text:
He Shoots, He Scores

He Shoots, He Scores (Lance et compte) is a Canadian téléroman, or television drama series, revolving around a fictional ice hockey team based in Quebec City. The series aired from 1986 to 1989 on the Radio-Canada network, and revival series on TQS in 2001 and on TVA from 2004 to 2015.

The first season was filmed in both French and English, the English version appearing on CBC Television as He Shoots, He Scores. It was the first television series to air simultaneously in English on CBC and in French on Radio-Canada. (An earlier series, La famille Plouffe, had aired on both networks, but not simultaneously; the English version aired approximately a year behind the French series. Each episode of Lance et Compte, however, aired in English as He Shoots, He Scores in the same week.)

The series was scripted by Réjean Tremblay and Louis Caron for the first season, and by Tremblay and Jacques Jacob after that. Following the end of the regular series, a number of television movies continued to air into the 1990s. A new generation of the series started to air in 2001 and a movie was made in 2010.

Synopsis
The series was written by Réjean Tremblay and novelist Louis Caron for the first season (later replaced by Jacques Jacob), and tells the story of the fictional National Hockey League team Le National from Quebec City, and its players. The main protagonist is Pierre Lambert (Carl Marotte), the young, handsome player drafted by Le National from the Trois-Rivières Dragons junior team.

In the first series, Pierre Lambert is selected to play for Le National de Québec, his boyhood team, along with his best friend Denis Mercure (Jean Harvey). During that year, Pierre learns how to control himself at the pro level and how to deal with hockey and his love life.

The second series is focused on the World Cup of Hockey. Pierre Lambert is selected to play for Team Canada but personal issues cause him to play poorly. Pierre has to deal with those issues in time to help Canada win the World Cup. The theme of Soviet hockey players wanting to flee their country and play in North America is also included in the series.

In the third installment of the series, with Le National de Québec dealing with big financial difficulties and with an injury-plagued Pierre Lambert, the future in Quebec is in doubt. Pierre Lambert and his friends will have to start winning and find a way to keep Le National in Quebec.

Cast

 * Carl Marotte : Pierre Lambert
 * Macha Méril : Maroussia Lambert
 * Yvan Ponton : Jacques Mercier
 * Marc Messier : Marc Gagnon
 * Michel Forget : Gilles Guilbeault
 * Sylvie Bourque : Linda Hébert
 * Marina Orsini : Suzie Lambert
 * Jean Harvey : Denis Mercure
 * Marie-Chantal Labelle : Ginette Létourneau
 * Denis Bouchard : Lucien Boivin
 * Jean Deschênes : Paul Couture
 * Thomas Donohue : Phil Aubry
 * Eric Hoziel : Mac Templeton
 * Jean-Sébastien Lord : Hugo Lambert
 * Robert Marien : Robert Martin
 * David Nerman : Steve Bradshaw
 * Lise Thouin : Nicole Gagnon
 * August Schellenberg : Allan Goldman
 * Timothy Webber : Gary Bennett
 * Sophie Renoir : Marie-Lou
 * Daniela Akerblom : Geneviève
 * Todd Field : Anders Johansson

Background
Lance et Compte is a common Quebec French hockey expression, equivalent to the English "He shoots, he scores" (the latter was originally one of the catchphrases of hockey commentator Foster Hewitt). The team Le National is a direct copy of the real-life Nordiques, up to the logo (the Nordiques have the lower case letter "N" as symbol; the National has a capital "N"). The Dragons are themselves a copy of the Trois-Rivières Draveurs from the Quebec Major Junior Hockey League. Copies of real organizations are common in Québécois téléromans. Examples: La Presse newspaper is L'Express in the episode "Scoop" and the Sûreté du Québec police force is the Sûreté nationale in "Jasmine". However in the TV movies that aired immediately following the original series, the real junior team names are used including the Trois-Rivières Draveurs and the Shawinigan Cataractes. The show also became known was known for its occasional somewhat risqué love scenes.

Incarnations
In addition to its English airing in Canada, the show was adapted in France as Cogne et gagne, with France French dubbing. A well known incarnation of Lance et Compte is the series of parody sketches of Rock et Belles Oreilles dubbed Snappe pis Bourdonne.

Several TV movies have been made in the franchise and were shown on TVA from 1991 to 1992.
 * 1) Tous pour un
 * 2) Le Crime de Lulu
 * 3) Le Moment de vérité
 * 4) Le Choix
 * 5) Envers et contre tous
 * 6) Le Retour du chat

A new generation of the original series started to air in 2001 with a new breed of players (and presence of the original characters) and aired on TQS. Since 2004, three more series have been aired on TVA and a fourth is currently under production also to be aired on TVA.

Lance et Compte: La Nouvelle Génération focuses on a new star named Danny Bouchard. Pierre Lambert is now retired and the agent of Bouchard. Le National de Québec have been playing very poorly for years now and if the team continues losing they might yet again be threatened to move out of the city. With the help of the new coaches, Le National have to find a way to win and fast.

La Reconquête focuses on the love life of Danny Bouchard and Marc Gagnon. Bouchard is rapidly turned into a man he is not by his new mistress Valérie Nantel and could result in a dramatic ending. Marc Gagnon also has to find a way to deal with his emotions as he still has feelings for his ex, Suzie Lambert.

In Lance et Compte: La Revanche, Pierre Lambert's son, Guy, is called up by Le National de Québec in the middle of the season. In his first game, he injures and kills a player from the Montreal Canadiens with a body check into the boards. The series primarily focuses on his trial and his love life but also on the revenge of Annie Girard, Danny Bouchard's widow, towards his mistress Valerie Nantel. The theme of steroids in sports has also been included in this installment.

Le Grand Duel, the show's seventh season aired on TVA in Fall 2009, it focuses on the rivalry between Montreal and Quebec City it also includes Suzie Lambert's battle with breast cancer. The theme of child sexual abuse in minor hockey is also included in the series.

A movie called Lance et Compe: Le Film ("Lance et Compte: The Movie") hit the theaters on November 26, 2010. It focused on the crash of the team bus between Roberval and Quebec City. At least half the team and coaches died from the crash.

The 8th season titled Lance et Compte: La Déchirure is a direct follow up to the movie.

The 9th and final season titled Lance et Compte: La Finale, starring Jason Roy Léveillée and Sarah Dagenais-Hakim as part of a new generation, was broadcast in 2015.

title: He Shoots, He Scores


license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Category:1190s


text:
Kushibiki, Yamagata

Kushibiki (櫛引町) was a town located in Higashitagawa District, Yamagata Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 8,213 and a density of 102.43 persons per km2. The total area was 80.18 km2.

On October 1, 2005, Kushibiki, along with the towns of Fujishima and Haguro, the village of Asahi (all from Higashitagawa District), and the town of Atsumi (from Nishitagawa District), was merged into the expanded city of Tsuruoka, and no longer exists as an independent municipality.

title: Kushibiki, Yamagata


text: Category:12th century

title: Category:12th century


text:
Mikawa, Yamagata

Mikawa (三川町) is a town located in Yamagata Prefecture, Japan. , the town had an estimated population of 7,282 in 2478 households, and a population density of 220 persons per km². The total area of the town is 33.22 km². Mikawa is the seat of the Yamagata Prefectural Government's |"general branch office" responsible for the unofficial "Shōnai Region", corresponding to northwestern Yamagata. It is also the seat of the central government's MLIT transportation branch office that licenses the Shōnai vehicle registration plate for the same region.

Geography
Mikawa is located in the coastal plains of northeast Yamagata Prefecture, sandwiched between much larger Tsuruoka and Sakata. There are no mountains the entire town is located in the Shōnai Plain. Mount Chōkai to the north and Mount Gassan relocated to the east-southeast. The main urban center is concentrated near Yamagata Prefectural Route 333 (formerly Japan National Route 7), which runs along the Akagawa River. The border with the former Fujishima Town was set along the Fujishima River at the eastern end of the town, and the boundaries with Sakata City and Tsuruoka City in the west are along the flow of the Oyama River.

Neighboring municipalities
Yamagata Prefecture
 * Tsuruoka
 * Sakata
 * Shōnai

Climate
Mikawa has a Humid continental climate (Köppen climate classification Cfa) with large seasonal temperature differences, with warm to hot (and often humid) summers and cold (sometimes severely cold) winters. Precipitation is significant throughout the year, but is heaviest from August to October. The average annual temperature in Mikawa is 12.5 C. The average annual rainfall is 1810.7 mm with July as the wettest month. The temperatures are highest on average in August, at around 24.9 C, and lowest in January and February, at around 1.8 C.

Demographics
Per Japanese census data, the population of Mikawa has declined gradually over the past 70 years.

History
The area of present-day Mikawa was part of ancient Dewa Province. After the start of the Meiji period, the area became part of Higashitagawa District, Yamagata Prefecture. The villages of Yokoyama and Oshikiri and the village of Togō Village in Nishitagawa District were established with the creation of the modern municipalities system on April 1, 1889. The three villages merged to form the village of Mikawa on January 1, 1955. Mikawa was elevated to town status on June 1, 1968.

Government
Mikawa has a mayor-council form of government with a directly elected mayor and a unicameral city council of ten members. Mikawa, collectively with the town of Shōnai, contributes one member to the Yamagata Prefectural Assembly. In terms of national politics, the town is part of the Yamagata 3rd district of the lower house of the Diet of Japan.

Economy
The economy of Mikawa is based on agriculture.

Education
Mikawa has three public elementary schools and one public middle school operated by the town government. The town does not have a high school.

Railway
Mikawa does not have any passenger railway service. The nearest stations are Tsuruoka Station, Fujishima Station, and Nishibukuro Station on the JR East Uetsu Main Line.

Twin towns — Sister cities

 * 🇯🇵 - Aga, Niigata, Japan
 * 🇺🇸 - McMinnville, Tennessee, USA

Noted people from Mikawa

 * Hikaru Okuizumi – author
 * Kōsō Abe – Imperial Japanese Navy admiral

title: Mikawa, Yamagata


title: Category:1690s


text:
Higashitagawa District, Yamagata

Higashitagawa District (東田川郡) is a rural district located in Yamagata Prefecture, Japan. As of October 2013, the district has an estimated population of 29,957 and an area of 282.47 km2. Much of the city of Tsuruoka and a portion of the city of Sakata was formerly part of Higashitagawa District.

Towns and villages

 * Mikawa
 * Shōnai

History
Tagawa County was an ancient place name in part of Dewa Province. It was divided into Higashitagawa District and Nishitagawa District after the Meiji restoration. Under the Tokugawa shogunate, much of the area of both districts were ruled as part of Tsuruoka Domain. The area became part of Yamagata Prefecture in 1876. At that time, Higashitagawa District consisted of 259 villages.

With the establishment of the municipality system on April 1, 1889, the district was consolidated into 26 villages. On February 1, 1955, the villages of Izumi, Hirose and Toge merged to form the town of Haguro.
 * On May 5, 1918, Amarume was raised to town status
 * On May 19, 1922, Fujishima was raised to town status
 * On April 1, 1937, Karikawa was raised to town status
 * On October 1, 1954, Karikawa merged with the neighboring villages of Kiyokawa and Tachiyazawa to become the town of Tachikawa
 * On December 1, 1966, Kushibiki was raised to town status
 * On June 1, 1968, Mikawa was raised to town status
 * On July 1, 2005 the towns of Amarume and Tachikawa merged to form the new town of Shōnai.
 * On October 1, 2005 the city of Tsuruoka, the towns of Fujishima, Haguro and Kushibiki and the village of Asahi, and the town of Atsumi from Nishitagawa District merged into Tsuruoka.

title: Higashitagawa District, Yamagata


title: Category:1470s


text:
Atsumi, Yamagata

Atsumi (温海町) was a town located in Nishitagawa District, Yamagata Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 9,921 and a density of 38.84 persons per km2. The total area was 255.40 km2.

On 1 October 2005, Atsumi, along with the towns of Fujishima, Haguro and Kushibiki, and the village of Asahi (all from Higashitagawa District), was merged into the expanded city of Tsuruoka, and no longer exists as an independent municipality.

title: Atsumi, Yamagata


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Lameframe

Non-notable web comics site. SWAdair | Talk 00:21, 8 Aug 2004 (UTC) Note that User:81.156.219.238 removed all votes from this page, blanked at least one Wikipedian's user pages, and blanked/left a nasty message on a talk page. Geogre 15:07, 8 Aug 2004 (UTC) Sie actually blanked this page several times, and removed the tag from the page itself. —Kate | Talk 19:41, 2004 Aug 8 (UTC)

 * Delete. Non-notable--46 hits. Note: I just reverted the article contributor's blanking of this VfD page. Niteowlneils 00:38, 8 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * I'm getting exactly one google hit. Delete as non-notable.  --Ardonik 05:55, 2004 Aug 8 (UTC)
 * Delete. Vanity. --Slowking Man 01:51, Aug 8, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete: And now 2004 is all of 8 months old.  He created his site (on geocities) in 2004, but now it's a .com, and it's supposed to be notable enough for a general knowledge encyclopedia?  Um, no.  Again, I know that 8 months on the web equals 160 years of human life, but this doesn't make the cut.  Delete for Wikipedia not being a link farm or web guide. Geogre 03:15, 8 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete for reasons above. --Ianb 14:41, 8 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * keep. Surely there are more creative solutions to difficult articles than just deleting them. Edit, rewrite, redirect, or revise instead. Arevich 18:59, 9 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Comment: So, Arevich, have YOU begun rewriting this article? Have you found a way in which it's notable?  Have you found a way in which it's not a web guide?  Have you found substantial information so that this can grow beyond a stub?  It's very well for you to serially scold people for deleting things that violate the criteria for deletion, but it's even better if you start showing us that you believe it by fixing these things.  Have you also missed the fact that this author has vandalized VfD and user pages?  I review every article on its last day on VfD, and I'll change my vote, if I see that you have lit a candle instead of cursing the darkness. Geogre 02:52, 10 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. -- Infrogmation 20:18, 9 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. To the anon: personal attacks, page blankings, and deletion of VFD headers is merely going to cause people to dislike you, so please let due process run its course. Thank you. -- Grunt (talk) 22:59, 2004 Aug 11 (UTC)


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Nishitagawa District, Yamagata

Nishitagawa (西田川郡) was a district located in Yamagata, Japan.

As of 2003, the district had an estimated population of 9,921 and a density of 38.84 persons per km2. The total area is 255.40 km2.

The district dissolved when Atsumi become part of the new city of Tsuruoka on October 1, 2005.

Towns and villages

 * Atsumi

title: Nishitagawa District, Yamagata


text:
Yuza

Yuza (遊佐町) is a town located in Yamagata Prefecture, Japan. , the town had an estimated population of 12,719 in 4926 households, and a population density of 61 persons per km². The total area of the town is 208.38 km².

Geography
Yuza is located in the extreme northwest of Yamagata Prefecture, bordering on Akita Prefecture to the north and the Sea of Japan on the west. It is situated at the northern end of the Shōnai Plain, with the Gekkō River running across the town. Mount Chōkai, which has the second highest elevation in the Tohoku region, is on the northern border. Sandy beaches stretch along the coastline in the southern part of the town, whereas the northern coastline is more rugged due to reefs formed by lava flows from Mt. Chōkai. Part of the town is within the borders of the Chōkai Quasi-National Park.

Neighboring municipalities
Yamagata Prefecture Akita Prefecture
 * Sakata
 * Yurihonjō
 * Nikaho

Climate
Nakayama has a Humid continental climate (Köppen climate classification Cfa) with large seasonal temperature differences, with warm to hot (and often humid) summers and cold (sometimes severely cold) winters. Precipitation is significant throughout the year, but is heaviest from August to October. The average annual temperature in Nakayama is 11.9 °C. The average annual rainfall is 1906 mm with September as the wettest month. The temperatures are highest on average in August, at around 25.1 °C, and lowest in January, at around 0.3 °C.

Demographics
Per Japanese census data, the population of Yuza peaked around the year 1950 and has been declining steadily since. It is now less than it was a century ago.

History
The area of present-day Yuza was part of ancient Dewa Province. The area has been inhabited since prehistoric times, and the Koyamazaki Site containing the traces of a Jomon period settlement dating to more than 7500 years ago is a National Historic Site. During the late Heian period, the area was the location of Yuza-sō, a shōen landed estate, and during the Nanboku-chō period, Yuza clan were vassals of the Hatakeyama clan and served as shugodai in a number of provinces. In the Edo Period, the area became part of the domains of the Sakai clan of Shōnai Domain. After the start of the Meiji period, the area became part of Akumi District, Yamagata Prefecture. The village of Yuza was established on April 1, 1889 with the creation of the modern municipalities system. It was elevated to town status on April 1, 1941. On August 1, 1954, it absorbed the neighboring villages of Inagawa, Nishi-Yuza, Warabioka, Fukura, and Takase. In 2003, it joined discussions with regards to a possible merger with the neighboring city of Sakata; however, the merger discussions were closed on October 6, 2004 with Yuza electing to remain independent.

Economy
The economy of Yuza is based on agriculture and commercial fishing.

Education
Yuza has one public elementary school, one public middle school operated by the town government and one public high school operated by the Yamagata Prefectural Board of Education. The prefecture also operates one special education school for the handicapped.

Railway
East Japan Railway Company - Uetsu Main Line
 * Yuza - Fukura - Mega

Highway

 * – Yuza Interchange

Local attractions

 * Jūroku Rakan Iwa
 * Koyamazaki Site, National Historic Site
 * Chokaizan Omoimi Jinja

Twin towns — Sister cities

 * 🇭🇺 Szolnok, Hungary

title: Yuza


text:
Yawata, Yamagata

Yawata (八幡町) was a town located in Akumi District, Yamagata Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 7,114 and a density of 34.74 persons per km2. The total area was 204.76 km2.

On November 1, 2005, Yawata, along with the towns of Hirata and Matsuyama (all from Akumi District), was merged into the expanded city of Sakata.

title: Yawata, Yamagata


text:
Matsuyama, Yamagata

Matsuyama (松山町) was a town located in Akumi District, Yamagata Prefecture in Japan.

In 2003, the town had an estimated population of 5,426 and a population density of 126.42 /km². The total area was 42.92 km2.

On November 1, 2005, Matsuyama, along with the towns of Hirata and Yawata (all from Akumi District), was merged into the expanded city of Sakata.

title: Matsuyama, Yamagata


text:
Hirata, Yamagata

Hirata (平田町) was a town located in Akumi District, Yamagata Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 7,065 and a population density of 39.42 persons per km2. The total area was 179.22 km2.

On November 1, 2005, Hirata, along with the towns of Matsuyama and Yawata (all from Akumi District), was merged into the expanded city of Sakata.

title: Hirata, Yamagata


text:
Akumi District, Yamagata

Akumi District (飽海郡) is a rural district located in Yamagata Prefecture, Japan.

In August 2013, the district had an estimated population of 14,695 and an area of 208.41 km2. All of the city of Sakata north of the Mogami River was formerly part of the Akumi District.

Towns and villages

 * Yuza

History
Akumi County was formerly part of Dewa Province, and was mentioned in the Engishiki records of the early Heian period. The area came to be known as Yuza District from the Sengoku period through the Edo period. Under the Tokugawa shogunate, much of the area was ruled as part of Tsuruoka Domain or its subsidiary domain, Matsumine Domain. Following the Meiji restoration it came under the new province of Uzen Province, which became part of Yamagata Prefecture in 1876. At that time, the area consisted of two towns and 154 villages. The area became and was organized as Akumi District in 1878.

With the establishment of the municipality system on April 1, 1889, two towns (Sakata and Matsumine) and 27 villages were established. akata was raised to city status on April 1, 1933, and Yura was raised to town status on April 1, 1941. The town of Yawata was created on December 1, 1954, and Hirata was elevated to town status on August 1, 1964. On November 1, 2005, as part of the Heisei period Municipal mergers and dissolutions in Japan, the city of Sakata and the towns of Hirata, Matsuyama and Yawata merged to form the new city of Sakata.

title: Akumi District, Yamagata


text:
Bitterroot Salish

The Bitterroot Salish (or Flathead, Salish, Séliš) are a Salish-speaking group of Native Americans, and one of three tribes of the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes of the Flathead Nation in Montana. The Flathead Reservation is home to the Kootenai and Pend d'Oreilles tribes also. Bitterroot Salish or Flathead originally lived in an area west of Billings, Montana extending to the continental divide in the west and south of Great Falls, Montana extending to the Montana–Wyoming border. From there they later moved west into the Bitterroot Valley. By request, a Catholic mission was built here in 1841. In 1891 they were forcibly moved to the Flathead Reservation.

Alternative names
The Bitterroot Salish are known by various names including Salish, Selish, and Flathead. The name "Flathead" was a term used to identify any Native tribes who had practiced head flattening. The Salish, however, deny that their ancestors engaged in this practice. Instead, they believe that this name caught on because of the sign language which was used to identify their people: Pressing both sides of the head with your hands which meant "we the people".

Language
The people are an Interior Salish-speaking group of Native Americans. Their language is also called Salish, and is the namesake of the entire Salishan languages group. The Spokane language (npoqínišcn) spoken by the Spokane people, the Kalispel language (qlispé) spoken by the Pend d'Oreilles tribe and the Bitterroot Salish (séliš) languages are all dialects of the same language. According to Salish history, the Salish speaking people originally lived as one large nation thousands of years ago. Tribal elders say that the tribes started to break into smaller groups as the population became too big to sustain its needs in just one central location. Centuries afterward, the Salish languages had branched into different dialects from various regions the tribes dispersed to. These regions stretched from Montana all the way to the Pacific Coast. Centuries following the dispersion, the separated groups of Salishan peoples became increasingly distinct which resulted in variations on the language. The Salish language had developed into sub-families with unique languages as well as their own unique dialects. The eastern sub-family is known as Interior Salish. The three dialects within Interior Salish are Flathead (Séliš), Kalispell (Qlispé) and Spokane.

Origins
The tribes' oral history tells of having been placed in their Indigenous homelands, which is now present-day Montana, from when Coyote killed the nałisqelixw, which literally translates into people-eaters.

"Our story begins when the Creator put the animal people on this earth. He sent Coyote ahead as this world was full of evils and not yet fit for mankind. Coyote came with his brother Fox, to this big island, as the elders call this land, to free it of these evils. They were responsible for creating many geographical formations and providing good and special skills and knowledge for man to use. Coyote, however, left many faults such as greed, jealousy, hunger, envy, and many other imperfections that we know of today"

Within many of the Coyote stories, there are vivid descriptions relating to the history of the geological events that had occurred near the last ice age. Stories that include "the extension of glaciers down what is now Flathead Lake, the flooding of western Montana beneath a great lake, the final retreat of the bitter cold weather as the ice age came to an end, the disappearance of large animals like giant beaver and their replacement by the present-day smaller versions of those creatures". Archaeologists have been able to document a continuous occupancy within some sites as far back as 12,600 years ago during the final retreat of the glaciers. Some stories suggest that occupancy can go far back as 40,000 years when the ice age had already begun.

Bitterroot Valley
The Bitterroot Salish began to occupy the Bitterroot Valley in the 1700s when pressure from westward-moving Plains tribes pushed them off the plains. About the same time, smallpox swept through the tribe, causing a population decline. The people adapted, practicing a seasonal round and traveling across the continental divide once or twice each year to hunt buffalo. They sought alliances with tribes to the west in order to strengthen their defense against Plains tribes like the Blackfeet.

St. Mary's Mission
Sometime before Lewis and Clark reached the Bitterroot in 1805, Xalíqs (Shining Shirt), a Salish prophet, foretold that fair-skinned men dressed in black robes would arrive in the valley to teach the people new morals and a new way to pray. These men, who wore crosses and did not take wives, would bring peace, but their coming would be the beginning of the end of all native people. By the 1830s, Jesuit-educated Iroquois trappers had settled in the Bitterroot and told the Salish about the "powerful medicine" of Catholicism. Remembering Xalíqs's prophecy, the Salish sent delegations in 1831, 1835, 1837, and 1839 to St. Louis asking for Black Robes to come to the valley. The 1839 delegation convinced Father Pierre-Jean DeSmet, S.J., to visit Salish territory.

In the summer of 1840, 1,600 Salish and Pend d'Oreilles met DeSmet at Pierre's Hole. About 350 chose to be baptized, including several leaders: Tjolzhitsay (Big Face), Walking Bear, and Victor ( Xweɫxƛ̣ ̓cín or Many Horses). DeSmet traveled back east to get funding for a mission, returning to the Bitterroot in September 1841 with five more Jesuit priests. They established St. Mary's Mission. Many Salish people chose to adopt elements of Catholicism that were complementary to their own beliefs, including ideas of "generosity, community, obedience, and respect for family." The Salish also found power in Catholic "chant, prayer, and devotional hymns; a sacred calendar associated with sacred colors; the veneration of sacramental objects and sacred sites; water used for purification"; and other practices. The Salish did not embrace all Catholic teachings, however. They rejected the doctrines of hell and sin. And, when the priests sought to teach them agriculture, most chose to continue their seasonal round. The Jesuits tried to stamp out Salish traditions that contradicted Catholic teachings; they gathered the medicine men and insisted they throw away their sacred bundles into a hole near the church. Much of the generational knowledge of the medicine men was lost due to Jesuit interference.

Hellgate Treaty
In 1855, Isaac Stevens, the Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Washington Territory, invited Victor (Xweɫxƛ̣ ̓cín), head chief of the Bitterroot Salish; Tmɫxƛ̣ ̓cín (No Horses or Alexander), head chief of the Pend d'Oreilles; and Michelle, head chief of the Kootenais to a council in present-day Missoula, Montana. The tribal leaders were told that Stevens wanted to talk about a peace treaty; however, the chiefs and headmen were surprised and angered to discover Stevens's primary purpose was to discuss cession of Indian lands. Similar to other negotiations with Plateau tribes, Stevens's goal was to concentrate numerous tribes within a single reservation, thereby making way for white settlement on as much land as possible. Stevens attempted to convince the chiefs to sign the Hellgate treaty, relinquishing their territories in exchange for $120,000. The treaty provided for the Flathead Indian Reservation in the lower Flathead River Valley, where the tribes would be moved.

When Xweɫxƛ̣ ̓cín (Victor) refused to relinquish the Bitterroot Valley, Stevens inserted Article 11 into the agreement. This article designated approximately 1.7 million acres in the Bitterroot as a provisional reservation. According to the terms, the valley would be surveyed, after which the president would determine whether the Bitterroot reservation or the Flathead reservation would be "better adapted to the wants of the Flathead tribe." In the meantime, the U.S. government was to keep white settlers out of the Bitterroot Valley. Father Adrian Hoecken, S.J., who observed the council proceedings, wrote, "What a ridiculous tragi-comedy the whole council proved. It would take too long to write it all down—ah well! Not a tenth of it was actually understood by either party, for Ben Kyser [the translator] speaks Flathead very badly and is no better at translating into English."

The question of a Bitterroot reservation was left in limbo when Congress failed to ratify the treaty until 1859. In the meantime, Stevens ordered only a cursory survey of the valley, instructing R. H. Lansdale to ride around the two proposed reservations. Stevens instructed Lansdale, "weight must be given to the fact that a large number of Indians prefer the Flathead River reservation." After riding around the valleys, Lansdale obediently reported, "the northern district is preferable." Distracted by the Civil War, the U.S. government delayed to settle the Bitterroot question. In the meantime, it failed to uphold its promise to keep settlers out of the valley.

Garfield Treaty
After the death of Victor (Xweɫxƛ̣ ̓cín) in 1870, his son Charlo (Sɫm̓xẹ Q̓woxq̣eys, Claw of the Small Grizzly Bear) was chosen as the next chief. White settlers and Montana's territorial delegate saw this transition of leadership as an opportunity to force the Salish onto the Flathead reservation. In 1871, President Ulysses S. Grant issued an executive order to remove the Salish from the Bitterroot. In 1872, Congressman James A. Garfield arrived to negotiate the removal. When Charlo refused to leave the valley, Garfield assumed the Salish would change their mind and proceeded "with the work in the same manner as though Charlo [Xweɫxƛ̣ ̓cín], first chief, had signed the contract." Although the original field copy of the agreement, which remains in the National Archives, has no "x" besides Charlo's name, the official copies that Congress had voted on had an "x" by his name. This only enraged the tribe and strengthened their resolve to not leave the Bitterroot Valley, despite declining conditions. In order to secure a signature on the agreement, government officials recognized Arlee as chief. Arlee led a small group of Salish to the Flathead in 1873. Most of the people stayed in the Bitterroot with Charlo, and some received "permanently inalienable" patents to farms in the valley. The government viewed them as U.S. citizens who had severed tribal relations, but the people still saw themselves as an independent tribal community.

Removal
The Bitterroot Salish continued to practice their seasonal round in the Bitterroot Valley as long as possible. The devastation of the buffalo herds in the 1870s and 1880s forced them to turn to farming and ranching. They had some success with agriculture until an unprecedented drought in 1889. With food scarce, the people suffered and finally began to consider the U.S. government's offer of land on the Flathead Reservation.

In October 1889, retired general Henry B. Carrington arrived in the Bitterroot to negotiate with the Salish and convince them to move to the Flathead once and for all. Carrington tried to gain Charlo's trust, first with gifts, then by bringing out the original 1872 Garfield agreement to address Charlo's claim that he never signed it. He also made many promises to the people: they would get to pick out good farms on the Flathead reservation, they would receive assistance with plowing and fencing their new farms, every family with children would get a cow, and they would receive rations until the move or until they received money from the sale of their Bitterroot lands. At first, the Salish rejected Carrington's offers and refused to sign the agreement. They asked for the "literal execution" of the Hellgate treaty, but Carrington did not acknowledge their request.

Finally, Charlot signed Carrington's agreement on November 3, 1889. The Salish were forced to accept removal to the Flathead, making the painful decision to give up their homeland in order to preserve their people and culture. They left the valley on October 15, 1891. Charlot organized the march himself and insisted that it take place without a white military escort. However, Salish oral histories and newspaper accounts indicate that troops were present during the removal. Elders later remembered the three-day, sixty-mile journey as a funeral march. Some historians have nicknamed this event Montana's Trail of Tears or the Salish Trail of Tears.

Flathead Indian Reservation
During and after the removal to the Flathead, the Salish had to contend with broken government promises. They received insufficient rations. They never received the promised assistance with plowing and fencing or the promised cows. In 1910, the Flathead reservation was opened to white homesteaders through the efforts of Congressman Joseph M. Dixon. The Bitterroot Salish weathered all of these attacks and created a community on the reservation.

In the 1920s, the tribes on the Flathead reservation forced the U.S. government to recognize their ownership interest in the Kerr Dam, or Seli’š Ksanka Qlispe’ Dam. The Salish joined the other tribes on the reservation to create the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes (CSKT). In 1953, when the U.S. government targeted the tribes for termination, the CSKT cultivated support from Montana politicians and successfully defended against the attack. In the later half of the twentieth century, Salish people completed academic degrees and expanded their political influence. At the same time in the 80s, Agnes Vanderburg established an annual camp to teach traditional skills to the next generation. Tribal management of the bison at the National Bison Range was restored through legislative approval in 2020 and executive approval from Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland under the Biden administration in 2021. Today, the Salish continue their efforts to preserve the tribe and to protect their interests.

title: Bitterroot Salish


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/The Brownie Project

Not notable. 2 relevent hits for "Brownie Project" cookie. Not too surprising for a one-day old SourceForge project that can't be found searching sourceforge for brownie--I had to use google cache to find the link above. Niteowlneils 00:34, 8 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Not notable.  SWAdair | Talk  04:06, 8 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Advertisements for pet projects are not welcomed here.  --Ardonik 05:53, 2004 Aug 8 (UTC)
 * keep. Surely there are more creative solutions to difficult articles than just deleting them. Edit, rewrite, redirect, or revise instead. Arevich 19:00, 9 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Sounds very ad-like, project does not appear notable.  Perhaps it will be eventually.  Isomorphic 03:57, 10 Aug 2004 (UTC)


text:
Kutenai

The Kutenai, also known as the Ktunaxa , Ksanka , Kootenay (in Canada) and Kootenai (in the United States), are an indigenous people of Canada and the United States. Kutenai bands live in southeastern British Columbia, northern Idaho, and western Montana. The Kutenai language is a language isolate, thus unrelated to the languages of neighboring peoples or any other known language.

Four bands form Ktunaxa Nation in British Columbia. The Ktunaxa Nation was historically closely associated with the Shuswap Indian Band through tribal association and intermarriage. Two federally recognized tribes represent Kutenai people in the U.S.: the Kootenai Tribe of Idaho and the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes (CSKT) in Montana, a confederation also including Bitterroot Salish and Pend d'Oreilles bands.

Kootenay
Around 40 variants of the name Kutenai have been attested since 1820; two others are also in current use. Kootenay is the common spelling in British Columbia, including in the name of the Lower Kootenay First Nation. Kootenai is used in Montana and Idaho, including in the Kootenai Tribe of Idaho and the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes. These two spellings have been used for various placenames on their respective sides of the Canadian-U.S. border, notably the Kootenay River, called the Kootenai River in the United States. Kutenai is the common form in the literature about the people, and has been adopted by Kutenai in both countries as an international spelling when discussing the people as a whole. The name evidently derives from the Blackfoot word for the people, Kotonáwa, which itself may derive from the Kutenai term Ktunaxa. This is supported by an interview with Vernon Finley, previous tribal chairman of the CSKT. He supposes the term to be "given... by some other tribe" and that it was likely "a mispronunciation of whatever that word is," since 'Kootenai' holds no meaning in any neighboring language.

In the Kutenai language, Ktunaxa is considered the most correct general term for the culture and peoples. Differing etymologies have been suggested, tying the name to the verb for "eating food plain, [meaning] without seasoning," or alternately to the verb for "licking up blood." In the same interview referenced above, Finley attests the latter meaning to the image of a Ktunaxa warrior shooting an enemy, drawing out the arrow, and licking the blood from the arrowhead. He also says that, historically, people identified themselves primarily with the name of their band and less so with the broad term Ktunaxa.

It has been attested that some Columbian Plateau groups may have called themselves "Upnuckanick." Ksanka, meaning "people of the standing arrow" is the name of the southeastern-most of the seven bands, who are today primarily associated with what is now northwestern Montana, and are politically organized within the CSKT.

Communities
Four Kutenai bands live in southeastern British Columbia, one lives in northern Idaho, and one lives in northwestern Montana:
 * Canada - British Columbia:
 * The Ktunaxa Nation Council (KNC) (until 2005 the Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Tribal Council) includes the four Canadian bands:
 * Akisqnuk First Nation ("place of two lakes"; also known as the Columbia Lake Indian Band). An Upper Kutenai group, they are headquartered in Akisqnuk, south of Windermere. Reserves include: Columbia Lake #3, St. Mary's #1A, ca. 33 km2, population: 264)
 * Lower Kootenay Band, (Yaqan Nukiy or Lower Kootenay First Nation). A Lower Kutenai group, they are headquartered in Creston, on the most populous reserve Creston #1 along the Kootenay River, ca. 6 km north of the US-Canada border. Reserves include: Creston #1, Lower Kootenay #1A, #1B, #1C, #2, #3, #5, #4, St. Mary's #1A, ca. 26 km2, population: 214)
 * St. Mary's First Nation (ʔaq̓am or ʔaq̓amniʔk, "deep dense woods"). An Upper Kutenai group, they live along the St. Mary's River near Cranbrook. Tribal headquarters are located on the most populous reserve, Kootenay #1; reserves include: Bummers Flat #6, Cassimayooks (Mayook) #5, Isidore's Ranch #4, Kootenay #1, St. Mary's #1A, ca. 79 km2, population: 357)
 * Tobacco Plains Indian Band (Tobacco Plains First Nation, ʔa·kanuxunik, Akan'kunik, or ʔakink̓umⱡasnuqⱡiʔit - 'People of the place of the flying head'. An Upper Kutenai band, they live near Grasmere on the east shore of the Lake Koocanusa below the mouth of Elk River, ca. 15 km north of the British Columbia-Montana border. Reserves include: St. Mary's #1A, Tobacco Plains #2, ca. 44 km2, population: 165)

Additionally, the Shuswap Indian Band were formerly part of the Ktunaxa Nation. They are a Secwepemc (Shuswap) band who settled in Kutenai territory in the mid-19th century. They were eventually incorporated into the group and intermarried with them, and spoke the Kutenai language. They departed the Ktunaxa nation in 2004 and are now part of the Shuswap Nation Tribal Council. They are located near Invermere, just northeast of Windermere Lake; their reserves include: St. Mary's #1A, Shuswap IR, ca. 12 km2, population: 244).

 * United States - Idaho:
 * Kootenai Tribe of Idaho (ʔaq̓anqmi or ʔa·kaq̓ⱡahaⱡxu, also called Idaho Ksanka). A Lower Kutenai group, they govern the Kootenai Indian Reservation in Boundary County. Their population is 75.

 * United States - Montana:
 * Kootenai (K̓upawiȼq̓nuk or Ksanka) are members of the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes, along with Bitterroot Salish and Pend d'Oreilles bands. An Upper Kutenai group, they live mostly on the Flathead Reservation in western Montana. A total population of about 6,800 live on the reservation, while 3,700 live outside the reservation nearby.

History
The Kutenai today live in southeastern British Columbia, Idaho, and Montana. They are loosely divided into two groups: the Upper Kutenai and the Lower Kutenai, referring to the different sections of the Kootenay River (spelled "Kootenai" in the U.S.) where the bands live. The Upper Kutenai are the Akisqnuk First Nation (Columbia Lake Band), the St. Mary's Band, and the Tobacco Plains Indian Band in British Columbia, as well as the Montana Kootenai. The Lower Kutenai are the Lower Kootenay First Nation of British Columbia and the Kootenai Tribe of Idaho.

Origins
Scholars have numerous ideas about the origins of the Ktunaxa. One theory is that they originally lived on the prairies, and were driven across the Rockies by the competing Blackfoot people or by famine and disease. Some Upper Kootenay participated in a Plains Native lifestyle for part of the year, crossing the Rockies to the east for the bison hunt. They were relatively well known to the Blackfoot, and sometimes their relations with them were in the form of violent confrontation over food competition.

Some Ktunaxa remained on or returned to the prairies year-round; they had a settlement near Fort Macleod, Alberta. This group of Ktunaxa suffered high mortality rates, partly because of the depredations of the Blackfoot, and partly because of smallpox epidemics. With numbers sharply reduced, these Plains Ktunaxa returned to the Kootenay region of British Columbia.

Some of the Ktunaxa say that their ancestors came originally from the Great Lakes region of Michigan. To date, scholars have not found either archeological or historic evidence to support this account.

The Ktunaxa territory in British Columbia has archeological sites with some of the oldest human-made artifacts in Canada, dated to 11,500 before the present (BP). It has not been proven whether these artifacts were left by ancestors of the Ktunaxa or by another, possibly Salishan, group. Human occupation of the Kootenay Rockies has been demonstrated by dated sites with evidence of quarrying and flint-knapping, especially of quartzite and tourmaline. This oldest assemblage of artifacts is known as the Goatfell Complex, named after the Goatfell region about 40 km east of Creston, British Columbia on Highway 3. These artifacts have been found at quarries in Goatfell, Harvey Mountain, Idaho, Negro Lake and Kiakho Lake (both near Lumberton and Cranbrook), North Star Mountain just west of Creston on Highway 3, and at Blue Ridge. All these sites are within 50 km of Creston, with the exception of Blue Ridge, which is near the village of Kaslo, quite a distance north on the west side of Kootenay Lake.

Archaeologist Dr. Wayne Choquette believes that the artifacts represented in the Goatfell Complex, dated from 11,500 BP up to the early historical period, show that there has been no break in the archaeological record. In addition, he says that it appears that the technology was local. No evidence supports the conjecture that the region's first inhabitants emigrated from this area, nor that they were replaced or succeeded by a different people. Choquette concludes that the Ktunaxa today are the descendants of those first people to inhabit the land.

Other scholars, such as Reg Ashwell, suggest that the Ktunaxa moved to the British Columbia region in the early half of the 18th century, having been harassed and pushed there from East of the Rockies by the Blackfoot. He notes that their language is isolated from that of Salish tribes common to the Pacific Coast. In addition, their traditional dress, many of their customs (such as their use of teepee-style portable dwellings), and their traditional religion have more in common with Plains peoples than with the Coastal Salish.

The Goatfell assemblage of artifacts suggests that prior to 11,500 BP, the people who came to inhabit the Kootenay mountains may have lived in what is now the southwestern United States, during a period when British Columbia was beneath the Cordilleran ice sheet of the last ice age. The Goatfell Complex, and specifically the techniques of manufacture of the tools and points, are part of a tradition of knapping that existed in the North American Great Basin and the intermontane west of the continent in the late Pleistocene. The prevailing theory is that as the glaciers retreated, people moved northward, following the revival of the flora and fauna to the north.

From the time of the first Ktunaxa settlement in the Kootenays, until the historical period beginning in the late 18th century, there is little known of the people's social, political, and intellectual development. Stone tool technologies changed and became more complex and differentiated. They were probably big game hunters in their earliest prehistoric phase. The Ktunaxa were first noted in the historical record when mentioned on Alexander Mackenzie's map, circa 1793.

As temperatures continued to warm, the glacial lakes drained and fish found habitat in the warmer waters. The Lower Kootenay across the Pacific Northwest made fishing a fundamental part of their diet and culture, while maintaining the old traditions of game hunting.

Early history

Anthropological and ethnographic interest in the Ktunaxa were recorded from the mid-19th century. What these European and North American scholars recorded has to be viewed with a critical eye, since they did not have the theoretical sophistication expected of anthropologists today. They imputed much of their own cultural values into what they were able to observe among the Ktunaxa. But their accounts are the most detailed descriptions of Ktunaxa lifestyles at a time when Aboriginal lifeways all over the world were dramatically changing in the face of settlement by Europeans and European Americans.

The earliest ethnographies detail Ktunaxa culture around the turn of the 20th century. Europeans observed the Ktunaxa enjoying a stable economic life and rich social life, based on a detailed ritual calendar. Their economic life focused on fishing, using fish traps and hooks, and travelling on the waterways in the sturgeon-nosed canoe. They had seasonal and sometimes ritual hunts for bear, deer, caribou, gophers, geese, and the many other fowl in Lower Kootenay country. As mentioned above, the Upper Kootenay often crossed the Rockies to participate in the bison hunt. The Lower Kootenay, however, did not participate in communal bison hunts; these were not important to their economy or culture.

The Ktunaxa conducted vision quests, particularly by a young man in a passage to adulthood. They used tobacco ritually. They practiced a Sun Dance and Grizzly Bear Dance, a midwinter festival, a Blue Jay Dance, and other social and ceremonial activities. The men belonged to different societies or lodges, such as the Crazy Dog Society, the Crazy Owl Society, and the Shamans' Society. These groups took on certain responsibilities, and membership in a lodge came with obligations in battle, hunting, and community service.

The Ktunaxa and their neighbors the Sinixt both used the sturgeon-nosed canoe. This water craft was first described in 1899 as having some similarity to canoes used in the Amur region of Asia. At the time, some scholars believed in a theory of dispersal, concluding that similarities of artifacts or symbols among cultures represented that a superior culture had transmitted its elements to another culture. Since then, however, most scholars have concluded that many such innovations arose independently among different cultures.

Harry Holbert Turney-High, the first to write an extensive ethnography of the Ktunaxa (focusing on bands in the United States), records a detailed description of the harvesting of bark to make this canoe (67):

"A tree ... growing rather high in the mountains is sought. Finding one of the desired size and quality, a man climbed it to the proper height and cut a ring around the bark with his elk-horn chisel or flint knife. In the meantime a helper cut out another ring at the base of the tree. This done, an incision was made down the length of the trunk connecting the two rings. This cut had to be as straight and accurate as possible. A stick of about two inches in diameter was used carefully to pry the bark from the tree. The bark was wrapped up so that it would not dry out on the way to camp. The inside, or tree-side of the bark sheet, became the outside of the canoe, while the outside surface became the inside of the boat. The bark was considered ready for immediate use. There was no scraping or seasoning, nor was it decorated in any way."

Christian missionaries traveled to the Ktunaxa territories and worked to convert the peoples, keeping extensive written records of the process and of their observations of the culture. As a result of their accounts, there is more information about the missionary process than about other aspects of Ktunaxa history at the turn of the 20th century.

The Ktunaxa had been exposed to Christianity as early as the 18th century, when a Lower Kootenay prophet from Flathead Lake in Montana by the name of Shining Shirt spread news of the coming of the 'Blackrobes' (French Jesuit missionaries) (Cocolla 20). Ktunaxa people also encountered Christian Iroquois sent west by the Hudson's Bay Company. By the 1830s the Ktunaxa had begun to adopt certain Christian elements in a syncretic blend of ceremonies. They were influenced less by European missionaries than through their contact with Christian Natives from other parts of Canada and the United States.

Father Pierre-Jean de Smet in 1845-6 was the first missionary to tour the region. He intended to establish missions to minister to Native peoples, and assessing the success and needs of those already established. The Catholic Jesuits had made it a priority to minister to these newly discovered peoples in the New World. While there was missionary activity in Eastern North America for 200 years, the Ktunaxa were not the objects of the church's attentions until the mid-late 19th century. Following De Smet, a Jesuit named Philippo Canestrelli lived among the Ksanka people of Montana in the 1880s and 90s. He wrote a much celebrated grammar of their language, published in 1896. The first missionary to take up a permanent post in the Yaqan Nu'kiy territory, i.e. the Creston Band of Lower Kootenay, was Father Nicolas Coccola, who arrived in the Creston area in 1880. His memoirs, corroborated by newspaper reports and Ktunaxa oral histories, are the basis for the early 20th-century history of the Ktunaxa.

In the first stages of Ktunaxa-European contact, mainly the result of a gold rush that began in earnest in 1863 with the discovery of gold in Wild Horse Creek, the Ktunaxa were little interested in European-driven economic activities. Traders worked to recruit them to trap in support of the fur trade, but few Lower Kootenay found this worthwhile. The Lower Kootenay region is, as mentioned above, remarkably rich in fish, birds, and large game. As the economic life of the Yaqan Nu'kiy was notably secure, they resisted new and unfamiliar economic activities.

Slowly though, the Yaqan Nu'kiy began participating in European-driven industries. They served as hunters and guides for the miners at the Bluebell silver-lead mine at Riondel. The richest gold mine ever discovered in the Kootenays was discovered by a Ktunaxa man named Pierre, and staked by him and Father Coccola in 1893.

20th century
While there was sometimes conflict between the Yaqan Nu'kiy and the local settler community at Creston, their relations were more characterized by peaceful coexistence. Their conflicts tended to be over land use. In contrast, relations between the Lower Kootenay and the surrounding European society in Bonners Ferry, Idaho, deteriorated.

By the turn of the 20th century, some Yaqan Nu'kiy were engaged in agricultural activities introduced by European settlers, but their approach to the land was different. An example of the type of conflict that repeatedly arose between European settlers and Native farmers is shown by a newspaper article in the Creston Review dated Friday, 9 August 1912:

"A dispute over the rights to cut hay on the flat lands, between the Indians and the white men, which might have resulted in bloodshed, was settled Wednesday by W.F. Teetzel, government agent, of Nelson, who told both Indians and whites that if violence is done, no one would be allowed to cut hay on government land. ... The principal trouble this year occurred when some Indians threatened Frank Lewis and drove him from the hay he had already cut. The Indians claim they have cut land at this particular place for years while the old-time ranchers say that hay has never before been cut there.  Mr. Lewis complained to Policeman Gunn who, as the definite boundry [sic] of the Indian reservation is not known was at a loss what to do because no violence was committed whereby he could act.  ... Mr. Teetzel arrived from Nelson Wednesday and in conference with Chief Alexander, got him to promise to see that Mr. Lewis got his hay, and warned him to keep the Indians from violence under penalty of losing the right of cutting hay on the flats. This warning he also gave to the white men. This is not the only one of the cases occurring this year. One farmer whose place is located near the reservation has been continually bothered by the Indians cutting his fences and turning their cattle in to graze on his property."

The Creston Review, also reported on 21 June 1912: "[Indian Agent Galbraith] says everything is in good condition and the majority of the Indians are at work picking berries for the ranchers who find their help useful and profitable."

These examples illustrate the dynamic of relations between two peoples: the Ktunaxa whose lands have been vastly reduced by the introduction of a reserve system, and the European settlers who are constantly looking to expand their access to the land (and later industries).

During the 20th century the Yaqan Nu'kiy gradually became involved in all the industries of the Creston valley: agriculture, forestry, mining, and later health care, education, and tourism. This process of integration separated the Yaqan Nu'kiy from their traditional lifeways, yet they have remained a very successful and self-confident community. They gradually gained more control and self-government, with less involvement from the Department of Indian or Aboriginal Affairs. Like most tribes in British Columbia, the Yaqan Nu'kiy did not have a treaty defining their rights regarding their territory. They have been working for decades on a careful and more or less cooperative treaty negotiation process with the government of Canada. The Creston Band of the Ktunaxa today has 113 individuals living on the reserve, and many others living off-reserve and working in various industries in Canada and the United States.

Feeling that they have lost some traditions that are very important to them, the Ktunaxa are working to revive their culture, and particularly to encourage language study. A total of 10 fluent speakers of Ktunaxa live in both the U.S. and Canada. The Yaqan Nu'kiy have developed a language curriculum for grades 4–6, and have been teaching it for four years, to develop a new generation of native speakers. They are involved in designing curriculum for grades 7–12, which requires meeting B.C. curriculum guidelines. Concurrent with this, they are recording oral stories and myths, as well as to videotaping the practice of their traditional crafts and technologies, with spoken directions.

"Kootenai Nation War"
On 20 September 1974, the Kootenai Tribe headed by Chairwoman Amy Trice declared war on the United States government. Their first act was to post tribal members on each end of U.S. Highway 95 that runs through the town of Bonners Ferry. They asked motorists to pay a toll to drive through the land that had been the tribe's aboriginal land. (About 200 Idaho State Police were on hand to keep the peace and there were no incidents of violence.) They intended to use the toll money to house and care for elderly tribal members. Most tribes in the United States are forbidden to declare war on the U.S. government because of treaties, but the Kootenai Tribe never signed a treaty.

The United States government ultimately made a land grant of 12.5 acre, the basis of what is now the Kootenai Reservation. In 1976 the tribe issued "Kootenai Nation War Bonds" that sold at $1.00 each. The bonds were dated 20 September 1974 and contained a brief declaration of war on the United States. These bonds were signed by Amelia Custack Trice, Tribal Chairwoman, and Douglas James Wheaton Sr., Tribal Representative. They were printed on heavy paper stock and were designed and signed by the western artist Emilie Touraine.

Literature

 * Boas, Franz, and Alexander Francis Chamberlain. Kutenai Tales. Washington: Govt. Print. Off, 1918.
 * Chamberlain, A. F., "Report of the Kootenay Indians of South Eastern British Columbia," in Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, (London, 1892)
 * Finley, Debbie Joseph, and Howard Kallowat. Owl's Eyes & Seeking a Spirit: Kootenai Indian Stories. Pablo, Mont: Salish Kootenai College Press, 1999. ISBN 0-917298-66-7
 * Linderman, Frank Bird, and Celeste River. Kootenai Why Stories. Lincoln, Neb: University of Nebraska Press, 1997. ISBN 0-585-31584-1
 * Maclean, John, Canadian Savage Folk, (Toronto, 1896)
 * Tanaka, Beatrice, and Michel Gay. The Chase: A Kutenai Indian Tale. New York: Crown, 1991. ISBN 0-517-58623-1
 * Turney-High, Harry Holbert. Ethnography of the Kutenai. Menasha, Wis: American Anthropological Association, 1941.
 * Turney-High, Harry Holbert. Ethnography of the Kutenai. Menasha, Wis: American Anthropological Association, 1941.
 * Turney-High, Harry Holbert. Ethnography of the Kutenai. Menasha, Wis: American Anthropological Association, 1941.

title: Kutenai


text: Category:Deaths by year

title: Category:Deaths by year


text:
Pend d'Oreilles

The Pend d'Oreille or Pend d'Oreilles, also known as the Kalispel , are Indigenous peoples of the Northwest Plateau. Today many of them live in Montana and eastern Washington of the United States. The Kalispel peoples referred to their primary tribal range as Kaniksu.

Their traditional territory comprised the drainage systems of the Flathead River, Clark Fork, and Pend Oreille rivers. It extended from roughly present-day Plains, Montana, westward along the Clark Fork River, to Lake Pend Oreille and Priest Lake in Idaho, and the Pend Oreille River (Ntxwe, meaning "river") in eastern Washington and into British Columbia (Canada).

They lived in many bands — originally, probably eleven — in their historic lands. They are generally divided geographically and culturally in two groupings:

 * the "upstream people" or Upper Kalispel (or "Upper Pend d’Oreille") are commonly referred to as the Pend d'Oreille. They were also known as Kullyspelm or Ql̓ispé ("Camas People"). They are now enrolled in the federally recognized Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes of the Flathead Nation in Montana.

and

 * the "downstream people" or Lower Kalispel (or "Lower Pend d’Oreille") are commonly referred to as the Kalispel. They were also known as Silkatkmlschi or Sɫq̓etkʷmsčin̓t ("People Living along the Shore of the Broad Water"), because they lived by Flathead Lake (Čɫq̓étkʷ - "Broad Water"). Today many are enrolled in the Kalispel Tribe of Indians in Washington. Some families are members of the Coeur d’Alene Tribe in Idaho.

In addition, some Kalispel are enrolled in the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation in eastern Washington.

Prior to colonization by European-Americans, Chewelah was home to a band of the Lower Kalispel people. The band was known as the Slet̓éw̓si, meaning "valley people". The Chewelah Band of Indians is currently part of the Spokane Tribe of Indians of Washington.

Name
The name Pend d’Oreille, which means "hangs from ear", was attributed to them by French-speaking colonists and traders in reference to the large shell earrings worn by these people. The name Kalispel is an anglicization of their name in their own language Ql̓ispé, which means "Camas people". Camas is a flower bulb that was a staple of their diet.

Language
Their language, Kalispel-Pend d’Oreille, is a Southern Interior Salish language. It is also known as Flathead-Kalispel.

Reservations
The Pend d'Oreille people have two reservations: the Flathead Indian Reservation in western Montana and the Kalispel Indian Reservation in Washington. Also, a small number of Kalispel people live on the Colville Indian Reservation in Washington.

The main part of the Kalispel Reservation is northwest of Newport, Washington, in central Pend Oreille County. The main reservation is an 18.638 km2 strip of land along the Pend Oreille River, west of the Washington–Idaho border. There is also a small parcel of land in the western part of the Spokane metropolitan area in the city of Airway Heights, with a land area of 0.202 km2. This is the site of Northern Quest Casino, which is operated by the tribe. The total land area of the Kalispel Indian Reservation, located at 48.35444°N, -117.27361°W in Pend Oreille County, is 18.840 km2. The nearest outside community is Cusick, near the south end of the reservation.

History
The Pend d'Oreille people are believed to have migrated south from British Columbia. In 1809, the North West Company established a trading post in their territory, calling it Kullyspell House. Jesuits established a Roman Catholic mission there in 1846. In 1855, the tribe split into the upper and lower divisions, with the upper moving to the Flathead Reservation in Montana. One of the two lower bands joined them in 1887.

These people made their weapons and tools from flint, and many other things were shaped with rocks. For housing, the Pend d’Oreille lived in tipis in the summer, as well as lodges in the winter time. These houses were all built out of large cattails, which were in abundance where the people lived. These cattails were woven into mats called “tule mats”, which were attached to a tree branch frame to form a hut. Today a large community building on the Kalispel reservation bears the name “Tule Hut” in reference to this traditional housing.

The tribe traded bison hides for horses and other useful goods. They traditionally made clothing from rabbit pelts and deer hides. They embellished hides with dyes, paints, beads, and porcupine quills.

The Upper Pend d’Oreille of the Flathead Reservation became engaged in a dispute over off-reservation hunting between the tribes and the state of Montana, resulting in the Swan Valley Massacre of 1908.

Long after they were dispossessed of their hereditary lands around Lake Pend Oreille, the Pend d'Oreille band of Kalispel continued to gather for an annual pow wow on its traditional grounds just east of what is now Sandpoint City Beach. The three-day event included ceremonies, dancing and traditional stick games. The pow wows in Sandpoint were discontinued in the early 1950s.

Since 1975, the Kalispel Tribe has held an annual pow wow at its Usk, Washington, reservation in July or August. The events are open to the public and include a dance contest, traditional foods, stick games and others.

title: Pend d'Oreilles


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Windsor, Canada

Windsor, Canada may refer to:
 * Grand Falls-Windsor, Newfoundland and Labrador
 * Windsor, Nova Scotia
 * Windsor, Ontario
 * Windsor, Quebec

title: Windsor, Canada


title: Category:1999


text:
User talk:Jamshid H

Hi. Welcome to Wikipedia. I would appreciate if you don't remove information from the pages. The paragraph you removed from the Persian language article was important in fighting the pan-Turkist propaganda you may hate. They have a theory, fine. Let's mention their full theory and then explain why it is wrong. Read WP:NPOV for more details. If you don't like a paragraph, reword it, move it to another section, or discuss it on the talk page. Never remove it. roozbeh 00:40, Aug 8, 2004 (UTC)

title: User talk:Jamshid H


title: Category:1997


title: Category:1996


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Club Kids

The Club Kids were a group of young New York City dance club personalities. The group was notable for its members' flamboyant behavior and outrageous costumes.

Background
In 1988 writer Michael Musto wrote about the Club Kids' "cult of crazy fashion and petulance": "They ... are terminally superficial, have dubious aesthetic values, and are master manipulators, exploiters, and, thank God, partiers." The group was popularized by Michael Alig, James St. James, Julie Jewels, Astro Erle, Michael Tronn, DJ Keoki, and Ernie Glam in the late 1980s, and, throughout the 1990s, grew to include Amanda Lepore, Waltpaper (Walt Cassidy), Christopher Comp, It Twins, Jennytalia (Jenny Dembrow), Desi Monster (Desi Santiago), Keda, Kabuki Starshine, and Richie Rich.

The group was recognized as an artistic and fashion-conscious youth culture. Several Club Kids have made long-lasting contributions to mainstream art and fashion. According to former Club Kid Waltpaper, "The nightclub for me was like a laboratory, a place where you were encouraged and rewarded for experimentation." However, Alig was plagued by heavy drug use. He began adding drug dealers to the Club Kids roster and Peter Gatien's payroll, and increasing numbers of Club Kids became addicted to drugs.

The movement began to decline when Rudy Giuliani took office as mayor of New York in 1994, targeting the city's nightlife industry with his Quality of Life campaign. It eventually collapsed after Alig was arrested for the killing and dismemberment of his roommate and fellow club kid Andre "Angel" Melendez, and Peter Gatien was charged with tax evasion and deported to Canada.

Members
The group, which Alig estimates included up to "750 in the early '90s at different levels", consisted of Michael Alig; Julie Jewels and Michael Tronn (among others), who helped organize the early Outlaw Parties; and Alig's mentor/friend/rival James St. James (born James Clark). Others were the following:

 * Astro Earl (also styled "Astro Erle")
 * Susanne Bartsch
 * Christina Superstar
 * Christopher Comp
 * Screamin Rachael Cain
 * Clara the Carefree Chicken, the mascot of Alig's weekly Disco 2000 parties
 * Dan Dan the Naked Man
 * David Alphabet
 * Desi Monster (Desi Santiago)
 * Lisa E (Lisa Edelstein)
 * Ernie Glam (Ernie Garcia)
 * Ernie the Pee Drinker
 * Patricia Field
 * George the Pee Drinker
 * Girlina (Lina Bradford, also known as DJ Lina)
 * Gitsie (or Gitsey, Cynthia Haataja)
 * Goldy Loxxx
 * Brooke Humphries
 * Ida Slapter
 * Jenny Talia (also styled "JennyTalia" or "Genetalia", née Jenny Dembrow)
 * Julie Jewels
 * Julius Teaser
 * Junkie Jonathan (also known as "Jonathan Junkie" )
 * Kabuki
 * Kenny Kenny, the group's door person
 * Keoki (also known as "Superstar DJ Keoki", born Keoni Franconi )
 * Lady Bunny (born Jon Ingle)
 * Lahoma van Zant (Jon Witherspoon)
 * Lina Beltre, actress, dancer, poet & producer
 * Sophia Lamar
 * Larry Tee
 * Amanda Lepore
 * Karliin Mann
 * Mavis
 * Apollo Braun
 * Andre "Angel" Melendez
 * Richie Rich
 * Robert "Freeze" Riggs
 * RuPaul
 * Sacred Boy
 * Thairin Smothers
 * The It Twins (Robert and Tim)
 * Michael Tronn
 * Michael T
 * Tobell von Cartier
 * Waltpaper (Walt Cassidy)
 * Zaldy

Prominent chroniclers of the club kids culture

 * Waltpaper, club kid and author of New York: Club Kids by Waltpaper
 * Michael Musto, Village Voice columnist and partygoer alongside the Club Kids
 * James St. James, author of Disco Bloodbath: A Fabulous but True Tale of Murder in Clubland, a 1999 memoir of James' life as a Manhattan club kid, as well as Michael Alig's murder of Andre "Angel" Melendez. The memoir was retitled Party Monster after the 2003 movie that starred Macaulay Culkin, Seth Green, Chloë Sevigny, and Marilyn Manson.
 * Nelson Sullivan, videographer and host of cultural gatherings and events
 * Ernie Glam, Michael Alig, creators and hosts of the YouTube Channel show "Peeew!" which featured interviews of Club Kids and the history of the Club Kids.

History
Alig moved to New York City from his hometown—South Bend, Indiana—in 1984 and began hosting small events. In 1987, he supplanted Andy Warhol as a leading New York partier; in an article in Interview, Alig said: "We were all going to become Warhol Superstars and move into The Factory. The funny thing was that everybody had the same idea: not to dress up but to make fun of people who dressed up. We changed our names like they did, and we dressed up in outrageously crazy outfits in order to be a satire of them—only we ended up becoming what we were satirizing."

The Club Kids' aesthetic emphasized outrageousness, "fabulousness", and sex. Gender was expression was fluid, and everything was DIY. In Musto's words: "It was a statement of individuality and sexuality which ran the gamut, and it was a form of tapping into an inner fabulousness within themselves and bringing it out."

As the group's influence grew, they spread from the back rooms of lesser-known clubs to venues such as Area, Rudolf Piper's Danceteria, and the Palladium. From there, Alig and his gang went on to run Peter Gatien's club network, including Club USA, Palladium, Tunnel, and The Limelight. To draw crowds into these venues, Alig and the Club Kids began holding guerilla-style "outlaw parties", where, fully costumed and ready to party, they would hijack locations like Burger King, Dunkin' Donuts, McDonald's, ATM vestibules, the old High Line tracks before their conversion to a park, and the New York City Subway blasting music from a boombox and dancing until the police cleared them out. Alig even "threw a party in a cardboard shantytown rented from its homeless inhabitants", whom he paid with cash and crack cocaine.

He ensured that such events always happened in the vicinity of an actual club to which the group could decamp. At the height of their cultural popularity, the Club Kids toured the United States (throwing parties, "certifying" those clubs for inclusion in the Club Kids network, and recruiting new members ), and appeared on several talk shows, including Geraldo, The Joan Rivers Show, and the Phil Donahue Show.

As the 1990s began, the front line of the Club Kids became occupied by a younger group of dynamic personalities that were discovered and mentored by Alig, such as Waltpaper, Jennytalia (Jenny Dembrow), Desi Monster (Desi Santiago), Astro Erle, Christopher Comp, Pebbles, Keda, Kabuki Starshine, Sacred Boy, Sushi, Lil Keni, DJ Whillyem, Aphrodita, Lila Wolfe and Richie Rich. Many of these primary Club Kids lived together communally in large triplex apartments, and at the Chelsea Hotel and Hotel 17.

Prominent music personalities, such as Björk, then singer of the band Sugarcubes, were seen hanging with the Club Kids. With techno and the incoming rave scene, fashion began to soften into an ambiguous gender-fluid style, which melded references to the Club Kids with skate, indie, hip-hop, and grunge. Brands began casting street models and club personalities in shows, campaigns and music videos. Actress Chloë Sevigny emerged from the group at this time, and frequently modeled with Waltpaper, Jennytalia, DJ Whillyem, and Karliin Mann for brands like JYSP Johnson, Calvin Klein, and Jean-Paul Gaultier and in various editorials that showcased Rave vs. Club Kid style for magazines, including Paper, Max, Project X, Interview, Details and High Times.

The movement's decline was marked by an event on Sunday, March 17, 1996, when Alig and his roommate Robert "Freeze" Riggs killed former Limelight employee and reputed drug dealer Andre "Angel" Melendez. After nine months, Alig and Riggs were arrested. The group dissipated in the mid-1990s after Mayor Rudy Giuliani's "Quality of Life" crackdown on Manhattan's nightclubs.

Many of the members of the Club Kids distanced themselves from Alig as details of the murder were released and branded by the press and through documentaries such as Party Monster. Waltpaper stated in Interview: "I would say a lot of the community felt our experience of the time was hijacked by that Party Monster narrative...That's not the New York I knew. That narrative doesn't include the creativity, vibrancy, and cultural impact that I experienced." For his 2019 book, New York: Club Kids, Cassidy weaves an optimistic narrative where a bunch of misfits made a wonderland by being themselves.

Books

 * The events of Michael Alig's years as a club promoter up to his arrest are covered in James St. James's memoir Disco Bloodbath: A Fabulous but True Tale of Murder in Clubland (1999), re-released with the title Party Monster after the release of the eponymous 2003 film.
 * A visual diary of New York City in the 1990s, New York: Club Kids by Waltpaper (published by Damiani, 2019) is a visual document of the nightlife and street culture.

Films

 * The documentary film Party Monster: The Shockumentary (1998) and the feature film Party Monster (2003) – both directed by former Club Kids Fenton Bailey and Randy Barbat, and focused on the murder of Melendez by Alig and Riggs – are based on St. James' memoir.
 * A prison interview with Alig is featured in the documentary Limelight (2011), directed by Billy Corben and produced by Peter Gatien's daughter Jen Gatien.
 * The documentary film Glory Daze: The Life and Times of Michael Alig (2015) reviews the creation, rise, and dispersion of the Club Kids phenomenon and the life of Michael Alig, including his return to New York City after serving a 17-year prison sentence for murdering Andre "Angel" Melendez.

Music
Ernie Glam and Jason Jay wrote "Party Clothes". It was released on the one year anniversary of Michael Alig's death. Later Ernie Glam and Jason Jay wrote "Fashion " and released it on May 21, 2022.

Greg Tanoose wrote and produced the song "What's In" with Michael Alig and DJ Keoki. It has Michael Alig on vocals.
 * Angel Melendez's friend Screamin Rachael wrote the song "Give Me My Freedom/Murder in Clubland" after Alig and Gitsie took a road trip to visit her in Denver, arriving five weeks after Melendez's "disappearance". The lyrics to a backwards loop in the song include lines "Michael, where's Angel?" and "Did someone just cry wolf, or is he dead?"

Television
Melendez's murder case was featured on the TV series:
 * American Justice: "Dancing, Drugs, and Murder" (2000) on A&E
 * Deadly Devotion: "Becoming Angel" (July 16, 2013) on Investigation Discovery
 * Notorious
 * RuPaul's Drag Race: season nine, episode nine, titled "Your Pilot's on Fire", had a club kid theme on the runway.
 * Saturday Night Live character Stefon (Bill Hader) is a parody of a stereotypical club kid; he and co-creator John Mulaney took inspiration from Party Monster in creating him.

Theatre

 * Clubland: The Monster Pop Party (2013), a musical adaptation of St. James' book Party Monster and its 2003 eponymous film adaptation, debuted April 11, 2013 at the American Repertory Theater's Club Oberon, with book, music, and lyrics by Andrew Barret Cox

title: Club Kids


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title: Category:1993


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User:SWAdair/Sandbox

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title: User:SWAdair/Sandbox


title: Category:1992