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Kerala model

The Kerala model refers to the practices adopted by the Indian state of Kerala to further human development. It is characterised by results showing strong social indicators when compared to the rest of the country such as high literacy and life expectancy rates, highly improved access to healthcare, and low infant mortality and birth rates. Despite having a lower per capita income, the state is sometimes compared to developed countries. These achievements along with the factors responsible for such achievements have been considered characteristic results of the Kerala model. Academic literature discusses the primary factors underlying the success of the Kerala model as its decentralization efforts, the political mobilization of the poor, and the active involvement of civil society organizations in the planning and implementation of development policies.

More precisely, the Kerala model has been defined as:
 * A set of high material quality of life indicators coinciding with low per-capita incomes, both distributed across nearly the entire population of Kerala.
 * A set of wealth and resource redistribution programmes that have largely brought about the high material quality-of-life indicators.
 * High levels of political participation and activism among ordinary people along with substantial numbers of dedicated leaders at all levels. Kerala's mass activism and committed cadre are able to function within a large democratic structure, which their activism has served to reinforce.

History
The Kerala model originally differed from conventional development thinking which focuses on achieving high GDP growth rates, however, in 1990, Pakistani economist Mahbub ul Haq changed the focus of development economics from national income accounting to people centered policies. To produce the Human Development Report (HDRs), Haq brought together a group of well-known development economists including: Paul Streeten, Frances Stewart, Gustav Ranis, Keith Griffin, Sudhir Anand, and Meghnad Desai.

Economists have noted that despite low income rates, the state had high literacy rates, healthy citizens, and a politically active population. Researchers began to delve more deeply into what was going in the Kerala model, since human development indices seemed to show a standard of living which was comparable with life in developed nations, on a fraction of the income. The development standard in Kerala is comparable to that of many first world nations, and is widely considered to be the highest in India at that time.

Despite having high standards of human development, the Kerala model ranks low in terms of industrial and economic development. The high rate of education in the region has resulted in a brain drain, with many citizens migrating to other parts of the world for employment. The job market in Kerala is forcing many to relocate to other places.

Human Development Index
The United Nations developed the Human Development Index (HDI) in 1990 as a composite statistic used to rank countries by level of "human development" and separate developed (high development), developing (middle development), and underdeveloped (low development) countries. The HDI is used in the United Nations Development Programme's annual Human Development Reports and is composed from data on life expectancy, education and per-capita GDP (as an indicator of Standard of living) collected at the national level using a formula. This index, which has become one of the most influential and widely used indices to compare human development across countries, gave the Kerala model international recognition since Kerala has consistently had scores comparable to developed countries since the HDI's inception.

In 2021, Kerala again tops the HDI among the Indian states with a score of 0.782, according to the Global Data Lab.

History
Kerala's improved public health relative to other Indian states and countries with similar economic circumstances is founded on a long history of successful health-focused policies.

One of the first key strategies Kerala implemented was making vaccinations mandatory for public servants, prisoners, and students in 1879 prior to Kerala becoming a state, when it was composed of autonomous territories. Moreover, the efforts of missionaries in setting up hospitals and schools in underserved areas increased access to health and education services. Though class and caste divisions were rigid and oppressive, a rise in subnationalism in the 1890s resulted in the development of a shared identity across class and caste groups and support for public welfare. Simultaneously, the growth in agriculture and trade in Kerala also stimulated government investment in transportation infrastructure. Thus, leaders in Kerala began increasing spending on health, education, and public transportation, establishing progressive social policies. By the 1950s, Kerala had a significantly higher life expectancy than neighboring states as well as the highest literacy rate in India.

Once Kerala became a state in 1956, public scrutiny of schools and health care facilities continued to increase, along with residents' literacy and awareness of the necessity of access health services. Gradually, health and education became top priorities, which was unique to Kerala according to a local public health researcher. The state's high minimum wages, road expansion, strong trade and labor unions, land reforms, and investment in clean water, sanitation, housing, access to food, public health infrastructure, and education all contributed to the relative success of Kerala's public health system. In fact, declining mortality rates during this time period doubled the state's population, and immunization services, infectious disease care, health awareness activities, and antenatal and postnatal services became more widely available. In the 1970s, a decade before India initiated its national immunization program with WHO, Kerala launched an immunization program for infants and pregnant women. In addition, smaller private medical institutions complemented the government's efforts to increase access to health services and provided specialized healthcare. As a result, life expectancy continued to increase in Kerala, though household income remained low. Thus, the concept of the "Kerala model" was coined by development researchers in Kerala in the 1970s and the state received international recognition for its health outcomes despite a relatively low per capita income.

In the mid-1970s to the early 1990s, a fiscal crisis caused the government to reduce spending on health and other social services. Reductions in federal health spending also affected Kerala's health budget. As a result, the quality and abilities of public healthcare facilities declined and residents protested. Eventually, private health services began to take over, enabled by a lack of government regulation. In fact, by the mid-1980s, only 23% of households regularly utilized government health services, and from 1986 to 1996, private-sector growth significantly surpassed public-sector growth.

In 1996, Kerala began to decentralize public healthcare facilities and fiscal responsibilities to local self-governments by implementing the People's Campaign for Decentralized Planning in response to public distrust and national recommendations. For instance, new budgetary allocations gave local governments control of 35 to 40% of the state budget. Moreover, the campaign emphasized improving care and access, regardless of income level, caste, tribe, or gender, reflecting a goal of not just effective but also equitable coverage. A three-tier system of self-governance was established, consisting of 900 panchayats (villages), 152 blocks, and 14 districts. The current healthcare system arose from local self-governments supporting the construction of sub-centers, primary health centers that support five to six sub-centers and serve a village, and community health centers. The new system also allowed local self-governments to create hospital management committees and purchase necessary equipment.

Present
The basis for the state's health standards is the state-wide infrastructure of primary health centers. Under the current system, the primary health centers and sub-centers were brought under the jurisdiction of local self-governments to respond to local health needs and work more closely with local communities. As a result, health outcomes and access to healthcare services have improved. There are over 9,491 government and private medical institutions in the state, which have about 38000 beds for the total population, making the population to bed ratio 879—one of the highest in the country.

There is an active, state-supported nutrition programme for pregnant and new mothers and about 99% of child births are institutional/hospital deliveries, leading to infant mortality in 2018 being 7 per thousand, compared to 28 in India, overall and 18.9 for low- middle income countries generally. The birth rate is 40 percent below that of the national average and almost 60 percent below the rate for impoverished countries in general. Kerala's birth rate is 14.1 (per 1,000 people) and decreasing. India's rate is 17 the rate of the U.S. is 11.4. Life expectancy at birth in Kerala is 77 years, compared to 70 years in India and 84 years in Japan, one of the highest in the world. Female life expectancy in Kerala exceeds that of the male, similar to that in developed countries. Kerala's maternal mortality ratio is the lowest in India at 53 deaths per 100,000 live births.

According to the India State Hunger Index, in 2009, Kerala was one of the four states where hunger was only moderate. The hunger index score of Kerala was 17.66 and was second only to Punjab, the state with the lowest hunger index. The nationwide hunger index of India was 23.31. Despite the fact that Kerala has a relatively low dietary intake of 2,200 kilocalories per day, the infant-mortality rate and the percentage of the population facing severe undernutrition in Kerala is far lower than in other Indian states. In early 2000, more than a quarter of the population faced severe undernutrition in three states—Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, and Madhya Pradesh—though they had a higher average dietary intake than Kerala. Kerala's improved nutrition is primarily due to better healthcare access as well as greater equality in food distribution across different income groups and within families.

District-wise Hospital Bed Population Ratio as per the 2011

The Health Index, ranking the performance of the States and the Union Territories in India in Health sector, published in June 2019 by the NITI Ayong, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government of India and The World Bank has Kerala on top with an overall score of 74.01.Kerala has already achieved the SDG 2030 targets for Neonatal Mortality Rate, Infant Mortality Rate, Under-5 Mortality rate and Maternal Mortality Ratio.

The Economist has recognized the Kerala government for providing palliative care policy (it is the only Indian state with such a policy) and funding for community-based care programmes. Kerala pioneered universal health care through extensive public health services. Hans Rosling also highlighted this when he said Kerala matches U.S. in health but not in economy and took the example of Washington, D.C. which is much richer but less healthy compared to Kerala.

Key Health Development indicators- Kerala & India

Education
Pallikkoodam, a school model started by Buddhists was prevalent in the Malabar region, Kingdom of Cochin, and Kingdom of Travancore. This model was later acquired by Christian missionaries and paved the way for an educational revolution in Kerala by making education accessible to all, irrespective of caste or religion. Christian missionaries introduced Western education methods to Kerala. Communities such as Ezhavas, Nairs and Dalits were guided by monastic orders (called ashrams) and Hindu saints and social reformers such as Sree Narayana Guru, Sree Chattampi Swamikal and Ayyankali, who exhorted them to educate themselves by starting their own schools. That resulted in numerous Sree Narayana schools and colleges, Nair Service Society schools. The teachings of these saints have also empowered the poor and backward classes to organize themselves and bargain for their rights. The Government of Kerala instituted the Aided School system to help schools with operating expenses such as salaries for running these schools.

Kerala had been a notable centre of Vedic learning, having produced one of the most influential Hindu philosophers, Adi Shankaracharya. The Vedic learning of the Nambudiris is an unaltered tradition that still holds today, and is unique for its orthodoxy, unknown to other Indian communities. However, in feudal Kerala, though only the Nambudiris received an education in Vedas, other castes as well as women were open to receive education in Sanskrit, mathematics and astronomy, in contrast to other parts of India. Tirunavaya was a centre of Vedic learning in early medieval period. Ponnani in Kerala was a global centre of Islamic learning during the medieval period.

The upper castes, such as Nairs, Tamil Brahmin, Ambalavasis, St Thomas Christians, as well as lower castes such as Ezhavas had a strong history of Sanskrit learning. In fact, many Ayurvedic physicians (such as Itty Achudan) were from the lower-caste Ezhava community and Muslim community (such as the father of renowned Mappila Paattu poet Moyinkutty Vaidyar). Vaidyaratnam P. S. Warrier was a prominent Ayurvedic physician. This level of learning by lower-caste people was not seen in other parts of India. Also, Kerala had been the site of the notable Kerala School which pioneered principles of mathematics and logic, and cemented Kerala's status as a place of learning.

The prevalence of education was not only restricted to males. In pre-colonial Kerala, women, especially those belonging to the matrilineal Nair caste, received an education in Sanskrit and other sciences, as well as Kalaripayattu, a martial art. This was unique to Kerala, but was facilitated by the inherent equality shown by Kerala society to females and males, since Kerala society was largely matrilineal, as opposed to the rigid patriarchy in other parts of India which led to a loss of women's rights.

The rulers of the princely state of Travancore also were at the forefront in the spread of education. A school for girls was established by the Maharaja in 1859, which was an act unprecedented in the Indian subcontinent. In colonial times, Kerala exhibited little defiance against the British Raj. However, they had mass protests for social causes such as rights for "untouchables" and education for all. Popular protest to hold public officials accountable is a vital part of life in Kerala.

The following table shows the literacy rate of Kerala from 1951 to 2011, measured every decade: The Kerala State Literacy Mission Authority (KSLMA) had set up "continuing education programmes for transgenders" (Samanwaya) to educate transgender people in Kerala who are ostracised by their family and society and "forced to go out of homes as they are harassed in schools, colleges and in society". The Social Justice Department of Kerala has various welfare programmes for transgender people like Yatnam which provides financial assistance for transgender students preparing for competitive exams, Varnam for distance education programmes, there are also other financial assistant programmes for hostel facility etc. Although these policies help some of the transgender people positively they still face disproportionate amount of discrimination in their daily life which makes it harder for these policies to have a meaningful impact on the transgender community.

Gender
Kerala has the highest score on the Gender Development index in India, as demonstrated by the relatively high literacy rate, sex ratio, and mean age at marriage for women, as well as low fertility and infant mortality rates compared to the rest of the country. In fact, women in Kerala have played a crucial role in increasing the state's literacy rates, with the mobilization of educated, unemployed women making up two-thirds of volunteer teachers involved in the literacy drive during a 1990 campaign to eliminate illiteracy. The literacy gap between males and females in India is lowest in Kerala, with the female literacy rate just 5% lower than that of males. Moreover, as of 2021, the life expectancy for females is 79.98 years in Kerala compared to 72.09 years in India as a whole. The infant mortality rate is 7 per 1,000 live births in Kerala, as opposed to 28 in India. Another indicator of gender equality and women's health is the maternal mortality rate, which is 53.59 per 100,000 live births in Kerala and 178.35 in the rest of India.

Historically, women in Kerala are thought to have possessed more autonomy relative to other Indian states, which is often attributed to its matrilineal structure which ultimately changed into a patrilineal system in the 20th century. Matriliny, in which property was inherited collectively through the female line, was largely practiced by the Hindu Nair caste as well as some other upper-caste Hindus such as the Ezhavas and even some Muslims, who are exclusively patriarchal in other parts of India. However, Christian succession laws in the early 20th century in Kerala were severely restrictive against women. For instance, unmarried daughters could only claim between a quarter and a third of each son's share of paternal property, or 5,000 rupees, whichever was less, if the father died without making a will. In all other instances, daughters' inheritances were restricted to dowries. These laws were challenged when Mary Roy, a Syrian Christian woman who had not received a dowry sued her brother to gain equal access to their inheritance. She ultimately won the case and it was considered a landmark ruling for female succession. Beginning in the 1920s, the Hindu matriarchal system fragmented, especially once the Travancore Nayar Regulation Act of 1925 was passed, which was initiated by the British and began the transition to a strictly patriarchal structure. By the 1970s, the matrilineal system had virtually disappeared and the Kerala family organization became exclusively patrilineal and women's rights to property were significantly restricted.

Though women in Kerala are highly educated, recent studies have called attention to the "gender paradox" in Kerala, in which despite the literacy and education of women in Kerala, they are still oppressed in similar or greater regards by the patriarchy relative to other Indian states. Societal and cultural norms are argued by scholars to continue to restrict women's freedoms and maintain their subservience to men both at home and in the labor market. High female unemployment rates, discrimination in the labor market, and elevated female suicide rates and gender-based violence, are all indicators of the "gender paradox" in Kerala. In addition, the persistence of the long-standing tradition of dowry across lines of caste, class, and religion, and the finding that women do about twenty times as much housework as men in Kerala suggest the restricted autonomy and oppression that Kerala women continue to face. Furthermore, economic participation and involvement of women is declining in Kerala, and male casual laborers receive almost double that of women. However, some policies such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) and Kudumbashree microenterprises have promoted female entrepreneurship, encouraged women's economic empowerment, and decreased gender disparities in Kerala, according to academic literature analyzing gender sensitive policies.

State policy
In 1957 Kerala elected a communist government headed by EMS Namboothiripad, introduced the revolutionary Land Reform Ordinance. The land reform was implemented by the subsequent government, which had abolished tenancy, benefiting 1.5 million poor households. This achievement was the result of decades of struggle by Kerala's peasant associations. In 1967 in his second term as Chief Minister, EMS again pushed for reform. The land reform initiative abolished tenancy and landlord exploitation, effective public food distribution that provides subsidised rice to low-income households, protective laws for agricultural workers, pensions for retired agricultural laborers, and a high rate of government employment for members of formerly lower-caste communities.

India is a multinational state home to provincial states with differing policies, and Kerala's place within this federalist system can be seen through analyses of its regime type. Two coalitions containing all-India parties have alternately been in power in Kerala—not dissimilar to the neighboring South Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. Kerala has a strong leftist movement presence that has contributed to changes in the traditional feudal-caste system in India. Democratization of the state has surrounded significant increases in components of welfare and has led to a large social transformation since the early 20th century.

Kerala and Tamil Nadu have comparable increases in social development, albeit with Kerala to a much higher degree—yet Tamil Nadu has been ruled by Tamil nationalist parties for over half a century. In comparison, West Bengal is seen as even stronger in terms of Leftist movement and governmental policy compared to Kerala yet is ranked far lower in disparities in rural areas, urban areas, scheduled castes, and scheduled tribes. Further, there is hardly any per capita consumption expenditure and literacy levels between Muslims and Hindus in Kerala—while Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, and the country as a whole have relatively high levels of disparities among the two predominant religious groups.

Interestingly enough, those political radicals involved in the original social integration movements in Kerala were politically conservative. Nonetheless, the social discrimination due to caste of the early 20th century contributed to the cultural revolt and political mobilization of depressed castes. It was the success of these movements that allowed for the creation of Leftist movements that elevates the social status of lower classes as a whole.

Gaps in the Kerala Model
Kerala has had consistently high levels of development when compared to the rest of the country. The state has the highest record of per capita consumer expenditure, and this level has been progressively increasing since 1993. Kerala has now begun a high growth regime driven mainly by its service and construction industries. The all-India and statewise trend in the estimates of poverty headcount ratio (HCR) and Gini coefficient show that Kerala reduced its HCR by 10.3% between 1988-1993 and then again by another 12.2% in the 11 years proceeding until 2004–2005. Comparatively, Himachal Pradesh—which did not benefit from the same Gulf boom that Kerala did—reduced its post-reform rural poverty to a lower HCR of 10.9% in 2004–05. Moreover, though there was a marginal decline in the Gini coefficient for rural Kerala in 1993-1994 compared to previous years, there is a jump to 38.3% in 2004-2005—the highest figure compared to all-India figures and all other states. The urban Gini coefficient for Kerala in 2004-05 was 41%, second only to Chhattisgarh. Comparisons of scheduled tribes, castes, and religions also show growing income disparities, reflected by increasing incidence of suicides, family violence, gang activity, and alcoholism, among others.

Even public provisioning of equitable access to healthcare and education, which are the foundation of the Kerala model, have decreased overall. The percentage of public spending on education to total government expenditure decreased from 29.28% in 1982–83 to 23.17% 1992-93 and 17.97% in 2005–06. In terms of education, the educational expenditure size of 6% which Kerala followed in the 1960s and 70s declined to just over 4% in the 1980s and below that in 11 of the 16 years during the post-reform regime. While decline of public expenditure on education decreased during the pre-reform period (from 1980 to 1991) at a rate of 0.97% yearly, the post-reform period has seen an even sharper decline of 2.13% a year. With regard to public expenditure on health and family welfare, there too has been an equally sharp fall in spending, from 11.67% of state domestic product (SDP) to 1983–84 to 9.94% in 1989-90 and down to 6.36% in 2005–06. Social security entitlements as a percentage of SDP fell significantly too, while it was increasing at a rate of 1.83% in the pre-reform period it fell to 0.15% during the reform period. Under the current neoliberal regime there has been accelerated commercialization of  the education and health sectors—which has altered the equity base of the Kerala model as a whole. For example, the proportion of students at private unaided schools rose from 2.5% of the 5.9 million total student population in 1990–91 to 7.4% in 2005-06. This is coupled with a 7.5% of intake in government schools over the same time, and only those with the means to pay high fees can go to these private unaided schools.

The marine fishery sector in Kerala is an example of the extent to which disparities still exist despite the Kerala Model's emphasis placed on equality. Though fish and fisheries have a very significant place within Kerala as a whole, fishing communities in Kerala have not benefited from state's overall efforts at improving quality of life nor the increased value of output in the sector. Data from 1965 to 1975 indicate an eleven-fold increase in the value of output from Rs 68.5 million to 741.4 million in current prices. However, a major deceleration in the rate of increase of value of output is observed from 1975 to 1985 where the level grew from Rs 741.4 million to just Rs 906.4 million as a result of declining fish harvests and prices. While the net state domestic product has increased by about 18% in the same decade, the fishery sector product has decreased by 20% in comparison. This can be seen in the 29% increase in the gap between per capita state domestic product and product per fisherperson between 1975–76 and 1984–85. Poverty is also prevalent in marine fishing communities that are often located on the geographical margins of the land who depend exclusive on the sea for their livelihood. These and other communities on the fringe of state borders have been left behind in the economic and socio-cultural progress that has been widely witnessed by the rest of the state. Poor quality of life and substandard conditions in marine fishing communities can be attributed specifically to the crowding of entire groups of people on the narrow strip of line along the length of Kerala's coastline: a total of 222 fishing villages along the state's 590 km coastline—none more than a half kilometer wide. Population density in marine fishing villages was measured to be around 2113 persons per square kilometer in 1981, compared to a state figure of 655 per square kilometer. Basic amenities such as electric lighting, access to running water, toilet facilities, etc. are also at far lower standards in these fishing villages when compared to the state as a whole. The lack of basic facilities and hygiene has led to rapid spread of contagious diseases in these areas which express high levels of respiratory and skin infections, diarrheal disorders and hook worm infections to state a few. Though the all-Kerala infant mortality rate was 17 per 1000 live births in 1991, the corresponding rate is 85 per 1000 births in marine fishing communities. There is also a clear gender bias evidenced by the sex ratio of 972 females to 1000 males in these communities, compared to the all-Kerala 1084:1000 ratio of females to males. Thus, marine fishing communities clearly represent an outlier community that has faced restricted levels of capabilities while the state of Kerala has seen progress overall.

Opinions
British Green activist Richard Douthwaite interviewed a person who remembers once saying that "in some societies, very high levels – virtually First World levels – of individual and public health and welfare are achieved at as little as sixtieth of US nominal GDP per capita and used Kerala as an example". Richard Douthwaite states that Kerala "is far more sustainable than anywhere in Europe or North America". Kerala's unusual socioeconomic and demographic situation was summarized by author and environmentalist Bill McKibben:
 * {|style="border:5px; border: thin solid #ddddff; background-color:#ddddff; margin:20px;" cellpadding="4"

 * Kerala, a state in India, is a bizarre anomaly among developing nations, a place that offers real hope for the future of the Third World. Though not much larger than Maryland, Kerala has a population as big as California's and a per capita annual income of less than $3000. But its infant mortality rate is very low, its literacy rate's among the highest on Earth, and its birthrate's below that of America's and falling faster. Kerala's residents live nearly as long as Americans or Europeans. Though mostly a land of paddy-covered plains, statistically Kerala stands out as the Mount Everest of social development; there's truly no place like it.
 * }
 * }

Kerala continues to lead low-income areas compared to the rest of India. Recent criticisms of the Kerala Model suggest that Kerala is losing its lead within India. K. K. George cites figures indicating that Punjab spends more per capita on education and that both Rajasthan and Punjab spend more per capita on health than Kerala. He also compares Kerala unfavorably with Maharashtra, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Nagaland, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh in pension payments to destitutes. These weaknesses should not be overlooked, but they remain minor compared with Kerala's continuing overall ability to deliver a high material quality of life to its people as the indicators show. Oommen and Anandaraj district-level profile (1996) found 9 of Kerala's 14 districts among the top 12 in all of India on a composite of literacy, life expectancy, and several economic variables. Kerala's lowest district of Malappuram was 31st on a list of 372 districts.

The liberalization-cum-structural adjustment package of the Fund and the Bank presents a philosophy that asserts that the working masses need to make sacrifices today for the sake of providing incentives to capitalists for higher growth, from which those same workers would benefit later. This ‘trickle down’ effect emphasizes the means augmenting supply-side measures necessary for the success of the Kerala Model. Thus, there is an argument that Kerala itself is not self-sufficient but part of a larger region which has this characteristic. The ‘reforms’ observed, then, are more of a reflection of the structural changes made by the Indian economy which has increased supply side incentives for capitalists. This has led to a rise in the degree of exploitation of the working people by cutting their so-called social wage and wrecking the internal balance of the production-structure, which should be taken into consideration when looking at the Kerala Model as a worthwhile example for other third world states.

title: Kerala model


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List of Tennessee state parks and natural areas

This is a list of state parks and natural areas in the U.S. state of Tennessee.

State parks
Tennessee has 57 designated state parks, operated by the Tennessee Department of Environment and Conservation (TDEC). The largest park, Justin P. Wilson Cumberland Trail, is made up of land along the Cumberland Trail, stretching from Cumberland Gap at the Virginia state line to Prentice Cooper State Forest in Marion County, just northwest of Chattanooga. The smallest state park is Bicentennial Capitol Mall, at just 19 acre.

State natural areas
Tennessee has 85 state natural areas that are divided into two classes:
 * Class I – Scenic-Recreational
 * Class II – Natural-Scientific

Nine areas have restricted access and are not open to the public; a tenth, Hubbard's Cave, has limited access during the summer.

State scenic rivers
Tennessee state scenic rivers are divided into three classes:
 * Class I – Natural River Area – Free flowing, unpolluted, and with primitive shorelines and scenic vistas generally inaccessible except by trail.
 * Class II – Pastoral River Area – Free flowing, unpolluted, and with shorelines and scenic vistas partially or predominantly used for agricultural and other recreational activities.
 * Class III – Developed/Partially Developed River Area – Free flowing, unpolluted, and with shorelines and vistas more developed.

State parks

 * Poor Valley Creek State Park (cancelled)
 * Ross Creek Landing

State natural areas

 * Morril's Cave (Worley's Cave) State Natural Area, Sullivan County
 * Short Mountain-Jim Cummings State Natural Area, Cannon County, 500 acres
 * Sneed Road Cedar Glade State Natural Area, Williamson County, 1 acres

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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User talk:Wonderduck

Welcome to Wikipedia.

When you get a chance, drop us a note at New user log to introduce yourself.

I'm afraid your articles on 3-felmic-dio-gometahepazine-tripdaecyn and Streptomycine-amphemaline-diotwophon-C are likely to be deleted unless they are filled out a little more. (Is it an antibiotic?) A stub needs to say clearly what the article is about and why it is important, less than this is a substub and risks deletion.

Anyway, if it happens please don't take it personally. One of my early articles was listed for deletion (and far more rudely). I hope you find things to work on that will be more rewarding.

Some hints. You can sign your name on talk pages by using " " for your username and " ~ " for your username and a timestamp. We normally do this on discussion pages as a courtesy, but not in articles.

 * Welcome is a good place to start.
 * How does one edit a page gives editing help.
 * Manual of Style gives formatting info.
 * Policies and guidelines tell about the principles we operate on. It's important, but don't try to read it all now.
 * Help covers a broad range of useful topics.
 * Village pump is a place to ask questions.
 * Show preview explains how to double-check your edits before saving.

And please feel free to drop me a question on my talk page if there's anything you think I can help with. Andrewa 05:58, 6 Aug 2004 (UTC)

title: User talk:Wonderduck


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User:Isidore2k

Contact Info: isidore2k@operamail.com

title: User:Isidore2k


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Jim Turner (politician)

James William Turner, known as Jim Turner (born February 6, 1946), is an American lawyer and politician who was the Democratic U.S. Representative for Texas's 2nd congressional district from 1997 until 2005.

Early life, education, and early career
Turner was born in Fort Lewis, Washington, but reared in Crockett in Houston County in East Texas. He received a bachelor's degree in business, and simultaneously earned an MBA and a J.D., all from the University of Texas at Austin. Following graduation, he was commissioned in the United States Army and served eight years (active and reserve), attaining the rank of captain. His legal career in Texas included his own law practice in his hometown of Crockett, his partnership in the Austin office of Hughes & Luce, LLP and serving Of Counsel with Hance Scarborough, LLP.

State politics
Prior to being elected to Congress, Turner held several state and local offices. He was a member of the Texas House of Representatives from 1981 to 1984, mayor of Crockett from 1989 to 1991, and a member of the Texas Senate from 1991 to 1996. He succeeded Kent Caperton of Bryan in the Senate. Caperton did not seek reelection in 1990, and Turner defeated the Republican Lou Zaeske, also of Bryan, head of the Texas English-only movement. For two years, Turner was an executive assistant to Texas Governor Mark White.

U.S. House of Representatives
In 1996, 2nd district U.S. Representative Charlie Wilson, known for his role in funding the resistance to Afghanistan's communist government, decided not to run for a thirteenth term. Turner won the Democratic nomination to succeed him and was handily elected in November 1996, when Bill Clinton was reelected as U.S. President. He was reelected three times with no substantive opposition. Congressman Turner sat on the House Armed Services Committee, and was the Ranking Member of the House Committee on Homeland Security. Considered a somewhat fiscally Conservative Democrat, Turner co-chaired the Blue Dog Coalition and was a member of the New Democrat Coalition.

In 2003, Turner was one of the targets of a highly controversial redistricting engineered by Tom DeLay. The Texas Legislature dismantled his district, which covered a large portion of East Texas stretching from Lufkin to the suburbs of Houston, and split its territory among three districts. The largest portion was shifted to the 8th District, represented by Republican Kevin Brady, who had been elected the same year as Turner. While Turner had represented more of the new 8th than Brady, most of the 8th's vote was cast in heavily Republican Montgomery County, which has as much population as the rest of the district combined. His home in Crockett was thrown into the Fort Worth/Arlington-based 6th district, an even more Republican area represented by the then ten-term incumbent Joe Barton. Barton represented 96 percent of the population of the new district. Believing that he stood no realistic chance of staying in Congress, Turner decided not to seek a fifth term in 2004.

Post-political career
He was briefly mentioned in 2006 as a potential candidate for governor of Texas against Rick Perry or the United States Senate seat then held by Republican Kay Bailey Hutchison but now the domain of Senator Ted Cruz.

In 2005, Turner joined the Washington office of Arnold & Porter, LLP as the head of the Public Policy and Legislative Practice Group. In 2017, he became associated with the Austin law firm of Hance Scarborough, LLP, where he is Of Counsel and works in their government relations practice group.

Personal life
He and his wife, Ginny, were married in 1970. They have two children: John Turner, who represented District 114 in the Texas House of Representatives and practices at the Dallas law firm Haynes and Boone; and Susan Turner Nold, who is Director of the Annette Strauss Institute for Civic Life at the Moody College of Communication.

title: Jim Turner (politician)


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Talk:Count Saint-Germain

My original intent was to write an article about the fictional character of Saint-Germain that is the basis of a series of novels by Chelsea Quinn Yarbro. But I got side-tracked into revising the article on the historical character and I'm sure many people will be upset with the results. (Although I tried to reduce the unbelievable aspects of his history as I revised.)

It's difficult to write an objective article about the historical Count Saint-Germain because while there indisputably was such a person the objective evidence is almost non-existent and we have to rely on statements he made or that were made about him by his contemporaries. But it's impossible to read even just the eyewitness statements without realizing how many people fell for his reputation. I don't beleive Saint-Germain was an immortal, but it's clear many of his contemporaries did and made statements based on this belief. So seperating out the facts from the fallacies is almost impossible. The best suggestion I can make is to treat Saint-Germain as a semi-mythological figure like Achilles or Gilgamesh. MK 06:00, 6 Aug 2004 (UTC)

title: Talk:Count Saint-Germain


text:
Fairfax District, Los Angeles

The Fairfax District is a neighborhood in the Central region of Los Angeles, California.

Historically the Fairfax District has been a center of the Jewish community in Los Angeles. It is known for the Farmer's Market, The Grove, CBS Television City broadcasting center, the Los Angeles Museum of the Holocaust in Pan Pacific Park, the Beverly-Fairfax Historic District neighborhood, and Fairfax Avenue restaurants and shops.

Geography
Beverly–Fairfax (sometimes simply called Fairfax) is a 3.2-square-mile neighborhood bordered by Willoughby Avenue on the north, Wilshire Boulevard on the south, La Brea Avenue on the east, and La Cienega Boulevard on the west.

ArcGIS, Here Maps, Bing Maps, and MapQuest do not mark boundaries, but center the words "Fairfax" or "Fairfax District" near the intersection of Beverly Boulevard and Fairfax Avenue.

The Mapping L.A. project of the Los Angeles Times, in a departure from its first draft, reduces the Fairfax District to the 1.23 square miles of the neighborhood that lie east of Fairfax Avenue. Using the Mapping L.A. boundaries, the Fairfax District is flanked on the north and northeast by the city of West Hollywood, on the northeast by Hollywood, on the east by Hancock Park, on the south by Mid-Wilshire, and on the west by Beverly Grove. Street boundaries are Willoughby Avenue or Romaine Street on the north, La Brea Avenue on the east, West Third Street on the south, and Fairfax Avenue on the west. The Beverly–Fairfax (or Fairfax) neighborhood, as it has historically been called, includes both Fairfax and Beverly Grove. In the first draft of Mapping L.A., "Beverly Grove" was not included as a distinct neighborhood; rather, the area was shown as part of Fairfax. An even earlier L.A. Times profile of the Fairfax District described the boundaries as "Santa Monica Boulevard on the north and Sixth Street on the south; La Brea Avenue forms its eastern edge with Sweetzer Avenue as its western border."

Demographics
The following data applies to the boundaries of Fairfax set by Mapping L.A.:

The 2000 U.S. census counted 12,490 residents in the 1.23-square-mile neighborhood—an average of 10,122 people per square mile, about the same population density as all of Los Angeles. In 2008, the city estimated that the population had increased to 13,360.

The median age for residents was 33, a general average within Los Angeles. The percentage of residents aged 65 and older was among the county's highest.

Fifty-four percent of Fairfax residents aged 25 and older had earned a four-year degree by 2000, a high figure for both the city and the county.

The median yearly household income in 2008 dollars was $65,938, average in comparison to the rest of Los Angeles. The average household size of two people was low for the city of Los Angeles. Renters occupied 71.5% of the housing stock, and house- or apartment owners 28.5%.

The percentages of never-married men (54.9%) and never-married women (45.5%) were among the county's highest.

Ethnic composition
The neighborhood was "not especially diverse" ethnically, with a high percentage of white people. The breakdown was whites, 84.7%; Latinos, 5.9%; Asians, 4.5%; blacks, 2.2%, and others, 2,8%. Ukraine (8.9%) and Mexico (7.8%) were the most common places of birth for the 23.2% of the residents who were born abroad, a low ratio compared to the rest of Los Angeles.

History
Historically, the Fairfax District has been a center of the Jewish community in Los Angeles, after the earlier Boyle Heights period, which was home to largest Jewish community west of Chicago in the 1920s and 1930s.

In 1935, there were four synagogues in the Fairfax District; by 1945, there were twelve. After World War II, more Jews began to populate the area. As more families moved in, religious schools and a Jewish Community Center sprang up. In 1974, Bet Tzedek Legal Services - The House of Justice, a legal aid charity, opened its doors across from the Farmers Market.

The Farmers Market at Fairfax Avenue and 3rd Street still retains a 1930s atmosphere, with open-air vegetable stalls and cafes, and many Jewish residents of the area still frequent the market as part of their shopping or kibbitzing routine. The Grove, a commercial retail and entertainment center, opened in 2002 next to the Farmer's Market.

The neighborhood east of Fairfax Avenue and north of Beverly Boulevard, consisting primarily of still-standing 1920s apartment buildings, was named the Beverly Fairfax Historic District by the City of Los Angeles in 2019. Now listed on the National Register of Historic Places, buildings in the neighborhood must have any exterior alterations approved by the Los Angeles Office of Historic Resources.

The intersection of Fairfax Avenue and Beverly Boulevard is officially recognized as Raoul Wallenberg Square, in honor of the Swedish diplomat who saved thousands of Hungarian Jews from deportation to Nazi death camps. The Los Angeles Museum of the Holocaust is located nearby, within Pan Pacific Park.

CBS Television City was built in 1952 on the former site of Gilmore Stadium at Fairfax Avenue and Beverly Boulevard. The facility has been used to tape several shows both for CBS and other entities, the most notable being The Price is Right, which has shot in Studio 33 (later renamed for the game show's longtime host, Bob Barker) continuously since 1972.

Government

 * Federal
 * California's 33rd congressional district
 * State
 * California's 26th State Senate district
 * California's 50th State Assembly district
 * City
 * Los Angeles City Council District 4
 * Los Angeles City Council District 5

The Los Angeles Fire Department operates Fire Station 61, serving the Fairfax community.

Education
The schools within Fairfax include:

 * Fairfax High School, LAUSD, 7850 Melrose Avenue. The school was founded in 1924. Most of the original campus facilities were demolished in 1966 because the original Spanish Colonial Revival main building did not meet earthquake safety standards. The historic Dewitt Swann Auditorium and iconic Rotunda, however, were spared, retrofitted and are in daily use. Greenway Court, built in 1939 as a social hall by the students at Fairfax as a class project, was also spared and was moved to Fairfax Avenue, where it was converted into a theater in 1999 by the Greenway Arts Alliance and renamed the Greenway Court Theater.
 * Bais Yaakov School for Girls, private secondary, 7353 Beverly Boulevard
 * Bais Tzivia, chasidic school for girls, kindergarten-eighth grade, 7269 Beverly Blvd.
 * Bnos Esther, chasidic girls high school, ninth-12th grade, 116 North La Brea Ave.
 * Yeshivas Bais Toras Menachem, Chasidic Boys Yeshiva, 341 N Mansfield Ave.
 * Cheder of Los Angeles, chasidic school kindergarten-eighth grade, 801 North La Brea Avenue
 * The Otman Center, private secondary, 812 North Fairfax Avenue
 * Yeshiva Rav-Isacsohn Toras Emes, 7011 Clinton Avenue
 * Yeshiva Aharon Yaakov / Ohr Eliyahu, Ultra Orthodox K-12 boys and girls yeshiva, 241 South Detroit Street
 * Yeshivas Hachaim, 7269 Beverly Blvd
 * Yeshivas Ohev Shalom, 525 South Fairfax Avenue
 * Yeshiva Gedolah of Los Angeles, 5444 West Olympic Boulevard
 * Shalhevet Yeshiva High School, 910 South Fairfax Avenue
 * Yeshiva Elchonon Chabad, 7215 Waring Avenue
 * Yavneh Hebrew Academy, 5353 West Third Street
 * Westside Community Adult School, LAUSD, 7850 Melrose Avenue
 * Whitman Continuation School, LAUSD, 7795 Rosewood Avenue
 * Melrose Avenue Elementary School, LAUSD, 731 North Detroit Street

Notable places

 * Canter's restaurant. Los Angeles magazine named Canter's waffles the Best Waffle in Los Angeles. Esquire magazine called Canter's Monte Cristo sandwich one of the best sandwiches in America.
 * CBS Television City, which was built on the site of a former football field and race track and which opened on November 16, 1952.
 * Farmers Market, consisting of food stalls, sit-down eateries, prepared food vendors and produce markets.
 * The Grove, a shopping center that features a large center park with an animated fountain.
 * Pan-Pacific Park on Third Avenue, built on the site of the former Pan-Pacific Auditorium. Location of the Los Angeles Museum of the Holocaust.
 * Melrose Trading Post outdoor flea market

Notable people

 * Lynda Carter (born 1951), actress
 * Susan Rasky (1952–2013), journalist
 * Phil Spector (1939–2021), record producer, songwriter, convicted murderer
 * Zev Yaroslavsky (born 1948), Los Angeles City Council and the county Board of Supervisors

title: Fairfax District, Los Angeles


text:
Meeman-Shelby Forest State Park

Meeman-Shelby Forest State Park is a state park in Shelby County, Tennessee near Memphis, located in the Southeastern United States. The park borders the Mississippi River and contains two lakes— Poplar Tree Lake and Lake Piersol. The Meeman Museum and Nature Center— named for conservationist and journalist Edward J. Meeman, the former editor of the Memphis Press-Scimitar, — is located on the park's grounds. The park covers 12539 acre and is the most visited state park in Tennessee.

The unincorporated community Shelby Forest is adjacent to the park.

Attractions and activities available

 * Biking trails
 * Boating
 * Cabins
 * Camping
 * Disc Golf course
 * Fishing
 * Group Camping
 * Hiking Trails
 * Meeman Museum and Nature Center
 * Picnic Facilities
 * Swimming

title: Meeman-Shelby Forest State Park


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Andri

Discussion moved from Pages needing translation into English
 * Andri — Malaysian or Indonesian? Stub -- Curps 22:36, 23 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * I vote for delete because time's up (unsigned)

It seems to be about a reporter. Unless someone can translate, no great loss. Heck, even if someone can translate, no great loss. Delete. -- Jmabel 06:09, Aug 6, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete unless it suddenly gets translated. Cutler 10:51, Aug 6, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete: Wiki.en might be seen as the "master" site, but it's still the English one. Some figures from other lands will be great additions to other wikis and not English.  In this case, notability and translations make the page fail. Geogre 13:16, 6 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. It's been more than two weeks awaiting translation and no action. I tried Google but I have no idea what to look for. VfD notice added, let's move on. Andrewa 01:45, 7 Aug 2004 (UTC)

title: Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Andri


text:
List of mergers and acquisitions by Gen Digital

Gen Digital, formerly known as Symantec and NortonLifeLock, is a multinational computer software company founded on March 1, 1982. It is an international corporation that specializes in selling security and information management software. Gary Hendrix founded the company in 1982 with the help of a National Science Foundation grant. Symantec was originally focused on artificial intelligence-related projects, and Hendrix hired several Stanford University natural language processing researchers as the company's first employees. After the company's initial public offering in 1989, Hendrix left the company in 1991 and moved to Texas. The company has acquired 57 companies, purchased stakes in 2 firms, and divested 26 companies, in which parts of the company are sold to another company. Of the companies that Symantec has acquired, 50 were based in the United States. Symantec has not released the financial details for most of these mergers and acquisitions.

Symantec's first acquisition was C&E Software on January 1, 1984, and the founder of C&E Software, Gordon Eubanks, became the new chief executive officer of Symantec. The company has made five acquisitions with a value greater than $1 billion: LifeLock was acquired on Feb 9, 2017 for $2.3 billion, Blue Coat Systems was acquired on Aug 1, 2016 for $4.65 billion, VeriSign was acquired on May 19, 2010 for $1.250 billion, Altiris was acquired on April 6, 2007 for $1.038 billion, and Symantec purchased Veritas Software on July 2, 2005 for $13 billion. The deal with Veritas was Symantec's largest acquisition and made Symantec the fifth-largest software company in the world. Symantec made the most acquisitions in 2004 with six: ON Technology, Brightmail, TurnTide, @stake, LIRIC Associates, and Platform Logic. The company divested its enterprise-security software business to Broadcom for $10.7 billion in 2019 and adopted the NortonLifeLock name. On November 7, 2022, NortonLifeLock rebranded to Gen Digital after completed its merger with Avast in last September.


text: Wikipedia:Today's featured article/July 2004


text:
Big Cypress Tree State Park

Big Cypress Tree State Park is a state park in Weakley County, Tennessee, located in the Southeastern United States. The park is named after a large and old bald cypress tree that once stood on the park's grounds. The tree was approximately 1,350 years old when it was killed by lightning in 1976.

The park consists of a 330-acre (1.3 km²) natural area situated amidst the watershed of the Obion River.

title: Big Cypress Tree State Park


text: Wikipedia:Today's featured article/June 2004


text: Wikipedia:Today's featured article/May 2004


text:
Talk:Chayito Valdez

Untitled
As I remarked of the earlier Spanish-language text on Pages needing translation into English: "Looks promotional to a degree that suggests a possible copyvio, but I can't find it on the google (and there are a few mninor misspellings)." I doubt anyone will care about copyright on this -- after all, it's good promo -- so I'll leave that drop, but the tone of this is too promotional and it could use an edit with that in mind. Jmabel 06:16, Aug 6, 2004 (UTC)

Valdéz -> Valdez
Spelling must be corrected, there are no words ending by ÉZ in spanish.

Please write in English
Cut from article: "En 2003 en homenaje por parte de la Comisión Nacional de Culturas Populares, se presentó en la Cd. de Culiacán Sinaloa, el libro "ENTRE BESOS Y COPAS", tributo a la más sinaloense de las cantantes de ese estado mexicano." - Jmabel | Talk 05:15, 18 August 2006 (UTC)

Typo, presumably
Pistoleros famsoso II must be a typo. I'd guess Pistoleros famosos II, but I don't know the film, & it might be something even farther off. - Jmabel | Talk 00:08, 23 August 2006 (UTC)

title: Talk:Chayito Valdez


text: Wikipedia:Today's featured article/April 2004


text: Category:Propulsion

title: Category:Propulsion


text: Wikipedia:Today's featured article/March 2004


text:
M0n0wall

m0n0wall was an embedded firewall distribution of FreeBSD, one of the BSD operating system descendants. It provides a small image which can be put on Compact Flash cards as well as on CD-ROMs and hard disks. It runs on a number of embedded platforms and generic PCs. The PC version can be run with just a Live CD and a floppy disk to store configuration data, or on a single Compact Flash card (with an IDE adapter). This eliminates the need for a hard drive, which reduces noise and heat levels and decreases the risk of system failure through elimination of moving parts found in older hard drives.

On February 15, 2015 Manuel Kasper announced the "m0n0wall project has officially ended. No development will be done anymore, and there will be no further releases," encouraging "all current m0n0wall users to check out OPNsense and contribute if they can."

Features
m0n0wall provides for a web-based configuration and uses PHP exclusively for the GUI and bootup configuration. Additionally, it adopts a single XML file for configuration parameters.

Some functions of m0n0wall are:
 * Stateful packet filter firewall
 * IPsec and PPTP VPNs
 * Inbound and Outbound Network Address Translation
 * Captive portal
 * Traffic shaper
 * Inbound and Outbound port filtering
 * Support for 802.1q compatible VLANs
 * Multiple IP addresses on LAN and WAN ports
 * IPS

Hardware
m0n0wall is installed on embedded hardware designed and manufactured by some companies.

Derivatives

 * Similar hardware requirements:
 * t1n1wall: 2015 fork of m0n0wall after it was discontinued, no activity since 2020.
 * SmallWall: Another 2015 fork of m0n0wall after its end-of-life, no activity since 2016.
 * m0n0wall mod: Original m0n0wall with additional features (DHCP+PPTP, DHCP+PPPoE, static+PPPoE, L2TP, WAN eth interface), no activity since 2013.

 * Extended hardware requirements:
 * OPNsense: Forked from pfSense in 2015.
 * pfSense: Forked from the m0n0wall project in 2004, first released in 2006.

 * Other usages (not a firewall):
 * AskoziaPBX: An embedded telephone system.
 * XigmaNAS: NAS Network-attached storage distro using FreeBSD, uses portions of m0n0wall web GUI. Formerly NAS4Free.

title: M0n0wall


text:
Ethan Allen (armsmaker)

Ethan Allen (September 2, 1808 – January 7, 1871) was a major American arms maker from Massachusetts. He is unrelated to the revolutionary Ethan Allen. His first firearm, the "Pocket rifle" was developed in 1836, and his first patent was granted in 1837.

Early life
Allen began his career as a cutlery maker in Milford, Massachusetts, in 1831. He gained knowledge of metalworking and manufacturing processes by producing knives and shoemaking tools before moving his business to Grafton.

While working on a cane gun for a doctor, Allen came up with the idea for an underhammer pocket rifle and designed it in 1836. The following year he applied for a patent for a "tube hammer" pocket pistol and went into business with his brother-in-law, Charles Thurber. Ethan proved to be a true family man, investing and partnering with a nephew in a New York sporting goods retailer, hiring another brother-in-law Thomas Wheelock who was eventually made a partner, and similarly hiring and later making partners his two sons-in-law Sullivan Forehand and Henry Wadsworth. The latter two continued the business under their own names after Allen died in 1871.

Trade names

 * 1831–1837: E. Allen (Grafton)
 * 1837–1842: Allen & Thurber (Grafton)
 * 1842–1847: Allen & Thurber (Norwich)
 * 1847–1854: Allen & Thurber (Worcester)
 * 1854–1856: Allen Thurber & Co (Worcester)
 * 1856–1865: Allen & Wheelock (Worcester)
 * 1865–1871: E. Allen & Company (Worcester)

In 1843, the company relocated to Norwich, Connecticut. In addition to arms making, they built prototypes of Thurber's typewriter designed for the blind, disabled, and those “nervous” about writing by hand. Though patented, the typewriter was never manufactured for commercial sale.

In 1847, the company moved to Worcester, Massachusetts, and in 1854 Wheelock became an equal partner with the firm's name changing to Allen Thurber & Co. In 1856, following Thurber's death, the company reorganized as Allen & Wheelock. After the death of Wheelock in 1865, Allen's two sons-in-law, Sullivan Forehand, and H. C. Wadsworth, began working for him and the company changed names to Allen & Company. Upon Allen's death in 1871, the two operated the company under their own names: Forehand & Wadsworth, until Forehand reorganized the company in 1890 as the Forehand Arms Company after Wadsworth's retirement.

Ethan Allen's companies made a vast variety of firearms. Most recognized are the Allen & Thurber "pepper-box" revolving pistol—known as the "Gun that won the East". This pistol was actually much more common than the early Patterson Arms revolvers made by Colt. Few records survive, so much is derived from the physical weapons still in existence and by extrapolating from advertisements, patent dates, etc.

Single-shot and double-shot percussion pistols
Pocket rifle

Allen's first firearm was the "Pocket rifle", a single-shot under-hammer percussion pistol. The name likely derives from the fact that most pistols of the day did not have rifled barrels, rather than any claim to extraordinary size. The hammer located on the bottom of the weapon allowed for target sights to be mounted on the top axis of the barrel. Made in .28 to .44 caliber, the average barrel length was 12 inches. Typically sold in pairs, the pocket rifle was produced from 1837–1847. Though most of this period was during the Thurber partnership, markings show exclusively 'Ethan Allen', and evidence from an accounting ledger indicates that supply and distribution orders were processed separately from other models of firearms. This likely indicates that Allen retained ownership of this model after establishing the partnership with Thurber. A second pocket rifle was produced under the Allen and Thurber name retaining the under-hammer design but with much smoother lines. The pictures the author has seen show a barrel much shorter than 12 inches, and the caption reads .36 caliber.

Tube Hammer pistol

A single-shot percussion pocket pistol with the hammer in the more usual top position for contemporary pistols. The spectacular innovation was the 'double action' which allowed firing simply by pulling the trigger. Most firearms of the day and for decades thereafter were 'single action', requiring the user to manually cock the firearm prior to pulling the trigger. The barrel had a smooth bore with no rifling. With no sights, this was a close-range personal defense weapon used with a 'point and shoot' method rather than careful aiming. This model also introduced a screw barrel, allowing for easy disassembly and cleaning. Judging solely from patent dates, production of this pistol began around 1837 and continued beyond 1844 when a patent reissue was granted.

Model 6 Shotgun Hammer boot pistol

Single-shot percussion pistol.

Model 9 Bar Hammer pistol

The tube hammer was followed shortly by the Bar Hammer single-shot percussion pistol. Produced in a wide variety of calibers and barrel lengths, the Model 9 introduced a bar-shaped hammer on the top of the barrel which would be less likely to catch on clothing when drawn from a coat pocket. Barrel length was typically 2-6 inches with a smooth bore, while the most common calibers were .30-.36. Retaining the double action, single shot, screw-barrel design of the tube-hammer, the Model 9 was a success and was produced well into the Allen and Wheelock era. Though made possibly as early as 1837–1838, the bar hammer was eventually marked with an 1845 patent date.

Inline pistol

Single-shot percussion pistol.

Double-barreled single trigger pistol

Percussion pistol.

Revolver pepperbox percussion pistols

An entire volume could be written about the variations of the Allen and Thurber iconic pepperbox 'revolving pistols'. Often referred to as 'the gun that won the east', the Allen and Thurber pepperbox was a favorite of '49ers' and other early immigrants to the western United States. Mark Twain famously quipped that these pistols often discharged more than one barrel when fired, and were not much of a danger to the target, but were dangerous to the shooter. Holding several patents, Allen and Thurber pepperboxes were the most popular multi-shot pistols of the 1830s and 1840s, slowly losing market share in the 1850s to Colt's 1849 Pocket and 1851 Navy revolvers. The later revolver pepperboxes were produced well into the Allen and Wheelock era. With the shortage of pistols in the American Civil War, many soldiers on both sides carried an Allen & Thurber pepperbox as a backup arm. Harley Van Cleve and his son Phillip collected and categorized 22 distinct models/variations of the Allen pepperbox, and were an invaluable early 20th century resource for these interesting pistols. Patent dates of 1837 and 1845 help to demarcate sub-models to a limited extent, but many improvements were incorporated on the fly to reduce manufacturing costs and/or create a more reliable product. The 1845 patent represents several simplifications to the design that likely achieved both of these aims. Pepperbox production did not survive the end of the Allen and Wheelock era (c 1864). Due to the number produced, smaller pepperbox pistols are common on the secondary market in a wide spectrum of condition. The Dragoon model noted below is quite rare and commands a premium even in scruffy condition. Please see the cited work for extensive descriptions, illustrations, and a wide variety of photographs.

4-barrel pepperbox pistols

The four-shot pepperbox was introduced during the Allen and Wheelock era, highlighting that the pepperbox was still an important design through the end of the 1850s. A patent dated 1857 shows that the four-shot barrel assembly attached to the frame in a different manner than the six-shot and five-shot pepperboxes. The standard caliber was .34. All of the pictures this author has seen do not show a nipple shield.

5-barrel pepperbox pistols

It was during the Worcester period that the five-shot pepperbox was introduced. Percussion nipples were integrated into the barrels. It would have been expensive to make the machining, but likely reduced production costs significantly. Made with a bar hammer and standard trigger, models have been encountered with or without an integral nipple shield. .32 Was the most common caliber. The five-barrel is relatively rare compared to the six-barrel models

6-barrel pepperbox pistols

Only six-barrel pepperbox pistols were produced during the Grafton and Norwich periods (1837–1847), and all had smooth barrel external contours until the later Worcester and Allen and Wheelock period, when fluted barrels became the norm. Six-barrel pepperboxes usually have a standard trigger, but some examples have a ring trigger. Most were double-action with the iconic 'bar hammer', but some were single-action with standard hammers. While simplifying shooting (no manual cocking of the hammer), the bar hammer did preclude the inclusion of usable sights. However, this early example of a double-action pistol must have been quite a selling point. As these were considered 'point and shoot' short-range defensive weapons or 'belly guns', the market did not seem to object to the limitation of not having sights. Barrel length varied between three and six inches. There were four frame sizes, accommodating various calibers. Most common were .32 and .34 caliber, though the .28 and .30 caliber 'pocket size' have been reported. The 'Dragoon' model was the king, typically sporting six-inch barrels and .36 caliber. Except for early models and later Allen and Wheelock era production, most have beautiful engraving on the frame.

Percussion revolvers
Bar-Hammer percussion revolver

The bar-hammer revolver is an interesting type. It is uncertain when production began or ended. The 1845 patent on the bar-hammer is the same as on the pepperbox and some single-shot pistol models. It is likely some number of years after 1845 before this type was produced. A patent for (oddly enough) Rollin White was issued in 1858 that pictured a modified Allen bar-hammer revolver. This would seem to indicate that production started no later than 1856–1857. However, it is possible that production started several years earlier. Production almost certainly ended before the end of the Wheelock era (c 1864). This is based on no more than the logic of simplifying production. In 1861, it is possible that Allen produced the bar-hammer, side-hammer, and center-hammer percussion revolvers as well as the rimfire and lipfire cartridge revolvers simultaneously! Because demand from the Civil War was consuming just about any arm produced, it would have made sense to cease production of the less advanced models. The lineage of the pepperbox is clear in the cylinder design, grip design, standard-style trigger, and patented bar hammer double-action design. This may represent a simple design evolution, as the double-action pepperbox 'pocket pistols' were very popular in the market. Allen may have been counting on visual and functional design similarity to help sell these revolvers. The design may also be very thoughtful in regards to avoiding patent issues. By incorporating his unchallenged 1845 patent for the bar-hammer double-action mechanism, Allen may have wished to avoid any patent infringement problems from Colt for his own revolving mechanism if the revolver was produced before the expiry of the Colt patent in 1857. Considering all of the evidence that Allen was a thoughtful and frugal businessman, it may simply demonstrate that using common parts was less expensive than designing new ones. The finish was blued, with wood grips as standard, though ivory could be had for an extra cost. The Allen bar-hammer is quite advanced in that pulling the trigger advances the cylinder, cocks the hammer, and drops the hammer, firing the weapon. The cylinder can be removed for cleaning with the removal of the cylinder pin. A separate ramrod would be needed for loading. The cylinder would likely be removed for loading, so reloading under duress is not practical. The author finds these revolvers aesthetically pleasing and very practical for a pocket pistol. This style was manufactured and sold in three different sizes.

Small frame Bar-Hammer revolver

The small frame is a five-shot, .28 caliber revolver, though some .30 caliber models are known. The barrel is 2.5 inches long. The cylinder is engraved with a scene of forest animals identical to the 'pocket-size' side-hammer percussion revolver. As with many models, changes were made during production, and collectors note an 'early' and 'late' variation.

Mid frame Bar-Hammer revolver

The mid-frame is a five-shot, .32 caliber revolver. The barrel is approximately 3 inches long. The cylinder is engraved with a scene of forest animals identical to the 'belt-size' side-hammer percussion revolver, and a few examples have the frame surface finely engraved as well. As with many models, changes were made during production, and collectors note an 'early' and 'late' variation.

Large frame Bar-Hammer revolver

The large frame is a five-shot, .34 caliber revolver. The barrel is 3.5-4 inches long. The cylinder is engraved with a scene of forest animals identical to the 'belt-size' side-hammer percussion revolver, and a few examples have the frame surface finely engraved as well. As with many models, changes were made during production, and collectors note an 'early' and 'late' variation.

Side-Hammer percussion revolver

The author has found the side-hammer models to be the most interesting of all of the Allen revolvers. Allen's design was clearly influenced by Colt's 1855 'Root' revolver, adopting the top strap above the cylinder for strength, rigidity and thus accuracy, and the side-hammer rather than the center hammer more usual on the Colt models 1847, 1848, 1849 and 1851. Another 'borrowed' feature was that the cylinder pin unscrewed from the rear, which the author finds far superior to the various methods of removing to the fore of the pistol. Though influenced by this near contemporary, Allen attempted to build the 'better mousetrap' by incorporating several unique and patented design features. One change was to retain the standard trigger used in the bar-hammer revolvers rather than Root's spur trigger. The most interesting new feature is the combination trigger guard/loading lever. Unlike Colts, Remingtons, and other percussion revolvers that aligned a lever to load the cylinders under the barrel, Allen designed his revolvers to incorporate the trigger guard for this function. A catch is tripped, and the trigger guard and attached arm swing down to push a rammer into the bottom cylinder, thus seating the ball fully into the chamber. This reduced the number of parts and likely cost of manufacture. This patented, unique feature carried on into the later center-hammer percussion models. There were four distinct cylinders, varying in the machining. All models are single-action. Finish was blued, with wood grips as standard. Ivory or silver grips could be had for an additional cost. Though manufactured in much smaller numbers than the Colts, Remingtons, Starr, and other revolvers of the Civil War, Allen and Wheelock revolvers are clearly visible in many pictures of the era. The dates of manufacture are uncertain, possibly beginning as early as the expiry of the Colt patent in 1857. This is supported by a patent granted to Allen in January 1857 covering the loading lever as described. As frugal as Allen was, it is unlikely that production would have ended before the consumption of all parts, even though the new center-hammer percussions were also being produced. It is unlikely that production survived the end of the Wheelock era (c 1864)

Navy model Side-hammer revolver

The Navy model is a six-shot, .36 caliber weapon. The cylinder is beautifully engraved with a scene of forest animals. The Navy model used the first and fourth cylinder type, which is $1 7/8$ inches long. Barrels were available in six- and eight-inch lengths. Although there are many small variations, there are no essential design changes. There are no known government contracts, though the Army Ordnance Department did purchase 338 on the open market.

Belt model Side-hammer revolver

The Belt model is a five-shot, .32-caliber weapon. As the patent shows a five-shot pistol, the belt model likely was the first produced. There are some examples in .31 and .34 caliber. The cylinder is beautifully engraved with a scene of forest animals. Standard barrel lengths included 4, 5, 6 and $7 1/2$ inch. The Belt model used the second, third, and fourth cylinder type, which was $1 11/16$ inches long. Three different model variations are generally accepted.

Pocket model Side-hammer revolver

The Pocket model is a five-shot, .28 caliber weapon. The cylinder is beautifully engraved with a scene of forest animals. The pocket model only used the fourth cylinder type, which was 1 9/16 inches long. The standard barrel length is four inches. Three different model variations are generally accepted by collectors.

Center-Hammer percussion revolver

The center-hammer percussion models bear a striking resemblance to the larger lipfire revolvers. All were single-action. Ethan Allen showed much evidence of being astute and frugal, and the design likely evolved as a way to share between a percussion series and the new lipfire weapons. Why would Allen make percussion arms at all when the more advanced cartridge revolvers were available? The oft-referenced patent lawsuit may have caused Allen to 'hedge his bets' in case he lost and would have to cease production of cartridge revolvers (as happened in 1863). It may be that cartridge firearms were a new and uncertain technology. A conservative market, as epitomized by the US Army Ordnance Department, was buying the established technology percussion weapons by the thousand. Even Smith and Wesson failed to obtain a government contract during the war for their cartridge revolvers. In any event, the center-hammer percussion revolvers were likely seen as a replacement for the side-hammer and possibly bar-hammer revolvers in production. As with many Allen arms, the start date of manufacture is uncertain. With patent dates including 1857, 1858, 1860, and 1861, many have posed that this revolver was not made until after the settlement of the patent lawsuit in 1863. However, records indicate that the US Ordnance Department purchased about 200 from a Boston merchant in December 1861. Perhaps 1860 or early 1861 is accurate. Advertised and marketed to the military, the center-hammer was designed to be stronger and more rugged than the side-hammer revolver. In addition to the stronger frame, the cylinder pin access was moved to the front of the cylinder. The center-hammer revolvers retained the innovative combination trigger guard/loading lever of the side-hammer models.

Navy model revolver

The Navy model is a six-shot, .36 caliber percussion weapon with a standard 5-, 6-, or $7 1/2$-inch barrel. There is an early and late production variant recognized by collectors. The detailed design of variations would seem to indicate that the Navy followed the Army by some margin of time. The finish would be blued, with standard wood grips. Production likely continued until the end of Allen's life. Approximately 500 are thought to have been made. Only a few examples are known which have been converted to cartridges.

Army model revolver

The Army model is a six-shot, .44 caliber percussion weapon with a standard $7 1/2$-inch barrel. There is an early and late production variant recognized by collectors. The finish would be blued, with standard wood grips. Production likely continued until the end of Allen's life. Approximately 750 are thought to have been made. Only a few examples are known which have been converted to cartridge. A fine 'custom' nickel Army with extensive engraving by Gustav Young and hand-carved ivory grips is thought to have been the personal weapon of Ethan Allen. This model is pretty beefy, larger, and heavier than the contemporary Colt Model 1860 Army.

Providence Police model revolver

This model is an anomaly that has bedeviled collectors for years. It is unmarked but has some distinctive design features patented by Allen. It is a five-shot .36 caliber weapon with samples including 3-, 4-, and 5-inch barrels. It is a bit of a throwback, without a loading lever and sporting a spur trigger. Known examples had a blue finish and wood grips. There are records indicating purchase by the Providence Rhode Island police department, hence the name commonly attributed to this model. It is possible that this was a specific contract, and the model was never marketed to the public. This may indicate production very late into the E Allen and Company era shortly before Allen's death. His sons-in-law Forehand and Wadsworth may have deemed an obsolescent percussion pistol unworthy of bringing into the inventory of the company now sporting their names, and discontinued the model after that initial run.

Cartridge pistols
Like many other arms makers, Ethan Allen saw the bored-through cylinder allowing for the rear loading of self-contained metallic cartridges as the wave of the future. Unfortunately, the patent holder Rollin White, had sold exclusive rights to this innovation to Smith and Wesson, preventing other companies from making firearms leveraging the bored-through cylinder. This legal constraint proved no barrier to Ethan Allen, who made two different rimfire revolvers that hit the market possibly as early as 1857—simultaneous to the Smith and Wesson model 1. As a holder of many patents, it is unlikely that Ethan Allen was ignorant of patent law—he simply chose to ignore it. Perhaps, he reckoned that he could outlast the upstart Smith and Wesson in legal maneuvering. He soon invented the 'lipfire' cartridge, a modified rimfire that only held the priming compound in approximately 1/8th of the circumference of the base of the cartridge. This made the cartridge base much stronger, as early rimfire cartridges tended to split at the base, causing extraction malfunction. It was also more economical, as only 1/8th of the expensive fulminate was required. Ethan Allen then invented manufacturing equipment for metallic cartridges that far exceeded the competition in quality and efficiency. Allen was awarded a patent for the lipfire cartridge. Production of lipfire revolvers likely began around 1859. With the coming of the Civil War, Allen likely smelled immense profits for his 'better mousetrap'. However, the conservative procurement agents of the US Government awarded only small contracts—likely not trusting the technology or the supply of cartridges. By 1863, Rollin White finally won his patent infringement lawsuit, and production of all Allen and Wheelock cartridge revolvers ceased.

Rimfire revolvers

.22 caliber rimfire revolver

This is the first cartridge revolver made by Allen and Wheelock, and one of the first cartridge revolvers from any manufacturer (competing with the Smith and Wesson model 1). It is a single-action seven-shot revolver in .22 Rimfire (black powder equivalent of the modern .22 Short). It features the side-hammer of the early percussion revolvers and a spur trigger. Empty cases were removed by removing the cylinder and using the cylinder pin to push the case out of the cylinder. There are many variations typically organized into six models, though all share the size and critical design features. Most were made with a 3-inch barrel. The first through fourth models have engraved cylinders, with crossed rifles, a horse and rider, military articles, an Indian with a bow, and a sailing ship. Allen obtained a patent granted in 1858, and production likely began in 1857. Production continued until 1863 when production of all cartridge revolvers was halted by the lawsuit described previously. Production resumed upon the expiry of the Rollin White patent in 1869, though likely from parts manufactured in the earlier period. After Allen's death in 1871, production continued for some period under the new company name Forehand and Wadsworth.

.32 caliber rimfire revolver

Following the introduction of the .22 Rimfire, Allen and Wheelock introduced the larger .32 Caliber Rimfire. Stronger to accommodate the more powerful cartridge, the .32 caliber followed the design cues of the .22 in being a single-action, spur-trigger revolver. The cylinder accommodated six cartridges, and barrels could be had in either three-, four-, or five-inch lengths. Engraving on the cylinder was a country scene with dogs chasing a rabbit. There are three 'models' with detail improvements, though the basic design remained unchanged. The cylinder, and consequently frame, length grew from .905 inch to .940 inch to 1.2 inches. Production likely began in 1858 and ceased in 1863 per the patent suit described above. Production, or at least assembly, resumed presumably at the expiration of the Rollin White patent as a catalog from 1871 offers them at $9.25. A patent was granted in 1860 to reduce drag on the recoil shield applied to this revolver as well as the lipfire revolvers. A later patent with a simplified action was granted in 1861. With the solid frame design, these revolvers were far stronger than the contemporary Smith and Wesson Model 2. In fact, the author would challenge that the design is much more sophisticated than the contemporary Smith & Wesson. Though it cannot be confirmed, it likely beat the Smith & Wesson Model 2 to market.

Lipfire revolvers

Ethan Allen was granted a patent in September 1861 for his .44 caliber lipfire revolver. As this is more than a year since his patent on the lipfire cartridge, it is possible that lipfire revolvers were produced in late 1860 or early 1861. As many incomplete revolvers and parts would have been in existence at the time of the "cease and desist" court order from the patent infringement in 1863, this inventory was kept and these revolvers were reintroduced when the White patent expired in 1869 until the parts stocks were depleted. All of the Allen and Wheelock lipfire revolvers were single-action. Many of the lipfire weapons were converted to rimfire with the simple removal, and machining of just a small amount on the rear face of the cylinder as supplies of the ill-fated lipfire cartridge dwindled. While it is not known for certain, some of these conversions may have occurred at the factory, especially for those assembled in or after 1869. Others were converted by any number of gunsmiths around the country. The Army model was the first "large bore" (more than .40 caliber) cartridge revolver and remained so until the Remington cartridge conversions of the model 1858 appeared in 1868—soon followed by the cartridge-designed Smith & Wesson Model 3 in 1869. Similarly, the Navy model was the only .36 caliber cartridge revolver until the similar conversion of Colt models 1851, 1861, and 1862 following the expiry of the Rollin White patent.

.25 caliber lipfire revolver

Made without a loading gate or ejection mechanism, the .25 caliber lipfire is still another unique design. To load or unload, this seven-shot pocket gun required the cylinder to be removed to load or unload the cylinder. With just a few exceptions, most of the .25 caliber revolvers carry no markings. It is speculated that these may have been very late to market before the loss of the patent suit as a 'spit in your eye' gesture to Smith and Wesson. A 3-inch barrel was standard.

.32 caliber lipfire revolver

The .32 lipfire sports a six-shot cylinder in a smaller caliber. The design of the .32 caliber lipfire breaks from its bigger brothers in several important ways. Firstly, it sports a spur trigger rather than using the standard trigger with a guard. Secondly, it uses a side-hammer of earlier design. Lastly, it ditches the trigger guard ejector/plunger for a weaker left-mounted plunger with rack and pinion gears to the top and left of the chamber. In design, it seems to be a marriage/compromise between its bigger brothers and the earlier .32 Rimfire revolver. Barrel lengths include 4-, 5-, and 6-inch.

.36 caliber lipfire rtevolver

Very similar in design to the 44 caliber lipfire, this revolver was 'downsized' slightly and chambered in .36 caliber. The cylinder has a six-shot capacity. As with the similar-sized center-hammer percussion, barrel lengths were produced in 5-, 6-, and 8-inch to accommodate different tastes. No significant variants are recognized, which may indicate that the .36 followed the .44 after the .44 design gestation.

.44 caliber lipfire revolver

The .44 was the first lipfire revolver produced. It sports a six-shot cylinder. Similar in appearance to the center-hammer percussion revolver, the rack and pinion mechanism of the loading level is hijacked to provide a cartridge case removal plunger. Thus the trigger guard pivots to actuate the plunger, as the center-hammer percussion revolver used the trigger guard to ram the load into the cylinder. Four variants are recognized, with 'narrow' and 'common' width grips and top vs. bottom hinges on the loading gate highlighting the difference. The standard barrel length was a massive 8 inches long, with the breadth and heft of the Army model center hammer percussion pistols.

Single shot rimfire pistols

With single-shot percussion pistols still selling well, it was natural that Allen would adopt cartridges to this style of pistol. A single-shot cartridge pistol also did not infringe on the Rollin White patent as described above.

.22 caliber rimfire side swing pistol

.32 caliber rimfire side swing pistol

Cartridges
On September 25, 1860, Ethan Allen was granted a patent for his lipfire cartridge. He also manufactured pinfire cartridges from 1862 until at least 1865.

title: Ethan Allen (armsmaker)


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Jinzo

Article about a card in the Yu-Gi-Oh trading card game. The game may be article-worthy, but individual cards are not. SWAdair | Talk 06:32, 6 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. These games tend to spawn more and more and more cards, do they not? Best nip it in the bud. —Stormie 06:46, Aug 6, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete - perhaps we're going to need Wikigames? Cutler 10:45, Aug 6, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete: Oh...oh....my first Pokemon delete vote!  I feel so happy.  Seriously, I think a wiki devoted to games would be a great improvement, and not to ghetto-ize these entries.  Instead, I think, if such a wiki did not end up replicating GameFAQs or others, it might help prevent the confusion of reality and fiction with some entries (e.g. Mystra, which is a game deity and a real city in Greece). Geogre 13:19, 6 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete: useless pseudoinformation. Another one for the fan sites. Geogre, I beg to differ -- I see no problem with ghettoizing the animestuff. Maybe we can get GameFAQs to host it or something... oh wait. Wile E. Heresiarch 14:44, 6 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Merge with Yu-Gi-Oh page, or a page on characters/cards in Yu-Gi-Oh. Darksun 17:54, 6 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Yu-Gi-No! We have enough flash-in-the-pan material in Wiki already to create a separate encyclopedia. Why do we need yet another. Dee-Leet. Denni ☯ 22:45, 2004 Aug 8 (UTC)

title: Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Jinzo


text:
Wikipedia:Today's featured article/July 31, 2004

A typewriter is a mechanical, electromechanical or electronic device with a set of "keys" that, when pressed, cause characters to be printed on paper. In the late 19th and the start of the 20th century the device operator was sometimes also called a "typewriter", though it then became more common to call the person a "typist". A typewriter has a keyboard, with keys for the characters in its font. The method by which the typewriter actually marks the paper now varies as greatly as types of printers do, but until the end of the 20th century it was by the impact of a metal (or, later, metallized plastic) element against an "inked" ribbon which caused ink to be deposited on the paper. (more...)

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