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Icelanders

Icelanders (Íslendingar) are an ethnic group and nation who are native to the island country of Iceland. They speak Icelandic, a North Germanic language.

Icelanders established the country of Iceland in mid 930 CE when the Alþingi (parliament) met for the first time. Iceland came under the reign of Norwegian, Swedish and Danish kings but regained full sovereignty from the Danish monarchy on 1 December 1918, when the Kingdom of Iceland was established. On 17 June 1944, Iceland became a republic. Lutheranism is the predominant religion. Historical and DNA records indicate that around 60 to 80 percent of the male settlers were of Norse origin (primarily from Western Norway) and a similar percentage of the women were of Gaelic stock from Ireland and peripheral Scotland.

History
Iceland is a geologically young land mass, having formed an estimated 20 million years ago due to volcanic eruptions on the Mid-Atlantic ridge. One of the last larger islands to remain uninhabited, the first human settlement date is generally accepted to be 874, although there is some evidence to suggest human activity prior to the Norse arrival.

Initial migration and settlement
The first Viking to sight Iceland was Gardar Svavarsson, who went off course due to harsh conditions when sailing from Norway to the Faroe Islands. His reports led to the first efforts to settle the island. Flóki Vilgerðarson (b. 9th century) was the first Norseman to sail to Iceland intentionally. His story is documented in the Landnámabók manuscript, and he is said to have named the island Ísland (Iceland). The first permanent settler in Iceland is usually considered to have been a Norwegian chieftain named Ingólfur Arnarson. He settled with his family in around 874, at a place he named "Bay of Smokes", or Reykjavík in Icelandic.

Following Ingólfur, and also in 874, another group of Norwegians set sail across the North Atlantic Ocean with their families, livestock, slaves, and possessions, escaping the domination of the first King of Norway, Harald Fairhair. They traveled 1,000 km in their Viking longships to the island of Iceland. These people were primarily of Norwegian, Irish or Gaelic Scottish origin. The Irish and the Scottish Gaels were either slaves or servants of the Norse chiefs, according to the Icelandic sagas, or descendants of a "group of Norsemen who had settled in Scotland and Ireland and intermarried with Gaelic-speaking people". Genetic evidence suggests that approximately 62% of the Icelandic maternal gene pool is derived from Ireland and Scotland, which is much higher than other Scandinavian countries, although comparable to the Faroese, while 37% is of Nordic origin. About 20–25% of the Icelandic paternal gene pool is of Gaelic origin, with the rest being Nordic.

The Icelandic Age of Settlement (Landnámsöld) is considered to have lasted from 874 to 930, at which point most of the island had been claimed and the Alþingi (Althing), the assembly of the Icelandic Commonwealth, was founded at Þingvellir.

Hardship and conflict
In 930, on the Þingvellir (Thingvellir) plain near Reykjavík, the chieftains and their families met and established the Alþingi, Iceland's first national assembly. However, the Alþingi lacked the power to enforce the laws it made. In 1262, struggles between rival chieftains left Iceland so divided that King Haakon IV of Norway was asked to step in as a final arbitrator for all disputes, as part of the Old Covenant. This is known as the Age of the Sturlungs.

Iceland was under Norwegian leadership until 1380, when the Royal House of Norway died out. At this point, both Iceland and Norway came under the control of the Danish Crown. With the introduction of absolute monarchy in Denmark, the Icelanders relinquished their autonomy to the crown, including the right to initiate and consent to legislation. This meant a loss of independence for Iceland, which led to nearly 300 years of decline: perhaps largely because Denmark and its Crown did not consider Iceland to be a colony to be supported and assisted. In particular, the lack of help in defense led to constant raids by marauding pirates along the Icelandic coasts.

Unlike Norway, Denmark did not need Iceland's fish and homespun wool. This created a dramatic deficit in Iceland's trade, and no new ships were built as a result. In 1602, Iceland was forbidden to trade with other countries by order of the Danish Government, and in the 18th century climatic conditions had reached an all-time low since Settlement.

In 1783–84, Laki, a volcanic fissure in the south of the island, erupted. The eruption produced about 15 km3 of basalt lava, and the total volume of tephra emitted was 0.91 km3. The aerosols that built up caused a cooling effect in the Northern Hemisphere. The consequences for Iceland were catastrophic, with approximately 25–33% of the population dying in the famine of 1783 and 1784. Around 80% of sheep, 50% of cattle, and 50% of horses died of fluorosis from the 8 million tons of fluorine that were released. This disaster is known as the Mist Hardship (Icelandic: Móðuharðindin).

In 1798–99, the Alþingi was discontinued for several decades, eventually being restored in 1844. It was moved to Reykjavík, the capital, after being held at Þingvellir for over nine centuries.

Independence and prosperity
The 19th century brought significant improvement in the Icelanders' situation. A protest movement was led by Jón Sigurðsson, a statesman, historian, and authority on Icelandic literature. Inspired by the romantic and nationalist currents from mainland Europe, Jón protested strongly, through political journals and self-publications, for 'a return to national consciousness' and for political and social changes to be made to help speed up Iceland's development.

In 1854, the Danish government relaxed the trade ban that had been imposed in 1602, and Iceland gradually began to rejoin Western Europe economically and socially. With this return of contact with other peoples came a reawakening of Iceland's arts, especially its literature. Twenty years later in 1874, Iceland was granted a constitution. Icelanders today recognize Jón's efforts as largely responsible for their economic and social resurgence.

Iceland gained full sovereignty and independence from Denmark in 1918 after World War I. It became the Kingdom of Iceland. The King of Denmark also served as the King of Iceland but Iceland retained only formal ties with the Danish Crown. On 17 June 1944 the monarchy was abolished and a republic was established on Jón Sigurðsson's 133rd birthday. This ended nearly six centuries of ties with Denmark.

Genetics
Due to their small founding population and history of relative isolation, Icelanders have often been considered highly genetically homogeneous as compared to other European populations. For this reason, along with the extensive genealogical records for much of the population that reach back to the settlement of Iceland, Icelanders have been the focus of considerable genomics research by both biotechnology companies and academic and medical researchers. It was, for example, possible for researchers to reconstruct much of the maternal genome of Iceland's first known black inhabitant, Hans Jonatan, from the DNA of his present-day descendants partly because the distinctively African parts of his genome were unique in Iceland until very recent times.

Genetic evidence shows that most DNA lineages found among Icelanders today can be traced to the settlement of Iceland, indicating that there has been relatively little immigration since. This evidence shows that the founder population of Iceland came from Scandinavia, Ireland and Scotland: studies of Y-chromosomes and mitochondrial DNA indicate that 75% of Icelanders' patrilineal ancestry derives from Scandinavia (with most of the rest being from the Irish and British Isles), while 62% of their matrilineal ancestry derives from Scotland and Ireland (with most of the rest being from Scandinavia).

Other studies have identified other ancestries, however. One study of mitochondrial DNA, blood groups, and isozymes revealed a more variable population than expected, comparable to the diversity of some other Europeans. Another study showed that a tiny proportion of samples of contemporary Icelanders carry a more distant lineage, which belongs to the haplogroup C1e, which can possibly be traced to the settlement of the Americas around 14,000 years ago. This hints a small proportion of Icelanders have some Native American ancestry arising from Norse colonization of Greenland and North America.

Icelanders also have an anomalously high Denisovan genetic heritage.

Despite Iceland's historical isolation, the genetic makeup of Icelanders today is still quite different from the founding population, due to founder effects and genetic drift. One study found that the mean Norse ancestry among Iceland's settlers was 56%, whereas in the current population the figure was 70%. This indicates that Icelanders with increased levels of Norse ancestry had higher reproductive success. . "[R]eproductive success among the earliest Icelanders was stratified by ancestry... [M]any settlers of Gaelic ancestry came to Iceland as slaves, whose survival and freedom to reproduce is likely to have been constrained... [Scandinavians] likely contributed more to the contemporary Icelandic gene pool than the other pre-Christians."

Greenland
The first Europeans to emigrate to and settle in Greenland were Icelanders who did so under the leadership of Erik the Red in the late 10th century and numbered around 500 people. Isolated fjords in this harsh land offered sufficient grazing to support cattle and sheep, though the climate was too cold for cereal crops. Royal trade ships from Norway occasionally went to Greenland to trade for walrus tusks and falcons. The population eventually reached a high point of perhaps 3,000 in two communities and developed independent institutions before fading away during the 15th century. A papal legation was sent there as late as 1492, the year Columbus attempted to find a shorter spice route to Asia but instead encountered the Americas.

North America
According to the Saga of Eric the Red, Icelandic immigration to North America dates back to Vinland c. 1006. The colony was believed to be short-lived and abandoned by the 1020s. European settlement of the region was not archeologically and historically confirmed as more than legend until the 1960s. The former Norse site, now known as L'Anse aux Meadows, pre-dated the arrival of Columbus in the Americas by almost 500 years.

A more recent instance of Icelandic emigration to North America occurred in 1855, when a small group settled in Spanish Fork, Utah. Another Icelandic colony formed in Washington Island, Wisconsin. Immigration to the United States and Canada began in earnest in the 1870s, with most migrants initially settling in the Great Lakes area. These settlers were fleeing famine and overcrowding on Iceland. Today, there are sizable communities of Icelandic descent in both the United States and Canada. Gimli, in Manitoba, Canada, is home to the largest population of Icelanders outside of the main island of Iceland.

Immigration
From the mid-1990s, Iceland experienced rising immigration. By 2017 the population of first-generation immigrants (defined as people born abroad with both parents foreign-born and all grandparents foreign-born) stood at 35,997 (10.6% of residents), and the population of second-generation immigrants at 4,473. Correspondingly, the numbers of foreign-born people acquiring Icelandic citizenship are markedly higher than in the 1990s, standing at 703 in 2016. Correspondingly, Icelandic identity is gradually shifting towards a more multicultural form.

Language and literature
Icelandic, a North Germanic language, is the official language of Iceland (de facto; the laws are silent about the issue). Icelandic has inflectional grammar comparable to Latin, Ancient Greek, more closely to Old English and practically identical to Old Norse.

Old Icelandic literature can be divided into several categories. Three are best known to foreigners: Eddic poetry, skaldic poetry, and saga literature, if saga literature is understood broadly. Eddic poetry is made up of heroic and mythological poems. Poetry that praises someone is considered skaldic poetry or court poetry. Finally, saga literature is prose, ranging from pure fiction to fairly factual history.

Written Icelandic has changed little since the 13th century. Because of this modern readers can understand the Icelanders' sagas. The sagas tell of events in Iceland in the 10th and early 11th centuries. They are considered to be the best-known pieces of Icelandic literature.

The elder or Poetic Edda, the younger or Prose Edda, and the sagas are the major pieces of Icelandic literature. The Poetic Edda is a collection of poems and stories from the late 10th century, whereas the younger or Prose Edda is a manual of poetry that contains many stories of Norse mythology.

Religion
Iceland embraced Christianity in c. 1000, in what is called the kristnitaka, and the country, while mostly secular in observance, is still predominantly Christian culturally. The Lutheran church claims some 84% of the total population. While early Icelandic Christianity was more lax in its observances than traditional Catholicism, Pietism, a religious movement imported from Denmark in the 18th century, had a marked effect on the island. By discouraging all but religious leisure activities, it fostered a certain dourness, which was for a long time considered an Icelandic stereotype. At the same time, it also led to a boom in printing, and Iceland today is one of the most literate societies in the world.

While Catholicism was supplanted by Protestantism during the Reformation, most other world religions are now represented on the island: there are small Protestant Free Churches and Catholic communities, and even a nascent Muslim community, composed of both immigrants and local converts. Perhaps unique to Iceland is the fast-growing Ásatrúarfélag, a legally recognized revival of the pre-Christian Nordic religion of the original settlers. According to the Roman Catholic Diocese of Reykjavík, there were only approximately 30 Jews in Iceland as of 2001. The former First Lady of Iceland Dorrit Moussaieff was an Israeli-born Bukharian Jew.

Cuisine
Icelandic cuisine consists mainly of fish, lamb, and dairy. Fish was once the main part of an Icelander's diet but has recently given way to meats such as beef, pork, and poultry.

Iceland has many traditional foods called Þorramatur. These foods include smoked and salted lamb, singed sheep heads, dried fish, smoked and pickled salmon, and cured shark. Andrew Zimmern, a chef who has traveled the world on his show Bizarre Foods with Andrew Zimmern, responded to the question "What's the most disgusting thing you've ever eaten?" with the response "That would have to be the fermented shark fin I had in Iceland". Fermented shark fin is a form of Þorramatur.

Performance art
The earliest indigenous Icelandic music was the rímur, epic tales from the Viking era that were often performed a cappella. Christianity played a major role in the development of Icelandic music, with many hymns being written in the local idiom. Hallgrímur Pétursson, a poet and priest, is noted for writing many of these hymns in the 17th century. The island's relative isolation ensured that the music maintained its regional flavor. It was only in the 19th century that the first pipe organs, prevalent in European religious music, first appeared on the island.

Many singers, groups, and forms of music have come from Iceland. Most Icelandic music contains vibrant folk and pop traditions. Some more recent groups and singers are Voces Thules, The Sugarcubes, Björk, Sigur Rós, and Of Monsters and Men.

The national anthem is "Ó Guð vors lands" ("Our Country's God"), written by Matthías Jochumsson, with music by Sveinbjörn Sveinbjörnsson. The song was written in 1874, when Iceland celebrated its one thousandth anniversary of settlement on the island. It was originally published with the title A Hymn in Commemoration of Iceland's Thousand Years.

Sports
Iceland's men's national football team participated in their first FIFA World Cup in 2018, after reaching the quarter finals of its first major international tournament, UEFA Euro 2016. The women's national football team has yet to reach a World Cup; its best result at a major international event was a quarterfinal finish in UEFA Women's Euro 2013. The country's first Olympic participation was in the 1912 Summer Olympics; however, they did not participate again until the 1936 Summer Olympics. Their first appearance at the Winter Games was at the 1948 Winter Olympics. In 1956, Vilhjálmur Einarsson won the Olympic silver medal for the triple jump. The Icelandic national handball team has enjoyed relative success. The team received a silver medal at the 2008 Olympic Games and a 3rd place at the 2010 European Men's Handball Championship.

title: Icelanders


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Gravity Probe

Gravity Probe may refer to:

 * Gravity Probe A
 * Gravity Probe B

Gravity Probe

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Gravity Probe


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User talk:Herschelkrustofsky/threats and insults

Adam Carr
Danby (Labor) 25,757, Isherwood (LaRouchy) 105. Jabotinskyism triumphs again. Adam 07:49, 10 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Goliath 1, David 0. But since Aaron Isherwood is about 20 years old, there is a good chance that David will prevail in the long run. --Herschelkrustofsky 13:16, 10 Oct 2004 (UTC)

In the long run, like most brainwashed cult youth, he will grow up and get a life and wonder why he ever got involved with such a pack of nutters. Adam 13:18, 10 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Adam Carr
I have spoken to Adam Carr but got nowhere. The suggestion at No personal attacks is:

If you are personally attacked, you may remove the attacks or may follow the dispute resolution process or both. In extreme cases, you can request the attacker be blocked.

He claims your editing on Australian topics is not appropriate. I did not look into that as whether it is or not does not under our policy justify personal attacks. But you might try to see if you are overreaching in some way with your editing. Fred Bauder 12:35, Nov 6, 2004 (UTC)

Leo Strauss
Re Leo Strauss see which predates LaRouche's "expose" by a year and the book Leo Strauss and the American Right which came out in 1997 and was republished in 2001 once the Bush Administration was installed. I've accordingly removed your claims from the Leo Strauss article. It is interesting how various of your claims melt away upon further investigation. AndyL 04:02, 15 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * Thats not a very nice way to discuss the possible correction of a factual error, now is it? Sam [Spade] 04:10, 15 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Sam, you're hardly one to lecture on manners. AndyL 04:13, 15 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * It would appear I am exactly the one who lectures you on manners. Sam [Spade] 04:30, 15 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * Sam, you're a hypocrite when it comes to manners. You are quite rude and abrasive on a regular basis. You should mind your own behaviour before you lecture others. AndyL 05:20, 15 Jul 2004 (UTC)

See also this article in the Observer from February 2002.

 * American conservatism, following the teaching of the influential conservative American political philosopher Leo Strauss, unites patriotism, unilateralism, the celebration of inequality and the right of a moral élite to rule into a single unifying ideology. As Professor Shadia Drury describes in Leo Strauss and the American Right (St Martin's Press), Strauss's core idea that just states must be run by moral, religious, patriotic individuals and that income redistribution, multilateralism and any restraint on individual liberty are mortal enemies of the development of such just élites is the most influential of our times.

 * Paul Wolfowitz, the deputy secretary of state for defence pushing for an early invasion of Iraq, is a Straussian. So is John Ashcroft, the attorney-general, who has legislated for military tribunals both to try and execute suspected terrorists beyond the rule of law. Straussians build up the military capacity of the nation while invoking the Bible and the flag. This is not prejudice; this is a coherent ideological position.

It's clear the news about Strauss and his influence over the Bush Administration was already in the zeitgeist prior to LaRouche's April 2002 article. It also seems more likely that Hersch was influenced either by the new edition of Drury's book or by reviews and references to it in various media than by LaRouche's article. The fact that LaRouche's article appeared a few weeks prior to the New Yorker is a matter of coincidence rather than influence particularly since LaRouche was simply repeating what he'd read in Drury's book (or in the reviews of same). Given that LaRouche reference's Drury's book and that Drury's book was being discussed prior to LaRouche's article your claim that LaRouche either said anything original or influenced the New Yorker and NY Times articles is dubious. It's far more likely that Hersch either read the book or the article in the Observer than it is that he was twigged by LaRouche AndyL 04:26, 15 Jul 2004 (UTC)

My sole edit of Synarchism consisted entirely of substituting the word "currently" for "presently" I look forward to Herschel's explanation of how this edit either started an edit war or led to the protection of that page a full thirteen days after my edit. AndyL 21:41, 19 Jul 2004 (UTC)

As for your hopes re the Arbitration Committee, I suggest you look at Requests_for_arbitration/Lyndon_LaRouche/Proposed_decision AndyL 21:48, 19 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Arbitrator's Proposed decision
See Requests_for_arbitration/Lyndon_LaRouche/Proposed_decision 22:41, 21 Jul 2004 (UTC)

"The various computers and internet accounts that I use to edit Wikipedia are shared with many other people, including Weed Harper. I regard SlimVirgin's accusations of multiple identities as petty harassment."

I find past claims that HK is in the US while Weed Harper is in Australia difficult to reconcile with your new claim above. Either you computer spans several oceans or you have demonstrated you cannot be believed when making claims about your identity and location. AndyL 07:25, 27 Jan 2005 (UTC)

In the past you indicated that you (Herschelkrustofsky) are in the US and Weed Harper has indicated that he (ie you) is in Australia. Now you claim that the two of you work in the same office and share the same computer. How do you reconcile the contradiction? And given what are evidently past lies about your location (you aren't in both Australia and the US) how do you expect anyone to believe your current claim that you are two different people who work in the same office and share the same computer? (apparently you also live in the same house and share the same home computer as well). C'mon HK/Weed/C Colden, the jig's up. AndyL 16:21, 27 Jan 2005 (UTC)

There are several times when Herschel posted on a Talk page and then, a couple of minute later, Weed corrects Herschell's syntax, you use not just one computer in common but several in what seem to be different locations (home and office?) so the two of you are either the same person or you're so close you finish each other's thoughts and live together. Herschel, you've made much of Adam's employment by Michael Danby and he has declared that openly when necessary. Perhaps its time you and Weed Harper publicly admit your relationship to each other (same person, husband and wife?) and the fact that you are employed by the LaRouche movement or one of its subsidiaries. Time to stop playing games and put everything above board. Perhaps by doing so you'll salvage some of your rapidly declining credibility. Otherwise, you will appear to everyone to be a proven liar.AndyL 06:20, 28 Jan 2005 (UTC)

"Plagiarism?"
I wrote the massive revision of the JINSA article that you claim was "plagiarized" from www.fact-index.com/j/ji/jinsa.html. I spent a couple of hours composing that predominantly original article (which preserved as much of the accurate parts of the previous revision as possible). I don't appreciate the implication or your apparent motivations. If anyone has committed plagiarism, it's them and all of the other sites that parrot what's posted to Wikipedia.

Please stop slandering people and revising articles simply for the benefit of Lyndon LaRouche.

--Mustang dvs 07:30, Nov 17, 2004 (UTC)

SlimVirgin
Herschel, do you also write under the name Ralph Gibbons? Slim 02:09, Nov 19, 2004 (UTC)

I saw the name on Usenet and he seems to use a lot of the same turns of speech that you do. I just wondered whether it was you. Slim 06:59, Nov 20, 2004 (UTC)

User accounts
A request was made recently to the developers regarding the relationship, if any, between the user accounts User:Herschelkrustofsky, User:Weed Harper and User:C Colden. The reply from the developers is: "On technical evidence, combined with similarity in posting patterns, Herschelkrustofsky and Weed Harper can be considered to be operated by the same person. C Colden is either the same person or working in coordination with them, but is not *firmly* established to be the same person." Assuming this is correct, it would be appreciated if you would choose either the Herschelkrustofsky or Weed Harper account to edit the LaRouche pages. There is no policy against using multiple accounts, but they shouldn't be used to create the impression of more support for a position than really exists, or to get round 3RR violations. Alternatively, if you feel the technical information is misleading, any light you can shed on the relationship between the accounts would be helpful. Many thanks, SlimVirgin 01:24, Jan 24, 2005 (UTC)

The information comes from the developers and is based on technical information. It would be appreciated if you would use one user account from now on. Or, if you feel the technical information is not correct, it would be appreciated if you would offer an alternative explanation. This is not intended as harassment or a personal attack; it is simply an effort to stop the considerable disruption of the LaRouche pages. Many thanks, SlimVirgin 02:06, Jan 24, 2005 (UTC)

Ex-IWP.org
In the article on Dennis King, SlimVirgin is now objecting to the use of ex-iwp.org as a source, on the grounds that the IWP is a cult. I can go either way on this, but if it is unacceptable as a source on the King article, then it is also unacceptable on the LaRouche article. I suggest that you and Slim come to an agreement on this, and let me know. --H.K. 01:30, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Don't try dragging other people and articles into this dispute. You're being manipulative and highly disingenuous. I am objecting to the IWP as a reference for two reasons: (1) as you say, because it appears to be a cult, and (2) because the article you quoted from on the IWP website appears to have come from a far-right white supremacist magazine and contained phrases like the "white Left." When I ask for a "reputable source," I mean things like the Guardian and the Washington Post. I don't mean the staple reading of skinheads. Please continue this on the article's Talk page. Slim 02:38, Dec 15, 2004 (UTC)

Wikipedia research standards
Please adhere to the following, with no exceptions. Slim 05:50, Dec 14, 2004 (UTC)

 * Verifiability
 * Cite sources
 * Neutral point of view
 * No original research
 * What Wikipedia is not
 * Copyrights

Regarding novel narratives involving a new synthesis of information: "An article that makes no new low-level claims, but nonetheless synthesizes work in a non-standard way, is effectively original research that I think we ought not to publish. This comes up most often in history, where there is a tendency by some Wikipedians to produce novel narratives and historical interpretations with citation to primary sources to back up their interpretation of events. Even if their citations are accurate, Wikipedia's poorly equipped to judge whether their particular synthesis of the available information is a reasonable one," Jimbo Wales (WikiEN-l, Dec 6, 2004)

And note that you have already been cited for violation:

User Herschelkrustofsky has engaged in a pattern of adding original material, not his own, but that of Lyndon LaRouche, to Wikipedia articles, see for example, the material in the article, counterculture,. This is then followed by further linkings such as that in this edit of the article Frankfurt School, which form a pattern of attempting to insert the original work of Lyndon LaRouche into Wikipedia.
 * Passed with 5 of 6 active arbitrators on 2 August 2004. No votes against and no abstentions

User Herschelkrustofsky has engaged in a pattern of political advocacy and propaganda advancing the viewpoints of Lyndon LaRouche and his political movement.
 * Passed with 5 of 6 active arbitrators on 2 August 2004. No votes against and no abstentions

White supremacist article
Your use of a white supremacist. neo-Nazi magazine as a source shows you haven't yet got the message, so here again is Wikipedia policy. Please read it this time. Slim 19:42, Dec 15, 2004 (UTC)

Below are the principles and policies that all editors — including those editors, like yourself, who support or work for Lyndon LaRouche — must adhere to, with no exceptions.

 * Verifiability

 * Cite sources

 * Neutral point of view

 * No original research

Regarding novel narratives involving a new synthesis of information: "An article that makes no new low-level claims, but nonetheless synthesizes work in a non-standard way, is effectively original research that I think we ought not to publish. This comes up most often in history, where there is a tendency by some Wikipedians to produce novel narratives and historical interpretations with citation to primary sources to back up their interpretation of events. Even if their citations are accurate, Wikipedia's poorly equipped to judge whether their particular synthesis of the available information is a reasonable one," Jimbo Wales (WikiEN-l, Dec 6, 2004)

"National Alliance"
I cited a page from an organization (www.ex-iwp.org) of former members of the International Workers Party. It turns out that one such former member, Dan Friedman, wrote an article, which appears on the ex-iwp website, that was published in a magazine called National Alliance, which is completely unrelated to the White Supremacist group with the same name. It is published by the New Alliance Party of Lenora Fulani (who is African-American). The New Alliance Party appears to be an IWP front. --H.K. 13:41, 18 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Xtra
could you please stop putting up your pro-israel = anti muslim POV on the Michael Danby page. there is absolutely no proof that he is anti-islam and your edits are complete nonsense. i ask you to stop reverting that article. Xtra 01:24, 25 Nov 2004 (UTC)

i have no quarel with muslims! stop putting words in my mouth. what a few extremist fringes believe is not necessarily the truth. if you want evidence of danby's stance, look at his speeches, not those of extremists who don't represent the real muslims. Xtra 02:30, 25 Nov 2004 (UTC)

Inserting LaRouche theories into unrelated articles
Please provide a non-LaRouche source for your connection between the American System (economics) and the Centennial Exposition of 1876. Without such a source, it would appear that you have violated the Arbcom's restrictions on your editing. Thank you. -Willmcw 05:20, 23 September 2005 (UTC)

 * Unless I hear otherwise, I'll assume that your blanking of this comment is an indication that you have no non-LaRouche source for your edit. -Willmcw 14:46, 23 September 2005 (UTC)

LaRouche
Please remember that you may not insert LaRouche material into unrelated articles, per the ArbCom decision. "Physical economy" is a LaRouche term. -Willmcw 23:18, 17 December 2005 (UTC)


text: Category:Russian artists

title: Category:Russian artists


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Structural violence

Structural violence is a form of violence wherein some social structure or social institution may harm people by preventing them from meeting their basic needs or rights.

The term was coined by Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung, who introduced it in his 1969 article "Violence, Peace, and Peace Research". Some examples of structural violence as proposed by Galtung include institutionalized racism, sexism, and classism, among others. Structural violence and direct violence are said to be highly interdependent, including family violence, gender violence, hate crimes, racial violence, police violence, state violence, terrorism, and war. It is very closely linked to social injustice insofar as it affects people differently in various social structures.

Galtung
According to Johan Galtung, rather than conveying a physical image, structural violence is an "avoidable impairment of fundamental human needs."

Galtung contrasts structural violence with "classical violence:" violence that is "direct," characterized by rudimentary, impermanent "bodily destruction" committed by some actor. Galtung places this as the first category of violence. In this sense, the purest form of structural violence can be understood as violence that endures with no particular beginning, and that lacks an 'actor' to have committed it.

Following this, by excluding the requirement of an identifiable actor from the classical definition of violence, Galtung lists poverty (i.e., the "deprival of basic human needs") as the second category of violence and "structurally conditioned poverty" as the first category of structural violence.

Asking why violence necessarily needs to be done to the human body for it to be considered violence—"why not also include violence done to the human mind, psyche or how one wants to express it"—Galtung proceeds to repression (i.e., the "deprival of human rights") as the third category of violence, and "structurally conditioned repression" (or, "repressive intolerance") as the second type of structural violence.

Lastly, Galtung notes that repression need not be violence associated with repressive regimes or declared on particular documents to be human-rights infractions, as "there are other types of damage done to the human mind not included in that particular tradition." From this sense, he categorizes alienation (i.e., "deprival of higher needs") as the fourth type of violence, leading to the third kind of structural violence, "structurally conditioned alienation"—or, "repressive tolerance," in that it is repressive but also compatible with repression, a lower level of structural violence.

Since structural violence is avoidable, he argues, structural violence is a high cause of premature death and unnecessary disability.

Some examples of structural violence as proposed by Galtung include institutionalized adultism, ageism, classism, elitism, ethnocentrism, nationalism, racism, sexism, and speciesism. Structural violence and direct violence are said to be highly interdependent, including family violence, gender violence, hate crimes, racial violence, police violence, state violence, terrorism, and war.

Others
In his book Violence: Reflections on a National Epidemic, James Gilligan defines structural violence as "the increased rates of death and disability suffered by those who occupy the bottom rungs of society, as contrasted with the relatively lower death rates experienced by those who are above them." Gilligan largely describes these "excess deaths" as "non-natural" and attributes them to the stress, shame, discrimination, and denigration that results from lower status. He draws on Richard Sennett and Jonathan Cobb (i.e., The Hidden Injuries of Class, 1973), who examine the "contest for dignity" in a context of dramatic inequality.

In her interdisciplinary textbook on violence, Bandy X. Lee wrote "Structural violence refers to the avoidable limitations that society places on groups of people that constrain them from meeting their basic needs and achieving the quality of life that would otherwise be possible. These limitations, which can be political, economic, religious, cultural, or legal in nature, usually originate in institutions that exercise power over particular subjects." She goes on to say that "[it] is therefore an illustration of a power system wherein social structures or institutions cause harm to people in a way that results in maldevelopment and other deprivations."

Rather than the term being called social injustice or oppression, there is an advocacy for it to be called violence because this phenomenon comes from, and can be corrected by, human decisions, rather than just natural causes.

Cause and effects
In The Sources of Social Power (1986), Michael Mann makes the argument that within state formation, "increased organizational power is a trade-off, whereby the individual obtains more security and food in exchange for his or her freedom."

Siniša Malešević elaborates on Mann's argument: "Mann's point needs extending to cover all social organizations, not just the state. The early chiefdoms were not states, obviously; still, they were established on a similar basis—an inversely proportional relationship between security and resources, on the one hand, and liberty, on the other." This means that, although those who live in organized, centralized social systems are not likely subject to hunger or to die in an animal attack, they are likely to engage in organized violence, which could include war. These structures make for opportunities and advances that humans could not create for themselves, including the development of agriculture, technology, philosophy, science, and art; however, these structures take tolls elsewhere, making them both productive and detrimental. In early human history, hunter-gatherer groups used organizational power to acquire more resources and produce more food; yet, at the same time, this power was also used to dominate, kill, and enslave other groups in order to expand territory and supplies.

Although structural violence is said to be invisible, it has a number of influences that shape it. These include identifiable institutions, relationships, force fields, and ideologies, including discriminatory laws, gender inequality, and racism. Moreover, this does not solely exist for those of lower classes, though the effects are much heavier on them, including higher rates of disease and death, unemployment, homelessness, lack of education, powerlessness, and shared fate of miseries. The whole social order is affected by social power; other, higher-class groups, however have much more indirect effects on them, with the acts generally being less violent.

Due to social and economic structures in place today—specifically divisions into rich and poor, powerful and weak, and superior and inferior—the excess premature death rate is between 10 and 20 million per year, which is over ten times the death rates from suicide, homicide, and warfare combined.

The work of Yale-based German philosopher, Thomas Pogge, is one major resource on the connection between structural violence and poverty, especially his book World Poverty and Human Rights (2002).

Access to health care
Structural violence affects the availability of health care insofar as paying attention to broad social forces (racism, gender inequality, classism, etc.) can determine who falls ill and who will be given access to care. It is therefore considered more likely for structural violence to occur in areas where biosocial methods are neglected in a country's health care system. Since situations of structural violence are viewed primarily as biological consequences, it neglects problems stimulated by people's environment, such as negative social behaviours or the prominence of inequality, therefore ineffectively addressing the issue.

Medical anthropologist Paul Farmer argues that the major flaw in the dominant model of medical care in the US is that medical services are sold as a commodity, remaining only available to those who can afford them. As medical professionals are not trained to understand the social forces behind disease, nor are they trained to deal with or alter them, they consequently have to ignore the social determinants that alter access to care. As a result, medical interventions are significantly less effective in low-income areas. Similarly, many areas and even countries cannot afford to stop the harmful cycle of structural violence.

The lack of training has, for example, had a significant impact on diagnosis and treatment of AIDS in the United States. A 1994 study by Moore et al. found that black Americans had a significantly lesser chance of receiving treatment than white Americans. Findings from another study suggest that the increased rate of workplace injury among undocumented Latino immigrants in the United States can also be understood as an example of structural violence.

If biosocial understandings are forsaken when considering communicable diseases such as HIV, for example, prevention methods and treatment practices become inadequate and unsustainable for populations. Farmer therefore also states that structural forces account for most if not all epidemic diseases.

Structural violence also exists in the area of mental health, where systems ignore the lived experiences of patients when making decisions about services and funding without consulting with the ill, including those who are illiterate, cannot access computers, do not speak the dominant language, are homeless, are too unwell to fill out long formal surveys, or are in locked psychiatric and forensic wards. Structural violence is also apparent when consumers in developed countries die from preventable diseases 15–25 years earlier than those without a lived experience of mental health.

Solutions
Farmer ultimately claims that "structural interventions" are one possible solution to such violence. However, for structural interventions to be successful, medical professionals need to be capable of executing such tasks; as stated above, though, many of professionals are not trained to do so. Medical professionals still continue to operate with a focus on individual lifestyle factors rather than general socio-economic, cultural, and environmental conditions. This paradigm is considered by Farmer to obscure the structural impediments to changes because it tends to avoid the root causes that should be focused on instead.

Moreover, medical professionals can rightly note that structural interventions are not their job, and as result, continue to operate under conventional clinical intervention. Therefore, the onus falls more on political and other experts to implement such structural changes. One response is to incorporate medical professionals and to acknowledge that such active structural interventions are necessary to address real public health issues.

Countries such as Haiti and Rwanda, however, have implemented (with positive outcomes) structural interventions, including prohibiting the commodification of the citizen needs (such as health care); ensuring equitable access to effective therapies; and developing social safety nets. Such initiatives increase the social and economic rights of citizens, thus decreasing structural violence.

The successful examples of structural interventions in these countries have shown to be fundamental.

Although the interventions have enormous influence on economical and political aspects of international bodies, more interventions are needed to improve access.

Although health disparities resulting from social inequalities are possible to reduce, as long as health care is exchanged as a commodity, those without the power to purchase it will have less access to it. Biosocial research should therefore be the main focus, while sociology can better explain the origin and spread of infectious diseases, such as HIV or AIDS. For instance, research shows that the risk of HIV is highly affected by one's behavior and habits. As such, despite some structural interventions being able to decrease premature morbidity and mortality, the social and historical determinants of the structural violence cannot be omitted.

Cultural violence
Cultural violence refers to aspects of a culture that can be used to justify or legitimize direct or structural violence, and may be exemplified by religion & ideology, language & art, and empirical science & formal science.

Cultural violence makes both direct and structural violence look or feel 'right', or at least not wrong, according to Galtung. The study of cultural violence highlights the ways the act of direct violence and the fact of structural violence are legitimized and thus made acceptable in society. Galtung explains that one mechanism of cultural violence is to change the "moral color" of an act from "red/wrong" to "green/right," or at least to "yellow/acceptable."

International scope
Petra Kelly wrote in her first book, Fighting for Hope (1984):

"A third of the 2 Billion people in the developing countries are starving or suffering from malnutrition. Twenty-five percent of their children die before their fifth birthday […] Less than 10 per cent of the 15 million children who died this year had been vaccinated against the six most common and dangerous children's diseases. Vaccination costs £3 per child. But not doing so costs us five million lives a year. These are classic examples of structural violence."

The violence in structural violence is attributed to the specific organizations of society that injure or harm individuals or masses of individuals. In explaining his point of view on how structural violence affects the health of subaltern or marginalized people, medical anthropologist Paul Farmer writes:

"Their sickness is a result of structural violence: neither culture nor pure individual will is at fault; rather, historically given (and often economically driven) processes and forces conspire to constrain individual agency. Structural violence is visited upon all those whose social status denies them access to the fruits of scientific and social progress."

This perspective has been continually discussed by Farmer, as well as by Philippe Bourgois and Nancy Scheper-Hughes. Farmer ultimately claims that "structural interventions" are one possible solution to such violence; structural violence is the result of policy and social structures, and change can only be a product of altering the processes that encourage structural violence in the first place.

Theorists argue that structural violence is embedded in the current world system; this form of violence, which is centered on apparently inequitable social arrangements, is not inevitable. Ending the global problem of structural violence will require actions that may seem unfeasible in the short term. To some, this indicates that it may be easier to devote resources to minimizing the harmful impacts of structural violence. Others, such as futurist Wendell Bell, see a need for long-term vision to guide projects for social justice. Many structural violences, such as racism and sexism, have become such a common occurrence in society that they appear almost invisible. Despite this fact, sexism and racism have been the focus of intense cultural and political resistance for many decades. Significant reform has been accomplished, though the project remains incomplete.

Farmer notes that there are three reasons why structural violence is hard to see:

 * 1) Suffering is exoticized—that is, when something/someone is distant or far away, individuals tend to not be affected by it. When suffering lacks proximity, it's easy to exoticise.
 * 2) The weight of suffering is also impossible to comprehend. There is simply no way that many individuals are able to comprehend what suffering is like.
 * 3) Lastly, the dynamics and distribution of suffering are still poorly understood.

Anthropologist Seth Holmes studied suffering through the lens of structural violence in his 2013 ethnography Fresh Fruit Broken Bodies: Migrant Farmworkers in the United States. He analyzed the naturalization of physical and mental suffering, violence continuum, and structural vulnerability experienced by Mexican migrants in the U.S. in their everyday lives. Holmes used examples like governmental influences of structural violence—such as how American subsidization of corn industries force Mexican farmers out of business, thereby forcing them to make the very dangerous trip across the border, where the U.S. Border Patrol hinder these migrants' chances of finding work in America, and the impact this all has on the migrants’ bodies.

Criticism
The concept of structural violence has come under criticism, on the one hand for being "increasingly outdated and poorly theorized," and on the other hand for naming non-violent situations, such as poverty, as "violence," has been interpreted as offensive to those who have been victims of physical violence, like assault or rape.

title: Structural violence


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Security police

Security police usually describes a law enforcement agency which focuses primarily on providing security and law enforcement services to particular areas or specific properties. They may be employed by governmental, public, or private institutions. Security police are generally considered distinct from security guards as security police personnel typically hold some level of law enforcement authority. The exact powers held by security police vary widely between jurisdictions. Examples of these types of agencies include the United States' DoD Police and FBI Police, the Indian Central Industrial Security Force, and the British Civil Nuclear Constabulary.

In some countries, security police is the name given to the secret security and intelligence services charged with protecting the state at the highest level, including responsibilities such as personal protection of the head of state, counter-espionage, and anti-terrorism. Examples of these agencies include the Japanese Security Police and the Georgian Security Police Department.

Types of security police agencies
Types of security police may include:

 * Airport police, who provide law enforcement and security services to airports
 * Campus police and school police, who provide law enforcement and security services to specific public and private schools, colleges, universities, and other educational institutions
 * Housing authority police, who primarily protect publicly-owned housing or housing projects
 * Hospital police, who provide law enforcement and security services to specific medical institutions and their facilities and properties
 * Park police and park rangers, who primarily protect parks facilities and their grounds
 * Capitol police, who protect state properties such as legislative, executive buildings, state/national capitol buildings, and their grounds, and can also include executive protection functions
 * Company police and private police, who provide law enforcement and security services on company or private property (working either directly for the company/private entity or for a third-party entity which provides law enforcement services by contract), where local law permits private organizations to establish their own law enforcement agencies

Generally, any law enforcement agency dedicated to the security of a particular property or properties may be considered a security police agency.

Security police powers and authority
Security police differ from security guards in that personnel of security police agencies are considered law enforcement officers, while security guards generally are not. Even where security guards hold some form of policing powers beyond that of the average individual they are not generally considered "security police." The powers and authority of security police vary by jurisdiction, but at a minimum they generally hold detainment and arrest powers.

Some security police agencies enjoy enhanced authority in certain circumstances. For example, the Belfast Harbour Police of Northern Ireland may, in addition to having authority to enforce the law of Northern Ireland and of the United Kingdom, enforce the Belfast Harbour Commissioners’ by-laws.

Security police are generally trained to a similar — if not identical — standard as other law enforcement officers of their nation, though standards do vary widely between jurisdictions.

Australia
The RAAF Security Police is responsible for base security and policing the RAAF and they work closely with the Airfield Defence Guards. The Military Working Dog Unit also provides a further security function.

Most state police force in Australia employs a team of officers known as Protective Services Officers (PSOs). Stationed in and around public or government buildings, these PSOs are armed (to varying degrees) and wear slightly different uniforms. They are also called upon by regular police officers if the need arises. They generally undergo training at the state police college and share many resources. Some police officers have used the PSO path as a stepping stone to their current roles.

In New South Wales, an armed internal unit of the New South Wales Police Force is staffed by special constables who hold identical powers and immunities of police officers at the rank of constable. Special constables wear similar uniforms to police officers, carry arms and appointments and are issued warrant cards and badges. Special constables provide security services to select government and police complexes.

Germany
The Polizei beim Deutschen Bundestag (Polizei DBT, commonly known as Bundestagspolizei) is the smallest and least known police agency in Germany. It is responsible for the protection of the premises of the Bundestag in Berlin. Because the chief of the Bundestagspolizei is the president of the Bundestag (Federal Parliament of Germany) and not the minister of the interior, it can not be called a federal police agency. The number of their officers is not published yet. The Bundestagspolizei recruit their staff from all German police agencies.

Hong Kong
A special division of the Hong Kong Police Force, known as the Airport Security Unit (ASU), has been engaged by airports in Hong Kong (HK), to provide security services. These personnel have higher fitness standards and are issued with heavier firepower, than ordinary HK police officers.

India
The Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) is the primary federal security police agency of India. It has a strength of more than 365,000 personnel and is responsible for protecting over 300 government industries, 66 of the 137 civilian airports of India and all the 13 major seaports of India. It also protects the Delhi Metro, the Visva-Bharti University ,certain Indian Space Research Organization buildings and 11 private establishments. In addition to this,it also provides consultancy services for more than 150 government and private establishments.

The Railway Protection Force (RPF) is responsible for protecting the railways of India and ensuring safety of citizens in trains. It has a strength of around 75,000 officers.

The Defence Security Force protects property belonging to the Ministry of Defence.

In addition, many states may have their own police units or government agencies responsible for providing security for industries not protected by the CISF. These includes various State Industrial Security Forces (SISF).

Japan
In Japan, security police, also known as "SP" are law enforcement officers that provide security for domestic and foreign dignitaries. Their role in dignitary protection is similar to that of the United States Secret Service.

Malaysia
The Royal Malaysia Police are generally responsible for protecting and policing the airports, seaports and government sites in Malaysia. Unlike several other countries, there is no state police for individual states.

Portugal
The Navy Establishments Police (Polícia dos Estabelecimentos da Marinha) is a small security police force responsible for protecting several of the facilities of the Portuguese Navy, including the navy central administration buildings, the Lisbon Naval Base and the Navy Museum.

The Navy Establishments Police is a non-military service, in contrast with the Naval Police (Polícia Naval) which is the Portuguese Navy's military police.

South Africa
During the 1960s the South African Security Police were known for detaining and interrogating members of the public, often leading to the victims death or disappearance, especially in the height of the Apartheid era.

Sri Lanka
During the 1990s the Sri Lanka Police created a sub unit with its members known as police security assistants. They were mostly limited to protection of police and governmental facilities.

Sweden
An ordningsvakt (”order-guard”) is a person deputized by the Swedish Police Authority to act as a law enforcement officer with limited police powers. His main mission is to assist in maintaining public order.

An ordningsvakt may carry a baton, firearm, and handcuffs, may use a police dog, and is authorized to use force if necessary to maintain order. An ordningsvakt may reject, remove and, if necessary, detain, a person who disturbs the public order in his area of responsibility. He may also detain persons suffering from alcohol intoxication, seize alcoholic beverages, make a citizen's arrest (as everyone else), seize evidence after a citizen's arrest, and search a detained person. Detained persons and evidence are to be turned over to the police, who has a general command authority over him. An ordningsvakt carries a special badge, and, since 2012, wears a standardized uniform (irrespective of employer).

In February 2021, there were 7,830 persons deputized as ordningsvakter in Sweden. Of these, about 4,100 were employed by security companies while the rest had personal assignments from private or public clients. Previously, the assignments were mostly on a persona basis keeping public order at public events of a short duration such as soccer games and dances.

Nowadays they also serve as employees of security firms on a permanent basis in the Stockholm metro, in courts and at public meetings in municipalities and regions. The number of sworn police officers in Sweden were at about the same time 20,942.

Taiwan
The special police (保安警察, Bao-an Jingcha) is known as the Security Police of Taiwan.

Northern Ireland
The Northern Ireland Security Guard Service (not to be confused with MOD Police or MPGS) is a civilian armed guard service in which all civilian security officers are armed. They provide security at Ministry of Defence establishments in Northern Ireland.

The Belfast International Airport Constabulary is a small, armed, specialised police force responsible for policing Belfast International Airport, Northern Ireland.

United States
In the United States, the laws concerning peace officers vary widely from federal / state / city. Each state legislature with approval from the governor has the ability to modify the powers of peace officers in their state through legislation.

Federal
Most of the federal government's uniformed police officers are security police who primarily serve to protect federal property and personnel. An example is the Federal Protective Service who protect federal buildings and the various agencies of the Department of Defense Police in protecting military installations and properties.

By states
Some major cities such as Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, San Francisco and Boston have a security police service separate from their city police. These may be employees of a public agency or private contractors.

California
The complexity of special policing and special police authority is illustrated by these examples, which are not meant to be exhaustive.

In California, peace officer powers are granted by the California Penal Code under a number of different code sections. Cities, counties and special districts are authorized to form their own law enforcement agencies. Peace officer training is regulated by a state agency, Peace Officer Standards and Training or POST. This training can consist of as little as a 40-hour PC 832 course (for park rangers, probation officers or fire investigators who might make an arrest in the course of their duties), or as much as a 700-hour POST Basic Academy (for entry level peace officers).

Security guards (including off duty peace officers) may only carry firearms in private employment if licensed by the state licensing authority, the Bureau of Security and Investigative Services. Persons regularly employed by public agencies as security guards, however, may be exempt from BSIS regulation, if they have completed POST-certified training in accordance with PC 832 or other penal code sections. However, security guards employed by a private employer are still regulated by BSIS even though the client may be a public agency.

Orange County
Orange County Sheriff's Department special officers are duly appointed and dedicated California public officers under California Penal Code section 831.4. (a) (1), who provide citation enforcement and security services for the department in connection with the county bus system, airport, the operations of the local courts and the custody of local prisoners.

These sheriff's special officers attend a 16-week training academy at the Orange County Sheriff's Regional Training Academy that instructs new officers on laws of arrest, firearms training, arrest and control techniques, physical fitness, field and patrol tactics, first responder medical training, and corrections-custody training. Being duly non-sworn California public officers, Orange County Sheriff's special officers maintain public officer authority while on duty

Los Angeles
In the Los Angeles metropolitan area, there are numerous examples of security police with different levels of authority and responsibility.

 * Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department - employs Security assistants (security officer I) and Security officers (security officer II) who assist deputy sheriffs in the protection of various county government facilities. The LASD absorbed the Los Angeles County Office of Public Safety on June 30, 2010.
 * Security assistants are assigned to the Transit Services Bureau serve as fare inspectors. Security assistants and security officers assigned to the Court Services Division provide weapons screening and general security of the county's superior and municipal courts.  Security officers assigned to the Community College Division provide campus security to the county's community colleges.  Additionally, security officers may also be assigned to provide security at other county facilities.
 * Sheriff's security officers in compliance with applicable laws and regulations, such as peace officer ("POST") training, have limited peace officer powers while on duty and are outside the authority of the state security guard licensing agency, the Bureau of Security and Investigative Services (BSIS) with respect to their work for the county.
 * Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority - transit security officers are uniformed, 836.5 (a) PC public officers, who serve the MTA (Metro) by providing security for critical transportation infrastructure and internal revenue protection.  Transit security officers undergo a selection process that is similar to that for police (including an identical background investigation, as well as a psychological review and physical agility test), as well as an 800-hour internal training program and POST-certified arrest and firearms course.

New Orleans
The City of New Orleans Department of Police in accordance with New Orleans Home Rule Charter section 4-502 (2) (a) (b) and New Orleans Municipal Code 17-271 MCS 90–86, deputizes armed security officers, private investigators, college campus police, city, state, and federal agencies, within the city limits, with limited police powers as New Orleans Police special officers.

New Orleans Municipal Code 17-271 MCS 30-1122 states that it shall be unlawful for any person to act as an armed guard unless they are a peace officer. Louisiana R.S. 40:1379.1 (b) states that the special officer, when performing those tasks requiring a special officer's commission, shall have the same powers and duties as a peace officer. Special officers may make arrests for felony or misdemeanor offenses on the property or area they are to protect, patrol, or in relation to their direct assignment. The special officer, when making an arrest, may pat down the arrested subject for weapons. Special officers are to turn over arrested subjects and pertaining evidence to a New Orleans Police officer. Special officers are to honor all subpoenas on arrest made and appear in court to testify. Special officers, when not on a particular assignment, are regarded as private citizens and have no police powers. However, special officers still may make arrests for a felony, whether in or out of their presence, while not on a particular assignment, under Louisiana Law CCRP art.214 arrest by private person; when lawful.

Venezuela
The Internal Security Division is a security police unit of the Bolivarian Service of National Intelligence. Dressed with black berets and armed with M16s and M4s. This unit provides security at counterintelligence territorial bases and other facilities. They have police powers.

Finland

 * The Suojelupoliisi or Finnish Security and Intelligence Service used the English title of “Finnish Security Police” until 2010. The name change was to emphasize its state security functions over any internal policing tasks it may have.

Nazi Germany

 * The Sicherheitspolizei, often abbreviated as SiPo, was a term used in Nazi Germany to describe the state political and criminal investigation security agencies. It was made up by the combined forces of the Gestapo (secret state police) and the Kripo (criminal police) between 1936 and 1939. As a formal agency, the SiPo was folded into the RSHA in 1939, but the term continued to be used informally until the end of the Third Reich.
 * The Reichssicherheitsdienst (RSD) was the security police assigned to protect dignitaries.

United States

 * Security police is a term once used for the United States Air Force Security Forces, who function as the military police of the United States Air Force.

General references

 * "A NEW MEMBER OF THE LASD FAMILY" by John Herrera, Star News, September 2006
 * The Privatization of Police in America: An Analysis and Case Study. McFarland & Company, 2003.

title: Security police


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Multilinear form

In abstract algebra and multilinear algebra, a multilinear form on a vector space $$V$$ over a field $$K$$ is a map

 * $$f\colon V^k \to K$$

that is separately $$K$$-linear in each of its $$k$$ arguments. More generally, one can define multilinear forms on a module over a commutative ring. The rest of this article, however, will only consider multilinear forms on finite-dimensional vector spaces.

A multilinear $$k$$-form on $$V$$ over $$\R$$ is called a (covariant) $$\boldsymbol{k}$$-tensor, and the vector space of such forms is usually denoted $$\mathcal{T}^k(V)$$ or $$\mathcal{L}^k(V)$$.

Tensor product
Given a $$k$$-tensor $$f\in\mathcal{T}^k(V)$$ and an $$\ell$$-tensor $$g\in\mathcal{T}^\ell(V)$$, a product $$f\otimes g\in\mathcal{T}^{k+\ell}(V)$$, known as the tensor product, can be defined by the property

 * $$(f\otimes g)(v_1,\ldots,v_k,v_{k+1},\ldots, v_{k+\ell})=f(v_1,\ldots,v_k)g(v_{k+1},\ldots, v_{k+\ell}),$$

for all $$v_1,\ldots,v_{k+\ell}\in V$$. The tensor product of multilinear forms is not commutative; however it is bilinear and associative:

 * $$f\otimes(ag_1+bg_2)=a(f\otimes g_1)+b(f\otimes g_2)$$, $$(af_1+bf_2)\otimes g=a(f_1\otimes g)+b(f_2\otimes g),$$

and

 * $$(f\otimes g)\otimes h=f\otimes (g\otimes h).$$

If $$(v_1,\ldots, v_n)$$ forms a basis for an $$n$$-dimensional vector space $$V$$ and $$(\phi^1,\ldots,\phi^n)$$ is the corresponding dual basis for the dual space $$V^*=\mathcal{T}^1(V)$$, then the products $$\phi^{i_1}\otimes\cdots\otimes\phi^{i_k}$$, with $$1\le i_1,\ldots,i_k\le n$$ form a basis for $$\mathcal{T}^k(V)$$. Consequently, $$\mathcal{T}^k(V)$$ has dimension $$n^k$$.

Bilinear forms
If $$k=2$$, $$f:V\times V\to K$$ is referred to as a bilinear form. A familiar and important example of a (symmetric) bilinear form is the standard inner product (dot product) of vectors.

Alternating multilinear forms
An important class of multilinear forms are the alternating multilinear forms, which have the additional property that

 * $$f(x_{\sigma(1)},\ldots, x_{\sigma(k)}) = \sgn(\sigma)f(x_1,\ldots, x_k), $$

where $$\sigma:\mathbf{N}_k\to\mathbf{N}_k$$ is a permutation and $$\sgn(\sigma)$$ denotes its sign (+1 if even, –1 if odd). As a consequence, alternating multilinear forms are antisymmetric with respect to swapping of any two arguments (i.e., $$\sigma(p)=q,\sigma(q)=p $$ and $$\sigma(i)=i, 1\le i\le k, i\neq p,q $$):

 * $$f(x_1,\ldots, x_p,\ldots, x_q,\ldots, x_k) = -f(x_1,\ldots, x_q,\ldots, x_p,\ldots, x_k). $$

With the additional hypothesis that the characteristic of the field $$K$$ is not 2, setting $$x_p=x_q=x $$ implies as a corollary that $$f(x_1,\ldots, x,\ldots, x,\ldots, x_k) = 0 $$; that is, the form has a value of 0 whenever two of its arguments are equal. Note, however, that some authors use this last condition as the defining property of alternating forms. This definition implies the property given at the beginning of the section, but as noted above, the converse implication holds only when $$\operatorname{char}(K)\neq 2 $$.

An alternating multilinear $$k$$-form on $$V$$ over $$\R$$ is called a multicovector of degree $$\boldsymbol{k}$$ or $$\boldsymbol{k}$$-covector, and the vector space of such alternating forms, a subspace of $$\mathcal{T}^k(V)$$, is generally denoted $$\mathcal{A}^k(V)$$, or, using the notation for the isomorphic kth exterior power of $$V^*$$(the dual space of $$V$$), $\bigwedge^k V^*$. Note that linear functionals (multilinear 1-forms over $$\R$$) are trivially alternating, so that $$\mathcal{A}^1(V)=\mathcal{T}^1(V)=V^*$$, while, by convention, 0-forms are defined to be scalars: $$\mathcal{A}^0(V)=\mathcal{T}^0(V)=\R$$.

The determinant on $$n\times n$$ matrices, viewed as an $$n$$ argument function of the column vectors, is an important example of an alternating multilinear form.

Exterior product
The tensor product of alternating multilinear forms is, in general, no longer alternating. However, by summing over all permutations of the tensor product, taking into account the parity of each term, the exterior product ($$\wedge$$, also known as the wedge product) of multicovectors can be defined, so that if $$f\in\mathcal{A}^k(V)$$ and $$g\in\mathcal{A}^\ell(V)$$, then $$f\wedge g\in\mathcal{A}^{k+\ell}(V)$$:

 * $$(f\wedge g)(v_1,\ldots, v_{k+\ell})=\frac{1}{k!\ell!}\sum_{\sigma\in S_{k+\ell}} (\sgn(\sigma)) f(v_{\sigma(1)}, \ldots, v_{\sigma(k)})g(v_{\sigma(k+1)}

,\ldots,v_{\sigma(k+\ell)}),$$

where the sum is taken over the set of all permutations over $$k+\ell$$ elements, $$S_{k+\ell}$$. The exterior product is bilinear, associative, and graded-alternating: if $$f\in\mathcal{A}^k(V)$$ and $$g\in\mathcal{A}^\ell(V)$$ then $$f\wedge g=(-1)^{k\ell}g\wedge f$$.

Given a basis $$(v_1,\ldots, v_n)$$ for $$V$$ and dual basis $$(\phi^1,\ldots,\phi^n)$$ for $$V^*=\mathcal{A}^1(V)$$, the exterior products $$\phi^{i_1}\wedge\cdots\wedge\phi^{i_k}$$, with $$1\leq i_1<\cdots<i_k\leq n$$ form a basis for $$\mathcal{A}^k(V)$$. Hence, the dimension of $$\mathcal{A}^k(V)$$ for n-dimensional $$V$$ is $\tbinom{n}{k}=\frac{n!}{(n-k)!\,k!}$.

Differential forms
Differential forms are mathematical objects constructed via tangent spaces and multilinear forms that behave, in many ways, like differentials in the classical sense. Though conceptually and computationally useful, differentials are founded on ill-defined notions of infinitesimal quantities developed early in the history of calculus. Differential forms provide a mathematically rigorous and precise framework to modernize this long-standing idea. Differential forms are especially useful in multivariable calculus (analysis) and differential geometry because they possess transformation properties that allow them be integrated on curves, surfaces, and their higher-dimensional analogues (differentiable manifolds). One far-reaching application is the modern statement of Stokes' theorem, a sweeping generalization of the fundamental theorem of calculus to higher dimensions.

The synopsis below is primarily based on Spivak (1965) and Tu (2011).

Definition of differential k-forms and construction of 1-forms
To define differential forms on open subsets $$U\subset\R^n$$, we first need the notion of the tangent space of $$\R^n$$at $$p$$, usually denoted $$T_p\R^n$$ or $$\R^n_p$$. The vector space $$\R^n_p$$ can be defined most conveniently as the set of elements $$v_p$$ ($$v\in\R^n$$, with $$p\in\R^n$$ fixed) with vector addition and scalar multiplication defined by $$v_p+w_p:=(v+w)_p$$ and $$a\cdot(v_p):=(a\cdot v)_p$$, respectively. Moreover, if $$(e_1,\ldots,e_n)$$ is the standard basis for $$\R^n$$, then $$((e_1)_p,\ldots,(e_n)_p)$$ is the analogous standard basis for $$\R^n_p$$. In other words, each tangent space $$\R^n_p$$ can simply be regarded as a copy of $$\R^n$$ (a set of tangent vectors) based at the point $$p$$. The collection (disjoint union) of tangent spaces of $$\R^n$$ at all $$p\in\R^n$$ is known as the tangent bundle of $$\R^n$$ and is usually denoted $T\R^n:=\bigcup_{p\in\R^n}\R^n_p$. While the definition given here provides a simple description of the tangent space of $$\R^n$$, there are other, more sophisticated constructions that are better suited for defining the tangent spaces of smooth manifolds in general (see the article on tangent spaces for details).

A differential $$\boldsymbol{k}$$-form on $$U\subset\R^n$$ is defined as a function $$\omega$$ that assigns to every $$p\in U$$ a $$k$$-covector on the tangent space of $$\R^n$$at $$p$$, usually denoted $$\omega_p:=\omega(p)\in\mathcal{A}^k(\R^n_p)$$. In brief, a differential $$k$$-form is a $$k$$-covector field. The space of $$k$$-forms on $$U$$ is usually denoted $$\Omega^k(U)$$; thus if $$\omega$$ is a differential $$k$$-form, we write $$\omega\in\Omega^k(U)$$. By convention, a continuous function on $$U$$ is a differential 0-form: $$f\in C^0(U)=\Omega^0(U)$$.

We first construct differential 1-forms from 0-forms and deduce some of their basic properties. To simplify the discussion below, we will only consider smooth differential forms constructed from smooth ($$C^\infty$$) functions. Let $$f:\R^n\to\R$$ be a smooth function. We define the 1-form $$df$$ on $$U$$ for $$p\in U$$ and $$v_p\in\R^n_p$$ by $$(df)_p(v_p):=Df|_p(v)$$, where $$Df|_p:\R^n\to\R$$ is the total derivative of $$f$$ at $$p$$. (Recall that the total derivative is a linear transformation.) Of particular interest are the projection maps (also known as coordinate functions) $$\pi^i:\R^n\to\R$$, defined by $$x\mapsto x^i$$, where $$x^i$$ is the ith standard coordinate of $$x\in\R^n$$. The 1-forms $$d\pi^i$$ are known as the basic 1-forms; they are conventionally denoted $$dx^i$$. If the standard coordinates of $$v_p\in\R^n_p$$ are $$(v^1,\ldots, v^n)$$, then application of the definition of $$df$$ yields $$dx^i_p(v_p)=v^i$$, so that $$dx^i_p((e_j)_p)=\delta_j^i$$, where $$\delta^i_j$$ is the Kronecker delta. Thus, as the dual of the standard basis for $$\R^n_p$$, $$(dx^1_p,\ldots,dx^n_p)$$ forms a basis for $$\mathcal{A}^1(\R^n_p)=(\R^n_p)^*$$. As a consequence, if $$\omega$$ is a 1-form on $$U$$, then $$\omega$$ can be written as $\sum a_i\,dx^i$ for smooth functions $$a_i:U\to\R$$. Furthermore, we can derive an expression for $$df$$ that coincides with the classical expression for a total differential:

 * $$df=\sum_{i=1}^n D_i f\; dx^i={\partial f\over\partial x^1} \, dx^1+\cdots+{\partial f\over\partial x^n} \, dx^n.$$

[Comments on notation: In this article, we follow the convention from tensor calculus and differential geometry in which multivectors and multicovectors are written with lower and upper indices, respectively. Since differential forms are multicovector fields, upper indices are employed to index them. The opposite rule applies to the components of multivectors and multicovectors, which instead are written with upper and lower indices, respectively. For instance, we represent the standard coordinates of vector $$v\in\R^n$$ as $$(v^1,\ldots,v^n)$$, so that $v=\sum_{i=1}^n v^ie_i$ in terms of the standard basis $$(e_1,\ldots,e_n)$$. In addition, superscripts appearing in the denominator of an expression (as in $\frac{\partial f}{\partial x^i}$ ) are treated as lower indices in this convention. When indices are applied and interpreted in this manner, the number of upper indices minus the number of lower indices in each term of an expression is conserved, both within the sum and across an equal sign, a feature that serves as a useful mnemonic device and helps pinpoint errors made during manual computation.]

Basic operations on differential k-forms
The exterior product ($$\wedge$$) and exterior derivative ($$d$$) are two fundamental operations on differential forms. The exterior product of a $$k$$-form and an $$\ell$$-form is a $$(k+\ell)$$-form, while the exterior derivative of a $$k$$-form is a $$(k+1)$$-form. Thus, both operations generate differential forms of higher degree from those of lower degree.

The exterior product $$\wedge:\Omega^k(U)\times\Omega^\ell(U)\to\Omega^{k+\ell}(U)$$ of differential forms is a special case of the exterior product of multicovectors in general (see above). As is true in general for the exterior product, the exterior product of differential forms is bilinear, associative, and is graded-alternating.

More concretely, if $$\omega=a_{i_1\ldots i_k} \, dx^{i_1}\wedge\cdots\wedge dx^{i_k}$$ and $$\eta=a_{j_1\ldots i_{\ell}} dx^{j_1}\wedge\cdots\wedge dx^{j_{\ell}}$$, then

 * $$\omega\wedge\eta=a_{i_1\ldots i_k}a_{j_1\ldots j_\ell} \, dx^{i_1}\wedge\cdots\wedge dx^{i_k}\wedge dx^{j_1} \wedge \cdots\wedge dx^{j_\ell}.$$

Furthermore, for any set of indices $$\{\alpha_1\ldots,\alpha_m\}$$,

 * $$dx^{\alpha_1} \wedge\cdots\wedge dx^{\alpha_p} \wedge \cdots \wedge dx^{\alpha_q} \wedge\cdots\wedge dx^{\alpha_m} = -dx^{\alpha_1} \wedge\cdots\wedge dx^{\alpha_q} \wedge \cdots\wedge dx^{\alpha_p}\wedge\cdots\wedge dx^{\alpha_m}.$$

If $$I=\{i_1,\ldots,i_k\}$$, $$J=\{j_1,\ldots,j_{\ell}\}$$, and $$I\cap J=\varnothing$$, then the indices of $$\omega\wedge\eta$$ can be arranged in ascending order by a (finite) sequence of such swaps. Since $$dx^\alpha\wedge dx^\alpha=0$$, $$I\cap J\neq\varnothing$$ implies that $$\omega\wedge\eta=0$$. Finally, as a consequence of bilinearity, if $$\omega$$ and $$\eta$$ are the sums of several terms, their exterior product obeys distributivity with respect to each of these terms.

The collection of the exterior products of basic 1-forms $$\{dx^{i_1}\wedge\cdots\wedge dx^{i_k} \mid 1\leq i_1<\cdots< i_k\leq n\}$$ constitutes a basis for the space of differential k-forms. Thus, any $$\omega\in\Omega^k(U)$$ can be written in the form

 * $$\omega=\sum_{i_1<\cdots<i_k} a_{i_1\ldots i_k} \, dx^{i_1}\wedge\cdots\wedge dx^{i_k}, \qquad (*)$$

where $$a_{i_1\ldots i_k}:U\to\R$$ are smooth functions. With each set of indices $$\{i_1,\ldots,i_k\}$$ placed in ascending order, (*) is said to be the standard presentation of $$\omega$$.

In the previous section, the 1-form $$df$$ was defined by taking the exterior derivative of the 0-form (continuous function) $$f$$. We now extend this by defining the exterior derivative operator $$d:\Omega^k(U)\to\Omega^{k+1}(U)$$ for $$k\geq1$$. If the standard presentation of $$k$$-form $$\omega$$ is given by (*), the $$(k+1)$$-form $$d\omega$$ is defined by

 * $$d\omega:=\sum_{i_1<\ldots <i_k} da_{i_1\ldots i_k}\wedge dx^{i_1}\wedge\cdots\wedge dx^{i_k}.$$

A property of $$d$$ that holds for all smooth forms is that the second exterior derivative of any $$\omega$$ vanishes identically: $$d^2\omega=d(d\omega)\equiv 0$$. This can be established directly from the definition of $$d$$ and the equality of mixed second-order partial derivatives of $$C^2$$ functions (see the article on closed and exact forms for details).

Integration of differential forms and Stokes' theorem for chains
To integrate a differential form over a parameterized domain, we first need to introduce the notion of the pullback of a differential form. Roughly speaking, when a differential form is integrated, applying the pullback transforms it in a way that correctly accounts for a change-of-coordinates.

Given a differentiable function $$f:\R^n\to\R^m$$ and $$k$$-form $$\eta\in\Omega^k(\R^m)$$, we call $$f^*\eta\in\Omega^k(\R^n)$$ the pullback of $$\eta$$ by $$f$$ and define it as the $$k$$-form such that

 * $$(f^*\eta)_p(v_{1p},\ldots, v_{kp}):=\eta_{f(p)}(f_*(v_{1p}),\ldots,f_*(v_{kp})),$$

for $$v_{1p},\ldots,v_{kp}\in\R^n_p$$, where $$f_*:\R^n_p\to\R^m_{f(p)}$$ is the map $$v_p\mapsto(Df|_p(v))_{f(p)}$$.

If $$\omega=f\, dx^1\wedge\cdots\wedge dx^n$$ is an $$n$$-form on $$\R^n$$ (i.e., $$\omega\in\Omega^n(\R^n)$$), we define its integral over the unit $$n$$-cell as the iterated Riemann integral of $$f$$:

 * $$\int_{[0,1]^n} \omega = \int_{[0,1]^n} f\,dx^1\wedge\cdots \wedge dx^n:= \int_0^1\cdots\int_0^1 f\, dx^1\cdots dx^n.$$

Next, we consider a domain of integration parameterized by a differentiable function $$c:[0,1]^n\to A\subset\R^m$$, known as an n-cube. To define the integral of $$\omega\in\Omega^n(A)$$ over $$c$$, we "pull back" from $$A$$ to the unit n-cell:

 * $$\int_c \omega :=\int_{[0,1]^n}c^*\omega.$$

To integrate over more general domains, we define an $$\boldsymbol{n}$$-chain $C=\sum_i n_ic_i$  as the formal sum of $$n$$-cubes and set

 * $$\int_C \omega :=\sum_i n_i\int_{c_i} \omega.$$

An appropriate definition of the $$(n-1)$$-chain $$\partial C$$, known as the boundary of $$C$$, allows us to state the celebrated Stokes' theorem (Stokes–Cartan theorem) for chains in a subset of $$\R^m$$: "If $\omega$ is a smooth $(n-1)$-form on an open set $A\subset\R^m$ and $C$ is a smooth $n$-chain in $A$, then$\int_C d\omega=\int_{\partial C} \omega$."Using more sophisticated machinery (e.g., germs and derivations), the tangent space $$T_p M$$ of any smooth manifold $$M$$ (not necessarily embedded in $$\R^m$$) can be defined. Analogously, a differential form $$\omega\in\Omega^k(M)$$ on a general smooth manifold is a map $$\omega:p\in M\mapsto\omega_p\in \mathcal{A}^k(T_pM)$$. Stokes' theorem can be further generalized to arbitrary smooth manifolds-with-boundary and even certain "rough" domains (see the article on Stokes' theorem for details).

title: Multilinear form


text:
A Thin Line Between Love and Hate

A Thin Line Between Love and Hate is a 1996 American romantic black comedy film starring and directed by Martin Lawrence in his feature film directorial debut. It tells the story of Darnell Wright (Lawrence), a ladies' man who finds himself stalked by one of his obsessed lovers: Brandi (Lynn Whitfield), an attractive and successful, but unstable older businesswoman.

Along with directing and starring in the film, Lawrence co-wrote the screenplay alongside Kenny Buford, Bentley Kyle Evans and Kim Bass. Released on April 3, 1996, the film grossed over $34 million at the box office against a budget of $8 million. As of 2024, A Thin Line Between Love and Hate is the only film that Lawrence has ever directed.

Plot
Nightclub manager Darnell Wright is a perpetual playboy and hopeless male chauvinist. He works for a nightclub called Chocolate City and aspires to be its owner. He trades VIP privileges at the club for favors from women. Though he is an expert at conning women, he sometimes worries about what his childhood sweetheart Mia thinks of his adventures.

When the beautiful and wealthy Brandi Web steps out of a limousine to enter the club, Darnell feels that he's met his ultimate prize.

She initially rejects his come-ons, which only fuels his appetite. He pursues her, showing up with flowers at her office. He finally wins over Brandi, only to find out that he's really in love with Mia.

One morning, Darnell awakes to find Brandi in his kitchen making bacon and pancakes. She wants him to hold her, but he pushes her off aggressively. However, Brandi doesn't take kindly to rejection. She becomes an obsessed femme fatale: stalking him, taking all four wheels off his SUV to ground him from his rounds, shattering his windshield, and setting his nightclub on fire. She hits herself with a fruit-stuffed stocking to cause herself bruises without fingerprints, and repeatedly slams a door on her arm injuring herself.

When Darnell goes to see her at the hospital, he is arrested for a false domestic violence charge. She continues harassing and stalking Darnell, then threatens Mia's life.

Ending his relationship with Mia is not enough to satisfy Brandi who finally administers Darnell's punishment for his womanizing. Darnell quickly learns the hard way that if you "play", you have to "pay."

Darnell, now suffering from a gun wound attempts to take the gun from Brandi, causing Brandi, Mia, and he to fall out of a window and land in a pool.

Darnell awakes from the fall in a hospital, with all his friends, family, and Mia standing over him. He decides to change his life for the better and start a life with Mia. Darnell is grateful that Brandi showed him what love really is. Brandi is arrested and imprisoned.

Cast

 * Martin Lawrence as Darnell Wright
 * Lynn Whitfield as Brandi Web
 * Regina King as Mia Williams
 * Bobby Brown as "Tee"
 * Daryl M. Mitchell as Earl
 * Roger E. Mosley as Smitty
 * Della Reese as Mama Wright
 * Simbi Khali as Adrienne
 * Tangie Ambrose as Nikki
 * Wendy Robinson as Gwen
 * Malinda Williams as Erica Wright
 * Stacii Jae Johnson as "Peaches"
 * Miguel A. Núñez Jr. as Reggie
 * Faizon Love as Manny
 * Michael Bell as Marvis
 * Michael Taliferro as Club Security
 * Tiny Lister as Tyrone
 * Tracy Morgan as Sean, The Bartender

Style
The plot of A Thin Line Between Love and Hate was influenced by Boomerang and Fatal Attraction. The opening sequence, depicting Darnell lying unconscious and fully clothed face down in a swimming pool while narrating the events that led him to there, was influenced by Billy Wilder's 1950 film Sunset Boulevard. The film has been classified as a comedy thriller.

Reception
A Thin Line Between Love and Hate grossed $34,873,513 at the box office against a budget of $8 million.

The critical reception of the film was mostly negative. On Rotten Tomatoes the film has a 15% rating based on 26 reviews.

title: A Thin Line Between Love and Hate


text:
10 (1979 film)

10 is a 1979 American romantic comedy film written, produced and directed by Blake Edwards and starring Dudley Moore, Julie Andrews, Robert Webber, and Bo Derek. It was considered a trendsetting film at the time of its release and became one of the year's biggest box-office hits. The film follows a middle-aged man who becomes infatuated with a young woman whom he has never met, leading to a comic chase and an encounter in Mexico.

Plot
During a surprise 42nd birthday party for the wealthy and famous composer George Webber thrown by his actress girlfriend Samantha Taylor, George finds that he is coping badly with his age. From his car, George glimpses a bride on her way to be married and is instantly obsessed with her beauty. Following her to the church, he crashes into a police cruiser, is stung by a bee and nearly disrupts the wedding ceremony.

Later that night, Sam and George argue over his treatment of women and his habit of spying on the intimate acts of a neighbor with his consent.

George visits the minister who performed the wedding and learns that the woman is Jenny Miles, daughter of a prominent Beverly Hills dentist. The following day, while spying on his neighbor, George hits himself with the telescope and falls down an embankment, causing him to miss Sam's phone call. Still obsessed with Jenny, he schedules a dental appointment with her father and learns that Jenny and her husband David have gone to Mexico for their honeymoon. The effects of a comically implausible amount of treatment accompanied by a heavy dose of novocaine, aggravated by immediate heavy drinking, leave George completely incoherent. Sam finally reaches him on the phone, but mistakes him for an intruder and calls the police, who hold George at gunpoint while trying to understand his gibberish. George visits his neighbor's house to take part in an ongoing orgy, but Sam spots him through his telescope, widening the rift between them.

George impulsively boards a plane to follow the newlyweds to their exclusive resort in Mexico. In the bar, George encounters old acquaintance Mary Lewis, who lacks self-confidence. When they attempt a fling, Mary interprets George's inadequacy in bed as confirmation of her own insecurities.

At the beach, George sees Jenny in a swimsuit and is awestruck again by her beauty. Noticing that her husband has fallen asleep on a surfboard, George rents a catamaran and rescues David, making him a hero. Sam sees George on a TV newscast and tries to contact him unsuccessfully. David is hospitalized with sunburn, allowing Jenny and George to spend time alone together. Jenny smokes marijuana and seduces George, but he is horrified when Jenny takes a call from David and casually informs him of George's presence. George is even more confused with David's complete lack of concern. Jenny explains she is in an open marriage and married David only because of pressure from her conservative father. George leaves after realizing that Jenny sees their tryst as nothing more than a casual fling.

After flying home, George reconciles with Sam by performing an apologetic new song and demonstrating greater maturity. He suggests getting married, but they agree they should first work on arguing less and making love more. George takes an idea from Jenny when he starts Boléro on his phonograph (lasting $15 1/4$ minutes, an appropriate duration for lovemaking), and he makes love with Sam in full view of the neighbor's telescope, though the neighbor has already stopped watching out of frustration that he provides erotic entertainment for George and gets nothing in return.

Cast

 * Dudley Moore as George Webber
 * Julie Andrews as Samantha Taylor
 * Bo Derek as Jenny Hanley
 * Robert Webber as Hugh
 * Dee Wallace as Mary Lewis
 * Sam J. Jones as David Hanley
 * Don Calfa as The Neighbor
 * Brian Dennehy as Don, The Bartender
 * Doug Sheehan as The Policeman
 * Max Showalter as Reverend
 * Nedra Volz as Mrs. Kissell
 * James Noble as Dr. Miles, the Dentist
 * Peter Sellers as Night Club Drummer (cameo, scene cut)

Casting
Dudley Moore was a last-minute replacement for George Segal. Edwards sued Segal and won $270,000.

Release
10 was released by Warner Bros. on October 5, 1979, opening in 706 theaters. It was released on DVD through Warner Home Video on May 21, 1997, and a Blu-ray edition was released on February 1, 2011. The supplemental material consists of the original theatrical trailer and a four-minute promotional documentary, present on both media.

Reception
10 opened at number one in the United States, grossing $3,526,692 ($ in ) for its opening weekend. The film went on to make a total of $74,865,517 ($ in ) in the U.S. and Canada by the end of 1980, making it one of the top-grossing films released in 1979. Worldwide, it grossed over $107 million. It received mostly positive reviews from critics. On Rotten Tomatoes, it has an approval rating of 68% based on 25 reviews, with an average rating of 6.50/10. The site's consensus states: "Blake Edwards' bawdy comedy may not score a perfect 10, but Dudley Moore's self-deprecating performance makes this midlife crisis persistently funny." On Metacritic, the film has a score of 68% based on reviews from seven critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews".

Vincent Canby of The New York Times described 10 as "frequently hilarious", praising the performances by Moore and Andrews and concluding that the film "is loaded with odd surprises." Roger Ebert of the Chicago Sun-Times gave the film a four-star review, calling it "one of the best films Blake Edwards has ever made." He named 10 one of the best films of 1979, ranking it 10th on his yearly top-ten list. Gene Siskel of the Chicago Tribune called the film "a very funny comedy that couldn't be more serious about the plight of its lead character." He also noted that the film "turns out to be a gentle essay on the problems of male menopause."

The New York Times placed the film on its Best 1000 Movies Ever list.

Cultural impact
Bo Derek's role shot her to instant stardom and status as a sex symbol. Her beaded and plaited cornrow hairstyle in the film was widely copied.

The film also brought renewed fame to the one-movement orchestral piece Boléro by Maurice Ravel, whose music was still under copyright at the time. As a result of the film, sales of Boléro generated an estimated $1 million in royalties and briefly made Ravel the best-selling classical composer 40 years after his death. Derek appeared in a 1984 film named Bolero, titled to capitalize upon the piece's renewed popularity.

Remake
In 2003, it was announced that Blake Edwards would direct a remake to be titled 10 Again for MDP Worldwide, but the project was abandoned.

title: 10 (1979 film)