text:
Rational-legal authority

Rational-legal authority (also known as rational authority, legal authority, rational domination, legal domination, or bureaucratic authority) is a form of leadership in which the authority of an organization or a ruling regime is largely tied to legal rationality, legal legitimacy and bureaucracy. The majority of the modern states of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries are rational-legal authorities, according to those who use this form of classification.

Scholars such as Max Weber and Charles Perrow characterized the rational-legal bureaucracy as the most efficient form of administration.

Rational-legal authority
In sociology, the concept of rational-legal domination comes from Max Weber's tripartite classification of authority (one of several classifications of government used by sociologists); the other two forms being traditional authority and charismatic authority. All of those three domination types represent an example of his ideal type concept. Weber noted that in history those ideal types of domination are always found in combinations.

In traditional authority, the legitimacy of the authority comes from tradition. Charismatic authority is legitimized by the personality and leadership qualities of the ruling individual. Finally, rational-legal authority derives its powers from the system of bureaucracy and legality.

Legal rationality and legitimate authority
Under rational-legal authority, legitimacy is seen as coming from a legal order and the laws that have been enacted in it (see also natural law and legal positivism).

Weber defined legal order as a system where the rules are enacted and obeyed as legitimate because they are in line with other laws on how they can be enacted and how they should be obeyed. Further, they are enforced by a government that monopolizes their enactment and the legitimate use of physical force.

If society, as a whole, approves the exercise of the power in a certain way, then the power is considered "legitimate authority".

Max Weber's theory: type of authority
Max Weber broke down legitimate authority into three different types of societies: Traditional Authority, Rational-legal Authority, and Charismatic Authority. Each of these authorities have their own unique complex societies that have evolved from simple definitions.

1.Traditional authority: traditional grounds

 * Is the type of power that has been around longer, it is the type of power that is traditionally rooted in beliefs and the practices of society. This authority is liked by many individuals because of two main reasons: the inheritance of past generations and religiousness that the societies have.
 * Traditional authority is based on a tradition or custom that is followed by the traditional leaders. In traditional authority, status is a key concept. There are no requirements to serving as a traditional leader but there are no salaries. The consequences to traditional authority are discouragement of education and rational calculation.
 * Traditional authority consists of a dominant profile, one who embodies tradition and rule. This type of leadership exemplifies the power to construct order.

2. Rational-legal authority: rational grounds

 * Acquired from law and is constructed from the reliance of society's rules and laws. This type of authority has the confidence to leave the right of leaders to undertake the decisions and set the policy. Rational-legal authority is the basis of modern democracies. Examples of this type of authority: officials elected by voters, rules that are in the constitution, or policies that are written in a formal document.
 * Rational-legal authority is built on a structure of bureaucracy. In a rational-legal authority one ascends in their career paths through promotion and they eventually retire. Some of the benefits of rational-legal authority are transportation, large-scale industry, mass communication and an income economy. Other outcomes of rational-legal authority are tendencies towards equal opportunity and a promotion of education.
 * Rational-legal authority requires a logical and systematic approach to leadership. Weber's rational leadership prevails in decision making.
 * Finally, Legal Rational Authority derives its power from the system of bureaucracy and legality.

3. Charismatic authority: charismatic grounds

 * Comes from individuals and their personal qualities. Certain individuals are influential to others with their unique qualities which help them gain followers. The span of a "charismatic" individual's power and authority can vary from a specific group to an entire society. Examples of charismatic leaders include: Joan of Arc, Adolf Hitler, Martin Luther King Jr, Jesus Christ.
 * Charismatic authority has no clear structure; it is based on individual influence. One is chosen to be staff by their charismatic characteristics. Someone under a charismatic authority lives under gifts not salary. As long as someone has influence they will be a legitimate power.
 * In charismatic authority, confidence is the driving force for leadership. With charismatic authority leadership has the ability to connect distinct groups and lead them to the finish line.

Emergence of the modern state
Weber wrote that the modern state based on rational-legal authority emerged from the patrimonial and feudal struggle for power (see traditional authority) uniquely in the Occidental civilization. The prerequisites for the modern Western state are:
 * Monopolization by central authority of the means of administration and control based on a centralized and stable system of taxation and use of physical force
 * Monopolization of legislative
 * Organisation of an officialdom, dependent upon the central authority

Weber argued that some of those attributes have existed in various time or places, but together they existed only in Occidental civilization. The conditions that favoured this were
 * Emergence of rational-legal rationality (various status groups in the Occident promoted that emergence)
 * Emergence of modern officialdom (bureaucracy), which required
 * Development of the money economy, where officials are compensated in money instead of kind (usually land grants)
 * Quantitative and qualitative expansion of administrative tasks
 * Centralization and increased efficiency of administration.

Weber's belief that rational-legal authority did not exist in Imperial China has been heavily criticized, and does not have many supporters in the early 21st century.

Modern state
According to Max Weber, a modern state exists where a political community has:
 * An administrative and legal order that has been created and can be changed by legislation that also determines its role
 * Binding authority over citizens and actions in its jurisdiction
 * The right to legitimately use the physical force in its jurisdiction

An important attribute of Weber's definition of a modern state was that it is a bureaucracy.

The vast majority of the modern states from the 20th century onward fall under the rational-legal authority category.

Rational-legal leaders
The majority of modern bureaucratic officials and political leaders represent this type of authority.

Officials:
 * Are personally free.
 * Serve a higher authority.
 * Are appointed on the basis of conduct and their technical qualifications.
 * Are responsible for the impartial execution of assigned tasks.
 * Their work is a full-time occupation.
 * Their work is methodical and rational
 * Their work is rewarded by a salary and prospects of career advancement.

Politicians:
 * Are solely responsible for independent action.
 * Must recognize that public actions that conflict with their basic policy must be rejected.
 * Should have charismatic appeal to win elections under conditions of universal suffrage.

Weber provided ten necessities addressing: "how individual officials are appointed and work". The administrative staff are under the supreme authority for legal authority in a bureaucratic administrative style.

 * 1) They are personally free and subject to authority only with respect to their impersonal official obligation.
 * 2) They are organized in a clearly defined hierarchy of offices.
 * 3) Each office has a clearly defined sphere of competence in the legal sense.
 * 4) The office is filled by a free contractual relationship or free selection.
 * 5) Candidates are selected on the basis of technical qualification.
 * 6) They are remunerated by fixed salaries in money for the most part, with a right to pensions.
 * 7) The office is treated as the sole, or at least primary, occupation of incumbent.
 * 8) It constitutes a career. Promotions are dependent on the judgement of superiors.
 * 9) The official works entirely separated from ownership of the means of administration and without appropriation of his/her position.
 * 10) He is subject to strict and systematic discipline and control in the conduct of the office.

title: Rational-legal authority


text:
Talk:Louisa Ulrika of Prussia

Name discussion
What should we call this Swedish Queen? Some articles call her Louise Ulrike of Sweden, others Louisa Ulrica of Prussia. One article except this one calls her Luise Ulrike of Sweden. Her Swedish name is Lovisa Ulrika. --Martinl 21:47, 20 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * I think it should be Louisa Ulrika of Prussia or Louisa Ulrica of Prussia. See also Talk:Ulrike Eleonora of Sweden. --Martinl 07:54, 22 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * If nobody objects within a week, I will move this page from Luise Ulrike of Sweden to Louisa Ulrika of Prussia and rename her in all articles linking to this one. --Martinl 19:00, 3 Sep 2004 (UTC)
 * I have renamed her now. --Martinl 19:12, 19 Sep 2004 (UTC)
 * Should probably fix Lovisa to Louisa in the text for consistancy, no?
 * Where did the name "Louisa" come from here? English: Louise; German: Luise; Swedish: Lovisa; mid-18th-century Swedish: Ludvika - so how do we get "Louisa" - WP invention? Isn't she mainly known in English as Louise Ulrica?--SergeWoodzing (talk) 00:55, 19 August 2013 (UTC)
 * It appears that she isn't. Louisa Ulrica is twice as popular as Louise Ulrica. Louisa Ulrika is also more popular than Louise Ulrica, but not more than Louisa Ulrica. Luise Ulrike and Lovisa Ulrika are both relatively uncommon. This would suggest that the most common (and thus most appropriate?) name is Louisa Ulrica of Prussia. As for where "Louisa" came from, remember that Great Britain had two princesses named Louisa: the daughter of George II and the daughter of Frederick. The former only became known as Louise when she moved to Denmark. Surtsicna (talk) 10:51, 19 August 2013 (UTC)
 * What about "Louise Ulrika"? And why name a Prussian princess /Swedish queen according to a very unusual name form used by a couple of English princesses (the regular English name being Louise)? --SergeWoodzing (talk) 13:38, 20 August 2013 (UTC)
 * Whether we like a name or find it very unusual or interesting is not a valid criterium for choosing article titles. The English princess Louisa Maria Teresa is known by that same name, not as Louise Mary Theresa, despite what we may consider to be regular English names. Curiously (but still irrelevantly), Louisa is the regular English name, having been in use since the 17th century. Louise is the French form of Louisa, and it wasn't until the 19th century that Louise became popular, and only recently it became much more common than the original English form. See Llewellyn's Complete Book of Names. The same is true for the name Sophia, which is now competing in popularity with the French form Sophie. I suppose this woman is still best known as Louisa Ulrica because, in her day and age, the original English form was virtually the only that existed and she was left stuck with it. Anyway, "Louisa Ulrica" is more than four times more common than Louise Ulrika. Surtsicna (talk) 14:36, 20 August 2013 (UTC)

WP: Women's History Assessment Commentary
The article was assessed as C-class, for lack of in-line citations. Boneyard90 (talk) 15:15, 9 January 2012 (UTC)

Page numbers requested
I attempted here to add page numbers requested since 2016, but apparently I don't know how anymore. Sad! Need help. SergeWoodzing (talk) 11:38, 11 April 2024 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Louisa Ulrika of Prussia


text:
Bosnian-Podrinje Canton Goražde

The Bosnian-Podrinje Canton Goražde (Bosansko-podrinjski kanton Goražde ), until 2001 Goražde-Podrinje Canton (Goraždansko-podrinjski kanton) is one of ten cantons of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, an entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Geography
It is located in the south-eastern central part of the country, in the region of Upper Drina. The cantonal seat is in Goražde.

Municipalities
The canton consists of the municipalities of Goražde, Pale-Prača, Foča-Ustikolina.

title: Bosnian-Podrinje Canton Goražde


text:
Patrick Nuo

Patrick Nuo (born 31 August 1982) is a Swiss singer.

Early life
Nuo was born and raised in Lucerne, Switzerland, where he lived till the age of 17. His mother is Swiss and his father is an ethnic Albanian from Kosovo. He has a younger brother, Simon. At the age of 14, Nuo abandoned all hope of becoming a popular tennis pro and decided to focus on a musical career instead. After a few misleading steps at home, he managed to move to Hamburg, Germany, where he was engaged as a backing vocalist for several record productions. In the meantime he also worked as a model for charity projects. His final home of residence for many years now is Los Angeles, California.

Career
In 2002, Patrick met producer and songwriter David Jost, who helped Nuo sign a contract with Warner Music. In the following months, the duo created a whole album together, which was eventually released under the name Welcome in September 2003. A top 20 chart success in Switzerland and Germany, it spawned three singles; including debut single "5 Days" and follow-up "Reanimate", which reached number 18 on the Swiss Singles Chart.

That same year, Nuo joined Zeichen der Zeit, a Christian music project whose first single "Du bist nicht allein" became a top ten success in Germany. A second single released from the project's self-titled compilation album, "Ein weiterer Morgen", entered the top 40 of the German Singles Chart the following year. Also in 2004, a reissue of Welcome was released. It spawned the single "Undone", which served as the theme song for American comedy film Scooby-Doo 2: Monsters Unleashed (2004) in German-speaking Europe.

In May 2005, Nuo's second album Superglue was released. While not as commercially successful as Welcome in Germany, it would eventually become his highest-charting to date, reaching number four on the Swiss Albums Chart. Two singles were released from Superglue: "Girl in the Moon" and "Beautiful", the latter of which became his first and only top ten hit to date. The song peaked at number nine and number seven in Switzerland and Austria respectively. In 2006, Nuo reteamed with Zeichen der Zeit to produce their second album Generation David (2006), and participated in another non-profit aid project when he provided vocals for the Fury in the Slaughterhouse cover, charity single "Won't Forget These Days", released during the 2006 FIFA World Cup. In 2007, after a label change to Ariola Records, Nuo's third album Nuo was released. It widely failed to match the success of his previous studio albums and produced three singles of which lead single "Watchin' Over You" became the only single to chart. In September 2009, the single "Come On Now" was released on Flash Records.

In 2011, Nuo became a member of the jury in the German Idol series show Deutschland sucht den Superstar alongside producer Dieter Bohlen and singer Fernanda Brandão. In 2013, he was one out of eleven celebrities who joined the seventh season of Ich bin ein Star – Holt mich hier raus! based on the British reality television show I'm a Celebrity...Get Me Out of Here!. He finished fifth.

Studio

 * Welcome (2003)
 * Superglue (2005)
 * Nuo (2007)

Film

 * 2009: The Fury
 * 2012: Das Traumhotel – Brasilien (TV)
 * 2012: Crescendo (short movie)
 * 2012: Tim Sander goes to Hollywood

TV

 * 2006: Lotta in Love
 * 2011: Deutschland sucht den Superstar (season 8, member of the jury)
 * 2013: Der VIP-Bus – Promis auf Pauschalreise
 * 2013: Ich bin ein Star – Holt mich hier raus!

title: Patrick Nuo


text:
Liberal Alliance of Montenegro

Liberal Alliance of Montenegro was a Montenegrin separatist, liberal and anti-war political party, active between 1990 and 2005. The Liberal Alliance was a full member of the Liberal International from 1994 until the party's dissolution in 2005.

History
The LSCG was the first political party to advocate an independent Montenegro during the Yugoslav Wars period, and remained a strong supporter of the idea of independence throughout its existence.

It was also one of the only two parties, alongside the Social Democratic Party, which openly opposed the Montenegrin involvement in the War in Croatia and the shelling of Dubrovnik in 1991. Despite advocating Montenegrin nationalism and thus pursuing separatist policies, LSCG was a strictly pacifist party, opting for democratic means in its political activity. It also openly supported the restoration of the Montenegrin language and Montenegrin Orthodox Church.

The LSCG was founded on 26 January 1990 by a group of Montenegrin pro-independence oriented intellectuals led by Slavko Perović. The LSCG did not participate in the 1990 parliamentary election, but Perović was one of the candidates on the electoral list of the Union of Reform Forces (SRSJ), which won 17 seats and became the second minority.

Foundation and anti-war activism (1990-1995)
During the independence referendum campaign in 1992, the LSCG was the main promoter of independence together with Albanian minority Democratic Alliance in Montenegro. The two parties decided to boycott the referendum, which resulted in the pro-independence option receiving only 3.14% of the vote, which meant that Montenegro would remain a constituent republic (along with Serbia) of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

The first election the LSCG participated in was the 1992 parliamentary elections, in which it won 12,04% of the vote and 13 seats. This made it the third largest party in Montenegro, trailing behind the DPS and the NS. That same year, LSCG leader Slavko Perović was the party's presidential candidate, also coming in third place with 18,3% of the vote. He was eliminated before the second round of the election, which was won by Momir Bulatović (DPS).

Popular Unity coalition (1996)
At the 1996 parliamentary election, the LSCG entered a coalition agreement with the People's Party (NS) called Popular Unity. The idea was that such a coalition would open the way for reconciliation of Montenegrins and Serbs, and they could start thinking about politics in a different way. The coalition of liberals and populists won 24.91% of votes and gained 19 MPs, 9 of which went to the LSCG. However, the LSCG terminated the coalition after the decision of the NS to enter into coalition with ruling Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro.

Crisis and leadership change (1997-2000)
At the 1997 presidential election, the LSCG did not table a candidate. However, in the second round the party supported Milo Đukanović over Momir Bulatović, in order to send a message that they were not against the  West  which had supported Đukanović's candidacy. At the next parliamentary election in 1998, the LSCG won 6,21% of the vote, slightly over than 20,000 votes, and 5 seats in the Montenegrin parliament. The LSCG lost a significant number of voters due to a change of policy by the DPS, which gradually started supporting the independence of Montenegro, attracting a portion of their voters. Due to the poor electoral result, Perović resigned from his post. At the party electoral convention, held on 23 and 24 January 1999, Miodrag Živković officially became the new political leader of the LSCG.

Minority government support and decline (2001-2003)
At the 2001 parliamentary election, the LSCG received a larger number of votes: 7,85% (almost 28.000 votes), winning 6 seats in the Assembly. Due do the political deadlock, in which no party had won an absolute majority, the LSCG made an agreement with DPS to support its minority government. This decision came following a pledge from the DPS that within a year a referendum on independence would have been held. However, the LSCG still retained a resolute attitude of opposition, and withdrew support to the minority government due to the fact that the referendum had not been announced in the promised period. At the 2002 parliamentary election, the LSCG campaign under the slogan Montenegro Can - LSCG, and won 5,77% of votes (just over 20.000 votes), receiving only 4 seats.

Together with other opposition parties, the LSCG boycotted the presidential election held in February 2003, but opted to table a candidate for the presidential election just three months later. LSCG candidate Miodrag Živković won 31,44% of votes, but was defeated in the first round by the ruling coalition candidate Filip Vujanović. These elections would prove be the last election the Liberal Alliance participated in.

The rift and dissolution (2004-2005)
Following the outbreak of the Trsteno Affair (sr), a corruption scandal related to the selling of state-owned Trsteno beach and cove in Kotor municipality, the involved party officials led by incumbent party president Miodrag Živković were expelled from the party on 7 September 2004. The expelled party faction led by Živković went on to form the Liberal Party (LP) in October 2004. Following the expulsion of Živković, Vesna Perović was elected as new leader of LSCG on 23 October 2004. However, following the corruption scandal and general crisis in the party, just a year before the main goal laid out in its program, Montenegrin independence, was to be carried out at the 21 May Referendum, the LSCG passed a decision to infinitely freeze its activity, a move declared to be a response to the constant repressive activity by the Montenegrin Agency of National Security.

Parliamentary elections
Opposition (1996-1997), Minority government support (1997-1998) Limited minority government support (2001-2002)

Party leadership

 * Slavko Perović, 1990–1999
 * Miroslav Vicković, 1999–2002
 * Miodrag Živković, 2002-2004
 * Vesna Perović, 2004-2005

title: Liberal Alliance of Montenegro


text:
Central Bosnia Canton

The Central Bosnia Canton (Srednjobosanski kanton/Средњобосански кантон, Županija Središnja Bosna) is one of 10 cantons of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The most populous settlement in the region is Bugojno, followed by Travnik and Novi Travnik.

Geography
It is located in the center of the country, to the west of Sarajevo. The center of canton government is Travnik.

Municipalities
The canton is split into the municipalities of Bugojno, Busovača, Dobretići, Donji Vakuf, Fojnica, Gornji Vakuf-Uskoplje, Jajce, Kiseljak, Kreševo, Novi Travnik, Travnik, Vitez. The region reports a GDP equitable with the average of Bosnia and Herzegovina more broadly. The region has historically benefitted from agriculture and trade, as well as mineral deposits. The Central Bosnia Canton is the fifth largest of ten and its share of the national population is slightly below average.

In April of 2022, the United Nations' Office for Disaster Risk Reduction recognised the region in a climate resilience initiative.

Demographics
Of the ten cantons comprising the Federation of Bosnia Herzegovina, Central Bosnia Canton and Herzegovina-Neretva Canton are the only ones in which neither Bosniaks nor Croats form an absolute majority. There are thus special legislative procedures for the protection of the constituent ethnic groups. Bosniaks form a majority in the municipalities of Bugojno, Jajce, Donji Vakuf, Fojnica, Gornji Vakuf-Uskoplje, Novi Travnik and Travnik. Croats form a majority in the municipalities of Busovača, Dobretići, Kreševo, Kiseljak and Vitez.

2013 Census
Page text.

 * Border between two entities have also divided some settlements but the differences should be minimal. However, because of this it is not the exact data.

title: Central Bosnia Canton


text:
Traditional authority

Traditional authority is a form of leadership in which the authority of an organization or a regime is largely tied to tradition or custom. The main reason for the given state of affairs is that "things have always been that way".

In sociology
In sociology, the concept of traditional authority (domination) comes from Max Weber's tripartite classification of authority, the other two forms being charismatic authority and rational-legal authority. All of those three domination types represent an example of his ideal type concept. Weber noted that in history those ideal types of domination are always found in combinations.

In traditional authority, the legitimacy of the authority comes from tradition; in charismatic authority from the personality and leadership qualities of the individual; and in rational-legal authority from people that are bureaucratically and legally attached to certain positions.

Patriarchs and their households
Weber derives the traditional domination from patriarchies and their households – in other words, from the ancient tradition of family (the authority of a master over his household). The master is designated in accordance with the rules of inheritance. He has no administrative staff nor any machinery to enforce his will by force alone; he depends on the willingness of the group members to respect his authority. Those members stand in personal relations to him. They obey him based on the belief that this is their duty sanctioned by immemorial tradition and on feeling of filial piety for the person of the master.

Patrimonialism
Patrimonial government occurs when the ruler's household expands with the household administration giving rise to governmental offices. All officials are personal dependents or favourites of the ruler, appointed by him. Their interactions with the ruler are based on paternal authority and filial dependence. The officials treat their work as a personal service to the ruler. The ruler has complete control over the officials; he empowers them from case to case, assigns specific tasks, promotes and demotes. They have no rights, rather they have privileges granted and withdrawn by the ruler. It is rare to discover any clear and stable hierarchy and responsibility in the deluge of official titles of most patrimonial administrations.

Military force is an important instrument of a patrimonial rule. Weber distinguished five types of military organisations. In all of those cases the military is a tool of the ruler, solely for his use—but he is responsible for its upkeep (equipment, maintenance and wages).

With the growth of the territory organized and more independent administrative staff and military force became a necessity. This usually leads to decentralisation, and some individuals gain more independence in the form of certain rights (for example, the right to inheritance and marriage without the consent of the rulers, to be judged by independent courts instead of officials of the royal household, etc.).

One of the best examples of almost pure type of patrimonialism is ancient Egypt, where the population was entirely dependent upon the control of the waterways (Nile River). This facilitated the creation of centralised government. When the royal household required it, the individual had to perform the public duties, such as participate in labor-intensive project (rising of the pyramids). Thus the whole country was in fact the patriarchal household of the pharaoh.

When land is given to military or officials for the performance of their duties, their independence increases and the power of the ruler weakens (consider the Mameluks and their rebellions, or the difference between Chinese Confucian literati who were never able to overthrow the power of the emperor and European knights who evolved into powerful aristocracy in many cases vastly limiting the power of the kings (especially in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth)).

Patrimonial dominance has often prevailed in the Orient, where land remained in the control of the ruler. However, in the Occident the ruler lost control of the lands given to the nobility, which according to Weber was a major reason for patrimonialism being replaced by feudalism.

Feudalism
When compared to patrimonialism, feudalism has one major similarity and several important differences.

The similarity is that both are based on tradition and have powerful rulers who grant rights in return for military and administrative services.

The differences are important for the subtler distinction:
 * feudalism replaces the paternal relationship of patrimonialism by a contract of allegiance based on knightly militarism.
 * the patrimonial ruler's grants of authority and the personal dependence of official are replaced in feudalism by the contractual freedom, personal allegiance and socioeconomic prominence on the part of the vassals.

Traditional leaders
Most of the representatives of any dynasty ruling for more than one generation (kings, emperors, sultans, etc.) would fall into that category. Thus, the majority of monarchies and some autocracies and theocracies would be ruled by traditional leaders.

Often the male head of a common family should be considered a traditional leader. This could also be the case in a family-owned business if its director and other leadership positions are chosen based on family ties and/or age.

title: Traditional authority


text:
Options (novel)

Options is a 1975 absurdist science fiction novel by American writer Robert Sheckley, published in paperback by Pyramid Books. The first British edition appeared in 1977, and a French translation was published in 1979.

The story is ostensibly about a marooned space traveller's attempt to get a spare part for his starship, the Intrepid III. He has a robotic guard, programmed to guard him against all planetary dangers. But soon he discovers that the robot has not been programmed for the planet where they are, with comic results. However, the narrative later descends into a mass of diversions, non-sequiturs and meditations on the nature of authorship. Eventually the diversions take over the book to the extent that the author openly introduces an increasingly bizarre succession of deus ex machina in an attempt to get the novel back on track, but eventually admits defeat.

Reception
Spider Robinson reviewed the novel favorably, declaring that although Sheckley deliberately broke most of the rules for successful storytelling, Options was "hilarious... an exploding cigarette, a velvet banana, a bearded tractor, a Presbyterian platypus."

Dave Langford reviewed Options for White Dwarf #86, and stated that "the author is 'unable' to construct a credible plot device to save the situation. Lots of fun but, for obvious reasons, not much plot."

title: Options (novel)


text:
West Herzegovina Canton

The West Herzegovina Canton (Županija Zapadnohercegovačka) is one of the cantons of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The West Herzegovina Canton is in the Herzegovina region in the southwest of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its seat of government is in Široki Brijeg, while other municipalities within the Canton are Grude, Ljubuški and Posušje. It has 94,898 inhabitants, of whom more than 98% are ethnic Croats. Economically, it is the most developed part of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

History
The majority of the present-day West Herzegovina Canton was part of Zachlumia, the medieval South Slavic principality. In the 15th century, it became part of the Duchy of Saint Sava under Stjepan Vukčić Kosača, who proclaimed himself the herzog (duke), thus giving the name for the whole region - Herzegovina. The Ottomans conquered Herzegovina in 1483 when the territory of the West Herzegovina Canton became part of the Sanjak of Herzegovina. In 1833 the Sanjak of Herzegovina became more autonomous under Ali-paša Rizvanbegović, who became pasha of the Herzegovina Eyalet, however, after his death, Herzegovina once again became a sanjak. In 1878 the whole territory was occupied and later in 1908 annexed by the Austria-Hungary, who held it until 1918. During that time, the territory of the West Herzegovina Canton was part of the District of Mostar in the Condominium of Bosnia and Herzegovina. After the collapse of Austria-Hungary and after the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the territory of the West Herzegovina Canton remained part of the District of Mostar. However, with the creation of banovinas in 1929, the territory became part of the Littoral Banovina, and in 1939 it was incorporated in the Banovina of Croatia, where it de iure remained until 1943.

During World War II, the territory of the West Herzegovina Canton became part of the Independent State of Croatia, a Nazi-affiliated puppet state created in April 1941. Administratively, it was part of the County of Hum, having Mostar as its capital. The puppet state collapsed in May 1945.

The Yugoslav Partisans formed the People's Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (later renamed to Socialist Republic), as a federal unit of Yugoslavia, of which the territory of the West Herzegovina Canton became part as well. However, in the process of the collapse of the communist regime, ethnic Croats formed the Croatian Community of Herzeg-Bosnia, which encompassed all Croat-majority municipalities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including those of the West Herzegovina Canton.

During the Bosnian War, the Croatian Community of Herzeg-Bosnia was later proclaimed a republic in 1993. The following year, in 1994, it became part of the Croat-Bosniak Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which led to the formation of ten cantons in June 1996, including the West Herzegovina Canton.

Geography
West Herzegovina Canton is located in the Herzegovina region of southwest Bosnia and Herzegovina. It has Čvrsnica mountain to the north, Croatia to the west and south, and the Herzegovina-Neretva Canton to the east. The area of the canton is 1,363 km2.

The canton has three rivers: Lištica, Trebižat and Ričina, and the Blidinje Lake. Its highest peak is Pločno on the Čvrsnica mountain, 2,228 metres. The canton is a very mountainous area especially in Posušje (where it also becomes mountainous) and the northern parts of Široki Brijeg. The region is interlaced with karst fields with which the mountains of western and northern Herzegovina descend to the sea. Dugo polje (1150–1250 m) is the first step, followed by Rakitno polje (870–910 m), Posuško polje (580–610 m), Bekijsko polje (260–300 m), Mostarsko Blato (220 m) and Ljubuško polje (80–100 m) with which the descent ends. The rivers Lištica and Tihaljina flow through western Herzegovina, Ričina sometimes flows through the Posusje field and Ugrovača through the Kočerin field. The territory as a whole belongs to the Neretva basin or the Adriatic Sea. The highest mountains are Čvrsnica (municipality of Posušje), Čabulja (municipality of Široki Brijeg), Štitar (municipality of Posušje), Zavelim (municipality of Posušje), Kušanovac (municipality of Posušje) and (municipality of Široki Brijeg) and Radovanj ( Municipality of Posušje).

Climate
In all towns in the canton of western Herzegovina, the sub-Mediterranean climate type prevails, except in Ljubuški, where the Mediterranean climate predominates. There is also a significant difference between the sub-Mediterranean climate in Posušje and the sub-Mediterranean climate in Široki Brijeg and Grude. In Posušje, mountain and Mediterranean influences collide, so the sub-Mediterranean climate in Posušje is harsher and closer to the temperate mountain climate prevailing in the area of Tribistovo, Radovnje, etc. Summers in western Herzegovina are hot and temperatures exceed 35 degrees. In winter, snow is also not impossible in Ljubuški, but it is more frequent and common in the northernmost towns, especially in Posušje, where it sometimes falls profusely and remains for a long time.

Assembly
The Assembly of the West Herzegovina Canton (Skupština Županije Zapadnohercegovačke) is the legislature of the West Herzegovina Canton, serving as the unicameral representative body of the citizens of the West Herzegovina Canton. It has 23 representatives elected directly at the Bosnian general election. The representatives have a four-year term. The Assembly enacts the local Constitution, laws and other regulations and elects the Government.

Government
The Government of the West Herzegovina Canton (Vlada Županije Zapadnohercegovačke) is led by the Prime Minister who has one deputy and it consists of seven ministries. The ministries have different seats, with each municipality having two ministries, while the capital Široki Brijeg serves as the seat of the Prime Minister.

Flag and coat of arms
The coat of arms is a variant of the historical Croatian coat of arms. The flag is a horizontal tricolour of red, white and blue, with the coat of arms in the middle. These symbols were also used by Canton 10 and the former Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia.

The flag and coat of arms were originally regulated by the cantonal constitution. However, by a decision of the Constitutional Court, the constitutional provisions on cantonal symbols were marked as unconstitutional in 1998. Acting on the court's decision, the Cantonal Assembly removed the disputed provisions in 2000 and adopted a new law on the flag and coat of arms in 2003 that restored the same symbols.

Economy
According to the data of the Federal Institute for Development Programming, the West Herzegovina Canton had the nominal GDP of 487.211 million BAM, the seventh largest in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, before the Canton 10, the Bosnian Podrinje Canton Goražde and the Posavina Canton. It generated 2.90% of the total GDP of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The West Herzegovina Canton has fifth largest GDP per capita, amounting to 5,973 BAM, while the average in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is 7,188 BAM.

This region, before the war, was one of the poorest regions in BiH. Today it is one of the richest. Despite the canton's small size in area, its agricultural sector is important. In the canton, 30,000 ha (120 sq miles) is used for agriculture; 84,000 ha (320 sq miles) is forest. Around 6,000 ha of arable land is below 100 metres in altitude. The Canton has a strong potential for the production of vegetables, fruit and wine, as well as meat and milk processing plants.

Infrastructure
The West Herzegovina Canton has a central location in Herzegovina, and as such has favorable traffic characteristics. The future route of the motorway of the E73 corridor, where there is also a connection with the A1 motorway from Dubrovnik to Zagreb, which means the entire West Herzegovina Canton in encircled by two EU corridors, the E73 and the E65. The crossroad of these corridors is in the hinterland of Ploče port, making the Canton of West Herzegovina the "portal of the South East Europe".

Demographics
According to the latest census data, the vast majority of the local population is made up of Croatians. The most dominant religion in the canton is Christianity, with Catholicism being the most numerous denomination. The most significant non-Christian minority are Muslims with 1.8% of the total population. Most of them were in Ljubuški.

2013 Census
Page text.

Official holidays
According to local laws, the official holidays (non-working days) in the canton are:
 * January 1 – New Year
 * January 6 – Epiphany
 * May 1     – Labour Day
 * May 30    – Pan-Croatian statehood day (same as: Statehood day of Croatia)
 * August 15 – Assumption of Mary
 * November 1 – All Saints' Day
 * November 2 – All Souls' Day
 * November 18 – the foundation of Herzeg-Bosnia
 * December 25 and 26 – Christmas Day and St Stephen's Day

title: West Herzegovina Canton


text:
Talk:Traditional authority

First entry. Stub. I will by adding more info and correcting grammar and stuff in the coming days, hopefully I wont be starting late at night again. This is based on more developed Charismatic authority article, and follows the development of Max Weber ideas (see Talk:Max_Weber). --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus 21:54, 20 Jul 2004 (UTC)

The section on patrimonalism which I am writing just now may be moved to its own article at a later date, when I have time do it (or you - hint). --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus 10:00, 21 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Proposed mergers
For discussion of the proposed merge with Max Weber, please see Talk:Max Weber. hello ben — Preceding unsigned comment added by 82.47.206.221 (talk) 20:53, 19 November 2013 (UTC)

title: Talk:Traditional authority


text:
Talk:Rational-legal authority

Heading text
First entry. Stub. I will by adding more info and correcting grammar and stuff in the coming days, hopefully I wont be starting late at night again. This is based on more developed Charismatic authority article, and follows the development of Max Weber ideas (see Talk:Max_Weber). --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus 21:54, 20 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article is or was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Senniavarelat, Korina-NP, Alexandralopez324, Drewvilla2. Peer reviewers: Aam156, Mirandaminer, Genepride, D h200, WilliamCadman, Jeremy099.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 07:49, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

Proposed mergers
For discussion of the proposed merge with Max Weber, please see Talk:Max Weber.

Political Parties
How about a discussion of modern political parties in terms of this analysis? MaynardClark (talk) 22:13, 7 July 2014 (UTC)

Peer Review
Overall, the Rational-Legal Authority article is in good shape. The introductory paragraph defines the subject well. In a comprehensive and easy to understand way. There are several links to related ideas which help to flesh out the concept. The article is then split into two sections: Rational-Legal Authority and Rational-Legal Leadership. The first of the two sections expands upon the definition and its origin in Max Weber. It does a good job of delineating between Rational-Legal Authority and the other two forms of authority, Traditional and Charismatic. Weber’s concept of Ideal Types could be fleshed out more, and the imperfect and combinatory nature of the three types could be expanded. The concept of Legal rationality and legitimacy as defined by Weber is well covered, as is its role in the formation of the modern state. Weber’s definition of a “modern state” is well applied. Finally; the article describes some of the traits present in leaders in a Rational-Legal government, and separates political leaders from bureaucratic officials. The article’s biggest issue is its lack of citations, with no sources cited at all in the entirety of the article. The definitions and descriptions used are well put together, make sense, and are easy to understand, but could be entirely made-up for all I know.

Wikipedia Principle #1 (Comprehensiveness): the information presented in the article appears to be comprehensive in scope. Wikipedia Principle #2 (Sourcing): There are no cited sources. Wikipedia Principle #3 (Neutrality): The article in neutral in tone. Wikipedia Principle #4 (Readability): The article is easily readable and understood. D h200 (talk) 02:58, 29 November 2016 (UTC)

Peer Review
While reading this article I considered the four Wikipedia principles, the first being comprehensiveness. The content of the lead section gave an overview of what the topic is about, and combined with the second paragraph it summarized the article very well. The focus of each section is relevant to the topic, but it doesn’t include any scholarly sources. By telling where the concept originated from, it gives the reader a good idea of its history. I would be interested to know if other scholars interpret Rational-Legal Authority the same as Max Weber. In the external links section one link leads to an unavailable website, but the other link adds to the comprehensiveness of the article. The next Wikipedia principle is sourcing, which is where this article needs the most improving improving. Adding reliable references will make the article more credible. The third principle is neutrality, which this article does a good job at. The focus is on strictly on the facts in a non-bias way and the length of each section is appropriate. The last Wikipedia principle is readability. The article is well written and in a way that the vast Wikipedia audience will be able to understand. The organization and formatting of the article is structured in a way that was hard for me to follow. Reorganizing the sections and headings would be a great improvement. When the group adds their contributions, they will have a good article on their hands. Miranda Miner 04:09, 29 November 2016 (UTC) — Preceding unsigned comment added by Mirandaminer (talk • contribs)

Peer Review
The overall content of this article is very good, however there are no sources to back up any information presented in this article. This leads it to not have any scholarly backing which means anything in there could potentially be incorrect. I am not saying that anything is made up, but without and sources this could very well be a potential issue. I did enjoy how this article was set up though, its progression through its emergence and the modern status of legal rational authority are well put. This article relies a little to heavily on Max Weber i feel like, I would think that since this has been around for awhile that there surely could be more scholars who have weighed in on this topic. Most of the topic seems to be based entirely off of Max Weber, even if he is the main point of authority. Coming into this article I had absolutely no idea what Rational-legal authority had been but once reading through it twice to double check some of the concepts I feel as if i have a relatively good understanding in what it is. Even though there has been no additional contributions just yet with a little bit more explaining, an addition of citations and sources, and just a movement of a couple topics around this article will be in much better shape. WilliamCadman (talk) 04:54, 29 November 2016 (UTC) Cole Cadman

title: Talk:Rational-legal authority


text: User talk:64.12.117.15

title: User talk:64.12.117.15


text:
User talk:Bgoldenberg

Hello and welcome to Wikipedia! Hope you like it here, and stick around.

Here are some tips to help you get started:

 * To sign your posts (on talk pages, for example) use the '~' symbol. To insert just your name, type ~~~ (3 tildes), or, to insert your name and timestamp, use ~~~~ (4 tildes).
 * Try the Tutorial, and feel free to experiment in the test area.
 * If you need help, post a question at the Help Desk
 * Follow the Simplified Ruleset
 * Eventually, you might want to read the Manual of Style and Policies and Guidelines.
 * Remember Neutral point of view
 * Explore, be bold in editing pages, and, most importantly, have fun!

Good luck!

BenjBot is now marked as a bot. Angela. 20:46, Aug 17, 2004 (UTC)

BenjBot
Just wondering what software BenjBot uses - pywikipediabot? ··gracefool |☺ 22:14, 29 Aug 2004 (UTC)

 * Yeah, I just use pywikipediabot. So far I have only used the solve_disambiguation.py script, but maybe someday I'll use another one. If you want to run a bot, make sure to get permission at Bots Benjamin Goldenberg 23:06, 30 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * So now is every mention of a Roman Catholic cardinal given a highlighted link? What if the link is utterly irrelevant to the entry subject? If you link eveything, then the useful links disappear into the background noise. Try using "What links here" for your birth year... Wetman 06:04, 19 Sep 2004 (UTC)
 * I did not create any new links when disambiguating Cardinal. I only piped the links that referred to a catholic cardinal to Cardinal (Catholicism). Nevertheless, I think that it is appropriate to link to Cardinal on most articles that refer to Catholic cardinals. The Catholic meaning of Cardinal is a very specific one, and many people, (including me), do not know the specific meaning. I think that these links are relevant to the content as stated by the guidelines on Make_only_links_relevant_to_the_context. Benjamin Goldenberg 18:23, 19 Sep 2004 (UTC)

Hi, I've marked BenjBot as a bot since there were no objections on Wikipedia talk:Bots. If you ever need the bot flag removed, please ask at requests for permissions. Angela. 19:36, Sep 19, 2004 (UTC)

The Humungous Image Tagging Project
Hi. You've helped with the WikiProject Wiki Syntax, so I thought it worth alerting you to the latest and greatest of Wikipedia fixing project, User:Yann/Untagged Images, which is seeking to put copyright tags on all of the untagged images. There are probably, oh, thirty thousand or so to do (he said, reaching into the air for a large figure). But hey: they're images ... you'll get to see lots of random pretty pictures. That must be better than looking for at at and the the, non? You know you'll love it. best wishes --Tagishsimon (talk)

Check up... BenjBot
Is your bot still active? If so, please add BenjBot to the list of bots on Bots. Thank you. --AllyUnion (talk) 07:19, 2 September 2005 (UTC)

Image:Grateful Dead-American Beau.jpg
Hello, Bgoldenberg. An automated process has found and removed an image or media file tagged as nonfree media, and thus is being used under fair use that was in your userspace. The image (Image:Grateful Dead-American Beau.jpg) was found at the following location: User:Bgoldenberg/Album Template Test. This image or media was attempted to be removed per criterion number 9 of our non-free content policy. The image or media was replaced with Image:NonFreeImageRemoved.svg, so your formatting of your userpage should be fine. Please find a free image or    media to replace it with, and or remove the image from your userspace. User:Gnome (Bot)-talk 06:10, 16 May 2007 (UTC)

Bot activity
I was going over the list of bots and noticed that has not edited in a very long time. Is this bot still active and if not, would you object to it being de-flagged? Please post your comments to Wikipedia_talk:Bots/Requests_for_approval since this is a rather widely-posted message.  MBisanz  talk 06:39, 11 March 2008 (UTC)

ArbCom elections are now open!
Hi, You appear to be eligible to vote in the current Arbitration Committee election. The Arbitration Committee is the panel of editors responsible for conducting the Wikipedia arbitration process. It has the authority to enact binding solutions for disputes between editors, primarily related to serious behavioural issues that the community has been unable to resolve. This includes the ability to impose site bans, topic bans, editing restrictions, and other measures needed to maintain our editing environment. The arbitration policy describes the Committee's roles and responsibilities in greater detail. If you wish to participate, you are welcome to review the candidates' statements and submit your choices on the voting page. For the Election committee, MediaWiki message delivery (talk) 22:15, 30 November 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:Bgoldenberg


text:
Talk:Spacewatch

Previous discussions without headers
Spacewatch Telescope Detects Its First Asteroids 2000 http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2000/10/001010072508.htm

Is Spacewatch part of Spaceguard ?

--DavidCary 22:02, 20 Jul 2004 (UTC)

I would guess no.

There are various Spaceguard organizations at the national level, but on a global level it may be more of a concept than an actual international organization.

There are various projects like LINEAR, LONEOS, NEAT and Spacewatch which are discovering the bulk of the new asteroids being found. I don't think they have any formal Spaceguard affiliation.

-- Curps 22:46, 20 Jul 2004 (UTC)

External links modified (January 2018)
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified one external link on Spacewatch. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20081029054125/http://spacewatch.lpl.arizona.edu/outerss_text.html to http://spacewatch.lpl.arizona.edu/outerss_text.html

When you have finished reviewing my changes, you may follow the instructions on the template below to fix any issues with the URLs.

Cheers.— InternetArchiveBot  (Report bug) 23:41, 22 January 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:Spacewatch


text:
Liberal Democratic Party (Angola)

The Liberal Democratic Party (Partido Liberal Democrático) was a liberal party in Angola, and a member of Liberal International. In the 1992 elections, the PLD won 2.4% of the vote, gaining three seats in parliament. However, in the 2008 legislative election, the party gained only 0.33% of the vote and no seats in Parliament. The party's founder and leader was Anália de Victória Pereira.

title: Liberal Democratic Party (Angola)


text:
Polish army order of battle in 1939

This article discusses the Polish order of battle during the invasion of Poland. In the late 1930s Polish headquarters prepared "Plan Zachód" (Plan "West), a plan of mobilization of Polish Army in case of war with Germany. Earlier, the Poles did not regard the Germans as their main threat, priority was given to threat from the Soviets (see: Plan East).

The overall operational plan assumed the creation of thirty infantry divisions, nine reserve divisions, eleven cavalry brigades, two motorized brigades, three mountain brigades and a number of smaller units. Most Polish forces were grouped into six armies and a number of corps-sized "Operational Groups". Later in the course of the war other operational units were created.

Karpaty Army
Created on July 11, 1939, under Major General Kazimierz Fabrycy. Armia Karpaty was created after Germany annexed Czechoslovakia and created a puppet state of Slovakia. The main aim of the army was to secure mountain passes in the Carpathians. Initially the army consisted of 2 improvised mountain brigades and a number of smaller units, but later in the course of war was joined by forces of the withdrawing Armia Kraków.

 * 2nd Mountain Brigade (2 Brygada Górska), made of National Defence units from Limanowa, Gorlice and Nowy Sącz, as well as Border Defence Corps units from Volhynia,
 * 3rd Mountain Brigade (3 Brygada Górska), made of National Defence units from Krosno, Sanok, Przemyśl and Rzeszów
 * Carpathian Half-Brigade of National Defence (Karpacka Półbrygada ON)
 * 1st Motorized Artillery Regiment
 * 9th Heavy Artillery Regiment

Additionally, mobilisation plans called for creation of the Tarnów Group consisting of:

 * 22nd Mountain Infantry Division from Przemyśl,
 * 38th Infantry Division (reserve), created in August 1939 out of Border Defence Corps units from Polesie Voivodeship and Volhynian Voivodeship.

Kraków Army
Created on March 23, 1939, as the main pivot of Polish defence. Its main task was to delay advancing German troops and withdraw eastwards along the northern line of the Carpathians. It consisted of 5 infantry divisions, 1 mountain infantry division, 1 motorized cavalry brigade, 1 mountain brigade and 1 cavalry brigade under gen. Antoni Szylling.

Lublin Army
An improvised army created on September 4 from a motorized brigade and various smaller units concentrated around Lublin, Sandomierz and upper Vistula. Commanded by mj. gen. Tadeusz Piskor.

 * Warsaw Armoured Motorized Brigade (Warszawska Brygada Pancerno-Motorowa)
 * Smaller units

Łódź Army
Created on March 23, 1939, under gen. Juliusz Rómmel. Armia Łódź was to become a bolt between Armies "Kraków" and "Poznań". However, because of mistakes committed by Gen. Rómmel, the army was located too close to the German border and joined fighting from the very beginning of the campaign, which deprived it of any possibilities of cooperation with the surrounding units. It consisted of 4 infantry divisions and 2 cavalry brigades.

 * 2nd Legions Infantry Division (2 Dywizja Piechoty Legionów) from Kielce,
 * 10th Infantry Division (10 Dywizja Piechoty) from Łódź,
 * 28th Infantry Division (28 Dywizja Piechoty) from Łomża,
 * 30th Infantry Division (30 Dywizja Piechoty, reserve division) from Kobryn,
 * Kresowa Cavalry Brigade (Kresowa Brygada Kawalerii) from Brody,
 * Wołyńska Cavalry Brigade (Wołyńska Brygada Kawalerii) from Rowne,
 * Sieradz National Defence Brigade (Sieradzka Brygada Obrony Narodowej)

Modlin Army
Created on March 23, 1939, for defence of Warsaw from the north. The army was to defend fortified lines along the border with East Prussia near Mława, and then retreat towards Narew river. Led by brig. gen. Emil Krukowicz-Przedrzymirski. Consisted of 2 infantry divisions and 2 cavalry brigades.

 * 8th Infantry Division (8 Dywizja Piechoty) from Modlin,
 * 20th Infantry Division (20 Dywizja Piechoty) from Baranowicze,
 * Nowogródzka Cavalry Brigade (Nowogródzka Brygada Kawalerii) from Baranowicze,
 * Mazowiecka Cavalry Brigade (Mazowiecka Brygada Kawalerii) from Warsaw,
 * Warsaw National Defence Brigade (Warszawska Brygada Obrony Narodowej)

Pomorze Army
The Army was created on March 23, 1939, to defend Toruń and Bydgoszcz and to carry out delaying actions in the so-called "Polish Corridor". It was led by Lt.-Gen. Władysław Bortnowski and consisted of five infantry divisions, two National Defence brigades and one cavalry brigade.

Poznań Army
The Armia Poznań led by mj. gen. Tadeusz Kutrzeba was to provide flanking operations in the Grand Poland and withdraw towards lines of defence along the Warta river. It consisted of 4 infantry divisions and 2 cavalry brigades.

 * 14th Infantry Division (14 Dywizja Piechoty) from Poznań
 * 17th Infantry Division (17 Dywizja Piechoty) from Gniezno
 * 25th Infantry Division (25 Dywizja Piechoty) from Kalisz
 * 26th Infantry Division (26 Dywizja Piechoty) from Skierniewice
 * Wielkopolska Cavalry Brigade (Wielkopolska Brygada Kawalerii) from Poznań,
 * Podolska Cavalry Brigade (Podolska Brygada Kawalerii) from Stanisławów.

Prusy Army
Under gen. Stefan Dąb-Biernacki. Created in the summer of 1939 as the main reserve of the Commander in Chief. According to the "Plan West" (Plan Zachód, code name for the Polish mobilization plan) it was to be composed of units mobilized as the second and third waves and its main purpose was to cooperate with the nearby armies "Poznań" and "Kraków".

Mobilized in two groups. Because of fast German advance both groups entered combat separately and most units did not reach full mobilization. It consisted of 6 infantry divisions, 1 cavalry brigade and a battalion of tanks.

Warszawa Army
Created on September 10, 1939, from various units in Warsaw and Modlin Fortress area. Initially it consisted of approximately 25 infantry battalions and 40 tanks. Later it was reinforced by forces of Łódź Army and elements of Modlin Army. It was commanded by col. Walerian Czuma, although the nominal commander was gen. Juliusz Rómmel.

Operational Group Wyszków
Was one of the reserves of the northern front of Polish defences, created on September 1, 1939. According to Plan West, it was supposed to defend the line of the Narew river from Wehrmacht units advancing from East Prussia. Due to rapid German advance, the group withdrew towards the Bug river, and on September 11, Polish Commander in Chief Edward Rydz-Śmigły ordered General Wincenty Kowalski, commandant of Operational Group Wyszków, to merge his unit with Northern Front under General Stefan Dąb-Biernacki.

It consisted of the following units:

 * 1st Legions Infantry Division (Poland) (1 Dywizja Piechoty Legionów) from Wilno,
 * 35th Infantry Division (35 Dywizja Piechoty – reserve), formed on September 7, 1939, out of units of the Border Defence Corps from northern parts of the Wilno Voivodeship,
 * 41st Infantry Division (41 Dywizja Piechoty – reserve), formed in September 1939, out of units of the Border Defence Corps,
 * Bartosz Glowacki (armoured train),
 * elements of 2nd Regiment of Heavy Artillery.

Independent Operational Group Narew
Consisted of 2 infantry divisions and 2 cavalry brigades:

 * 18th Infantry Division (18 Dywizja Piechoty) from Łomża,
 * 33rd Infantry Division (33 Dywizja Piechoty – reserve), formed in late August 1939, out of Border Defence Corps units from the areas of Grodno and Wilno,
 * Podlaska Cavalry Brigade (Podlaska Brygada Kawalerii) from Białystok,
 * Suwalska Cavalry Brigade (Suwalska Brygada Kawalerii) from Suwałki and Grodno.

Supporting forces
Air support
 * Lotnictwo Wojskowe (Polish Air Force)

Naval and river support
 * Polska Marynarka Wojenna (Polish Navy)

title: Polish army order of battle in 1939


text:
Sven Ranck

Sven Ranck (1616–1684) was a Swedish statesman. Between 1678 and 1684, he served as the Governor of Halland County. He was the owner from 1674 to 1731 of the Marieberg residence in Bohuslän.

title: Sven Ranck


text:
Uroplatus phantasticus

Uroplatus phantasticus, the satanic leaf-tailed gecko, eyelash leaf-tailed gecko or the phantastic leaf-tailed gecko, is a species of gecko indigenous to the island of Madagascar. First described in 1888 by George Albert Boulenger, U. phantasticus is the smallest in body of the Uroplatus geckos, though there is an ongoing debate as to whether one of its cousins, U. ebenaui, is smaller because of its shorter tail.

Etymology
The generic name, Uroplatus, is a Latinization of two Greek words: "ourá" (οὐρά) meaning "tail" and "platys" (πλατύς) meaning "flat". Its specific name phantasticus is the Latin word for "imaginary", based upon the gecko's unique appearance, which led Belgian naturalist George Albert Boulenger to describe it as “mythical” in 1888.

Distribution and habitat
The species is endemic to Madagascar, meaning it is found nowhere else. It is an arboreal animal that relies on its natural camouflage in the northern and central tropical forests of Madagascar.

Description
Its adult size is up to 90mm in total length, including the tail. As with all Uroplatus geckos the tail is flattened, but the leaf-like appearance is only seen in the ebenaui complex (U. phantasticus, U. ebenaui, and U. malama; although the tail size is much reduced in U. ebenaui). It has often been debated whether U. phantasticus is in fact the same species as U. ebenaui (the Nosy Bé flat-tailed gecko). However U. phantasticus possesses more, and longer, spines on the head, body and trunk. Other members of the genus Uroplatus have flattened tails that serve more to diminish the profile of the gecko while it is inactive. Some U. phantasticus geckos even have notches in their tails to further mimic a decaying leaf. This is also thought to be a form of sexual dimorphism, as the trait seems more common in the males of the species. In addition, U. phantasticus has an eyelash-like projection above each eye. During daylight hours, these adaptations help the gecko blend into its surroundings. At night it helps the gecko hunt for prey by providing camouflage.

Geckos possess no eyelids, just a transparent covering over their eyes, and so they use their long, mobile tongues to wipe away any dust or debris that gets into the eye.

The gecko occurs in a variety of colors, including hues of purple, orange, tan and yellow, but is often mottled brown, with small black dots on the underside that help to distinguish it from similar species.

Behavior
A nocturnal reptile, with suitably large eyes, the leaf-tailed gecko moves about its rainforest habitat at night feeding on insects. The adhesive scales under their fingers and toes and their strong curved claws enable them to move adeptly through the trees. The leaf-tailed gecko is somewhat of an expert at avoiding predators, not only through their incredible mimicry but through a number of behaviours. They can flatten their body against the substrate to reduce the body's shadow, open their jaws wide to show a frightening, bright red mouth, and voluntarily shed their tail in order to trick a predator.

Like many reptiles, the leaf-tailed gecko is oviparous, or egg-laying. Reproduction starts at the beginning of the rainy season when it lays clutches of two spherical eggs onto the ground under leaf litter or in the dead leaves of plants.

Captivity
Uroplatus phantasticus is common in captivity and often kept in breeding pairs or trios. Males can be housed together as intraspecific aggression tends to be low when captive conditions are sufficient. However, even in good circumstances, there is occasional male-male aggression. Keepers of this species often simply refer to them as Phants.

The gecko eats a variety of appropriately sized insects including crickets and moths. If breeding is successful in captivity, eggs will be laid at intervals of approximately 30 days and take 90 to 120 days to hatch.

There are seven zoos in the United States that have this gecko, two of which breed it, including the San Diego Zoo.

Conservation
Habitat destruction, deforestation, and collection for the pet trade all threaten the existence of this species. Studies suggest that leaf-tailed geckos can only inhabit a very specific environment and are not tolerant of any degradation of their natural habitat. This makes them vulnerable to the impacts of habitat degradation and harvesting, a common problem due to it being popular pets. The World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) lists all of the Uroplatus species on their "Top ten most wanted species list" of animals threatened by illegal wildlife trade, because of it "being captured and sold at alarming rates for the international pet trade". It is a CITES Appendix 2 protected animal.

Protected areas are therefore essential, and at present, the satanic leaf-tailed gecko is known to occur in at least three: Tsaratanana Strict Nature Reserve, Marojejy National Park, and Anjanaharibe Special Reserve. However, illegal harvesting of leaf-tailed geckos is known to occur even within protected areas, and efforts to control this threatening activity are required if this extraordinary and unique reptile is to endure. This gecko is not a prey of birds, as commonly thought.

title: Uroplatus phantasticus


text:
User talk:Fabioj

Hello and welcome to Wikipedia! Hope you like it here, and stick around.

Here are some tips to help you get started:

 * To sign your posts (on talk pages, for example) use the '~' symbol. To insert just your name, type ~~~ (3 tildes), or, to insert your name and timestamp, use ~~~~ (4 tildes).
 * Try the Tutorial, and feel free to experiment in the test area.
 * If you need help, post a question at the Help Desk
 * Eventually, you might want to read the Manual of Style and Policies and Guidelines.
 * Remember Neutral point of view
 * Explore, be bold in editing pages, and, most importantly, have fun!

Good luck!

Moctezuma, Hernan Meet
Interesting picture. Where is it? Somewhere east of Mexico City? –Hajor 12:59, 16 Apr 2005 (UTC) Its a few city blocks from the Zocalo, the city center. -User:fabioj 12:59, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Wow!
Image:May 1 2006 Rally in NYC Union Square.jpg is an amazing shot! Great work, Fabioj. - Ta bu shi da yu 12:51, 5 May 2006 (UTC)

NowCommons: File:DownView CathedralBasilicaSH.jpg
File:DownView CathedralBasilicaSH.jpg is now available on Wikimedia Commons as Commons:File:DownView CathedralBasilicaSH.jpg. This is a repository of free media that can be used on all Wikimedia wikis. The image will be deleted from Wikipedia, but this doesn't mean it can't be used anymore. You can embed an image uploaded to Commons like you would an image uploaded to Wikipedia, in this case:. Note that this is an automated message to inform you about the move. This bot did not copy the image itself. --Erwin85Bot (talk) 17:56, 28 October 2009 (UTC)

title: User talk:Fabioj


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Controversy (0th nomination)

This page seems completely pointless and hopelessly POV. Isn't this something for the wiktionary, at best? --Wclark 22:08, 2004 Jul 20 (UTC)

 * I think there is room possibly for expansion perhaps into a list of controversies; and/or list of controversial issues. I think that would require a lot of work though. Dunc_Harris|☺ 22:22, 20 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * That already exists at List of controversial issues. Should those be merged somehow, or is this page totally superfluous? --Wclark 22:36, 2004 Jul 20 (UTC)

 * Keep. If it's POV that can probably be fixed.  Perhaps because of prolonged exposure to TV-journalese and the like, so many confused people think the word controversial means offensive that it's worth linking some pages to this article to clear up that confusion. Michael Hardy 23:11, 20 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep for Clean Up. It's not the most clear article in the world, but it is encyclopedic. Geogre 00:53, 21 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * As perpetrator here, I hold back from defending the entry. But if its history, structure and techniques can be discussed, if writers like Irenaeus are termed "controversialists," then it's as encyclopedic as rhetoric, ...IMHO. Wetman 17:54, 26 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Strong Delete So make it a redirect to rhetoric. This is no more a subject that the words "This" "is" "no" "and" "more". Also note the time that passed, and the article is still horrible. Samfreed 16:15, 11 February 2007 (UTC)


text:
Geographic profiling

Geographic profiling is a criminal investigative methodology that analyzes the locations of a connected series of crimes to determine the most probable area of offender residence. By incorporating both qualitative and quantitative methods, it assists in understanding spatial behaviour of an offender and focusing the investigation to a smaller area of the community. Typically used in cases of serial murder or rape (but also arson, bombing, robbery, terrorism and other crimes), the technique helps police detectives prioritize information in large-scale major crime investigations that often involve hundreds or thousands of suspects and tips.

In addition to determining the offender's most likely area of residence, an understanding of the spatial pattern of a crime series and the characteristics of the crime sites can tell investigators other useful information, such as whether the crime was opportunistic and the degree of offender familiarity with the crime location. This is based on the connection between an offender's behavior and his or her non-criminal life.

Geographic profiling is growing in popularity and, combined with offender profiling, can be a helpful tool in the investigation of serial crime.

Development
While the use of spatial analysis methods in police investigations goes back many years (e.g. detectives gathered around a large city map with pins stuck in it), the formalized process known today as geographic profiling originated out of research conducted at Simon Fraser University's School of Criminology in British Columbia, Canada, in 1989.

Geographic profiling is based on the assumption that offenders tend to select victims and commit crimes near their homes. The technique has now spread to several US, Canadian, British, and other European law enforcement agencies. Originally designed for violent crime investigations, it is increasingly being used on property crime.

Through numerous research studies, more importance has been placed on the journeys offenders habitually make to determine the spatial range of criminal activity. Because of their familiarity, these areas become a comfort zone within which offenders prefer to commit crimes. Consequently, criminal acts follow a distance-decay function, whereby people are more likely to commit offences near their homes. An exception to this is a buffer zone around offenders' homes, within which they avoid committing crimes in case they are identified by a neighbour.

Central concepts
The theoretical foundation of geographic profiling is in environmental criminology. Key concepts include:
 * Journey-to-crime
 * Supports the notion that crimes are likely to occur closer to an offender’s home and follow a distance-decay function (DDF) with crimes less likely to occur the further away an offender is from their home base. It is concerned with the ‘distance of crime’ and that offenders will in general travel limited distances to commit their crimes.

 * Routine activity theory
 * Originally developed by Cohen and Felson (1979), the primary principle is that the offender and victim must intersect in time and space for a crime to occur. This approach focuses on the concept that crime occurs when an opportunity is taken within both parties’ non-criminal spatial activity. An activity space may consist of the regular areas an offender travels such as work, school, home or recreational areas.

 * Rational choice theory
 * Concepts relating to the explanation of spatial behaviour include the least-effort principle where offenders are more likely to act on the first or opportunity and the idea of a buffer zone. It exhibits a constant tension between the offender’s desire to divert attention from his home base and the desire to travel no further than necessary to commit crimes.

 * Crime pattern theory
 * Developed by Canadian environmental criminologists Paul and Patricia Brantingham, the theory exerts the strongest influence in geographic profiling. It suggests that crime sites and opportunities are not random. There is an emphasis in the interaction between the offender’s mental map of spatial surroundings and the allotment of victims (target backcloth).

Serial crimes are the easiest to develop geographic profiles for, since each crime contains new spatial information and provides additional data including the fact that the crime area tends to enlarge with an increase of comfort and confidence. The initial hunt and criminal acts are likely to occur close to the offender's home or workplace. As the success rate increases, the criminal's growing confidence will lead him/her to seek his prey further from home. Crimes that are suitable for analysis are those that are predatory and involve some spatial decision-making process such as the area for hunting targets, travel routes, mode of transportation and even body dump sites.

Another leading researcher in this area is David Canter whose approach to geographic profiling is based on the circle theory of environmental range. In 1993, Canter and Larkin developed two models of offender behaviour: the marauder and commuter models. The distinction is that marauders operate close to the offender's home while commuters commit crimes far outside the habitual zone. It hopes to differentiate the two types of serial offenders by studying the relationship of the criminal spatial behaviour with the offender's place of residence.

Considerations
In developing a geographic profile, there are important factors to consider: A crime will contain evidence. The evidence found at the location provides information leading to the offender and victim's prior location, clues as to where they may have gone, as well as information depicting what happened. Collecting and comparing clues from numerous crime locations influences the development of the offender's patterns. According to Dr. Kim Rossmo there are four different types of offenders with regard to geographic profiling. Hunter: the hunter singles out a specific victim without leaving his home territory. He will commit crimes where he lives. Poacher: a poacher will travel out of his home territory to do his hunting. Troller: A troller will realize an opportunistic encounter while occupied in other activities and then strike. Trapper: a trapper will draw the victim into him using different seemingly harmless situations. Hunting process can be broken down into two parts. (1) The search for a suitable victim, and (2) the method of attack. “Target or victim backcloth is important for an understanding of the geometric arrangement of crime sites; it is the equivalent of the spatial opportunity structure (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1993b). It is configured by both geographic and temporal distribution of “suitable” (as seen from the offenders perspective) crime targets or victims across the physical landscape. The availability of particular targets may vary significantly according to neighborhood, area, or even city, and is influenced by time, day of week, and season; hence, the term structural backcloth is also used.” Large roads and highways play a huge part in crime strictly because it how both criminals and victims are forced to travel. Crimes will often cluster around freeway exits and entrances. These are two forms of rapid transportation that may also be used by offenders and victims and can be hot spots in certain areas. Offender and victim alike are both restrained by physical boundaries such as rivers, lakes, oceans or highways. Psychological boundaries may also affect movement, for example a black offender may not travel into a white neighborhood for fear or being identified. Certain offenders prefer a certain ethnicity of victim, if so then he may hunt in different neighborhoods affecting spatial crime patterns. Understanding the routine of a victim may provide insight into how the offender searches for his victims.
 * Crime locations
 * Offender type
 * Hunting Methods
 * Target backcloth (the spatial opportunity structure of crime sites)
 * Arterial roads and highways
 * Bus stops and train stations
 * Physical and psychological boundaries
 * Land use
 * Neighbourhood demographics
 * Routine activities of victims
 * Singularities
 * Displacement

Incorporating these factors in a profile can lead to a geographic pattern where it sheds light on an offender's mobility, method of transportation, ability to navigate boundaries and most importantly, the possible residential location. It is important to recognize such spatial intentionality, to determine the offender's comfort zone and their desire to commit crimes in locations where they feel a sense of familiarity. However, the reality may be more complex since an offender may have multiple spatial anchor points, such as home, workplace or the residence of their significant other.

Tools
Geographic profiling is an investigative tool that can be seen as a strategic information management system to assist police with the large volume of information throughout an investigation. It concentrates its focus on the geographic aspects of the crime and was developed in response to the demands of solving serial crimes. In response, Rossmo developed a computerized geographic profiling algorithm called criminal geographic targeting (CGT) which assess the spatial characteristics of crimes. It analyzes the geographic coordinates of the offender's crimes and produces a color map which assigns probabilities to different points for the most likely area of the offender's home base. CGT has been patented and integrated into a specialized crime analysis software product called Rigel. The Rigel product is developed by the software company Environmental Criminology Research Inc. (ECRI), which Rossmo co-founded.

Geographic Profilers often employ tools such as Rigel, CrimeStat or Gemini to perform geographic analysis. System inputs are crime location addresses or coordinates, often entered through a geographic information system (GIS). Output is a jeopardy surface (three-dimensional probability surface) or color geoprofile, which depicts the most likely areas of offender residence or search base. These programs assist crime analysts and investigators to focus their resources more effectively by highlighting the crucial geographic areas.

Geographic Profiling Analysis (GPA) training
Geographic profiling is a sub-type of offender or criminal profiling (the inference of offender characteristics from offence characteristics). It is therefore related to psychological or behavioral profiling. If psychological profiling is the "who," geographic profiling is the "where." All certified geographic profilers are members of the International Criminal Investigative Analysis Fellowship (ICIAF), a professional profiling organization first begun by investigators trained by the FBI in the mid-1980s.

A Geographic Profiling Analysis (GPA) training programme has also been created and is governed by the Committee for GPA Training and Certification (CGPATC). The program has been designed so that geographic profiling analysis remains a recognized law enforcement tool; a meaningful certification for crime analysts and detectives; a standard of quality through adequate qualifications in law enforcements is maintained; and finally to establish an ethical code of conduct.

Limitations
Although geographic profiling is a useful tool for assisting investigations, e.g. in prioritizing suspects, like any other models there are certain limitations:
 * Benefit in the case of a single crime may be limited.
 * It may be most useful against impulsive crimes by impulsive offenders.
 * It may not distinguish between multiple offenders operating in the same area and following similar modi operandi.
 * Although computer systems can be highly sophisticated, they cannot analyze all the information involved in a crime series and they are only as good as the accuracy of their algorithms' underlying assumptions.
 * In crimes against lucrative targets the residential location of the perpetrator may be of small significance compared to the location of the target.

title: Geographic profiling


text:
Movement for Rights and Freedoms

The Movement for Rights and Freedoms (Движение за права и свободи Dvizhenie za prava i svobodi, ДПС, DPS; Hak ve Özgürlükler Hareketi, HÖH ) is a centrist political party in Bulgaria with a support base among ethnic minority communities.

It is a member of the Liberal International and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE). While representing the interests of Muslims, especially Turks and to a lesser extent Pomaks (Muslim Bulgarians), the party also receives the largest share of Romani votes.

History
The party was officially established in 1990, with its founder Ahmed Dogan serving as its leader until 2013. On 19 January 2013, Lyutfi Mestan was elected as the second chairman of the Movement for Rights and Freedoms. Mestan was removed from power by the insistence of Dogan for declaring support for Turkey for shooting down a Russian military jet in 2015. This led Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to blacklist Ahmed Dogan and ban him from entering Turkey. Mestan formed his own party, named Democrats for Responsibility, Solidarity and Tolerance.

Electoral history
Starting in 1990 as the first political party of the Turkish minority participating in the parliamentary elections, in the first elections in 1990 after the end of the communist regime, which the Turks of the country had boycotted, the party won 6.0% of the popular vote and 24 out of 400 seats and became the fourth largest party in the parliament. In the parliamentary elections in 1991 it won 7.6% of the vote and remained with 24 seats in а 240-seater parliament. In the elections in 1994 it won 5.4% of the vote and its seats decreased to 15. In the elections in 1997 it won 7.6% of the vote and 19 out of 240 seats. From 2001 to 2009, the party was part of the government, first in a coalition with the National Movement Simeon II (NDSV) party and then with the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP). The party had ministers in the Sakskoburggotski Government, Stanishev Government and Oresharski Government (2013-2014).

It won in the elections in 2001 7.5% of the vote and 21 out of 240 seats. Subsequently, for the first time the party joined a coalition government, which was led by the winner of the elections (NDSV). Under the control of the party were two out of the 17 Bulgarian ministries – the Ministry of Agriculture and Forests and the Minister without portfolio, the other 15 remained under the control of senior coalition partner NDSV. At the 2005 elections it increased to 12.8% of vote and 34 out of 240 seats and was kept in power as a part of the coalition led by the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) and National Movement Simeon II (NDSV) party. The ministries under the control of the Movement of Rights and Freedoms increased to three out of 18.

At the 2009 elections it increased to 14.0% of vote and 38 out of 240 seats. Following the election, the government was totally occupied by the decisive winner, the Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (GERB) party and the Movement for Rights and Freedoms was еxcluded from the government and remained in opposition after having been part of coalition governments for the two consecutive preceding terms between 2001 and 2009. At the 2009 European Parliament elections the party won 14.1% of the vote and three MEPs out of Bulgaria's total representation of 18. Two of the MEPs are ethnic Turks (Filiz Husmenova and Metin Kazak) and one (Vladko Panayotov) is ethnic Bulgarian.

In the Bulgarian parliamentary election in 2013, the Movement for Rights and Freedoms decreased to 11.3% of the vote; it took 36 seats and remained the third biggest party. The DPS won the elections abroad with 41.3% and the most polling stations and voters in a foreign country were in Turkey.

The DPS won four MEPs in the 2014 European Parliament elections.

Ethnic nature
On 8 October 1991, ninety-three members of Bulgaria's National Assembly — virtually all of them affiliated with the former Communist Party — asked the constitutional court to declare the DPS unconstitutional citing article 11.4 of the constitution which explicitly bans political parties "formed on ethnic, racial, and religious basis". On 21 April 1992, the court rejected the petition and affirmed the constitutionality of the DPS.

Even though the DPS has been legally a part of Bulgarian political life since then, some Bulgarian nationalists, particularly the far-right National Union Attack, continue to assert that it is anti-constitutional because it consists mainly of ethnic Turks. However, the statute of the DPS states that it "is an independent public and political organization, founded with the purpose of contributing to the unity of all Bulgarian citizens".

Additionally, supporters of DPS argue that banning parties on the basis of their ethnic composition constitutes an instance of ethnic discrimination and is in contravention to European law, the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in particular to which Bulgaria is a signatory. Furthermore, despite a similar constitutional ban, religious parties, such as the Bulgarian Christian Coalition have competed for parliamentary elections since 1997, and again in 2005, without any political upheaval.

More recently, Antonina Zheliazkova, head of the Centre for Interethnic Relations in Sofia, praised Ahmed Dogan by stating that "He has been working hard to open up the party to all citizens and has encouraged the DPS's supporters to be free to vote for non-ethnic parties".

Other Turkish political factions
At present there are three other tiny Turkish political factions that oppose the DPS's politics. These groups — which united to form the Balkan Democratic League — are the Movement of the Democratic Wing (DDK), led by Osman Oktay; the Party for Democracy and Justice (PDS), led by Nedim Gencev; and the Union of the Bulgarian Turks (SBT), led by Seyhan Türkkan.

However, these movements, as well as the National Movement for Rights and Freedoms, member of a Social-Democratic coalition ('Rose coalition') failed to secure any elected representative in the parliament. A party founded in 2011 by members who left the party and headed by Korman Ismailov—People's Party Freedom and Dignity, gained 1.5% of the vote in a coalition with National Movement Simeon II (NDSV) and therefore did not cross the 4% threshold to enter the parliament. This party was part of the Reformist Bloc and crossed the threshold and entered the parliament and the government in 2014, but only with one Deputy Minister that was removed. Another political fraction DOST founded by the former leader Mestan, had 17,000 registered members in 2016, which were obtained only for about one year. If so, the members of the Movement of Rights and Freedoms must have dropped in numbers.

Alleged manipulation of votes
The DPS was severely criticized by the Bulgarian ultra-nationalist party Attack as well as mainstream right-wing political parties such as Democrats for a Strong Bulgaria (DSB) and the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) and even by DPS coalition partners of the National Movement Simeon II for allegedly manipulating the vote in the June 2005 elections in some places by bringing Bulgarian citizens of Turkish origin living in Turkey to vote in the elections. However, allegations of ethnic Turks coming to vote in Bulgaria at their permanent address and then returning to Turkey to vote with their passports, could not be "verified or confirmed" by international observers, whose assessment on the election was that it was free and fair.

Opposing privatization on ethnic grounds
In February 2005, the DPS opposed the privatisation of Bulgaria's largest tobacco company, Bulgartabac, which was backed by the government and the European Union, on the grounds that the industry traditionally employs ethnic Turks. The resulting crisis led to the resignation of vice premier Lydia Shouleva.

Delyan Peevski
Delyan Peevski is "a highly controversial figure in Bulgarian politics, business and media." He has served several terms of office in Bulgaria's Parliament as a DPS MP. He was placed under US sanctions for corruption through the Magnitsky Act mechanism in May 2021. He even served as head of the Bulgarian State Agency for National Security for one day, "but after mass protests broke out in the streets was forced to hand in his resignation." Peevski served as MP from the parliamentary group of the DPS in the 41st, 42nd, 43r, 44th, 47th and 48th National Assembly of Bulgaria and is currently serving as MP in the 49th National Assembly, where his legislative efforts are focused mainly on the judicial reform, Bulgaria's support for Ukraine and enforcement of the EU sanctions against Russia. On October 16, 2023, he became co-chairperson of the Parliamentary Group of DPS.

European representation
In the European Parliament, Movement for Rights and Freedoms sits in the Renew Europe group with three MEPs.

In the European Committee of the Regions, Movement for Rights and Freedoms sits in the Renew Europe CoR group with two full and two alternate members for the 2020-2025 mandate. Nedzhmi Ali is member of the Renew Europe CoR Bureau.

title: Movement for Rights and Freedoms


text:
Out (baseball)

In baseball, an out occurs when the umpire rules a batter or baserunner out. When a batter or runner is out, they lose their ability to score a run and must return to the dugout until their next turn at bat. When three outs are recorded in a half-inning, the batting team's turn expires.

To signal an out, an umpire generally makes a fist with one hand, and then flexes that arm either upward, particularly on pop flies, or forward, particularly on routine plays at first base. Home plate umpires often use a "punch-out" motion to signal a called strikeout.

Ways of making outs

 * The most common ways batters or runners are put out are when:
 * The batter strikes out (they make three batting mistakes, known as strikes, without hitting the ball into fair territory);
 * The batter flies out (they hit the ball and it is caught before landing);
 * a baserunner is tagged out (they are touched by the ball, held in an opponent's hand, while not on a base);
 * a baserunner is forced out (an opponent with the ball reaches the base the runner is forced to advance to before the runner does).
 * The batter is out when:
 * Strikeout-related outs:
 * with two strikes, the batter swings at a pitched ball and misses;
 * with two strikes, they do not swing at a pitch that the umpire judges to be in the strike zone (and the catcher catches the ball and does not drop it);
 * with two strikes, the batter foul tips a pitch directly back into the catcher's mitt, and the catcher holds the ball and does not drop it;
 * with two strikes, they bunt a pitch into foul territory;
 * the third strike is pitched and caught in flight;
 * on any third strike, if a baserunner is on first and there are fewer than two outs (even when not caught);
 * Outs related to the batter's box:
 * they are hit by their own fair ball, outside the batter's box, before the ball is played by a fielder;
 * they hit a pitch while one foot is entirely outside the batter's box;
 * they step from one batter's box to the other when the pitcher is ready to pitch;
 * Other ways of being out:
 * they commit interference;
 * they fail to bat in their proper turn and is discovered in an appeal; or
 * they are found to have used an altered bat.
 * Ways that runners can be out:
 * The batter-runner is out when:
 * a preceding runner interferes with a fielder trying to complete a double play on the batter-runner;
 * Tag-related outs:
 * a fielder with a live ball in their possession touches first base or tags the batter-runner before the batter-runner reaches first base (except when the batter is awarded first base, such as on a base on balls)
 * the batter-runner does not return directly to first base after overrunning the bag and they are tagged with the ball by a fielder.
 * Flyout-related outs:
 * a batted ball is caught in flight (fly out);
 * they hit an infield popup while the infield fly rule applies;
 * a fielder intentionally drops a line drive with fewer than two outs in a force situation (man on first, men on first and second, men on first and third, bases loaded) in an attempt to create a double play;
 * Any baserunner, other than the batter-runner, is out when:
 * they are forced out; that is, they fail to reach their force base before a fielder with a live ball touches that base;
 * a fielder catches a batted ball in flight, and subsequently, some fielder with a live ball in possession touches the runner's time of pitch base before the runner returns to it (appeal play);
 * while they are attempting to reach home plate with fewer than two outs, the batter interferes with a fielder and such action hinders a potential tag out near home plate;
 * they are found to have committed a mockery of the game, for example, a stolen base of first from the second; or
 * they are found to be an illegal substitute.
 * Any baserunner, including the batter-runner, is out when:
 * they are tagged out; that is, touched by a fielder's hand holding a live ball while in jeopardy, such as while not touching a base;
 * they stray more than three feet (0.9 meters) from their running baseline in attempting to avoid a tag;
 * they pass a base without touching it and a member of the defensive team properly executes a live ball appeal;
 * they pass a preceding runner who is not out;
 * they commit interference, such as when they contact a fielder playing a batted ball, or when they contact a live batted ball before it passes a fielder other than the pitcher;
 * they are touched by a fair ball in fair territory before the ball has touched or passed an infielder. The ball is dead and no runner may score, nor runners advance, except runners forced to advance. EXCEPTION: If a runner is touching their base when touched by an infield fly, they are not out, although the batter is out;
 * they intentionally abandon their effort to run the bases after touching first base; or
 * they run the bases in reverse order in an attempt to confuse the defence or to make a travesty of the game.

Crediting outs
In baseball statistics, each out must be credited to exactly one defensive player, namely the player who was the direct cause of the out. When referring to outs credited to a defensive player, the term putout is used. Example: a batter hits a fair ball that is fielded by the shortstop. The shortstop then throws the ball to the first baseman. The first baseman then steps on first base before the batter reaches it. For this play, only the first baseman is credited with a putout, while the shortstop is credited with an assist. For a strikeout, the catcher is credited with a putout, because the batter is not out until the pitched ball is caught by the catcher. (If the catcher drops the third strike and has to throw the batter-runner out at the first base, the first baseman receives the putout while the catcher receives an assist.) When an out is recorded without a fielder's direct involvement, such as where a runner is hit by a batted ball, the fielder nearest to the action is usually credited with the putout.

Although pitchers seldom get credited with putouts, they are credited with their role in getting outs through various pitching statistics such as innings pitched (a measure of the number of outs made by the pitcher, used in calculating their ERA) and strikeouts.

Outs that occur in specific situations
Certain terms are sometimes used to better describe the circumstances under which an out occurred.

For strike outs:

 * A strike out looking means that a third strike was called because the ball was in the strike zone
 * A strikeout swinging refers to a swinging third strike.

For force outs and/or tag outs (outs that retire runners):
 * Throw out: refers to when a throw is made to a fielder covering a base, who then uses the ball to put out a runner coming to that base.
 * Ground out: when the batter hits a ground ball that leads to them being thrown out.

For fly outs:
 * Pop out: When the batter hits a pop up (a fly ball that goes high but not far) and it is caught.
 * Line out: A line drive that is caught.
 * Foul out: A foul fly ball that is caught.

title: Out (baseball)


text:
Kerosene (disambiguation)

Kerosene is a type of fuel. It may also refer to:
 * "Kerosene", a song by Bad Religion from their album Recipe for Hate.
 * "Kerosene", a song by Big Black from their album Atomizer.
 * "Kerosene", a song by Crystal Castles, from their album (III).
 * "Kerosene", a song by Biig Piig, from her mixtape Bubblegum.
 * Kerosene (album), the debut album of Miranda Lambert.
 * "Kerosene" (song), the title track to this album

 * Kerosene, a novel written by Chris Wooding

title: Kerosene (disambiguation)