1994 and 1997, Woodward starred in the BBC drama Common As Muck, in which he played a binman called Nev.

In 1993, Woodward appeared in the Welsh language drama, Tan ar y Comin. Versions were made in both English and Welsh, and Woodward appeared in both, being specially coached in the latter since he did not speak a word of the language.

In 1999, Woodward appeared alongside his son Peter in The Long Road, an episode of the Babylon 5 spin-off, Crusade, on which Peter was a regular cast member. While both actors were playing the part of unrelated Technomages, the on-screen chemistry between them was clear.

His career continued with TV guest-star roles, including an appearance in The New Alfred Hitchcock Presents and Mr. Jones (or Philip, codename Flavius) in the series La Femme Nikita. He also guest-starred with his son Tim and grandson Sam as a London gangster family in a special storyline for The Bill in 2008. In March 2009, he joined EastEnders for six episodes, playing Tommy Clifford.

Woodward was a wargamer and hosted a series of programmes for Tyne Tees Television in 1978 about the hobby with fellow enthusiast Peter Gilder, who built and owned the beautiful Gettysburg diorama used for one of the gaming scenes from the 1974 film Callan.

Woodward was the subject of This Is Your Life on two occasions; in February 1971, he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews in the bar of London's White House Hotel, and in February 1995, Michael Aspel surprised him during a photoshoot at Syon House in West London.

Music
His capability as tenor enabled him to record 12 albums of romantic songs, as well as three albums of poetry and 14 books to tape. His vocal ability and acting skill enabled him to make a number of appearances when time allowed on the BBC's Edwardian era music hall programme, The Good Old Days.

Woodward had two top-100 albums in the UK Album Chart; This Man Alone (number 53 in 1970) and The Edward Woodward Album (number 20 in 1972), while the single "The Way You Look Tonight" peaked at number 42 on the UK Singles Chart in 1971. He also had two top 100 albums in Australia; Edwardian Woodward (#97 in 1975) and A Romantic Hour (#92 in 1980)

Selected discography
 * This Man Alone (1970)
 * It Had to Be You (1971)
 * The Edward Woodward Album (1972)
 * An evening with.... Edward Woodward (1974)
 * Woodward Again (1974)
 * Edwardian Woodward (1975)
 * Love Is the Key (1977)
 * The Thought of You (1978)
 * Don't Get Around Much Anymore (1979)

Personal life
Woodward was married twice. His first marriage was to actress Venetia Barrett (born Venetia Mary Collett, 1928–2016) from 1952 to 1986. They had two sons: Tim Woodward (1953–2023) and Peter Woodward (born 1956), both of whom became actors, as well as a daughter, the Tony Award-nominated actress Sarah Woodward (born 1963). Woodward left Barrett for actress Michele Dotrice, the daughter of his contemporary Roy Dotrice, and married her in New York City in January 1987. Their daughter, Emily Beth Woodward (born 1983), was present at the ceremony.

Woodward was in Cyprus during the Turkish invasion of the island in 1974. Staying in the northern Cyprus town of Kyrenia, he was one of several Britons evacuated from the island by the Royal Navy aircraft carrier HMS Hermes following the Turkish invasion and occupation of Kyrenia.

Woodward was a prominent endorser of the Labour Party in the 1970 general election, featuring in publicity material. Later, he announced support for the SDP.

Woodward suffered a massive heart attack in 1987 (during the third season of The Equalizer) and another one in 1994. He underwent triple bypass surgery in 1996 and quit smoking. In 2003, he was diagnosed with prostate cancer. In July 2009, a planned performance of Love Letters, co-starring his wife Michele, was to be postponed because of damage caused to his hip when he fell down the stairs at his West Country home.

Death
Woodward died at the Royal Cornwall Hospital in Truro, Cornwall, on 16 November 2009, at the age of 79, near his home at Hawker's Cove.

Awards
Woodward won the 1970 BAFTA Award for Best Actor for his title role in Callan. He was made an Officer of the Order of the British Empire (OBE) in 1978. At the 1987 Golden Globe Awards, he won Best Actor in a Dramatic TV Series for his role of Robert McCall in The Equalizer. At the Emmy Awards from 1986 to 1990, he was nominated each year for The Equalizer.

 * Golden Globe Award for Best Actor – Television Series Drama – 1987
 * British Academy Television Award for Best Actor – 1970
 * RTS Television Actor of the Year – 1969, 1970
 * Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Lead Actor in a Drama Series (nominated) – 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989, 1990
 * Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Guest Actor in a Drama Series (nominated) – 1989
 * Officer of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire – 1978

Stage work

 * 1955: Where There's a Will
 * 1958: Romeo and Juliet
 * 1958: Hamlet
 * 1962: Rattle of a Simple Man
 * 1964: High Spirits
 * 1969: Two Cities
 * 1969: Julius Caesar
 * 1969: The White Devil
 * 1970: Cyrano de Bergerac
 * 1973: The Wolf
 * 1975: Male of the Species
 * 1976: On Approval
 * 1978: The Dark Horse
 * 1980: The Beggar's Opera (also as director)
 * 1980: Private Lives
 * 1982: The Assassin
 * 1982: Richard III
 * 1992: The Dead Secret

title: Edward Woodward


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Kabuto

Kabuto (兜, 冑) is a type of helmet first used by ancient Japanese warriors that, in later periods, became an important part of the traditional Japanese armour worn by the samurai class and their retainers in feudal Japan.

Note that in the Japanese language, the word kabuto is an appellative, not a type description, and can refer to any combat helmet.

Every year on Children's Day, May 5, Japanese households display miniature kabuto and samurai armor in keeping with the tradition of Tango no Sekku. In feudal times, real samurai armor, kabuto, and tachi were displayed.

History
Japanese helmets dating from the fifth century have been found in excavated tombs. Called mabizashi-tsuke kabuto (attached-visor helmet), the style of these kabuto came from China and Korea. They had a pronounced central ridge.

Kabuto, now known as samurai helmets, first appeared in the 10th century Heian period with the appearance of ō-yoroi. Until the early Muromachi period, kabuto were made by combining dozens of thin iron plates. Generally, only daimyo and samurai at the rank of commander wore kabuto ornaments called datemono (立物), which were shaped like a pair of hoes. In the middle of the Muromachi period, as the number of large group battles increased, ordinary samurai wore datemono in the shape of a hoe, the sun, the moon, or their flag on their kabuto to show their courage or to distinguish friend from foe.

In the Sengoku period in the 16th century, when the scale of war increased and the guns called tanegashima became popular, the armor styles called ō-yoroi and dō-maru became outdated. As a response to the popularity of tanegashima, the armor style of tosei-gusoku (当世具足) was created. Tosei-gusoku kabuto were made by combining three to four pieces of iron plates. These were more bulletproof than the conventional style and could be mass produced. The tatemono became more eccentric and huge. Some were made of iron, but for safety reasons on the battlefield, they were often made with molded, lacquer-coated paper. In the Azuchi–Momoyama period, tosei-gusoku kabuto had a simple, bold design in accordance with the popularity of Momoyama culture.

In the Edo period, the Tokugawa shogunate defeated the Toyotomi clan in the Summer Siege of Osaka. Japanese society became more peaceful and medieval armor styles were revived. Ōyoroi- and dōmarustyle kabuto were made again. Ornamental kawari kabuto ("strange helmet") were made during this time that had "figures of animals, [kami], or various other objects mounted on top of them". Kabuto during this time were made "from materials including iron, gold-copper alloy, lacquer, leather, silk, wood, gesso, bone[,] and gesso binder".

The kabuto was an important part of the equipment of the samurai, and played a symbolic role as well, which may explain the Japanese expressions, sayings, and codes related to them. For instance, Katte kabuto no o wo shimeyo translates literally to "Tighten the string of the kabuto after winning the war". This refers to not reducing one's efforts after success; an equivalent saying in English would be "Don't rest on your laurels". Kabuto wo nugu (lit. "to take off the kabuto") means "to surrender".

Parts of the kabuto
[[File:Kabuto basic parts.jpg|thumb|1. hachi

2. shikoro

3. fukigaeshi

4. mae-zashi

5. hari-date

6. datemono

7. hachimanza]] The basic parts of the kabuto include:
 * Hachi, a dome composed of overlapping elongated plates called tate hagi-no-ita
 * Tehen, a small opening at the top of the hachi, usually fitted with a tehen kanamono (an ornamental grommet, often resembling a chrysanthemum)
 * Mabizashi, a brim or visor on the front of the hachi
 * Ukebari, a cloth lining inside the hachi
 * Tsunamoto, mounting points for attaching crests
 * Kasa jirushi no kan, a ring at the back of the hachi for securing a kasa jirushi (helmet flag)
 * Fukigaeshi, wing-like or ear-like projections to the sides of the hachi
 * Shikoro, a suspended neck guard composed of multiple overlapping lames
 * Shinobi-no-o (chin cord), often used to secure the mengu (facial armour)

A typical kabuto features a central dome constructed of anywhere from three to over a hundred metal plates riveted together. These were usually arranged vertically, radiating from a small opening in the top. The rivets securing these metal plates to each other could be raised (a form known as hoshi-bachi) or hammered flat (a form known as suji-bachi); another form, called hari bachi, had the rivets filed flush. Some of the finer hachi were signed by their makers, usually from one of several known families, such as the Myochin, Saotome, Haruta, Unkai, or Nagasone families.

A small opening in the top of the kabuto, called the tehen or hachimanza (seat of the war god, Hachiman), was thought to be for passing the warrior's top knot through. Although this practice was largely abandoned after the Muromachi period, this opening may have been retained for purposes of ventilation or simply as an artifact of how the plates were riveted together. The tehen was usually decorated with tehen kanamono, which were rings of intricately worked, soft metal bands often resembling a chrysanthemum. Zunari kabuto and momonari kabuto were two helmet forms that did not usually have an opening at the top.

Kabuto incorporated a suspended neck guard called a shikoro, usually composed of three to seven semicircular, lacquered metal or oxhide lames, attached and articulated by silk or leather lacing, although some shikoro were composed of 100 or more small metal scales in a row. This lamellar armour style, along with kusari (mail armour), was the standard technology of Japanese body armour, and some shikoro were made of mail sewn to a cloth lining (a form called kusari shikoro).

The kabuto was secured to the head by a chin cord called shinobi-no-o, which would usually be tied to posts or hooks on the mengu (facial armour) or simply tied under the chin.

Kabuto are often adorned with crests called datemono or tatemono; the four types of decorations were the maedate (frontal decoration), wakidate (side decorations), kashiradate (top decoration), and ushirodate (rear decoration). These can be family crests (mon), or flat or sculptural objects representing animals, mythical entities, prayers or other symbols. Horns are particularly common, and many kabuto incorporate kuwagata, stylized antlers.

Suji bachi kabuto
Suji bachi kabuto is a multiple-plate type of Japanese helmet with raised ridges or ribs showing where the helmet plates come together; the rivets may be filed flat or they may be left showing, as in the hoshi-bachi kabuto.

Hoshi-bachi kabuto
Hoshi-bachi kabuto (star helmet bowl) with protruding rivet heads, have large rivets (o-boshi), small rivets (ko-boshi) and a rivet with a chrysantemoid-shaped washer at its base (za-boshi). Hoshi-bachi kabuto could also be suji bachi kabuto if there were raised ribs or ridges showing where the helmet plates came together.

Hari bachi kabuto
Hari bachi kabuto is multiple-plate Japanese hachi with no ribs or ridges showing where the helmet plates come and the rivets are filed flush.

Zunari kabuto
The zunari kabuto is a simple, five-plate design.

Tatami kabuto
A great number of simpler, lightweight, folding, portable armours for lower-ranking samurai and foot soldiers (ashigaru) were also produced. These were called tatami armour, and some featured collapsible tatami kabuto (also called choshin-kabuto), made from articulated lames. Tatami kabuto did not use rivets in their construction; instead, lacing or chain mail was used to connect the pieces to each other.

Kaji kabuto
Kaji kabuto were a type of helmet worn by samurai firemen.

Jingasa
Jingasa were war hats made in a variety of shapes, worn by ashigaru (foot soldiers) and samurai, which could be made from leather or metal.

Kawari kabuto, or strange helmet
During the Momoyama period of intense civil warfare, kabuto were made to a simpler design of three or four plates, lacking many of the ornamental features of earlier helmets. To offset the plain, utilitarian form of the new helmet, and to provide visibility and presence on the battlefield, armorers began to build fantastic shapes on top of the simple helmets in harikake (papier-mâché mixed with lacquer over a wooden armature), though some were constructed entirely of iron. These shapes mimicked forms from Japanese culture and mythology, including fish, cow horns, the head of the god of longevity, bolts of silk, head scarves, Ichi-no-Tani canyon, and axe heads, among many others. Some forms were realistically rendered, while others took on a very futuristic, modernist feel.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Kabuto


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Alain Sailhac

Alain Pierre Sailhac (7 January 1936 – 1 December 2022) was a French internationally recognized chef working in New York City, where he held the position of executive vice president and dean emeritus at The International Culinary Center, founded as the French Culinary Institute. Sailhac earned the first-ever four-star rating from The New York Times while at Le Cygne in 1977. He went on to be a chef at Le Cirque, the 21 Club, and the Plaza Hotel.

Culinary background
Sailhac, born in France on 7 January 1936, began his culinary career at age 14, working as an apprentice at the Capion restaurant in his small hometown of Millau, France. He worked in Paris, Corfu, Rhodes, and Guadeloupe before becoming sous chef at the Michelin Guide two-star Château de Larraldia. In New York City, beginning in 1965, Sailhac established himself as chef de cuisine at Le Mistral and Le Manoir. Stints at several Paris hotels and restaurants and as executive chef at l'Hôtel Royal in New Caledonia and Le Perroquet in Chicago followed.

In 1974, Sailhac worked at Le Cygne, which during his tenure, received the coveted four stars from The New York Times in 1977. He served as executive chef from 1978 through 1986 at the legendary Le Cirque restaurant on Manhattan's Upper East Side, earning three stars in 1984 from The New York Times. Sailhac also was executive chef at the 21 Club, culinary director at the Plaza Hotel, and a consultant to the Regency Hotel. In 1991, Sailhac joined The French Culinary Institute as dean of culinary studies and was executive vice president and dean emeritus.

Achievements
In 1984, Sailhac was welcomed into the world’s oldest savory culinary association: the Maîtres Cuisiniers de France (Master Chefs of France | MCF). In 1997, he received the MCF Silver Toque after being named Chef of the Year by the Maîtres Cuisiniers de France (Master Chefs of France), an award that places him among the world's outstanding culinary artists.

Sailhac received the Silver Spoon Award with his wife, Arlene Feltman Sailhac, from Food Arts magazine in 2003. Also that year, he was the recipient of the 2003 James Beard Foundation "Who's Who of Food and Beverage in America. He also was the Chevalier du Mérite Agricole, and in 2004, he was presented France's Ordre National du Mérite.

Sailhac was a member of numerous prestigious culinary organizations, including the Maîtres Cuisiniers de France and the Société Culinaire Philanthropique.

On 13 May 2010, Sailhac, along with other chefs from The French Culinary Institute (now known as The International Culinary Center), Jacques Pepin, Jacques Torres and André Soltner, prepared a $30,000-per-couple dinner for President Barack Obama's fund-raiser for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee at Manhattan's St. Regis Hotel.

Death
Sailhac died in New York on 1 December 2022, at the age of 86.

title: Alain Sailhac


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Anne Fisher

Anne or Ann Fisher may refer to:

 * Ann Fisher (grammarian) (1719–1778), author and grammarian
 * Anne B. Fisher (1898–1967), American writer
 * Anne Fisher, wife of Charles Connell and sister of Lewis P. Fisher
 * Anne Fisher, character in Car of Dreams
 * Ann Fisher, WOSU-FM talk show host

title: Anne Fisher


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Jacques Roux

Jacques Roux (, 21 August 1752 – 10 February 1794) was a radical Roman Catholic Red priest who took an active role in politics during the French Revolution. He skillfully expounded the ideals of popular democracy and classless society to crowds of Parisian sans-culottes, working class wage earners and shopkeepers, radicalizing them into a revolutionary force. He became a leader of a popular far-left.

Radical revolutionary
In 1791 Roux was elected to the Paris Commune. When the French First Republic started in 1792, Roux became aligned with the political faction dubbed by their enemies as the Enragés (French for The Enraged Ones but also a "madman" ). He was considered the most extreme spokesman on the left for the interests of the Parisian sans-culottes.

Roux consistently fought for an economically equal society, turning the crowds of sans-culottes against the bourgeois torpor of the Jacobins. He demanded that food be made available to every member of society, and called for the wealthy to be executed should they hoard it. Roux tirelessly voiced the demands of the poor Parisian population to confiscate aristocratic wealth and provide affordable bread.

He became popular enough that, as the split between the Girondins and the Montagnards grew wider, his voice helped remove the Girondins from the National Convention in 1793.

Manifesto of the Enragés
In a controversial 1793 address to the National Convention that's been dubbed the Manifesto of the Enragés, Roux demanded the abolition of private property and class society in the name of the people he represented.

Soon, Roux's incendiary rhetoric was igniting food riots and upsetting the balance of power within the Paris Commune. Maximilien Robespierre, fearing Roux threatened the dominance of the Jacobin government, presented accusations of him being a foreign spy intentionally trying to disrupt the revolutionary government and the Committee of Public Safety. During this time, Roux's former friend, Jean-Paul Marat, also turned against him, writing in his newspaper, L'Ami du peuple, that Roux was a false priest that was only interested in religion as long as it provided income. On 7 July 1793 Roux's enemies brought Elizabeth Marguerite Hébert in for questioning in an attempt to charge Roux with extortion and "misappropriation of charitable funds". Hébert was a recent widow with no means to support herself and, two years earlier, Roux had agreed to raise funds for her and her family. When asked if Roux had an ulterior motive, she replied that she did not believe he did. He wasn't arrested then, but in August 1793, Roux was arrested under the charges that he had withheld funds from both the widow Hébert and another widow, Mlle. Beaurepaire. Roux assured the revolutionary committee of section Gravilliers that he did nothing of the sort and that his enemies were working against him. Roux was released into the custody of two of his friends, where he continued fighting for his ideals. On 5 September 1793 Roux was thrown into prison again.

Death
On 14 January 1794 Roux was informed that his case was going to be tried by the Revolutionary Tribunal. Upon hearing this news, Roux pulled out a knife and stabbed himself several times, but failed to land a fatal blow. Less than a month later, on 10 February 1794, while recovering in prison, Roux stabbed himself again, this time succeeding in killing himself. He was 41.

As the Enragés movement began falling apart, Jacques Hébert's more moderate left-wing faction known as the Hébertists tried to win over his former supporters and continue where he had left off.

In popular culture
In Peter Weiss's Marat/Sade, Roux is portrayed by an asylum patient in the Marquis de Sade's dramatization of Jean-Paul Marat's assassination. The actor's lines come under fire by the asylum directors, who have cut his dialogue. In most productions, the actor portraying Roux is costumed in a straight jacket, which symbolizes the asylum's desire to restrain political radicals such as himself.

Roux was portrayed by Alan Rickman in a monologue written by Peter Barnes for the television short Revolutionary Witness. In the monologue, Roux performs a sermon in a ruined church the day before he is brought before the Revolutionary Tribunal, where he laments the current direction of the revolution. He argues that the poor, despite aiding in the revolution, are still being oppressed and dying while the rich are still powerful. He also narrates his life, regaling anecdotes from his youth all the way to the revolution. He believes that, due to his populist and progressive beliefs, he is "too revolutionary for the revolution." As his sermon comes to an end, he promises that he will not defend himself before the Tribunal, but attack his opponents, promising that, should he be found guilty, he will "die like [his] friend Marat, though struck down by a better hand, [his] own." In the last seconds of the monologue, Roux pleads to his listeners to continue fighting, arguing that "the revolution isn't complete."

Roux (played by Elias Toufexis) is featured in a mission in French Revolution-set Assassin's Creed Unity, in which the player is tasked with assassinating him.

title: Jacques Roux


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Mother's Finest

Mother's Finest is an American funk rock band founded in Atlanta, Georgia, by the vocal duo of Joyce "Baby Jean" Kennedy and Glenn "Doc" Murdock in 1970 when the pair met up with guitarist Gary "Moses Mo" Moore and bassist Jerry "Wyzard" Seay. Their music is a blend of funky rhythms, heavy rock guitars and expressive soul/R&B-style vocals.

The group charted with the singles "Fire" (No. 93 Pop Singles), "Baby Love" (No. 79 Black Singles, No. 58 Pop Singles), "Don't Wanna Come Back" (No. 54 Black Singles), "Love Changes" (No. 26 Black Singles), and "Piece of the Rock" in the mid- to late 1970s.

History
Mother's Finest issued its debut album Mother's Finest in 1972 on RCA; a second album for RCA remained unreleased until it surfaced as bonus tracks on the 2010 Wounded Bird re-issue of Mother's Finest. The group signed a new contract with Epic Records and released its sophomore effort, also titled Mother's Finest, in 1976, stirring up controversy with the ironic "Niggizz Can't Sang Rock 'n' Roll". Riding a wave of success, the band's next three albums, Another Mother Further (1977), Mother Factor (1978) and Mother's Finest Live (1979), all went gold, helped along by heavy touring opening for the likes of Ted Nugent, Black Sabbath, The Who, Aerosmith and AC/DC.

In 1978, the band set out for Europe and took part in the Rockpalast concert series at the Grugahalle in Essen, produced by Germany's WDR television and broadcast to various countries. With only one concert Mother's Finest put themselves on the map all over Europe where the band still has a dedicated following. The legendary 1978 show was finally released on CD and DVD in 2012 as Mother's Finest – Live At Rockpalast 1978 & 2003 which also includes the band's 2003 "Rockpalast" appearance at Satzvey Castle.

After four albums for Epic/CBS in the 70's, the band signed with Atlantic Records for its heaviest album to date, 1981's Iron Age. That same year Joyce Kennedy guested with Molly Hatchet on the song "Respect Me in the Morning" from the Take No Prisoners album. Mother's Finest went on hiatus after 1983's One Mother to Another, with vocalist Joyce Kennedy pursuing a solo career, releasing the soul/R&B-styled Lookin' for Trouble album on A&M Records in 1984. She scored a Billboard Top 40 hit with "The Last Time I Made Love", a duet with Jeffrey Osborne. A year later, Joyce recorded the song "Didn't I Tell You?" for the soundtrack of the film The Breakfast Club. Drummer Barry Borden, who had joined Molly Hatchet on the No Guts...No Glory album, teamed up with guitarist Moses Mo in the band Illusion, resulting in a pair of albums, Illusion (1985) and I Like It Loud (1986), on Geffen Records. Borden would later join The Outlaws for a pair of albums and has been a member of The Marshall Tucker Band since the late 1990s.

Meanwhile, bassist Wyzard toured with Fleetwood Mac's Stevie Nicks behind her 1983 album The Wild Heart, including an appearance on Saturday Night Live. Eventually, he and brother/drummer Harold Seay, who had replaced Barry Borden on One Mother to Another, joined Rick Medlocke in a revamped Blackfoot lineup and appeared on 1987's Rick Medlocke and Blackfoot album.

Mother's Finest re-formed for 1989's Looks Could Kill on Capitol/EMI Records, with only drummer Barry Borden missing from the classic lineup. He was replaced by Joyce Kennedy and Glenn Murdock's son, Dion Derek Murdock. In 1990, the band released its second live album, Subluxation, on RCA/BMG, albeit only in Europe. It was the first album to feature guitarist John "Red Devil" Hayes, formerly of Atlanta's PG-13, hired in place of the departing Moses Mo.

The band moved over to Scotti Bros. for 1992's Black Radio Won't Play This Record, a heavy Thom Panunzio produced funk metal affair, recorded with the help of former Sound Barrier member Tracey "Spacey T" Singleton on guitar. The band continued to tour heavily, especially in Europe, but did not release another studio CD until 2004's Meta-Funk'n-Physical, an experimental, hip hop- and electronic beats-oriented effort.

In 1997, drummer Dion Murdock lent his services to Kingdom Come and appeared on their Master Seven album. In 1999, Wyzard, Moses Mo and longtime Mother's Finest touring keyboardist Pascal Kravetz joined multi-national band Carl Carlton & The Songdogs, releasing a handful of albums along the way. In 2002, Moses Mo issued his solo album, Cartoon You, which features contributions from Glenn Murdock, Joyce Kennedy and Wyzard, along with several other members of the extended Mother's Finest family, Kerry Denton, Harold Seay, Johnnetta Johnson and Pascal Kravetz. In 2008, Wyzard released his solo album, Primal Incantation, featuring brother Harold Seay on drums.

Beginning in 2004, Joyce Kennedy was seen on the international Daughters of Soul tour along with Sandra St. Victor, Nona Hendryx, Lalah Hathaway (daughter of Donny Hathaway), Indira Khan (daughter of Chaka Khan), and Simone (daughter of Nina Simone). Nona Hendryx would cover Mother's Finest's "Truth'll Set You Free" off Another Mother Further with her group Labelle on their 2008 album Back to Now.

In 2010, fellow Georgia rockers Jackyl, featuring Darryl McDaniels from Run-D.M.C., paid homage to Mother's Finest with a cover of "Like a Negro" from Black Radio Won't Play This Record and also shot a video.. Jackyl frontman Jesse James Dupree had previously been in the band PG-13 with John Hayes in the late 1980s and called on Hayes to play guitar on his 2000 solo album, Foot Fetish, with Hayes and fellow Mother's Finest members, Wyzard and Dion Derek Murdock, all contributing to the songwriting. Dupree, Hayes, Wyzard and Murdock had earlier played together under the name Dent. The band recorded an album for Sony Music, which was ultimately shelved by the label and remains unreleased.

On September 16, 2011, Mother's Finest was inducted into the Georgia Music Hall of Fame.

In July 2013, Mother's Finest launched a Kickstarter campaign to raise funds for a new studio album.

In November 2014, it was announced that the band had signed a European record deal with SPV/Steamhammer for their new studio, Goody 2 Shoes & The Filthy Beast, set for a spring 2015 release. An advance single, "Shut Up", was issued on St. Nicholas Day, December 6, 2014 "as a present to all their European fans".

In November 2015, Australian label Raven Records re-issued the band's 4 albums for Epic Records, Mother's Finest ('76), Another Mother Further ('77), Mother Factor ('78) and Live ('79) as a 2-disc package. British label SoulMusic Records would issue the 2-disc Love Changes: The Anthology 1972–1983 set in March 2017, including 2 songs from the band's 1972 debut album for RCA and a further 6 cuts from the second unreleased RCA album. These eight songs had previously been available on CD as bonus tracks on the now out-of-print Wounded Bird Records re-issue of the 1976 Mother's Finest album.

On April 14, 2017, British label Rock Candy Records re-issued a re-mastered version of Mother's Finest's 1981 scorcher Iron Age, including a 16-page full color booklet, 4000-word essay about the making of the album, new interviews and enhanced artwork.

Original lineup

 * Joyce "Baby Jean" Kennedy – vocals and percussion
 * Glenn "Doc" Murdock – vocals and percussion
 * Jerry "Wyzard" Seay – bass
 * Gary "Moses Mo" Moore – guitar
 * Mike Keck – keyboards
 * Sanford "Pepe" Daniels – Drums

Classic lineup

 * Joyce "Baby Jean" Kennedy – vocals
 * Glenn "Doc" Murdock – vocals
 * Jerry "Wyzard" Seay – bass
 * Gary "Moses Mo" Moore – guitar
 * Mike Keck – keyboards
 * Barry "B.B. Queen" Borden – drums

1990 Looks Could Kill tour lineup

 * Joyce "Baby Jean" Kennedy – vocals
 * Glenn "Doc" Murdock – vocals
 * Jerry "Wyzard" Seay – bass
 * Gary "Moses Mo" Moore – guitar
 * Dion Murdock – drums
 * T Lavitz – keyboards

1993 world tour lineup

 * Joyce "Baby Jean" Kennedy – vocals
 * Glenn "Doc" Murdock – vocals
 * Jerry "Wyzard" Seay – bass
 * John "Red Devil" Hayes – guitar
 * Dion Murdock – drums
 * Ace Baker – keyboards

2004 lineup

 * Joyce "Baby Jean" Kennedy – vocals
 * Glenn "Doc" Murdock – vocals
 * Jerry "Wyzard" Seay – bass
 * Gary "Moses Mo" Moore – guitar
 * John "Red Devil" Hayes – guitar
 * Kerry "Lovingood" Denton – drums
 * Johnnetta "JJ" Johnson – percussion & backing vocals

2014 lineup

 * Joyce "Baby Jean" Kennedy – vocals
 * Glenn "Doc" Murdock – vocals
 * Jerry "Wyzard" Seay – bass
 * Gary "Moses Mo" Moore – guitar
 * John "Red Devil" Hayes – guitar
 * Dion Derek Murdock – drums

2018 lineup
Touring Musicians
 * Joyce "Baby Jean" Kennedy – vocals
 * Glenn "Doc" Murdock – vocals
 * Jerry "Wyzard" Seay – bass
 * Gary "Moses Mo" Moore – guitar
 * John "Red Devil" Hayes – guitar
 * Dion Derek Murdock – drums
 * Carly Gibson – backing vocals
 * Sami Michelsen – backing vocals

Current lineup
Touring Musicians
 * Joyce "Baby Jean" Kennedy – vocals
 * Glenn "Doc" Murdock – vocals
 * Jerry "Wyzard" Seay – bass
 * Gary "Moses Mo" Moore – guitar
 * John "Red Devil" Hayes – guitar
 * Dion Derek Murdock – drums
 * April Bennett – backing vocals
 * Sami Michelsen – backing vocals

Albums

 * Mother's Finest (1972), RCA
 * Mother's Finest (1976), Epic
 * Another Mother Further (1977), Epic
 * Mother Factor (1978), Epic
 * Live (1979), Epic
 * Iron Age (1981), Atlantic
 * One Mother to Another (1983), Epic
 * Looks Could Kill (1989), Capitol
 * Subluxation (1990), RCA – live album
 * Black Radio Won't Play This Record (1992), Scotti Bros.
 * Meta-Funk'n Physical (2003), UTR Music
 * Right Here, Right Now: Live at Villa Berg (2005), MTM Music
 * MF 4D (2011), U*ME/US*We – live album
 * Mother's Finest – Live at Rockpalast 1978 & 2003 (2012), MIG
 * Goody 2 Shoes & The Filthy Beasts (2015), SPV/Steamhammer

Compilations

 * The Very Best of Mother’s Finest (1990), Epic
 * Rock Your Soul (1996), Sony Special Products
 * The Very Best of Mother’s Finest: Not Yer Mother’s Funk (1997), Razor & Tie
 * Baby Love (1998), Kiosk
 * Definitive Collection (1998), Sony International
 * Burning Love: Best (2000), Cedar
 * Love Changes: The Anthology 1972–1983 (2017), SoulMusic Records

DVD

 * Mother's Finest – Live at Rockpalast 1978 & 2003 (2012), MIG

title: Mother's Finest


text:
Cheaha Mountain

Cheaha Mountain, often called Mount Cheaha, is the highest natural point in the U.S. state of Alabama. It is located a few miles northwest of the town of Delta in Cheaha State Park, which offers a lodge, a restaurant, and other amenities. The nearest higher peak is Brushy Top in Gilmer County, Georgia, 106.72 miles (171.75 km) away.

Description
The highest point is marked with a USGS benchmark in front of Bunker Tower, a stone Civilian Conservation Corps building with an observation deck on top. The CCC also constructed a road to Cheaha, but the road has been closed for years. The old road is known as CC Road and contains interesting ruins. Near the peak is Bald Rock, which was recently improved with a wheelchair-accessible wooden walkway that provides an impressive overlook of the surrounding region. The mountain was opened to the public as part of Cheaha State Park on June 7, 1939.

The mountain is a host to several commercial and public service transmitters. These radio antennas, along with sundry structures dating back to commercial schemes by the state of Alabama in the 1970s, stand in stark contrast to the surrounding natural environment. The Calhoun County Amateur Radio Association has a repeater near the peak, and Alabama Public Television has its transmitter for WCIQ TV 7 on a tower 176 m tall, rebuilt after the January 1982 ice storm brought the previous one crashing to the ground.

Geology
Cheaha Mountain is part of the Talladega Mountains, a small section of the Ridge and Valley Mountains, unlike other elevations of the Appalachians in north Alabama, which are part of the Cumberland Plateau. The mountain is the highest point in the eastern portion of the Sun Belt (east of the Mississippi River, south of Interstate 20, and north of the Gulf of Mexico). The summit of the mountain gives an impression of being at a much higher elevation than it actually is, in part because of the relatively low elevation of the adjacent area to the west. For example, the summit of Cheaha Mountain (elevation 2,413 feet or 735 meters) measures roughly 1,725.72 feet (526 meters) above the city of Oxford (elevation 686 feet or 209 meters) near the base of the mountain. Geologically it is composed of weakly metamorphosed sandstones and conglomerates of the Cheaha quartzite, of Silurian / Devonian age, and stands high topographically due to the erosional resistance of these rocks. The soil, only moderately deep, is a brown stony silt loam of the Cheaha series; it is well drained and very strongly acidic.

title: Cheaha Mountain


text:
Jacques Pépin

Jacques Pépin (born December 18, 1935) is a French chef, author, culinary educator, television personality, and artist. After having been the personal chef of French President Charles de Gaulle, he moved to the US in 1959 and after working in New York's top French restaurants, refused the same job with President John F. Kennedy in the White House and instead took a culinary development job with Howard Johnson's. During his career, he has served in numerous prestigious restaurants, first, in Paris, and then in America. He has appeared on American television and has written for The New York Times, Food & Wine and other publications. He has authored more than 30 cookbooks, some of which have become best sellers. Pépin was a longtime friend of the American chef Julia Child, and their 1999 PBS series Julia and Jacques Cooking at Home won a Daytime Emmy Award. He also holds a BA and a MA from Columbia University in French literature.

He has been honored with 24 James Beard Foundation Awards, five honorary doctoral degrees, the American Public Television's lifetime achievement award, the Emmy Award for Lifetime Achievement in 2019 and the Légion d'honneur, France's highest order of merit, in 2004.

Since 1989, Pépin has taught in the Culinary Arts Program at Boston University and served as dean of special programs at the International Culinary Center in New York City. In 2016, with his daughter, Claudine Pépin and his son-in-law, Rollie Wesen, Pépin created the Jacques Pépin Foundation to support culinary education for adults with barriers to employment. He has lived in Connecticut since 1975.

Early life and education
Pépin was born in 1935 in Bourg-en-Bresse, France. He was the second of three sons born to Jeannette and Jean-Victor Pépin. After World War II, his parents opened a restaurant called Le Pélican, where Pépin worked as a child, and later became known for his love for food.

At the age of thirteen, he started his apprenticeship at Le Grand Hôtel de l'Europe in Bourg-en-Bresse.

Pépin achieved his university education in his 30s, after his move to the United States in 1959. There he enrolled in English for foreign students, a GED equivalent, and eventually General Studies classes toward a Bachelor of Arts degree at Columbia University. He earned his Bachelor of Arts in 1970 from Columbia University's School of General Studies, and in 1972, his Master of Arts in French literature from the Columbia Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. He entered into a doctoral program at Columbia, but his proposed thesis on French food in literature was rejected for being too frivolous for serious academic pursuit.

Early career
At age sixteen, Pépin went on to work in Paris, training under Lucien Diat at the Plaza Athénée. From 1956 to 1958, during his military service, he was recognized for his culinary training and skill and was ordered to work in the Office of the Treasury, where he met his long-time cooking partner, Jean-Claude Szurdak, and eventually became the personal chef to three French heads of state, including Charles de Gaulle.

In 1959, Pépin went to the United States to work at the restaurant Le Pavillon. Soon after his arrival, The New York Times food editor Craig Claiborne introduced him to James Beard and Helen McCully. McCully introduced him to Julia Child, who became a lifelong friend and collaborator. In 1961, after Pépin had declined an offer from John F. Kennedy and Jacqueline Kennedy to serve as chef at the White House, Howard Johnson, a regular Le Pavillon customer, hired him to work alongside fellow Frenchman Pierre Franey to develop food lines for his chain of Howard Johnson's restaurants, where Pépin served as the director of research and development for a decade.

In 1970, Pépin opened a specialty soup restaurant and lunch counter on Manhattan's 5th Avenue called La Potagerie, and began to enjoy popular success with appearances on talk shows such as What's My Line? and To Tell the Truth.

His career as a restaurant chef ended abruptly with a near fatal car accident in 1974.

Middle career
Beginning in the mid-1970s, after a car accident which damaged his left arm, Pépin reinvented himself as an educator, author and eventually a television personality. Pépin worked as a consultant for restaurateur Joe Baum on his Windows on the World project, and offered classes at small cooking schools and cookware shops around the United States. In 1976, Pépin authored his cookbook La Technique, followed by La Methode in 1979. The use of thousands of photographs, illustrating the techniques and methods required to achieve certain culinary results, provided a window into the art of cooking. The books are credited by chef Tom Colicchio and others as helping them to learn the craft of cooking.

In 1982, along with Alain Sailhac and André Soltner, Pépin was invited by Dorothy Cann Hamilton to become one of the deans at the newly formed culinary school, the French Culinary Institute, in New York City, now known as the International Culinary Center (ICC). Also in 1982, he filmed his first television series, with PBS local station WJCT-TV in Jacksonville, Florida, and published a companion cookbook entitled Everyday Cooking with Jacques Pépin. Through the 1980s and into the 1990s, Pépin was published as a columnist for The New York Times, and a guest author for Gourmet, Food & Wine and many others. He authored several more cookbooks, including The Art of Cooking, volumes 1 and 2, and The Short-Cut Cook.

In 1989, Pépin partnered with Julia Child and Rebecca Alssid to create a culinary certificate program within the Metropolitan College at Boston University (BU). This effort eventually led to the first, and still one of the few, Master's degrees in Gastronomy. Pépin's 1991 television series Today’s Gourmet, filmed at KQED studios in San Francisco was created from recipes from several books, brought together in the companion cookbook Jacques Pépin's Table. In 1994 and 1996, Pepin and Julia Child appeared in 90 minute PBS specials, Cooking In Concert and More Cooking In Concert, filmed live before a Boston audience as part of the PBS annual fund drives for those years. In 1996, Pépin introduced his then 27-year-old daughter Claudine, in three television series and companion books: Cooking with Claudine, Encore with Claudine and Jacques Pépin Celebrates. The father to daughter relationship, combined with an instructor to culinary novice relationship, demonstrated Pépin's work as a chef and teacher. Each of the three series earned the pair James Beard Foundation Awards. In 1999, Pépin teamed up with Julia Child for the series and companion book Jacques and Julia Cooking at Home. The TV series, produced by Susie Heller, won a Daytime Emmy Award and a James Beard Foundation Award. In 2003, Pépin published his autobiography, The Apprentice: My Life in the Kitchen.

Later career

In the 21st century, Pépin continues to cook, write, publish, film for television, paint and take on new projects. Throughout his career, he has toured and taught on cruise ships including the Queen Elizabeth 2, and the Crystal Cruises and Princess Cruises lines. In 2003, he was named the executive culinary director of Oceania Cruises, and "is credited with helping it achieve its reputation for culinary excellence and style". Pépin continues to teach at the ICC and at BU, and offers book signings, culinary demonstrations and classes on Oceania cruises and at various locations across the US, several times per year.

Since his time as a student at Columbia University, Pépin has dabbled in and enjoyed drawing and painting. In recent years, he has committed more time to his art, and enjoyed some success with commercial sales on his website, Jacques Pépin Art, and juried shows. In the first decade of the 2000s, Pépin published several more cookbooks including Fast Food My Way and More Fast Food My Way, which were paired with television series of the same name, produced by Tina Salter, and Chez Jacques: Traditions and Rituals of a Cook, that significantly featured Pépin's art. In 2011, Pépin filmed the series Essential Pépin at KQED studios and published a companion cookbook with more than 700 recipes and a set of technique-oriented videos. In 2012, he published New Complete Techniques, which combined and updated his important earlier works La Technique and La Methode.

In 2015 Pépin, 79, recovered at his home in Connecticut after suffering a minor stroke. He canceled his appearance at the annual International Association of Culinary Professionals conference in Washington D.C., but otherwise insisted on returning to his normal schedule, according to the Associated Press. "Oh my god, he made soup this morning", Pépin's daughter Claudine told the Associated Press. "I will do my best to lighten the load, but he's not of the mind to cancel anything. Honestly, he wanted to go to IACP. He's like, 'I'm talking. I can walk. Let's go.

In 2016, with his daughter Claudine Pépin and son-in-law Rollie Wesen, Jacques created his eponymous, non-profit, organization the Jacques Pépin Foundation (JPF). The mission of the foundation is to support organizations that provide culinary training to adults and youths with barriers to employment such as low-income, low-skills, homelessness, issues with substance abuse and previous incarceration. The JPF provides grants, independent research, source and curricular materials, equipment, direct teaching and video instruction to community-based culinary training programs around the USA.

In 2017, Pépin published a cookbook with his granddaughter Shorey Wesen, entitled A Grandfather's Lessons. In the same year, Pépin received an honorary doctorate from the Columbia University School of General Studies. Pépin resided in Connecticut with his wife Gloria, until her death in 2020.

Television
The success of Pépin's book La Technique, used as a textbook for teaching the fundamentals of French cuisine, prompted him to launch a televised version resulting in a 1997 PBS series, The Complete Pépin. Relaunched on PBS ten years after its initial run, the series included a new introduction by Pépin where he stressed that the secret to being a successful chef and not a mere line cook lies in knowing and using the proper technique.

In 1999, Pépin co-starred in the PBS series Julia and Jacques Cooking at Home alongside Julia Child. The program was awarded a Daytime Emmy in 2001.

His show Jacques Pépin: Fast Food My Way (based on his 2004 book of the same name) ran on PBS, and Jacques Pépin: More Fast Food My Way was broadcast on PBS' Create. In Essential Pépin (2011), Pépin brings modern touches to some of his favorite recipes from his career. In the 26-part public television series, Pépin demonstrates more than 125 dishes while the companion book, published by Houghton-Mifflin, contains more than 700 recipes. In this series, Pépin cooks with his daughter, Claudine, wife of chef Rolland Wesen. All of his programs have been produced by KQED-TV in San Francisco.

Pépin was a guest judge on season five of the Bravo television show Top Chef, which aired in 2008. He stated that his ideal "final meal" would be roast squab and fresh peas.

Pépin was a guest on the television show Wahlburgers episode called "Pauli Day". Donnie Wahlberg arranged for Pépin to surprise his brother Paul Wahlberg for his birthday.

In 2015, his television series Jacques Pépin Heart & Soul began airing. According to its producer, Tina Salter KQED-TV, the series would be his "most personal and special, revealing a man – a legend – whose lust for life, love of food, family and friends continues". The series premiered on KQED on September 12, 2015, and nationally on September 19.

A documentary about his life, Jacques Pépin: The Art of Craft, aired as part of the PBS series American Masters, premiering May 26, 2017. The film, narrated by Stanley Tucci, was produced and directed by Peter L. Stein, who had produced several of Pépin's early television cooking series at KQED in the 1990s.

In 2020, Jacques and KQED began filming "Cooking at Home" for release on YouTube.

Awards and honors
In addition to the Daytime Emmy Award won with Julia Child, Pépin has received three of the French government's honors: He is a Chevalier de L'Ordre des Arts et des Lettres (1997) and a Chevalier de L'Ordre du Mérite Agricole (1992). In October 2004, he received France's Légion d'honneur. He has also received 24 James Beard Foundation awards.

On May 13, 2010, Pépin, along with other chefs from the French Culinary Institute (known as the International Culinary Center), Alain Sailhac, Jacques Torres and André Soltner, prepared a $30,000-per-couple dinner for President Barack Obama's fund-raiser for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee at Manhattan's St. Regis Hotel.

On February 5, 2010, during the christening of MS Marina, Pépin was named an honorary commodore of the Oceania Cruises fleet, for which he serves as executive culinary director.

He received an honorary doctorate of Humane Letters from Boston University on May 22, 2011. In October 2011, Pépin was the recipient of the first-ever tribute dinner at the New York Food and Wine Festival. Cooking for Pépin at the event, hosted by Martha Stewart, were French chefs Alain Ducasse, Daniel Boulud, and others. In 2015, Pépin was the first recipient of the Julia Child Award from The Julia Child Foundation for Gastronomy and the Culinary Arts.

In May 2017, Pépin received an honorary doctorate of Humane Letters from Columbia University.

Personal life
Pépin married Gloria Evelyn Augier in 1966, whom he met while working as a ski instructor. She died on December 5, 2020. They had one daughter, Claudine (b. 1968).

In 1974, Pépin was badly injured while driving on a country road when a deer leapt in front of his car and he swerved to avoid it. His car hit the deer, veered off the road, struck a telephone pole, then crashed into a ravine and landed upside-down and on fire. He fractured 14 bones in his back, pelvis, and arms. His left arm was so badly injured that physicians initially wanted to amputate it. Pépin recovered, but his left shoulder remained limited in mobility and his left arm is several inches shorter than his right. In his autobiography, The Apprentice: My Life in the Kitchen, Pépin notes that his accident caused him to realize that he would not be able to continue working full-time as a chef/restaurateur; this realization motivated his reinvention as a teacher and author.

title: Jacques Pépin


text:
Mon (emblem)

Mon (紋), also called monshō (紋章), mondokoro (紋所), and kamon (家紋), are Japanese emblems used to decorate and identify an individual, a family, or (more recently) an institution, municipality or business entity. While is an encompassing term that may refer to any such device,  and  refer specifically to emblems that are used to identify a family. An authoritative reference compiles Japan's 241 general categories of  based on structural resemblance (a single  may belong to multiple categories), with 5,116 distinct individual. However, it is well acknowledged that there are a number of lost or obscure. Among, the officially used by the family is called jōmon (定紋). Over time, new have been created, such as kaemon (替紋), which is unofficially created by an individual, and onnamon (女紋), which is created by a woman after marriage by modifying part of her original family's, so that by 2023 there will be a total of 20,000 to 25,000.

The devices are similar to the badges and coats of arms in European heraldic tradition, which likewise are used to identify individuals and families. are often referred to as crests in Western literature, the crest being a European heraldic device similar to the in function. Japanese influenced Louis Vuitton's monogram designs through Japonisme in Europe in the late 1800s.

History
originated in the mid-Heian period (c. 900–1000) as a way to identify individuals and families among the nobility. They had a pecking order, and when bullock cart (牛車) passed each other on the road, the one with the lower status had to give way, and the was painted on the. The, an picture scroll (絵巻物) depicting the Heiji rebellion, shows painted on. Gradually, the nobility began to use on their own costumes, and the samurai class that emerged in the late Heian period and came to power in the Kamakura period (1185–1333) also began to use. By the 12th century, sources give a clear indication that heraldry had been implemented as a distinguishing feature, especially for use in battle. It is seen on flags, tents, and equipment. On the battlefield, served as army standards, even though this usage was not universal and uniquely designed army standards were just as common as -based standards (cf., ).

Gradually, spread to the lower classes, and in the Muromachi period (1336–1573), merchants painted emblems on their shop signs, which became. In the Edo period (1603–1867), kabuki actors used, and the general public was allowed to choose and use their favorite. By the Genroku period (1680–1709) in the early Edo period, the use of was fully established among the general public. However, the use of the chrysanthemum used by the imperial family and the hollyhock  used by the Tokugawa clan (Tokugawa shogunate) was prohibited. were also adapted by various organizations, such as merchant and artisan guilds, temples and shrines, theater troupes and even criminal gangs. In an illiterate society, they served as useful symbols for recognition.

Japanese traditional formal attire generally displays the of the wearer. Commoners without often used those of their patron or the organization they belonged to. In cases when none of those were available, they sometimes used one of the few which were seen as "vulgar", or invented or adapted whatever  they wished, passing it on to their descendants. It was not uncommon for shops, and therefore shop-owners, to develop to identify themselves.

Occasionally, patron clans granted the use of their to their retainers as a reward. Similar to the granting of the patron's surnames, this was considered a very high honor. Alternatively, the patron clan may have added elements of its to that of its retainer, or chosen an entirely different  for them.

Design
motifs can be broadly classified into five categories: animals, plants, nature, buildings and vehicles, and tools and patterns, each with its own meaning. The most common animal motifs are the crane and the turtle, which, according to tradition, were symbols of longevity and were used to wish the family a long and prosperous life. Plant were symbols of wealth and elegance, so they were often used to wish for the improvement of the family's social status and economic power, and motifs such as wisteria and paulownia were often used. depicting buildings, vehicles, or tools often indicated occupation or status. For example, a with a  gate indicated a family associated with Shinto, a  with a  wheel indicated nobility, and a  with a crowbar indicated a family associated with construction. The of nature was a symbol of respect for nature and prayers for a good harvest, and motifs such as the moon, mountains, and thunder were used.

The most commonly used motifs are wisteria, paulownia, hawk feathers, flowering quince, and creeping woodsorrel, which are called the five major (五大紋). However, according to a dictionary of published by Shogakukan, oak is listed instead of paulownia. There are more than 150 types of wisteria, and their use by the Fujiwara clan led to their popularization.

Similar to the blazon in European heraldry, are also named by the content of the design, even though there is no set rule for such names. Unlike in European heraldry, however, this "blazon" is not prescriptive—the depiction of a does not follow the name—instead the names only serve to describe the. The pictorial depictions of the are not formalized and small variations of what is supposed to be the same  can sometimes be seen, but the designs are for the most part standardized through time and tradition.

The degree of variation tolerated differ from to  as well. For example, the paulownia crest with 5-7-5 leaves is reserved for the prime minister, whereas paulownia with fewer leaves could be used by anyone. The imperial chrysanthemum also specifies 16 petals, whereas chrysanthemum with fewer petals are used by other lesser imperial family members.

Japanese heraldry does not have a cadency or quartering system, but it is not uncommon for cadet branches of a family to choose a slightly different from the senior branch. Each princely family, for example, uses a modified chrysanthemum crest as their. holders may also combine their with that of their patron, benefactor or spouse, sometimes creating increasingly complicated designs.

are essentially monochrome; the color does not constitute part of the design and they may be drawn in any color.

Modern usage

Virtually all modern Japanese families have a, but unlike before the Meiji Restoration when rigid social divisions existed, play a more specialized role in everyday life. On occasions when the use of a is required, one can try to look up their families in the temple registries of their ancestral hometown or consult one of the many genealogical publications available. Many websites also offer lookup services. Professional wedding planners, undertakers and other "ritual masters" may also offer guidance on finding the proper.

are seen widely on stores and shops engaged in traditional crafts and specialties. They are favored by sushi restaurants, which often incorporate a into their logos. designs can even be seen on the ceramic roof tiles of older houses. designs frequently decorate, , tofu and other packaging for food products to lend them an air of elegance, refinement and tradition. The paulownia appears on the obverse side of the 500 yen coin.

Items symbolizing family crafts, arts or professions were often chosen as a ; likewise, were, and still are, also passed down a lineage of artists. Geisha typically wear the of their  (geisha house) on their clothing when working; individual geisha districts, known as, also have their own distinctive , such as the plover crest  of Ponto-chō in Kyoto.

A woman may still wear her maiden if she wishes and pass it on to her daughters; she does not have to adopt her husband's or father's. Flowers, trees, plants and birds are also common elements of designs.

also add formality to a kimono. A kimono may have one, three or five. The themselves can be either formal or informal, depending on the formality of the kimono, with formality ranging from the most formal 'full sun'  crests to the least formal 'shadow'  crests. Very formal kimono display more, frequently in a manner that makes them more conspicuous; the most formal kimono display on both sides of the chest, on the back of each sleeve, and in the middle of the back. On the armor of a warrior, it might be found on the (helmet), on the  (breast plate), and on flags and various other places. also adorned coffers, tents, fans and other items of importance.

As in the past, modern are not regulated by law, with the exception of the Imperial Chrysanthemum, which doubles as the national emblem, and the paulownia, which is the mon of the office of prime minister and also serves as the emblem of the cabinet and government (see national seals of Japan for further information). Some local governments and associations may use a as their logo or trademark, thus enjoying its traditional protection, but otherwise  are not recognized by law. One of the best known examples of a serving as a corporate logo is that of Mitsubishi, a name meaning 'three lozenges' (occasionally translated as 'three buffalo nuts'), which are represented as rhombuses. Another example of corporate use is the logo for the famous soy sauce maker Kikkoman, which uses the family of the founder, and finally, the logo of music instrument/equipment and motorcycle builder Yamaha, which shows three tuning forks interlocked into the shape of a capital 'Y' in reference to both their name and the origin of the company.

In Western heraldry
Japanese are sometimes used as charges or crests in Western heraldry. They are blazoned in traditional heraldic style rather than in the Japanese style. Examples include the swastika with arrows used by Japanese ambassador Hasekura Tsunenaga, the Canadian-granted arms of the Japanese-Canadian politician David Tsubouchi, and Akihito's arms as a Knight of the Garter.

title: Mon (emblem)


text:
Talk:Miroljub Labus

Untitled
Pa ovo je glupost ja mogu da napisem i da je Sloba najevec sajentolog svih vremena!

---

Removing reference to Scientology. Can't substantiate it. - Tεx  τ  urε  20:01, 28 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Miroljub Labus IS NOT Jewish. http://www.makabijada.com/as.htm (serbian language). On this page, Aca Singer, president of Jewish society of Serbia speaks (among other things) how they are calling Miroljub Labus "ustasha jew", and how that makes no sense because "First of all Labus is not Jewish, and second person can't be both Jewish and Ustasha".

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title: Talk:Miroljub Labus


text:
Dominick Cerrone

Dominick Cerrone was the Director of Culinary Arts at The French Culinary Institute in New York City, one of the top programs in the world. His culinary experience comes from serving as a chef at Le Chantilly, Le Cirque, The Polo, Tavern on the Green and Le Périgord. He also helped to open the famed Le Bernardin, also in New York. He holds a degree in electrical technology and intends to incorporate more technology in the Institute's programs. He currently works as an Associate Professor at the Culinary Institute of America.

Education
AAS, Hudson Valley Community College, Troy, New York

title: Dominick Cerrone


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/The Beer Store

 * I think this should be merged and redirected to Brewers Retail Inc. -- Andrew 14:21, 28 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * This would be better suited to Duplicate articles than VfD. - SimonP 17:03, Jul 28, 2004 (UTC)
 * I've gone ahead and redirected & merged the article. - Andrew 18:07, 28 Jul 2004 (UTC)


text:
Commercialism

Commercialism is the application of both manufacturing and consumption towards personal usage, or the practices, methods, aims, and distribution of products in a free market geared toward generating a profit. Commercialism can also refer, positively or negatively, to corporate domination. Commercialism is often closely associated with the corporate world and advertising, and often makes use of advancements in technology.

Commercialism can also be used in a negative connotation to refer to the possibility within open-market capitalism to exploit objects, people, or the environment for the purpose of private monetary gain. As such, the related term "commercialized" can be used in a negative fashion, implying that someone or something has been despoiled by commercial or monetary interests.

title: Commercialism


text:
Baby talk

Baby talk is a type of speech associated with an older person speaking to a child or infant. It is also called caretaker speech, infant-directed speech (IDS), child-directed speech (CDS), child-directed language (CDL), caregiver register, parentese, or motherese.

CDS is characterized by a "sing song" pattern of intonation that differentiates it from the more monotone style used with other adults e.g., CDS has higher and wider pitch, slower speech rate and shorter utterances. It can display vowel hyperarticulation (an increase in distance in the formant space of the peripheral vowels e.g., [i], [u], and [a]) and words tend to be shortened and simplified. There is evidence that the exaggerated pitch modifications are similar to the affectionate speech style employed when people speak to their pets (pet-directed speech). However, the hyperarticulation of vowels appears to be related to the propensity for the infant to learn language, as it is not exaggerated in speech to infants with hearing loss or to pets.

Terminology

 * The first documented use of the word baby-talk, according to the Oxford English Dictionary, was in 1836.
 * Motherese and parentese are more precise terms than baby talk, and perhaps more amenable to computer searches, but are not the terms of choice among child development professionals. Critics of gender stereotyping also prefer parentese to the term motherese, because all caregivers use distinct speech patterns and vocabulary when talking to young children. Motherese can also refer to English spoken in a higher, gentler manner, which is otherwise correct English, as opposed to the non-standard, shortened word forms.
 * Child-directed speech (CDS) is the term preferred by researchers, psychologists and child development professionals.
 * Infant-directed speech (IDS) is also used. The terms are interchangeable.
 * Caregiver language is sometimes used.

Characteristics
CDS is a clear and simplified strategy for communicating to younger children, used by adults and by older children. The vocabulary is limited, speech is slowed with a greater number of pauses, and the sentences are short and grammatically simplified, often repeated. Although CDS features marked auditory characteristics, other factors aid in development of language. Three types of modifications occur to adult-directed speech in the production of CDS:
 * linguistic modifications, particularly prosody, including the simplification of speech units as well as the emphasis on various phonemes.
 * modifications to attention-gaining strategies, providing visual cues through body language, particularly movements of the face, to more effectively maintain the attention of their infants.
 * modifications to the interactions between parents and infants. Parents use CDS not only to promote language development but to foster a positive relationship with their infants.

The younger the child, the more exaggerated the adult's CDS is. The attention of infants is held more readily by CDS over normal speech, as with adults. The more expressive CDS is, the more likely infants are to respond to this method of communication by adults.

A key visual aspect of CDS is the movement of the lips. One characteristic is the wider opening of the mouth present in those using CDS versus adult-directed speech, particularly in vowels. Research suggests that with the larger opening of the lips during CDS, infants are better able to grasp the message being conveyed due to the heightened visual cues.

Through this interaction, infants are able to determine who positive and encouraging caregivers will be in their development. When infants use CDS as a determinant of acceptable caregivers, their cognitive development seems to thrive because they are being encouraged by adults who are invested in the development of the given infants. Because the process is interactive, caregivers are able to make significant progress through the use of CDS.

Use with infants
Studies have shown that from birth, infants prefer to listen to CDS, which is more effective than regular speech in getting and holding an infant's attention. Some researchers believe that CDS is an important part of the emotional bonding process between the parents and their child, and helps the infants learn the language. Researchers at Carnegie Mellon University and the University of Wisconsin found that using basic “baby talk” may support babies in picking up words faster. Infants pay more attention when parents use CDS, which has a slower and more repetitive tone than used in regular conversation.

CDS has been observed in languages other than English.

Purposes and benefits of CDS include support the ability of infants to bond with their caregivers.

Children that learn the fastest are those who receive the most acknowledgement and encouragement of what they say, are given time and attention to speak and share, and who are questioned. Infants are able to apply this to larger words and sentences as they learn to process language.

CDS aids infants in bonding to caregivers. Although infants have a range of social cues available to them regarding who will provide adequate care, CDS serves as an additional indicator as to which caregivers will provide developmental support. When adults engage in CDS with infants, they are providing positive emotion and attention, signaling to infants that they are valued.

CDS can also serve as a priming tool for infants to notice the faces of their caregivers. Infants are more sensitive to the pitch and emphasized qualities of this method. Therefore, when caregivers use CDS, they expand the possibility for their infants to observe and process facial expressions. This effect could in part be due to infants associating CDS with positive facial expressions such as smiling, being more likely to respond to CDS if they expect to receive a positive response from their caregiver.

CDS may promote processing of word forms, allowing infants to remember words when asked to recall them in the future. As words are repeated through CDS, infants begin to create mental representations of each word. As a result, infants who experience CDS are able to recall words more effectively than infants who do not.

Infants can pick up on the vocal cues of CDS and will often pattern their babbling after it.

Children of depressed mothers, who do not regularly use CDS, display delayed language development. Even when depressed mothers provide their infants with positive faces, infants do not respond to their attempts at CDS, and in turn do not benefit from this important route for language acquisition. Infants are unable to create the link between speech and visual face movements in situations such as these. When fathers who are not depressed are able to provide the stimulation of CDS, infants respond well and are able to compensate from the deficit left by their mothers. This too can inhibit language and speech development. Therefore, this deficit can be especially harmful to infants with depressed mothers and little contact with male caregivers. Socioeconomic status has been found to influence the development of vocabulary and language skills. Lower-status groups tend to be behind the development of children in higher-status families. This finding is thought to be due to the amount of time parents spend with the child and the ways they interact; mothers from higher-status groups are found to say more to their children, use more variety, and speak in longer sentences.

Aid to cognitive development
Shore and others believe that CDS contributes to mental development as it helps teach the child the basic function and structure of language. Studies have found that responding to an infant's babble with meaningless babble aids the infant's development; while the babble has no logical meaning, the verbal interaction demonstrates to the child the bidirectional nature of speech, and the importance of verbal feedback. Some experts advise that parents should not talk to young children solely in baby talk, but should integrate some normal adult speech as well. The high-pitched sound of CDS gives it special acoustic qualities which may appeal to the infant. CDS may aid a child in the acquisition and/or comprehension of language-particular rules which are otherwise unpredictable; an example is the reduction or avoidance of pronoun reversal errors. It has been also suggested that motherese is crucial for children to acquire the ability to ask questions.

Use with non-infants
The use of baby talk is not limited to interactions between adults and infants, as it may be used among adults, or by people to animals. In these instances, the outward style of the language may be that of baby talk, but is not considered actual "parentese", as it serves a different linguistic function (see pragmatics).

Patronizing / derogatory baby talk
Baby talk and imitations of it may be used by one non-infant to another as a form of verbal abuse, in which the talk is intended to infantilize the victim. This can occur during bullying, when the aggressor uses baby talk to assert that the victim is weak, cowardly, overemotional, or otherwise inferior.

Flirtatious baby talk
Baby talk may be used as a form of flirtation between sexual or romantic partners. In this instance, the baby talk may be an expression of tender intimacy, and may perhaps form part of affectionate sexual roleplaying in which one partner speaks and behaves childishly, while the other acts motherly or fatherly, responding in "parentese". One or both partners might perform the child role. Terms of endearment, such as poppet (or, indicatively, baby), may be used for the same purpose in communication between the partners.

Baby talk with pets
Many people speak to their dogs as if they were another human being. These actions are not providing communication with the dog, but social interactions for the speaker, usually in order to solve some problem. The speaking style people use when talking to dogs is very similar to CDL and has been referred to as Doggerel. People tend to use sentences of around 11 words when talking to another adult; this is reduced to four words when speaking to a dog. People employ more imperatives or commands to a dog, but ask twice as many questions of the dog as of other humans, even though they do not expect the dog to answer. Recordings show that 90% of pet-talk is spoken mostly in the present tense because people talk to dogs about what is happening now rather than the past or the future, which is twice as much as with humans. Also, people are 20 times more likely to repeat or rephrase themselves to dogs than they do to humans.

A significant difference is that CDL contains many more sentences about specific bits of information, such as "This cup is red," because they are intended to teach children about language and the environment. Pet-speech contains perhaps half the sentences of this form, as, rather than instructive, its primary purpose is as a social function for humans; whether the dog learns anything does not seem to be a major concern. However, dogs are capable of recognizing specific words and responding accordingly, which means that some information can be transmitted when a human talks to a dog.

As well as the raised vocal pitch, pet-speech strongly emphasizes intonations and emotional phrasing. There are diminutives such as walkie for walk and bathie for bath.

Foreigner talk
When addressing a listener not skilled in the speaker's language, people may simplify their spoken language in an attempt to improve understanding. Some use sign language to communicate with others, especially if they have a hearing problem, although this is not always understood by people, as some signs in sign language may be difficult to interpret by some people, especially if gestures have different meanings from place to place, so they may use a baby talk-like language to communicate, skipping out small words and possibly using demonstratives instead of pronouns, for example Do not cross the road becoming No cross road. While this kind of simplifications could be helpful for, say, foreign tourists, this type of communication is perceived as rude or offensive in some societies, because it may cause the foreigner to feel infantilized. It can also be considered insulting if the foreigner is skilled in the speaker's language. While not considered to be actual parentese, it has aspects which make the two language styles similar.

Universality and differences by region
Researchers Bryant and Barrett (2007) have suggested (as have others before them, e.g., Fernald, 1992 ) that CDL exists universally across all cultures and is a species-specific adaptation. Other researchers contend that it is not universal among the world's cultures, and argue that its role in helping children learn grammar has been overestimated, pointing out that in some societies (such as certain Samoan tribes), adults do not speak to their children at all until the children reach a certain age. Furthermore, even where baby-talk is used, it has many complicated grammatical constructions, and mispronounced or non-standard words.

Other evidence suggests that baby talk is not a universal phenomenon: for example Schieffelin & Ochs (1983) describe the Kaluli tribe of Papua New Guinea who do not typically employ CDS. Language acquisition in Kaluli children was not found to be significantly impaired.

The extent to which caregivers rely on and use CDS differs based on cultural differences. Mothers in regions that display predominately introverted cultures are less likely to display a great deal of CDS, although it is still used. Further, the personality of each child experiencing CDS from a caregiver deeply impacts the extent to which a caregiver will use this method of communication.

CDS has been seen in languages such as Japanese, Italian, Mandarin, British English, American English, French, and German. This is the basis for claims that CDS is a necessary aspect of social development for children. Although found in many cultures, CDS is far from universal in terms of style and amount of use. A factor found to influence the way adults communicate with children is the way the culture views children. For example, if they view children as helpless and unable to understand, adults tend to interact with children less than if they believe that children are capable of learning and understanding. Often, cultures lacking a form of CDS make up for it in other ways, such as involving the children more in everyday activities, though the reverse might also be a valid assessment.

Vocabulary
With respect to English-speaking parents, it is well-established that Anglo-Saxon or Germanic words tend to predominate in informal speech registers, whereas Latinate vocabulary is usually reserved for more formal uses such as legal and scientific texts. Child-directed speech, an informal speech register, also tends to use Anglo-Saxon vocabulary. The speech of mothers to young children has a higher percentage of native Anglo-Saxon verb tokens than speech addressed to adults. In particular, in parents’ CDS the clausal core is built in the most part by Anglo-Saxon verbs, namely, almost all tokens of the grammatical relations subject-verb, verb-direct object and verb-indirect object that young children are presented with, are constructed with native verbs. The Anglo-Saxon verb vocabulary consists of short verbs, but its grammar is relatively complex. Syntactic patterns specific to this sub-vocabulary in present-day English include periphrastic constructions for tense, aspect, questioning and negation, and phrasal lexemes functioning as complex predicates, all of which occur also in CDS.

As noted above, baby talk often involves shortening and simplifying words, with the possible addition of slurred words and nonverbal utterances, and can invoke a vocabulary of its own. Some utterances are invented by parents within a particular family unit, or are passed down from parent to parent over generations, while others are quite widely known and used within most families, such as wawa for water, num-num for a meal, ba-ba for bottle, or beddy-bye for bedtime, and are considered standard or traditional words, possibly differing in meaning from place to place.

Baby talk, language regardless, usually consists of a muddle of words, including names for family members, names for animals, eating and meals, bodily functions and genitals, sleeping, pain, possibly including important objects such as diaper, blanket, pacifier, bottle, etc., and may be sprinkled with nonverbal utterances, such as goo goo ga ga. The vocabulary of made-up words, such as those listed below, may be quite long with terms for a large number of things, rarely or possibly never using proper language, other times quite short, dominated by real words, all nouns. Most words invented by parents have a logical meaning, although the nonverbal sounds are usually completely meaningless and just fit the speech together.

Sometimes baby talk words are used in adult vocabulary, for example nanny for "children's nurse" or "nursery governess".

Diminutives
Moreover, many words can be derived into baby talk following certain rules of transformation. In English, adding a terminal sound at the end, usually written and spelled as ‹ie›, ‹y›, or ‹ey›, is a common way to form a diminutive which is often used as part of baby talk. Many languages have their own unique form of diminutive suffix (see list of diminutives by language for international examples).

Duplications
Still other transformations, but not in all languages, include elongated vowels, such as kitty and kiiiitty, (emphasized ) meaning the same thing. While this is understood by English-speaking toddlers, it is not applicable with Dutch toddlers as they learn that elongated vowels reference different words.

title: Baby talk


text:
Service class people

Service class people (служилые люди) were a class of free people in the Tsardom of Russia in the 14th to the 17th centuries, obliged to perform military or administrative service on behalf of the state.

Background
There were two main groups of service people: In early Siberia, service-men and promyshleniks (promyshlenniki) were the two main classes of the Russian population. Service-men were nominally servants of the tsar, had certain legal rights and duties and could expect pay if they were lucky. Promyshleniks were free men who made their living any way they could.
 * hereditary servitors ("servitors by birth"), included Boyars, noblemen and "Boyars' children". They served in the "Landed Army", and received land and serfs for their service.
 * chosen servitors ("servitors by contract"), included Streltsy, Cossacks and clerks. They served in the infantry or administration, and were paid in coin.

A minor group were sworn-men (tseloval'niki, literally [cross or bible] 'kissers'). These men swore an oath and gained certain rights and duties.

In practice the groups blended into each other, and the distinction was most important when dealing with the government. When petitioning the tsar, a service-man would call himself 'your slave' and a promyshlenik 'your orphan'. These people were often called Cossacks, but only in the loose sense of being neither landowners nor peasants.

title: Service class people