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Josiah Begole

Josiah Williams Begole (January 20, 1815 – June 5, 1896) was an American politician serving as a U.S. Representative from 1873 to 1875 and the 19th governor of Michigan from 1883 to 1885.

Early life in New York
Begole was born in Groveland, New York. His ancestors were French Huguenots who emigrated to the United States in the last quarter of the 18th century to escape religious persecution and settled in Hagerstown, Maryland. Josiah's father, William (1788–1862) was born there and moved to Livingston County, New York in 1802. William served in the War of 1812 and married the daughter of an American Revolutionary War veteran. Three of Williams sons, including Josiah, the eldest, eventually moved to Genesee County, Michigan. He attended the public schools in Mount Morris and Temple Hill Academy in Geneseo, New York.

Life and politics in Michigan
Begole moved to Flint, Michigan in August 1836 and taught school in 1837 and 1838. In the spring of 1839, he married Harriet A. Miles. He engaged in agricultural pursuits from 1839 to 1856 and was school inspector, justice of the peace and township treasurer. Being an anti-slavery man, he became a member of the Republican party at its organization. He was county treasurer 1856–1864. He was briefly engaged in the lumber business in 1863. His eldest son was killed during the American Civil War near Atlanta, Georgia in 1864, and was the greatest sorrow of his life.

He was a member of the Michigan Senate in 1870 and 1871, and a member of the Flint City Council for three years. During that time, he served on the Committees of Finance and Railroads, and was Chairman of the Committee on the Institute for the Deaf and Dumb and Blind. He was a delegate to the Republican National Convention at Philadelphia in 1872 to re-nominate U.S. President Ulysses S. Grant and to nominate Henry Wilson as the new Vice President.

Congress
Begole was elected as a Republican from Michigan's 6th congressional district to the United States House of Representatives for the 43rd Congress, serving from March 4, 1873, to March 3, 1875. During that time, he was a member of the Committee on Agricultural and Public Expenditures. He was an unsuccessful candidate for re-election in 1874 and resumed the lumber business, Begole Fox & Co. He later engaged in the manufacture of wagons founding Flint Wagon Works and also engaged in banking.

Governor
In 1882, Begole was gubernatorial candidate of the Greenback and Democratic parties, defeating the Republican incumbent David Jerome by over 7,000 votes. He served one term from 1883 to 1885. As a former Republican who ousted a Republican incumbent, Begole faced many obstacles with a Republican-dominated legislature. As a result, the establishment of the state bureau of labor statistics was one of the few acts that was approved. He ran for re-election in 1884, but was defeated by Republican Russell Alger, after which he resumed his former business activities.

He was an early activist for women's suffrage, and in 1884 Begole became vice president of the first statewide suffrage organization, the Michigan Equal Suffrage Association.

Retirement and death
Begole died at the age of eighty-one in Flint and is interred in Glenwood Cemetery there.

title: Josiah Begole


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Buenaventura Báez

Ramón Buenaventura Báez Méndez (July 14, 1812 – March 14, 1884), was a Dominican conservative politician and military figure. He was president of the Dominican Republic for five nonconsecutive terms. His rule was characterized by corruption and governing for the benefit of his personal fortune.

Born in the community of Rincón, today Cabral, into a wealthy family, at a very early age he was sent to France to be educated. Precisely because of his education, much higher than average, Buenaventura Báez was able to carve out a leadership from a young age that allowed him to be appointed as a deputy in the Haitian Congress, a position he held in 1843, when the movement called La Reforma took place. . From this representation he began his work aimed at obtaining a protectorate from some foreign power, whether it was France, the United States, or any other.

Having achieved independence from Haiti in 1844, he was president of the brand new Dominican Republic on five occasions, a position in which he had some achievements, such as the founding of the first secondary school in the country, Colegio San Buenaventura; But, in general terms, Buenaventura Báez ruled dictatorially, murdering or allowing his followers to do so, and alternating his first three terms with those of Pedro Santana. In 1861 he opposed annexation to Spain because the person promoting it was his political enemy, Pedro Santana; However, after a few months, Buenaventura Báez managed and obtained the rank of marshal of the Spanish army, with the intention of achieving the governorship of the overseas province that the country had become, which he did not achieve. Shortly after, with the Dominican Restoration War, the Dominican Republic regained its independence.

In 1871, during his Six Years' government, the country was not annexed to the United States due to the opposition of Gregorio Luperón, who fought it on all fronts, supported by José María Cabral, and because the U.S. Congress rejected the offer. despite the fact that Báez had had the measure approved in a plebiscite. He died in Hormigueros, Puerto Rico, in 1884. His remains were repatriated in 1914, under the government of his son Ramón Báez.

Early years and family
Báez was born in Rincón (now Cabral) in the Captaincy General of Santo Domingo, he was raised in his father's hometown of Azua. Báez was the son of Pablo Altagracia Báez and Teresa de Jesús Méndez.

His father Pablo, a wealthy merchant from Azua, was left in an orphanage when he was born, as he was the result of an extramarital affair between Josefa Morales de Firpo (a married Spanish woman) and priest and author, Father Antonio Sánchez-Valverde. Pablo was raised by a French silversmith (a factor that generated a deep francophilia in both Pablo and Buenaventura) known as Monsieur Capellier, and became a wealthy businessman, slaveholder and politician. Teresa de Jesús Méndez was a mixed-race former slave from Rincón. She was born to a slave and a master, and was sold to Pablo Altagracia Báez, who freed her to take her as his mistress when his wife María Quezada told him to do so when realized that she was infertile herself; Pablo and Teresa had seven children.

Báez was light-haired and blue-eyed like his father, but had curly hair and was somewhat swarthy, earning the nickname of Jabao. Cultured and good-looking, Báez was very popular among women, especially because of his gallantry. Eager to build a bright future for his first-born son, Pablo Báez sent him to study in England. Buenaventura Báez did not pursue formal university studies, but from a young age he stood out for his attention to culture.

In the European continent, he learned various languages, including English and French.

Until the end of his life, he was a voracious reader, which allowed him to learn about the main social and political theories and be aware of the evolution of international processes. His prolonged stay in Europe placed him above the cultural average of young people from the ruling social sector, at a time when there were no higher education institutions. His father's wealth and talent facilitated an early foray into Haitian politics as a representative of the Azua region. In addition to his love for politics, Báez showed interest in business, like his father. In the early days of his adult life, before devoting himself fully to the struggle for power, he helped his father increase the family's wealth. When his father died in 1841, Báez, aged 29, inherited a large fortune that he used assiduously in politics, becoming elected in 1843 deputy to the Haitian Constituent Assembly.

As a deputy of Azua
At the beginning of 1843, an armed movement that was called the Reform broke out in Les Cayes, the third-largest city in Haiti, and the nucleus of the liberal mulatto sector. President Jean Pierre Boyer, who had ruled as an autocrat since 1818, soon had to abdicate. Those who overthrew Boyer in theory intended to establish a democratic regime, for which they convened a constituent assembly, which met during the second half of 1843 and approved a new constitution that replaced the one of 1816. Thanks to his gifts and influence, Báez was elected representative of Azua to the constituent assembly. His public life began there. He gained a place in the political world with proposals that attracted attention and positioned him as a representative figure of the interests of the Dominican ruling sectors.

As a deputy, Báez led a faction of Dominicans that tried, but failed, to remove the anti-white bias in the Haitian Constitution. Báez presented on that occasion a proposal to repeal the constitutional clause that stipulated that no white person could own property in Haitian territory. He argued that this prevented the entry of capital and immigrants from other countries, which were essential for economic progress. It can be seen that the germ of what would always be the central component in Báez's concerns: that the country would enter a path of progress similar to that followed by the countries of Western Europe and the United States. The counterpart to this conception consisted of the conviction that the country lacked the means to achieve progress on its own, so it was obliged to seek the protection of a great power or, if feasible, integrate as part of it.

Independence Conspiracy
Báez was, at first, completely and totally against any move to leave the union with Haiti. Then, on 15 December 1843, Báez, as leader of the Dominican legislative faction, proposed to French consul Auguste Levasseur to establish a French protectorate in the Spanish-speaking side of the island with a governor appointed by Paris, in exchange for guns and warships to compel or fight Port-au-Prince for a retreat. The diplomat proposed a plan so that the Dominican Republic would be governed by a French governor for a period of 10 years, with the possibility of extensions; it would donate the Samaná Peninsula to France, and would be willing to collaborate in the event that France launched a war to reconquer Haiti. The proposal, although confidential in nature, was called the Levasseur Plan, and was welcomed by the Dominican representatives in the Haitian capital, from which the adjective “Frenchified” originated. The French consul, without authorization from his government, conceived this plan as the first step towards Haiti becoming a French colony again. Dominican conservatives saw the opportunity to free themselves from Haitian domination and obtain the help of a power to take off towards progress.

Consul Levasseur was very well disposed and constantly exchanged correspondence between Paris and the conspirators. They considered that Haitian rule placed them in a subordinate situation that prevented them from developing business and, in general, developing their interests. The sentiment was taking shape largely because the Dominican economy was experiencing a certain dynamism, while the Haitian economy remained stagnant.

Upon learning of the efforts of the Trinitarios, at the beginning of 1844, Báez, who had good relations with Haitian officials, denounced Gabino Puello, brother of José Joaquín Puello, when he arrived in Azua with the January 16 manifesto. Puello escaped capture by the warning given to him by the future general Valentín Alcántara. As the proclamation of independence on February 27 clashed with his political plans, Báez tried to oppose it in Azua, which led to his arrest and sent to Santo Domingo. He tried futilely to prevent the publication of a copy of the Dominican Act of Independence in January 1844 in Azua, and in February did not allow the flag of the newly Dominican state to be raised in the city plaza; in part, he was very pessimistic due to the numerical superiority of Haitians and thought that a rebellion against Port-au-Prince with no foreign support was futile. Báez and the other French supporters launched a manifesto – the text of which has been lost – on January 1, 1844, through which they called for the founding of the Dominican Republic under the protection of France. The progression of the work of Báez's group was what pushed the Trinitarios, led by Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, to establish an alliance with a sector of the conservatives headed by Tomás Bobadilla. Together they wrote the Manifesto of January 16, which also called for the constitution of the Dominican Republic, but as a sovereign state. He changed his mind once he saw the popular fervor and decided that the time had come to part ways with Port-au-Prince.

A few days later, he was released and returned to Azua with the expeditionary force, alongside his leader Pedro Santana, with whom he established good relations. Using his powers as general-in-chief of the Southern Front, Santana appointed Báez to the rank of colonel, and as such he was close to the events that culminated in the Battle of Azua. Once the campaign was over, Báez found that the Haitian troops, when they captured and burned Azua, caused the destruction of much of his family's wealth. In the following years, Báez's political prominence would bring him considerable losses of his assets. Santana and Báez agreed on the convenience of seeking French protection, both convinced that the country lacked the resources to face the Haitian military threat. When the Trinitarios dismissed the conservatives from the Central Government Board – the provisional collegiate government established on February 27 – Báez was one of those who had to hide and requested asylum at the French consulate. During the first years after independence, despite his ability, Báez was a background figure, possibly because he remained in the minds of many who had tried to oppose the birth of the Republic. Some versions later propagated by his enemies confirmed details of the denunciation of the conspiracy led by the Trinitarios. Although Santana considered him one of his own, it seems that in those years he kept him at a certain distance, perhaps considering him as an individual with too much personal independence.

Constitution of 1844
Despite his equivocal attitude towards the independence, Báez had to be taken into account for his talent and his relationships in Azua and other places with prominent social figures. He was elected to the constituent assembly that met in San Cristóbal and approved the first constitution of the Dominican Republic, on November 6, 1844. Being the most capable of said constituent body, he took the main initiatives in the work. At his motion, it was agreed that the persons of the constituents were inviolable while they performed their functions, a way of distancing themselves from the overwhelming influence of Santana. In those days, a situation of tension developed between the members of the Central Government Board and the constituents, despite the fact that both parties had conservative positions. Several of the delegates to the assembly showed reluctance to the absolute power to which Santana aspired. This only renewed the possible hatred that Santana could have had in those days towards Báez.

Due to Báez's experience in the constituent assembly of Port-au-Prince the previous year, the delegates meeting in San Cristobal agreed that he would direct the commission in charge of drafting the draft constitution. The bulk of the document appears to have been the work of Báez. Understanding that the establishment of a modern political order was coming, similar to that existing in “civilized” countries, Báez was inspired above all by the United States constitution, although he also took into account the Haitian constitution, which he knew inside and out. The document approved in November 1844 was not exactly liberal in nature – for example, it established restrictions on the right to elect and be elected – but it contained many aspects of the liberal conception, such as the separation of powers. Those Dominican conservatives of 1844, among whom Báez stood out, applied a criterion according to which the conservative regime to which they aspired, with the mandate to safeguard traditional interests, should be governed by precepts taken from the modern liberal current. Santana was appointed president for two consecutive terms in the constitution. But he refused to take office under the rather liberal clauses contained in the Magna Carta. He demanded, without hesitation, that absolute powers be recognized. The constituents were forced to include the famous article 210, which granted the president dictatorial powers.

First Presidency
In 1846, Báez was assigned to carry out a mission in France and England in order to obtain recognition of the Dominican Republic. That representation lasted about two years, during which time Báez was isolated from government affairs. Upon returning to the country, he was appointed a member of the Conservative Council, the name of the upper house then, known today in our country as the Senate. In the debates of that organization he distinguished himself as an exponent of proposals aimed at having the country adopt precepts that would prepare it for modern life. Báez was then a conservative with strong shades of liberalism and a bourgeois progressive sense.

Despite his personal notoriety, Báez's performance was discreet in those years. Perhaps that was why Santana did not object when he was elected by the congressmen for the presidency of the Republic, on September 24, 1849, after Manuel Jimenes was dismissed and Santiago Espaillat refused to accept the position under the conditions of Santana's preeminence. Furthermore, Báez had been the promoter of the appointment of Santana as supreme chief of the army in April 1849, when it was feared that the Haitian ruler Faustin Soulouque would arrive before the walls of Santo Domingo. This relevant position in favor of Santana made it easier for the latter to abandon the doubts he had about such a bold and capable politician. Báez was the first president to serve the term for which he was elected, something that in the 19th century, they could only achieve it again, in once, and the presidents after 1880, Fernando Arturo de Meriño and Ulises Heureaux.

His administration contrasted with that of Santana, since he maintained Jimenes's position of not engaging in repressive acts. He respected freedom of the press and the resentments left by Santana's dictatorial management diminished. One of the distinctive notes of this management was the order in the management of budgetary resources, which made it possible to limit the damage caused by the circulation of paper money. Báez also introduced a new military concept, thanks to the advice of French officers who advised offensive maritime actions against Haiti.

Despite the scarcity of resources, the unique conservative president with liberal edges had the good sense to care about the promotion of education. During that period of government, at his request, the San Buenaventura School was founded which, although it did not have a university level, brought together the most select spirits of the country and contributed to forming the generation of intellectuals that followed the birth of the Republic. He managed to gain the support of some young intellectuals and officials, to whom he assigned preeminent positions, such as Manuel María Gautier, Nicolás Ureña and Félix María Delmonte. Possibly all of this provoked envy among the members of Santana's inner circle, who must have felt displaced by an emerging and rival group. At the end of the four-year period, in February 1853, he transferred the presidency to Santana, who had expressed interest in occupying it again. Shortly after, the new president sharply denounced Báez and ordered his expulsion from the country, possibly because he feared that he would try to become the dominant figure.

From exile, Báez prepared the bases for the open confrontation with Santana. Thus a division emerged within the conservative side, which was unprecedented, since until then Santana had been recognized as its undisputed leader. Santana's contradictions with some conservatives had not led to the formation of a rival current. Báez, on the other hand, had a strong political will, intelligence and money, and enjoyed the advantage of having carried out a government administration far superior to that of Santana. Therefore, all those who repudiated Santana's actions had no other option than to align themselves behind the leadership of their enemy. Báez was concerned about expanding as much as possible the support base that would allow him to return to power. On the one hand, he questioned the dominance of the reduced oligarchy that accompanied Santana. Perhaps due to his condition as a mulatto, he made it known that he considered himself a representative of the interests of the colored population, against the exclusivism of the whites, and proclaimed himself the standard bearer of the poor majority, especially the peasants. The truth is that, despite such proclamations, he never stopped being a conservative who used the defense of the humble as a demagogic resource. He did not believe in the sovereign realization of the national conglomerate, but in a progress designed to benefit the upper portion of society.

In his fight against Santana, in addition to running as a tribune of the people, Báez tried to attract the support of the greatest number of sectors. He was very skillful in presenting his proposal as compatible with everyone, which is why his popularity grew. First, he offered the clergy compensation and treatment different from that which Santana had given him. Secondly, he sought to obtain the support of the European consuls, in order to question Santana's pro-North American position. Additionally, he attracted the support of the liberal and cultured youth of the city of Santo Domingo, who abhorred Santana's absolutism. On his way to Santo Domingo, Antonio María Segovia, first Spanish consul, met with Báez in Saint Thomas, the island where he was exiled. The diplomat arrived with the mission of hindering the advance of United States influence. Upon settling in Santo Domingo, Segovia announced that all Dominicans who requested it would receive Spanish nationality, which the Baecistas took advantage of to oppose Santana. Faced with growing popular opposition that had the support of European consuls, Santana chose to resign when it became impossible for him to lease Samaná to the United States.

Second Presidency
Shortly after Santana left power, Báez returned to the country and resumed the presidency in October 1856. He immediately ordered General José María Cabral, one of his supporters, to arrest Santana, who was deported. For several weeks the Baecistas were in full euphoria, celebrating Santana's misfortune. In his second administration, Báez took a transcendental measure, consisting of issuing a large amount of paper money during the tobacco harvest in the surroundings of Santiago, supposedly with the intention of protecting farmers. This item was already the one that left the largest sums in exports.

During the harvest period, the price of paper money revalued because the amount of gold in circulation increased due to the shipments made by foreign merchants to buy the tobacco harvest. Peasants bought and sold in paper money. When they went into debt with merchants, by acquiring goods in advance for subsistence, they did so at a devalued rate of banknotes, since there was little circulation of gold coins; However, during the harvest, they had to immediately pay off the debts at a revalued rate due to the abundant circulation of gold, which was unfavorable for them. Such seasonal differences in the price were used by merchants to increase their profits through loans at usurious rates.

Alleging that that year the agio against the harvesters had reached exorbitant levels, Báez ordered an issue of national paper pesos, with the declared purpose of improving the prices that the harvesters would receive in transactions with merchants, and subsequently made successive issues until reach several million pesos. Without a doubt, the issuance of paper money and its subsequent devaluation immediately benefited the farmers, who could thus obtain a better price for tobacco and pay more comfortably the debts they had contracted with the merchants. But with the measure the central government entered into open conflict with the commercial sector of Cibao, the richest area of the country. The merchants faced the risk of bankruptcy, not only because their profit margins decreased, but because the government dispatched agents with large amounts of banknotes in order to acquire a considerable portion of the harvest and hoard the largest possible amount of strong pesos in gold.

It is believed that behind this operation could have been hidden the purpose of strengthening the regime at the expense of Cibao's regional interests. It is also possible that Báez conceived the measure for personal gain. The result was that the merchants and other urban sectors of Cibao understood that they were being victims of intolerable aggression from the central government, so they chose to declare rebellion. On July 7, 1857, an uprising broke out in Santiago that spread quickly throughout the country and left the Baecistas isolated behind the walls of Santo Domingo. Báez's supporters in other places, such as generals Pedro Florentino in La Vega, and José Hungary in Santiago, were neutralized without major difficulty. In addition to Santo Domingo, the pro-government groups were only able to put up resistance in Higüey and Samaná. On that occasion, taken by surprise, the Cibaeño peasants could not express the gratitude that they were surely already beginning to feel for Báez.

The enlightened young people of Santo Domingo gave enthusiastic support to Báez, especially when Santana took charge of the operations against the besieged city. Francisco del Rosario Sánchez and José María Cabral, two highly prestigious figures, directed the defense operations of the capital. After 11 months of siege, Báez capitulated, but remained a power alternative to Santana, who overthrew the Cibao liberals who had started the July 7 revolution.

Annexation period
When the annexation to Spain was proclaimed in March 1861, Báez was in Europe and did not interfere with the position taken by his supporters in exile to oppose the fact. Several prominent Baecistas, such as Manuel María Gautier and Valentín Ramírez Báez, brother of the caudillo, had joined Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, in a Revolutionary Junta, to fight against the annexation to the metropolis. Immediately, Báez did not disavow his supporters, but he kept his distance from their efforts. Although, when the annexationist regime was consolidated, Báez offered his services to the Spanish monarchy, surely calculating that it would not take long for conflicts to arise between Santana and the Spanish, which in that case would allow him to become the dominant figure in the Spanish administration. In return, the queen of Spain, Isabel II, named him field marshal. Given the position of their leader, the Baecistas abroad distanced themselves from patriotic efforts.

When the Dominican Restoration War broke out, Báez adopted a cautious attitude and chose to settle in Paris, but at no time did he resign from his position in the Spanish army. The rebellion against Spanish rule had no relationship with the previously existing flags. Former supporters of Santana and Báez participated equally, as well as people who had not taken part in that conflict. This explains why, despite the support that Báez gave to the Spanish government, many of his supporters who had remained within the country took part in the Restoration War. For example, the first president of the restoration government of Santiago, José Antonio Salcedo, was known as a baecista, as was Pedro Florentino, who was appointed head of operations in the south. The leadership that Báez continued to hold was evidenced by the fact that, despite his adherence to Spain, President Salcedo proposed to manage his return to the country to hand over the presidency to him. That loyalty to his leader was one of the reasons for the dismissal and execution of Salcedo, since the head of the restoration army, Gaspar Polanco, had been a supporter of Santana, and the civilian heads of the government in Santiago were leaders of the rebellion against Báez in 1857.

Return to office
Báez renounced his rank in the Spanish army only after the peninsular troops abandoned the island, and he believed that his support for the Spanish government had been a mistake that would keep him away from the country for a long time. He settled in Curaçao to wait patiently for the development of events, surely calculating that, in the long run, he had factors in his favor despite his mistake. He was sure he was close to the ripe fruit. The first thing he had to consider was that, with Santana gone, there was no other experienced leader capable of gathering the forces to establish a stable government.

In the midst of the disorderly emergence of the leaders, who had gained power in the restoration struggle, Báez could expect that conflicts would continue to emerge among them that, sooner or later, would regain their validity. Furthermore, he may have realized that he had many supporters in the restoration ranks, among them was José María Cabral, who held the presidency after the departure of the Spanish, was recognized as a former Baecista. The generals of the Restoration, for the most part, lacked cohesion and a complete government project; Only a few had become involved with the liberal principles adopted by the members of the Santiago command. These gave rise to a liberal current that became known as the Blue Party. They proposed to establish an institutionalized democratic regime that would guarantee national sovereignty and the country's march towards progress.

The conceptions of the liberals clashed head-on with Báez's personal aspirations. However, at first the positions were not completely demarcated, which explains why several restorative generals from the east, followers of Báez, led by Pedro Guillermo, set up a movement in October 1865 to overthrow Cabral, who did not confront them, but instead agreed to hand over the presidency to his former boss, Buenaventura Báez, whom he went to Curaçao to look for in November.

Upon taking possession of the presidency without opposition, Báez appointed Cabral as Secretary of War and Pedro Antonio Pimentel, another of the main champions of the Restoration, as Secretary of the Interior. Gregorio Luperón, among the leading men of arms, refused all dealings with the new president and tried unsuccessfully to build a movement against him. However, some civil figures felt astonished by the course of events, which was expressed by the priest Fernando Arturo de Meriño, in the investiture speech of the new president, when he reproached him for having been indifferent to the struggle of the people against Spanish rule. Uncomfortable due to his dependence on figures whose fidelity was not yet guaranteed, Báez conceived measures to consolidate himself in the presidency. One of them was to distribute 200 pesos, a considerable sum at the time, to the generals who participated in the Restoration War. But above all, he put his administrative skills into play to affirm the idea that only he was capable of making government management more efficient.

His popularity recovered without major difficulties, since the sentiment of the people did not take into account his previous accession to Spain. In a country destroyed after two years of war, the population only wanted the government to improve the situation. In his memoirs, Luperón admits the popularity of his enemy, which he explains by the memory that the monetary devaluation of 1857 left in the peasant population. Báez was concerned at all times to feed back his image as protector of the poor people, which would allow him to differentiate himself from the blue liberals, who under the two Cabral governments gave priority to the recomposition of the commercial elite, a sector that they saw as the generator of progress.

Clashes with the Blue Party
In 1866, Báez's preeminence had not yet been fully recovered because most of the Restoration generals – the main leading sector of public affairs – had not previously participated in national politics and, therefore, had not They were baecistas. This situation allowed some of the leaders of the Restoration to join forces against Báez, apparently because they perceived that he was working to acquire absolute prerogatives. Cabral went abroad, spoke out against the government and prepared to prepare an expedition to Haiti. Luperón landed in Puerto Plata, where Governor Manuel Rodríguez Objío turned his back on the executive, and the movement spread throughout Cibao. The government assigned Pedro A. Pimentel, Secretary of the Interior, to crush the insurrection, but upon arriving in Cibao he changed sides. Báez fell within a few days and left the country again. It is not surprising that from now on the anti-Baecista party had Cabral, Luperón and Pimentel as leaders. But among them there were almost constant differences, while in the rival party there was a single leadership in the hands of Báez, despite the fact that he relied on leaders of primitive stock.

It was following the fall of Báez's third government when the open demarcation between his supporters and the liberals occurred. To settle differences, a provisional triumvirate was appointed among the liberals, but finally the presidency fell to Cabral, the most influential of the three generals. The country was polarized between those who shouted “long live Báez” and those who opposed him. The red and blue colors used in the Cibaeño Revolution were resumed, so many have maintained that the blues of 1866 were the former supporters of Santana, opposed to Báez for personal reasons. As Manuel Rodríguez Objío explains in his book Relationships, this is an erroneous conclusion, because the National Party was nourished by the liberals of Santiago and people who were just starting out in politics, although he recognizes that some old Santanistas joined them through their dislike of Báez.

Despite having a large part of the intellectuals, the ineptitude of the blues in managing public affairs was taken advantage of by Báez. In a short time he obtained the support of almost all the leaders who had taken part in the Restoration War. Even Benito Monción and Federico de Jesús García, two of the most notable leaders of the last national war on the Northwest Line, and until shortly before joining the blue ranks, joined the red side. The return of Báez was a demand of the vast majority of the population, so the leaders, who idolized him, tended to take up arms. Hardly in the rest of Dominican history has a similar phenomenon of such popularity of a political leader occurred.

In October 1867, a revolt broke out in Monte Cristi, led by Francisco Antonio Gómez and other Baecista leaders, which could no longer be contained. Luperón narrates in his memoirs that the Cibaeño peasants rose up en masse against the liberals in government and surrounded the cities. Cabral's second administration ended up being completely discredited when it was learned that he had authorized negotiations to lease the Samaná peninsula to the United States in exchange for a sum of money and weapons in order to crush the caudillos. Báez and his followers, raising a nationalism of opportunity, accused Cabral of treason.

Six Years' War
The Reds forced Cabral to capitulate in January 1868, and Báez resumed the presidency some time later. Although he rejected the dictatorship offered by his followers, he set out to establish an iron regime that would guarantee his indefinite permanence. As has been expressed, he enjoyed the support of the majority of the people, who, as Sócrates Nolasco highlights in Old Memories, firmly believed that the conservative president guaranteed their well-being through high tobacco prices. This support was manifested through the almost unanimity in his favor expressed by the leaders, the strong and influential men of each region of the country.

For their part, the blues represented minority urban circles that believed that it was necessary to subdue the leaders and establish a modern political system. Almost all intellectuals identified with the blues, but the merchants ended up kowtowing to Báez, convinced that he guaranteed stability and was the only politician endowed with the knowledge required to govern efficiently. However, the blue ones were valid because they represented the proposal to establish a modern system. Sure of the reason for their cause, the blues did not care that they had been isolated from the majority of the population. As soon as they were removed from power, the liberals set out to overthrow Báez, for which they proceeded to ally themselves with the Haitians led by Nissage Saget. Cabral headed to Haiti and began operations on the southern border, where he had prestige for having been the last head of the Restoration there. He gained the support of some generals, especially the Ogando brothers, and was able to start a war that lasted for more than four years.

The blue guerrillas in the south proclaimed themselves the embodiment of the Dominican patriotic tradition, emphasizing that independence was in danger due to the annexationist efforts of the red government. Indeed, since he became president and taking advantage of the expansionist interest of Washington government circles, Báez had entered into negotiations to annex the country to the United States. In November 1869 a preliminary convention was signed, after which a plebiscite was held, in which only 11 votes were recorded against the annexation. The consultation was held under conditions of extreme political repression, which prevented people from spontaneously demonstrating. In any case, it is certain that the majority of the population agreed with the annexation for the simple fact that Báez proposed it and because he saw it as a means to escape wars and poverty; but also, with absolute certainty, a not insignificant portion was opposed by patriotic considerations.

As the war led by Cabral gained some support for its patriotic content, the government unleashed measures of terror to extirpate its enemies. The prisons were filled with political prisoners and many opponents were forced to flee the country to avoid assassination or imprisonment. In repressive tasks, the red government used thugs who dedicated themselves to applying terror with an unprecedented ferocity in the country, murdering hundreds of people. These hitmen were widely known in the southwest by their nicknames, such as Solito, Baúl, Musié, Llinito and Mandé. They sneaked behind the guerrilla lines, beyond the Yaque del Sur, where they dedicated themselves to killing everyone they found.

Wherever the blues tried to rebel, the government applied bloody repression, as General José Caminero did in the east, in operations against the guerrilla of the restorer general Eusebio Manzueta, who was captured and shot. In Cibao the liberals could not do anything, given the unwavering support of the peasants who they saw as the savior of high tobacco prices, so the government delegate, Manuel Altagracia Cáceres, did not have to resort to terror. For various reasons, the country's economic situation continued to be desperate. The fate of the fourth Báez administration depended on obtaining extraordinary financial resources, in order to gain time and be able to complete the annexation to the United States. To that end, the government appointed Edward Hartmont as financial agent in England, who received authorization to contract a loan. This Jewish banker committed an extravagant fraud, as he issued bonds for more than 400,000 pounds sterling and only delivered 38,000 to the Dominican government. The small sum received did not allow the government to overcome the precariousness. Not even the secretaries of state received their emoluments regularly. Báez showed consistency, guaranteeing the correct use of scarce resources, and devotion to the Red Party led everyone to show a willingness to sacrifice. The reality was that, after the annexation to the United States, Báez had big business plans planned in conjunction with officials close to President Ulysses S. Grant and the adventurers William Cazneau and Joseph Fabens, inspirers of everything that was woven. This even allowed him to become well acquainted with the abolitionist leader, Frederick Douglass.

The US Senate rejected the annexation treaty in 1871, so Báez's fall was a matter of time. The Dominican government still maintained hope in relations with the Americans, since a parallel preliminary treaty had been signed to lease the Samaná peninsula in exchange for annuities of 150,000 dollars, the first of which was paid by Washington. The United States flag flew over the peninsula during those years, which was used by American filibusters to form a company for speculative purposes, the Samana Bay Company. The rental amount was a relatively high sum for the era, but this did not prevent the unrest from spreading. Now, Báez's fourth administration had been consolidated despite the difficult economic situation, to the point that the insurrection in the south was defeated at the beginning of 1873. Wherever the blues tried to stick their head out, they were crushed. Under these circumstances, the only way for Báez to fall was if he did so at the hands of his own followers.

Given the impotence of the liberals and the wear and tear of the administration, it did not take long for various opposition demonstrations to take place within the ranks of the reds against their president. The focus of discontent was located on the Northwest Line. To complete the wear and tear, on November 25, 1873, the pillars of Baecism in Cibao, Ignacio María González, governor of Puerto Plata, and Manuel Altagracia Cáceres, government delegate, took up arms and in a few days forced their former boss to present his resignation. In addition to the serious economic situation, a constitutional reform that expanded Báez's powers and allowed him to be re-elected indefinitely caused discomfort.

November 25 marked the end of Báez's central role in Dominican politics. New national leaders began to emerge from the red ranks, while the blues, under the leadership of Gregorio Luperón, began to slowly expand their influence. The leaders were divided and politics was characterized by continuous chaos, in which each faction tried to seize power in a disorderly manner. It seemed that Báez's leadership had been buried, but he did not give up. He still had a considerable portion of the population, and this allowed him to take advantage of the disorder caused by the desire for power. His supporters managed to overthrow the second government of Ignacio María González and he was able to become president for the fifth time at the end of 1876, remaining there for just over a year.

A seasoned politician, Báez realized that in a short time the conditions of the country had undergone changes, that national independence could not be questioned and that public opinion demanded a climate of peace. Upon reaching the presidency for the fifth time, he tried to adapt to these new conditions and proceeded to issue a manifesto in which he criticized himself for previous actions, declaring that democracy and national independence would henceforth be his flags. He immediately received the support of renowned intellectuals of the liberal current, who wanted more than anything else that order and peace be implemented. Even José María Cabral, former head of the blues, accepted a secretary of state in the last administration of the red leader.

However, other blues considered that the president had the intention of establishing himself again as a dictator and that he was secretly deploying annexationist efforts. At the beginning of 1878, a rebellion led by Máximo Grullón and Benito Monción broke out on the Northwest Line, which was followed by other leaders. In the east Cesáreo Guillermo rose, who swept away the government troops in Pomarrosa, near Guerra. Soon, Báez was forced to flee the country, this time for good. In October 1879, Gregorio Luperón overthrew President Cesáreo Guillermo, thus beginning a stable order, characterized by the preponderance of the blues. The seditious attempts of the leaders of the other bands could be crushed, although they required the second blue president, the priest Fernando Arturo de Meriño, to assign himself dictatorial powers and order the summary execution of those who took up arms. During those years the country experienced a phase of prosperity and conditions changed rapidly. The once prominent figure of Báez lost validity although he continued to be missed by many former followers. Báez died in his home in Hormigueros, in western Puerto Rico, in 1884. The most renowned leaders of the Red Party, such as Manuel María Gautier, chose to ally themselves with Ulises Heureaux, Luperón's pupil who ended up betraying him and adopting the principles autocratic of his former enemies. The forgotten Báez was reincarnated, in a certain way, in Heureaux's autocratic replacement.

He is buried in the Basilica Cathedral of Santa María la Menor.

Offspring
Genealogical studies have identified President Báez, and President Espaillat as well, as the most recent common ancestors for most of the Dominican oligarchy, since their offspring managed to establish bonds with the most rich and powerful families from Santiago, and thus, from the country.

 * '''Ramón Buenaventura Báez Méndez (1812–1884)
 * Manuel Báez Batista (1839–?)
 * Teodoro Osvaldo Buenaventura Báez Machado (1857–?)
 * José Ramón Báez López-Penha (1909–1995)
 * Buenaventura Báez López-Penha (1907-?)
 * Marcos Antonio Báez Cocco
 * Altagracia Amelia Báez Andújar (†1879)
 * José María Cabral y Báez (1864–1937)
 * Amelia María Cabral Bermúdez (1899–1996)
 * Juan Bautista Vicini Cabral (1924–2015)
 * Felipe Augusto Antonio Vicini Lluberes (b. 1960)
 * Amelia Stella María Vicini Lluberes (b. 1974)
 * Juan Bautista Vicini Lluberes (b. 1975)
 * Laura Amelia Vicini Cabral de Barletta (1925–2006)
 * José María Vicini Cabral (1926–2007)
 * José Leopoldo Vicini Pérez
 * Marco Vicini Pérez
 * Felipe Vicini Cabral (1936–1997)
 * Auristela Cabral Bermúdez (1901–1988)
 * Donald Joseph Reid Cabral (1923–2006)
 * William John Reid Cabral (1925–2010)
 * Patricia Reid Baquero (b. 1953)
 * Isabela Egan Reid de Pittaluga
 * Meghan Egan Reid
 * Robert Reid Cabral (1929–1961)
 * José María Cabral Bermúdez (1902–1984)
 * María Josefina Cabral Vega
 * Manuel Díez Cabral (b. 1964)
 * José María Cabral Vega
 * Amalia Josefina Gabriela Cabral Lluberes (b. 1963)
 * Claudia Cabral Lluberes (b. 1964)
 * Ana Amelia Batlle Cabral
 * Laura Emilia Batlle Cabral
 * José María Cabral Lluberes (b. 1967)
 * Petrica Cabral Vega (b. 1938)
 * María Amalia León Cabral (b. 1960)
 * Sarah Amalia Jorge León
 * Lidia Josefina León Cabral (b. 1962)
 * José Eduardo León Cabral (1963–1975)
 * Marco Buenaventura Cabral Vega
 * Marco Antonio Cabral Bermúdez (1906–1973)
 * Josefina Eugenia Cabral Bermúdez (1910–1994)
 * Pedro Ramón Espaillat Cabral
 * Alejandro Augusto Espaillat Cabral
 * Alejandro José Espaillat Imbert
 * Pedro José Espaillat Vélez
 * Carlos José Espaillat Vélez
 * Fineta Rosario Espaillat Cabral
 * Pedro Pablo Cabral Bermúdez (1916–1988)
 * Lucía Amelia Cabral Arzeno de Herrera
 * José María Cabral Arzeno (b. 1959)
 * José María Cabral González (b. 1988)
 * Luis José Cabral Arzeno
 * Lucía Amelia Cabral Arzeno
 * Virginia Cabral Arzeno
 * Ramona Antonio Cabral y Báez
 * Eduardo Sánchez Cabral
 * Buenaventura Cabral y Báez
 * Carmen Amelia Mercedes Cabral Machado
 * Carlos Alberto Cabral Machado
 * Pablo Buenaventura Cabral Machado
 * Mario Fermín Cabral y Báez (1877–1961)
 * Manuel Antonio Cabral Tavares (1907–1999)
 * Alba María Antonia "Peggy" Cabral Cornero (b. 1947)
 * Ramón Báez Machado (1858–1929)
 * Buenaventura Báez Soler
 * Ramón Báez Romano
 * Ramón Buenaventura Báez Figueroa (b. 1956)
 * Ramón Buenaventura Báez Zeller (b. 1982)
 * José Ramón Báez Alvarez (b. 1999)
 * José Miguel Báez Figueroa
 * Mercedes Báez Soler
 * Julio Ernesto de la Rocha Báez
 * Ramón de la Rocha Pimentel (b. 1951)
 * Clarissa Altagracia de la Rocha Pimentel de Torres (b. 1959)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Buenaventura Báez


text:
Bobby Bonilla

Roberto Martin Antonio Bonilla (, born February 23, 1963) is an American former professional baseball third baseman and outfielder who played in Major League Baseball (MLB) from 1986 to 2001.

Bonilla was one of MLB's best batters and overall top players in the late 1980s and early 1990s with powerful hitting strength, as well as a part of the highly successful and pennant contending Pittsburgh Pirates organization around the same time. Bonilla recorded impressive statistics in home runs, RBIs, doubles, extra base hits, and Wins Above Replacement averages, as well as four All-Star selections, three Silver Slugger Awards and was a top candidate for the National League's Most Valuable Player award during his tenure with the Pirates. He led the league in extra base hits (78) during the 1990 MLB season and doubles (44) during the 1991 MLB season.

Bonilla signed with the New York Mets during the 1991–92 offseason, becoming the highest-paid player in the league at the time, earning more than $6 million per year. However, he struggled to live up to expectations with the Mets (which made the contract the subject of much criticism) and throughout the rest of his career. He played with the Baltimore Orioles from 1995–1996, reaching the American League Championship Series with the team in 1996. He earned two additional All-Star appearances and helped the Florida Marlins win the 1997 World Series.

After being traded to the Los Angeles Dodgers part way through the 1998 season, he signed with the New York Mets for a second time in 1999. When the Mets wanted to release him at the end of the year, he negotiated a settlement whereby the Mets would pay him $1.19 million on July 1 every year from 2011 through 2035, a date that has become known in Mets fandom as "Bobby Bonilla Day". He is also paid $500,000 by the Orioles every year from 2004 to 2028 due to them also having a deferred contract with him. After two more lackluster seasons, one each with the Atlanta Braves and St. Louis Cardinals, he retired at the end of the 2001 season. Through his 16 years in professional baseball, Bonilla accumulated a .279 batting average, with a .358 on-base percentage and a .472 slugging percentage.

Playing career
Bonilla played baseball at Herbert H. Lehman High School in the Bronx and graduated in 1981. He was not selected in the 1981 Major League Baseball draft and spent a semester at New York Institute of Technology in Old Westbury, New York pursuing a degree in computer science. He was signed by the Pittsburgh Pirates after being spotted by scout Syd Thrift at a baseball camp in Europe.

His rise through the Pirates' farm system came to a halt during spring training in 1985 when he broke his right leg in a collision with teammate Bip Roberts. The Chicago White Sox then acquired him through the Rule 5 draft during the 1985–86 offseason, and Bonilla made his major league debut with the White Sox at the start of the 1986 season. Thrift, then the Pirates' general manager, reacquired the unhappy Bonilla in exchange for pitcher José DeLeón later that year. Bonilla also played from 1984 to 1988 with the Mayagüez Indians of the Puerto Rican Winter League.

Pittsburgh Pirates
Bonilla became the Pirates' starting third baseman in 1987, but after committing 67 errors over his next two seasons, manager Jim Leyland moved him to right field. There he formed a formidable combination alongside stars Barry Bonds and Andy Van Slyke and helped propel the Pittsburgh Pirates to two of their three straight National League East Division titles from 1990 to 1992.

From 1986 to 1991, Bonilla had a .284 batting average, with 868 hits, 191 doubles, 114 home runs, and 500 runs batted in (RBIs). He led the league in extra base hits in 1990, and in doubles in 1991. In those years he placed second and third, respectively, in National League MVP voting. Bonilla also won three Silver Slugger Awards and made the All-Star team four years in a row. On October 28, 1991, he became a free agent.

New York Mets
Bonilla signed a five-year, $29 million contract (equivalent to $ today) with the New York Mets on December 2, 1991. The $6.1 million he received in 1992 was a record for a single season by a margin of $2.3 million. He became the highest-paid player in the National League from 1992 to 1994. However, his offensive production diminished somewhat, finishing with a .278 batting average, 91 home runs, and 277 runs batted in during his three-and-a-half-year tenure with the Mets. Despite this, Bonilla ended up participating in two more All-Star Games (1993 and 1995) and hit a career-high 34 home runs in 1993.

Bonilla's time with the Mets was marked by a contentious relationship with New York baseball media. In his introductory press conference after signing with the organization, he challenged them by stating, "I know you all are gonna try, but you're not gonna be able to wipe the smile off my face." On another occasion, he called the press box during a game to complain about an error that he was charged with.

Baltimore Orioles
Bonilla was acquired along with a player to be named later (Jimmy Williams on August 16) by the Baltimore Orioles from the Mets in exchange for Damon Buford and Alex Ochoa on July 28, 1995. He helped the Orioles reach the 1996 American League Championship Series.

Florida Marlins
Following the 1996 season, Bonilla was once again granted free agency, and signed with the Florida Marlins, reuniting with his old manager, Jim Leyland, where he helped the Marlins win the 1997 World Series. He returned to the Marlins for the 1998 season and batted .278 through 18 games.

Los Angeles Dodgers
On May 14, 1998, the Marlins traded Bonilla to the Los Angeles Dodgers, along with Manuel Barrios, Jim Eisenreich, Charles Johnson, and Gary Sheffield, in exchange for Mike Piazza and Todd Zeile. Bonilla spent the rest of the 1998 season with the Dodgers, batting .237, with seven home runs and 30 runs batted in.

Return to the Mets
In November 1998, the Mets reacquired Bonilla from the Dodgers in exchange for Mel Rojas. Again, his level of play did not measure up to expectations and he had numerous clashes with manager Bobby Valentine over lack of playing time. His tenure in New York culminated in an incident during the sixth game of the 1999 NLCS during which the Mets were eliminated by the Braves in 11 innings while Bonilla sat in the clubhouse playing cards with teammate Rickey Henderson after the latter asked him to relax him when he was taken out of the game.

After his subpar 1999 season, the Mets released Bonilla, but still owed him $5.9 million. Bonilla and his agent offered the Mets a deal: Bonilla would defer payment for a decade, and the Mets would pay him an annual paycheck of just over $1.19 million on July 1, starting in 2011 and ending in 2035, adding up to a total payout of $29.8 million. Some fans refer to these payments on July 1 as "Bobby Bonilla Day". Mets owner Fred Wilpon accepted the deal mostly because he was heavily invested with Ponzi scheme operator Bernie Madoff, and the 10 percent returns he thought he was getting on his investments with Madoff outweighed the eight percent interest the Mets would be paying on Bonilla's initial $5.9 million. As a result, the payout was a subject of inquiry during the Madoff investment scandal investigation when it came to light in 2008. Bonilla also has a second deferred-contract plan with the Mets and Baltimore Orioles that was initiated in 2004 and pays him $500,000 a year for 25 years.

Atlanta Braves
Bonilla signed with the Braves in 2000 and played a mostly uneventful 114 games for them. He achieved his highest batting average (.255) since the 1997 season, although he hit only five home runs, a far cry from his career high of 34.

St. Louis Cardinals
In 2001, he was signed by the St. Louis Cardinals, but injuries reduced his playing time. He played his final game on October 7, 2001, and finished the season with a .213 average, 37 hits, five home runs, and 21 runs batted in. He retired after the season finished citing "injuries and reduced playing time" as the main reason for his decision. Contrary to common belief that Bonilla's injuries led to Albert Pujols making the Cardinals' roster, manager Tony La Russa stated that Pujols had earned a roster spot before Bonilla's injury issues.

Overall, Bonilla finished his career with one championship, six All-Star appearances, 2,010 hits, 287 home runs, 1,173 runs batted in, and a career .279 batting average.

Personal life
Bonilla married Migdalia, known as Millie, in the late 1980s. They had met at Herbert Lehman High School in the Bronx. They had two children together before divorcing in 2009.

Philanthropy
In February 1992, Bonilla and his wife Millie started the Bobby and Millie Bonilla Public School Fund with $35,000. The fund benefits schools attended by Bonilla and his wife by contributing $500 for every run he batted in for the Mets. Bonilla participated in  the Players Trust All-Star Golf Tournament, organized by Dave Winfield and Joe Mauer in 2014.

title: Bobby Bonilla


text:
Empire Records

Empire Records is a 1995 American coming-of-age comedy-drama film directed by Allan Moyle, starring Anthony LaPaglia, Maxwell Caulfield, Debi Mazar, Rory Cochrane, Johnny Whitworth, Robin Tunney, Renée Zellweger, and Liv Tyler. The film follows a group of record store employees over the course of one exceptional day. The employees try to stop the store from being sold to a large chain, and learn about each other along the way. The film generated negative reviews and major losses at the domestic US box office at its release. It went on to become a cult hit, and several of its stars launched successful careers.

Plot
At independent record store Empire Records in Delaware, employee Lucas has been tasked by store manager Joe with closing the store for the first time. While counting the day's receipts in Joe's office, he discovers the store is about to be sold and converted into a branch of Music Town, a large national chain.

Determined to keep the store independent, Lucas hatches a plan, taking the day's cash receipts of approximately $9,000 to a casino in Atlantic City to quadruple it playing craps. Though successfully doubling the money on his first roll, he loses everything on the second.

The following morning, fellow Empire employees A.J. and Mark find Lucas, who confides in them about the previous night's events, just before riding off on his motorcycle. Joe arrives and quickly receives frantic phone calls about the missing deposit from both the bank and the store's owner, Mitchell Beck.

Other employees arrive, including overachieving high school student Corey and her uninhibited best friend Gina. Hostile employee Deb, who has survived an apparent suicide attempt, also arrives. Deb then goes into the bathroom and shaves her head. Upon Lucas' arrival, Joe confronts him about the missing deposit and Lucas confirms the money was lost. Joe explains his anti-Music Town plan to the employees – he had saved enough money to become part-owner of the store to save it, but will now be $9,000 short as he must cover the missing money with Mitchell.

Joe is distracted from the crisis due to a major store event: Rex Manning Day. The washed-up 1980s pop idol is holding an autograph session at the store for fans of his latest album Back with More. The unenthused staff mock both Manning and the event, and ultimately many of the fans showing up to meet him are either older women or gay men.

Though detained by Joe in his office, Lucas nonetheless apprehends a belligerent young shoplifter who identifies himself only as "Warren Beatty". He is taken away by police but vows to return seeking revenge. Encouraged by Gina, Corey indulges her schoolgirl crush on Manning by attempting to seduce him, but winds up humiliated and dejected; A.J. then chooses this inopportune time to confess his love to Corey, which she rejects. After Gina and Corey argue, Gina has sex with Manning. When the staff discover this, A.J. attacks Manning, Gina reveals Corey's addiction to amphetamines, Corey hysterically trashes the store, and Joe tells Manning to leave.

Deb surprisingly attempts to cheer Corey up, and in return Corey holds a mock funeral for Deb with the whole staff. The shoplifter "Warren" returns with a gun (ultimately loaded with blanks), and Lucas defuses the situation by revealing that he himself was a troubled youth until he was taken in and saved by Joe. Joe in turn offers "Warren" a job at the store and Warren happily accepts.

After the police leave, Lucas admits defeat and suggests confessing the truth about the missing money to Mitchell. The staff try to replace the missing money but can raise only $3,000. Suddenly inspired, Mark runs in front of the news crew covering Warren’s holdup, announcing on live TV a late-night benefit party at the store to "Save the Empire". An impromptu concert on the roof by Gina and Berko, another employee, raises funds so Joe can hand the money raised to Mitchell for the lost amount. Mitchell then offers to sell the store "cheap" to Joe, not wanting to deal with Empire Records anymore.

Corey finally finds A.J. on the roof fixing the Empire Records sign and confesses that she loves him, too. He decides to attend art school in Boston to be near her while she attends Harvard. They kiss, and the staff ends the long day with a dance party on the roof.

Production
New Regency got into a bidding war with Warner Bros. over the script. Carol Heikkinen was offered $325,000 up-front and $200,000 if the film was made. Heikkinen was also to receive 1% of any soundtrack royalties and 5% of merchandise sales. Heikkinen based the film on her time working in Tower Records store #166 (Christown Mall) in Phoenix, Arizona. Tower Records went into bankruptcy, and all Tower stores in the U.S. were closed by 2006.

Two days after Regency Enterprises executive Michael Nathanson gave approval to proceed with making Empire Records, he was approached with the script for Clueless. As he already had a "teen movie" in hand, he turned down the eventual $57 million box office hit, and proceeded with production of the eventual $0.3 million box-office bomb of Empire Records.

The film was severely edited in post-production, removing three significant characters and up to 40 minutes of film. The story was also condensed from occurring over two days to a single day.

Exteriors were filmed at 15 South Front Street in Wilmington, North Carolina, in a bar that had a few feet of space converted into a replica of the store set which was located at Carolco (now Screen Gems) studios, and finished with a large picture of the rest of the store. This allowed the actors to enter the exterior location doors and walk a couple of feet before the scene would cut to the interior set on Soundstage 4 at the studio. The large mural of Gloria Estefan which Mark kisses early in the film was visible for many years on the separate building, on South Water Street, that stood in for the back of the store.

The Rex Manning music video "Say No More, Mon Amour" was shot prior to principal photography, and was shot on Wrightsville Beach in North Carolina in one day. It was intended to be only a 17-second dance move piece for the main actors to make fun of in the film. Jordan Dawes, the director of the music video, shot for the entire day and gave the producers a complete music video that was almost five minutes in length.

Box office
The film was a severe flop, making only $150,800 in its opening weekend, and by the end of its run in North America it earned a total of $303,841 against its $10 million budget.

Critical response
On Rotten Tomatoes the film has an approval rating of 31% based on reviews from 35 critics. The site's consensus is: "Despite a terrific soundtrack and a strong early performance from Renee Zellweger, Empire Records is mostly a silly and predictable teen dramedy." On Metacritic the film has a score of 47 out of 100 based on reviews from 7 critics, indicating "generally unfavorable reviews".

Variety called Empire Records a "soundtrack in search of a movie", describing the film as "one teen-music effort that never finds a groove" before adding that "as far as chart action goes, it could use a bullet -- to put it out of its B.O. misery." TV Guide gave the film 2 stars out of 5, calling it a "lame comedy" that appeared to be little more than "an elaborate excuse to package and peddle a soundtrack CD." Roger Ebert called the film a "lost cause", but wrote that some of the actors might have a future in other, better films. LaPaglia, Cochrane, Zellweger, Tyler, Embry and Tunney all went on to varying levels of success in the years following Empire Records.

Caroline Westbrook of Empire magazine, gave it 3 out of 5, saying "For all its faults, the good-natured, quirky humour that this for the most part offers ultimately makes it very hard to dislike." Ty Burr of Entertainment Weekly called it "too blatant a throwback to crass '80s teen fodder to really work."

Background
The soundtrack album for Empire Records was originally attached to Atlantic Records—an affiliate of Warner Bros. at the time—because Warner Bros. had a distribution pact with the film's producers, Regency Enterprises. However, the soundtrack album was given to A&M Records in order to obtain the participation of A&M artists the Gin Blossoms, whose track "Til I Hear It from You" was issued as the lead single. Besides the Gin Blossoms, four other A&M acts had new tracks released on the soundtrack album: Ape Hangers, Drill, Innocence Mission, and Lustre.

The album also introduced tracks by Better Than Ezra, Cracker, the Cranberries, Evan Dando (whose cover of Big Star's "The Ballad of El Goodo" featured Empire Records female lead Liv Tyler on background vocals), and Toad The Wet Sprocket, and by unsigned acts the Martinis, Please, and Coyote Shivers. The Martinis—featuring former Pixies members Joey Santiago and Dave Lovering—were recommended by Hits magazine president Karen Glauber who was musical consultant for Empire Records, while the film's line music supervisor Bob Knickman discovered Please by searching the internet for unsigned talent suitable for the film's soundtrack. Coyote Shivers, who played aspiring-musician-turned-store-clerk Berko in the film, became involved in the project by virtue of being the stepfather of Liv Tyler (Shivers being married to Tyler's mother, Bebe Buell, at the time).

Two previously released tracks were also included on the original release of the Empire Records soundtrack album: "A Girl Like You" by Edwyn Collins and "Ready, Steady, Go" by the Meices (the latter's frontman Joe Reineke subsequently led Alien Crime Syndicate). "The Honeymoon Is Over" by the Cruel Sea, a track heard in the film but not featured on the US release of the soundtrack album, was included on the German and Australian releases.

The Gin Blossoms' "Til I Hear It From You" charted as high as #9, affording the band their first Top 20 hit. Two other tracks from the album had a single release: Edwyn Collins' "A Girl Like You", which charted at #32, and the Ape Hangers' "I Don't Want to Live Today".

The version of the song "Sugarhigh" that appears in the movie differs significantly from the one included on the soundtrack. The film version has additional lyrics and chorus vocals provided by Renée Zellweger. It was intended only as a rough mix for playback during filming but was included on the soundtrack album because a remastered version was not available. Francis "Coyote" Shivers, the artist who released the song, played the lead singer who performed the song on the rooftop of the store at the end of the movie.

The Empire Records soundtrack peaked at No. 63 on the Billboard 200 album chart.

AllMusic.com rated the soundtrack 4 out of 5.

In 2010, Gin Blossoms frontman Robin Wilson said of Empire Records, "[It's] a classic film that only a handful of people really saw, but it definitely made an impact on that generation. It was really cool to have been a part of that".

Soundtrack

 * 1) "Til I Hear It from You" by Gin Blossoms
 * 2) "Liar" by The Cranberries
 * 3) "A Girl Like You" by Edwyn Collins
 * 4) "Free" by The Martinis
 * 5) "Crazy Life" by Toad the Wet Sprocket
 * 6) "Bright as Yellow" by The Innocence Mission
 * 7) "Circle of Friends" by Better Than Ezra
 * 8) "I Don't Want to Live Today" by Ape Hangers
 * 9) "Whole Lotta Trouble" by Cracker
 * 10) "Ready, Steady, Go" by The Meices
 * 11) "What You Are" by Drill
 * 12) "Nice Overalls" by Lustre
 * 13) "Here It Comes Again" by Please
 * 14) "The Ballad of El Goodo" by Evan Dando
 * 15) "Sugarhigh" by Coyote Shivers
 * 16) "The Honeymoon Is Over" by The Cruel Sea (Australian and German edition)

Other songs

 * "Can't Stop Losing Myself" by Dirt Clods
 * "Hey Joe" by Dirt Clods
 * "Dark and Brooding" by Noah Stone
 * "Thorn in My Side" by Quicksand
 * "Little Bastard" by Ass Ponys (as Ass Ponies)
 * "I Don't Know Why" by Sacrilicious
 * "Real" by Real
 * "If You Want Blood (You've Got It)" by AC/DC
 * "Counting Blue Cars" by Dishwalla
 * "Snakeface" by Throwing Muses
 * "Candy" by Full Tilt Gonzo
 * "How" by The Cranberries
 * "Hardlight" by Pegboy
 * "Chew Toy" by Fig Dish
 * "Power Shack" by Fitz of Depression
 * "Saddam a Go-Go" by Gwar
 * "Back Down Blues" by Loose Diamonds
 * "Tomorrow" by Mouth Music
 * "Plowed" by Sponge
 * "Surround You" by Billy White Trio
 * "L.A. Girl" by Adolescents
 * "Vinyl Advice" by Dead Hot Workshop
 * "This Is the Day" by The The
 * "Say No More (Mon Amour)" by Maxwell Caulfield as Rex Manning (written for the film)
 * "She Walks" by Poster Children
 * "Sorry" by Sybil Vane
 * "Infinity" by Mouth Music
 * "Money (That's What I Want)" by Flying Lizards
 * "Sugar High (ft. Renee Zellweger)" by Coyote Shivers
 * "Seems" by Queen Sarah Saturday
 * "Romeo and Juliet" by Dire Straits
 * "Video Killed the Radio Star" by The Buggles
 * "I Shot the Devil" by Suicidal Tendencies
 * "Smooth Up in Ya" by Bulletboys
 * "Rock 'n' Roll/EGA" by Daniel Johnston

Home media
On June 3, 2003 Warner Bros. released the Remix: Special Fan Edition DVD of Empire Records. The unrated version is 107 minutes long and includes four extra scenes and 17 minutes of additional footage.

For the 2015 Blu-ray release from the film's new owner 20th Century Fox, only the theatrical cut has been included, with the extras ported over from the 2003 "Remix! Special Fan Edition" DVD.

Legacy
An Internet meme among the film's fans celebrates "Rex Manning Day" on April 8, the date Rex appears at Empire Records in the film. #RexManningDay is a recurring trending hashtag on Twitter. GIFs commemorating the event show Embry's character bounding down the stairs from the store's loft, declaring "Not on Rex Manning Day!!"

Musical adaptation
It was announced on April 6, 2018 that a musical adaptation of the movie was aiming for Broadway in 2020. The announcement stated that the show would be produced by Bill Weiner; would have music and lyrics by Zoe Sarnak and its book written by Carol Heikkinen, but was put on hold due to the COVID-19 pandemic. On December 7, 2021, it was announced that a table reading of the musical would be held at Roundabout Studios in New York City, directed by Trip Cullman with a cast featuring Kathryn Gallagher, Drew Gehling and Rebecca Naomi Jones, among others. On March 7, 2024, it was announced that the musical would have its world premiere at the McCarter Theatre Center in Princeton, New Jersey, set to run from September 6 - October 6.

title: Empire Records


text:
Peredvizhniki

Peredvizhniki (Передви́жники, ), often called The Wanderers or The Itinerants in English, were a group of Russian realist artists who formed an artists' cooperative in protest of academic restrictions; it evolved into the Society for Travelling Art Exhibitions in 1870.

History
In 1863 a group of fourteen students decided to leave the Imperial Academy of Arts in Saint Petersburg. The students found the rules of the Academy constraining; the teachers were conservative and there was a strict separation between high and low art. In an effort to bring art to the people, the students formed an independent artistic society; The Petersburg Cooperative of Artists (Artel). In 1870, this organization was largely succeeded by the Association of Travelling Art Exhibits (Peredvizhniki) to give people from the provinces a chance to follow the achievements of Russian Art, and to teach people to appreciate art. The society maintained independence from state support and brought the art, which illustrated the contemporary life of the people from Moscow and Saint Petersburg, to the provinces.

From 1871 to 1923, the society arranged 48 mobile exhibitions in St. Petersburg and Moscow, after which they were shown in Kiev, Kharkov, Kazan, Oryol, Riga, Odessa and other cities.

Influence of literary critics
Peredvizhniki were influenced by the public views of the literary critics Vissarion Belinsky and Nikolai Chernyshevsky, both of whom espoused liberal ideas. Belinsky thought that literature and art should attribute a social and moral responsibility. Like most Slavophiles, Chernyshevsky ardently supported the emancipation of serfs, which was finally realized in the reform of 1861. He viewed press censorship, serfdom, and capital punishment as Western influences. Because of his political activism, officials prohibited publication of any of his writing, including his dissertation; but it eventually found its way to the art world of nineteenth-century Russia. In 1863, almost immediately after the emancipation of serfs, Chernyshevsky's goals were realized with the help of Peredvizhniki, who took the pervasive Slavophile-populist idea that Russia had a distinguishable, modest, inner beauty of its own and worked out how to display it on canvas.

Subjects of the paintings
Peredvizhniki portrayed the many-sided aspects of social life, often critical of inequities and injustices. But their art showed not only poverty but also the beauty of the folk way of life; not only suffering but also fortitude and strength of characters. Peredvizhniki condemned the Russian aristocratic orders and autocratic government in their humanistic art. They portrayed the emancipation movement of Russian people with empathy (for example, The Arrest of a Propagandist, Refusal of Confession, and They Did Not Expect Him by Ilya Yefimovich Repin). They portrayed social-urban life, and later used historic art to depict the common people (The Morning of the Streltsy Execution by Vasily Surikov).

During their blossoming (1870–1890), the Peredvizhniki society developed an increasingly wider scope, with more natural and free images. In contrast to the traditional dark palette of the time, they chose a lighter palette, with a freer manner in their technique. They worked for naturalness in their images, and the depiction of people's relationship with their surroundings. The society united most of the highly talented artists of the country. Among Peredvizhniki there were artists of Ukraine, Latvia, and Armenia. The society also showed the work of Mark Antokolski, Vasili Vereshchagin, and Andrei Ryabushkin. The work of the critic and democrat Vladimir Stasov was important for the development of Peredvizhniki's art. Pavel Mikhailovich Tretyakov showed the work of these artists in his gallery and gave them important material and moral support.

Landscape as the most popular genre of Peredvizhniki
Landscape painting flourished in the 1870s and 1880s. Peredvizhniki painted mainly landscapes; some, like Polenov, used plein air technique. Two painters, Ivan Shishkin and Isaak Levitan, painted only landscapes of Russia. Shishkin is still considered to be the Russian "Singer of forest", while Levitan's landscapes are famous for their intense moods. The Russian landscape gained importance as a national icon after Peredvizhniki.

Peredvizhniki painted landscapes to explore the beauty of their own country and encourage ordinary people to love and preserve it. Levitan once said, "I imagine such a gracefulness in our Russian land – overflowing rivers bringing everything back to life. There is no country more beautiful than Russia! There can be a true landscapist only in Russia". Peredvizhniki gave a national character to landscapes, so people of other nations could recognize Russian landscape. The landscapes of Peredvizhniki are the symbolic embodiments of Russian nationality.

Reproduction of works
Even though the number of travelling exhibition visitors from the provinces was increasing during the years, the main audience was the urban elite. Local photographers created the first reproductions of Peredvizhniki's paintings, which helped popularize the works and could be bought at exhibitions. Niva magazine also published illustrated articles about the exhibitions. Since 1898, the landscapes of the society have been used in the postcard industry. Various books of poems were published with the illustrations of landscapes. Ordinary Russian people at that time could not afford to go to Moscow or Saint Petersburg, so popularization of Russian art made them familiar with a number of Russian art masterpieces. Even now publishers use the reproductions in textbooks as a visual icon of national identity.

Decline of creativity
As the authority and public influence of the society steadily grew, government officials had to stop their efforts to repress the members. Attempts were made to subordinate their activity, and raise the falling value of Academy of Arts-sanctioned works. By the 1890s, the Academy of Arts structure was including Peredvizhniki art in its classes and history, and the influence of the artists showed in national art schools.

Members

Peredvizhniki artists included:

 * Abram Arkhipov
 * Ivan Bogdanov
 * Nikolay Bogdanov-Belsky
 * Alexey Bogolyubov
 * Pavel Brullov
 * Nikolai Ge
 * Kārlis Hūns
 * Nikolay Kasatkin
 * Alexander Kiselyov
 * Ivan Kramskoi
 * Arkhip Kuindzhi
 * Nikolai Kuznetsov
 * Isaac Levitan
 * Rafail Levitsky
 * Alexander Litovchenko
 * Vladimir Makovsky
 * Vassily Maximov
 * Grigoriy Myasoyedov
 * Leonid Pasternak
 * Vasily Perov
 * Konstantin Pervukhin
 * Vasily Polenov
 * Illarion Pryanishnikov
 * Ilya Repin
 * Andrei Ryabushkin
 * Antonina Rzhevskaya
 * Konstantin Savitsky
 * Alexei Savrasov
 * Valentin Serov
 * Emily Shanks
 * Ivan Shishkin
 * Alexei Stepanov
 * Vasily Surikov
 * Vitaly Tikhov
 * Apollinary Vasnetsov
 * Viktor Vasnetsov
 * Yefim Volkov
 * Nikolai Yaroshenko
 * Nikolai Zagorsky

title: Peredvizhniki


text:
Vladimir Platonov

Vladimir Petrovich Platonov (Уладзімір Пятровіч Платонаў, Uladzimir Piatrovic Platonau; Влади́мир Петро́вич Плато́нов; born 1 December 1939, Stayki village, Vitebsk Region, Byelorussian SSR) is a Soviet, Belarusian and Russian mathematician. He is an expert in algebraic geometry and topology and member of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

From 1992–2004 he worked at research centers in the United States, Canada and Germany.

Education
In 1961 Platonov graduated with highest distinction from Belarusian State University. In 1963 he received his Ph.D. from the Academy of Sciences of Belarus. In 1967, Platonov received his Doctor of Science degree from the Academy of Sciences of USSR.

Career
At age 28 Platonov received a title of full professor at Belarus State. This made him the youngest full professor in the nation's history. In 1972 he became an Academician of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus and its President (1987–1993). He has been an Academician of the Russian/USSR Academy of Sciences since 1987. He was the Director of the Institute of Mathematics of the Academy of Sciences of Belarus from 1977 to 1992.

Research
His interests are algebra, algebraic geometry and number theory. He solved the Strong approximation problem, developed the reduced K-theory and solved the Tannaka–Artin problem. He solved the Kneser–Tits and Grothendieck problems. Together with F. Grunewald he solved the arithmeticity problem for finite extensions of arithmetic groups and the rigidity problem for arithmetic subgroups of algebraic groups with radical. Platonov solved the rationality problem for spinor varieties and the Dieudonne problem on spinor norms.

Platonov was an invited speaker of the International Congresses of Mathematicians in Vancouver (1974), Helsinki (1978) and the European Congress of Mathematicians in Budapest (1996).

He is a member of the Canadian Mathematical Society and from 1993 to 2001 was a Professor of the Faculty of Mathematics of the University of Waterloo in Waterloo, Ontario, Canada.

He is the author, with Andrei Rapinchuk, of Algebraic Groups and Number Theory.

He currently works as a Chief Science Officer of Scientific Research Institute of System Development (NIISI RAN).

Assault conviction
On November 9, 1999, Platonov appeared in court on a bail hearing on a charge of attempted murder for an attack on his wife. He was convicted of assault. The court gave him a conditional sentence of two years. In September 2001, Platonov took early retirement as a professor of the University of Waterloo.

Awards

 * Order of the Red Banner of Labour
 * 1968: Lenin Komsomol Prize, for a series of works in topological group theory
 * 1978: Lenin Prize in Science and Technology, for a fundamental series of works "Arithmetics of Algebraic Groups and Reduced K-Theory" ("Арифметика алгебраических групп и приведенная К-теория")
 * 1993: Humboldt Prize

title: Vladimir Platonov


text:
User talk:Tom/Archive/2004/1/

Thanks for experimenting with Wikipedia. Your test worked, and has been reverted or removed. Please use the sandbox for any other tests you want to do. Take a look at the welcome page if you would like to learn more about contributing to our encyclopedia. Thanks.

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Hello. In re offensive coordinator: please note that articles should begin with complete sentences rather than dictionary-style definitions, and the title word or title phrase should be highlighted at its first appearance like this. Also, it is usually better to write about the thing the term refers to, rather than about the term itself. Thus "A dog is an animal that barks" is better than "Dog is a term used to refer to an animal that barks. (Of course it is sometimes appropriate to write about the term, for example to explain that it has different meanings in different contexts, or it should not be confused with some other term, or it is considered offensive, etc.) Michael Hardy 23:55, 17 Aug 2004 (UTC)

Image:Gibbs nascar.jpg
Could you please provide an image copyright tag for this image? Thanks!--Diberri | Talk 22:48, Aug 26, 2004 (UTC)

Ivan
I was wondering what was keeping everyone else from updating it :) -- Cyrius|✎ 00:07, 8 Sep 2004 (UTC)

 * On a related note, would you please include more informative image description pages? The one for Image:Ivan Sat Img Sept 7 2004.jpg isn't terribly informative, and doesn't even have a link to the image source. I tracked it back to the unskewed high resolution version of this image, and added a better description.

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title: User talk:Tom/Archive/2004/1/


text:
Europeras

Europeras is a series of five operas by the composer John Cage. Cage explained the punning title thus: "For two hundred years the Europeans have been sending us their operas.  Now I'm sending them back."

Europeras I and II
Europeras I and II were premiered by the Frankfurt Opera in December 1987 after a delay caused by fire; both call on the full resources of the house and apply the technique of indeterminacy to plot, stage directions, lighting, costuming, props, and sets, as well as to the music, drawn from fragments of the 18th and 19th century repertoire and intermittently drowned out by a taped Opera Mix, "as if you were shouting to someone on the opposite side of the street and a large truck passes by."

The libretto, in twenty-four scenarios, likewise juxtaposes traditional operatic episodes: the libretto begins "Dressed as an Irish princess, he gives birth; they plot to overthrow the French." The area of the stage is divided into 64 quadrants corresponding to the I Ching and the nineteen singers share the space with dancers. Cage said "What I wanted to do was to have the programs such that if twelve people were sitting in a row each one would be looking at a different opera." There is no conductor; performers are instead guided by large projections of a digital clock according to strict time intervals. Cage even went so far as to hand out two separate sets of librettos to the audience at the premiere, themselves culled from previous operatic works.

No recordings have yet been released of "Europeras I and II."

Europeras III and IV
Europeras III and IV were commissioned by the Almeida Festival in London and premiered in 1990, subsequently touring. Both prominently feature gramophones, the former in combination with two pianists (replacing the orchestra). The latter is a chamber piece for singer, gramophone and table lamp.

Mode Records issued a 2-CD set of "Europeras III and IV" in 1995: catalog # 37/38.

Europera V
The 60' Europera V, a commission of Yvar Mikhashoff for pianist, two singers, lighting and tape, premiered May 21, 1991 in Amsterdam. The production in the garden of the Museum of Modern Art in New York was the last performance attended by Cage before his death on August 12, 1992.

Mode Records issued a CD of 'Europera V" in 1994: catalog #36.

title: Europeras


text:
Impositions

The Crown of England traditionally exercised the right to impose import duties for the regulation of trade and the protection of domestic industry. New impositions of this kind were imposed by Elizabeth I on currants and tobacco (1601) and extended by King James I to most imports (1608) after a favourable ruling in Bates' Case (1606). John Bates was a merchant from the Levant Company who refused to pay the import duty on currants; this was taken to the Court of the Exchequer, where he ".

In the face of Parliament's angry protests in 1610, the tax was amended to ensure that the greatest impact fell on foreign merchants.

Impositions were among the prerogative rights that King James I was to give up under the Great Contract of 1610, as drawn up by Lord Treasurer Robert Cecil, then Lord Salisbury, in return for an immediate sum to pay off Royal debt and an annual subsidy that would greatly increase income. However negotiations fell through, mainly because both sides kept changing what they wanted out of the Contract.

The prerogative of imposing any kind of tax without parliamentary authority was ultimately abolished as part of the Glorious Revolution with the Bill of Rights 1689.

title: Impositions


text: Template:Civil aircraft types

title: Template:Civil aircraft types


text:
Volo di notte

Volo di notte (Night Flight) is a one-act opera composed by Luigi Dallapiccola to an Italian libretto he wrote based on the novel Vol de nuit by Antoine de Saint-Exupéry. It was first performed at the Teatro della Pergola in Florence on May 18, 1940.

The opera emphasizes individual suffering and was written as a response to the rise of fascism.

Roles

 * First employee (tenor)
 * Second employee (baritone)
 * Third employee (tenor)
 * Fourth employee (baritone)
 * Leroux, a pilot (bass)
 * Pellerin, a pilot (tenor)
 * Radio operator (tenor)
 * Rivière, the airfield director (bass-baritone)
 * Robineau, an inspector (bass)
 * Simona Fabien, wife of a pilot (mezzo-soprano)

Synopsis
The subject is an individual aviator, an Argentine long-distance mail carrier, during the early days of flying. He is caught in a storm, with no way to land. The ensuing drama occurs both within his family, anxious for his safe return, and among his employers, concerned both for his safe return and the success of their enterprise.

title: Volo di notte


text:
Peter Woodthorpe

Peter Woodthorpe (25 September 1931 – 13 August 2004) was an English actor who supplied the voice of Gollum in the 1978 Bakshi version of The Lord of the Rings and the BBC's 1981 radio serial. He also provided the voice of Pigsy in the cult series Monkey and played Max, the pathologist, in early episodes of Inspector Morse.

Early life
Woodthorpe was educated at Archbishop Holgate's Grammar School. He was a national serviceman in the Royal Navy as part of naval intelligence.

Career
In 1955, Woodthorpe portrayed Estragon in the first British production of Waiting for Godot. He had then just finished his second year reading Biochemistry at Magdalene College, Cambridge, and expected to return after a run of a few weeks. When the play was successful, faced with the choice of dropping out either from Cambridge or from the play, he chose to stay with the play and his acting career. In 1960, he played Aston in the first production of Harold Pinter's The Caretaker at the Arts Theatre, in London, prior to transferring to the West End's Duchess Theatre on 30 May 1960. He also starred as Oxford in the Broadway musical Darling of the Day. He was later a member of the Royal Shakespeare Company, appearing in productions of Much Ado About Nothing, Henry V, The Merchant of Venice and The Lower Depths.

In 1964 and 1965, he made three films for cinematographer-turned-director Freddie Francis: The Evil of Frankenstein (1964), Hysteria (1965) and The Skull (1965), the first two for Hammer Films and the last for Amicus Productions. His characters in these films were all sleazy, corrupt and manipulative types (a hypnotist, a nudie photographer and a corrupt landlord).

Other television appearances include as the writer Honoré de Balzac in the BBC series Notorious Woman (1974) and as the corrupt Councillor George Webb in the episode "Not a Very Civil Civil Servant" of London Weekend Television's action drama The Professionals (1978).

One of Woodthorpe's best-remembered roles was the guest role of Reg Trotter, father of Del Boy, in the 1983 Christmas special Thicker than Water, an episode of the BBC sitcom Only Fools and Horses. In 1984, he and Lennard Pearce (who starred on the programme as Grandad Trotter, Reg's father, and appeared alongside him in that episode) were seen together again in the Minder episode "The Balance of Power".

After 1994, he recorded the voices of Toad, Great White Stag and Whistler in a BBC Young Collection audiotape version of the Animals of Farthing Wood.

Death
Woodthorpe died at the age of 72 on 13 August 2004 in Banbury, Oxfordshire, following a short illness.

Partial filmography

 * Father Came Too! (1963) – Farmer
 * The Evil of Frankenstein (1964) – Zoltan
 * Hysteria (1965) – Marcus Allan
 * The Skull (1965) – Travers
 * The Blue Max (1966) – Corporal Rupp
 * The Charge of the Light Brigade (1968) – Cardigan's Valet
 * The Lord of the Rings (1978) – Gollum / Smeagol (voice)
 * The Mirror Crack'd (1980) – Scout Master
 * To Catch a King (1984) – Elric Becker
 * A Christmas Carol (1984) – Old Joe
 * Eleni (1985) – Grandfather
 * Inspector Morse (1987–1988, TV Series) – Dr. Max DeBryn
 * Testimony (1988) – Alexander Glazunov
 * Massacre Play (1989) – Straccalino
 * Red Hot (1993) – Professor Lusis
 * The Madness of King George (1994) – Clergyman
 * The Animals of Farthing Wood (1994) Toad, The Great White Stag, Whistler (Audiotape only)
 * England, My England (1995) – Kiffen
 * Jane Eyre (1996) – Briggs
 * The Odyssey (1997) – Mentor
 * Merlin (1998) – Soothsayer
 * The Strange Case of Delphina Potocka or The Mystery of Chopin (1999) – 3rd Official

title: Peter Woodthorpe


text:
Category:Business aircraft

A business aircraft is one designed for transporting small groups of business people for commercial reasons at a time convenient to their business needs. While many are jets, turboprop engines offer high efficiency and lower costs. Some aircraft may be adapted for other roles, such as the evacuation of casualties or express parcel deliveries, and a few may be used by public bodies, governments or the armed forces.

title: Category:Business aircraft


text: User talk:68.231.115.247

title: User talk:68.231.115.247


text:
Ladies of the Canyon (album)

Ladies of the Canyon is the third studio album by Canadian singer-songwriter Joni Mitchell, released on Reprise Records in 1970. It peaked at No. 27 on the Billboard 200, and has been certified platinum by the RIAA. The title makes reference to Laurel Canyon, a center of popular music culture in Los Angeles during the 1960s, where Mitchell lived while she was writing the album. Specifically, Mitchell lived and wrote at 8217 Lookout Mountain Avenue, the house which is the subject of Graham Nash's "Our House". The album includes several of Mitchell's most noted songs, such as "Big Yellow Taxi", "Woodstock" and "The Circle Game".

Album content
The album is notable for its expansion of Mitchell's artistic vision and its varied song topics (ranging from the aesthetic weight of celebrity, to observation of the Woodstock generation, to the complexities of love). Ladies of the Canyon is often viewed as a transition between Mitchell's folky earlier work and the more sophisticated, poignant albums that were to follow. In particular, "For Free" foreshadows the lyrical leitmotif of the isolation triggered by success that would be elaborated upon in For the Roses and Court and Spark. The sparse, alternative-tuning laden sound of later records comes to the forefront on "Ladies of the Canyon".

Of all of Mitchell's work, this album is the most related to her long-standing friendships and relationships with Crosby, Stills, Nash, & Young (whose rock arrangement of "Woodstock" was one of their four radio hits in 1970). Mitchell was living with Graham Nash at the time much of the album was written. A number of the album's songs, including the aforementioned "Ladies of the Canyon" and "Woodstock", feature densely stacked, wordless harmony overdubs reminiscent of David Crosby's oeuvre; Crosby himself performed "For Free" for many years. "The Circle Game", one of the artist's early signature songs, features background vocals from all four.

Critical reception
Reviewing for The Village Voice in 1970, Robert Christgau found Ladies of the Canyon "superior to her previous work, richer lyrically and more compelling musically." He said the album's second half is "almost perfect, and the arrangements are intelligent throughout", but found Mitchell's voice weak and her wordplay inconsistent. Years later in Christgau's Record Guide: Rock Albums of the Seventies (1981), he said that, despite the occasional "laughably high school" wordplay, Mitchell's reliance on piano suggests "a move from the open air to the drawing room ... that's reflected in richer, more sophisticated songs." In 2000 it was voted number 731 in Colin Larkin's All Time Top 1000 Albums.

Legacy
"Big Yellow Taxi" has become a standard over the years, and it was sampled by Janet Jackson. It has been used repeatedly to call attention to environmental injustices, as it makes reference to the use of DDT, the Foster Botanical Garden and the Royal Hawaiian Hotel.

In 1995 Annie Lennox performed the song "Ladies of the Canyon" and released it as the B-side of her single "No More I Love You's". "Ladies of the Canyon" discusses three real women, Annie Burden, Estrella Berosini, and Trina Robbins.

Singer-songwriter Lana Del Rey included a cover of the song "For Free" as part of several dates of her 2019 Norman Fucking Rockwell! Tour. A studio version of the cover featuring Zella Day and Weyes Blood was also included in her 2021 album Chemtrails over the Country Club. The song critiques the “pop cash nexus” and centers the musical talent of a street busker.

"Rainy Night House" discusses Mitchell's brief relationship with Leonard Cohen, and a specific night they spent together in his childhood home.

One of Ladies of the Canyon’s most lauded tracks is “Woodstock,” which has been heralded as an anthem of 1969’s Woodstock Music and Art Fair. Woodstock is a well known event in the history of the 1960s countercultural revolution.

The Young and the Restless star Jess Walton stated that she was the owner of one of the houses featured on the album's cover.

Track listing
All tracks are written by Joni Mitchell.

 * Side one

 * Side two

Personnel

 * Joni Mitchell – vocals, guitars, keyboards, cover illustration
 * Teresa Adams – cello
 * Paul Horn – clarinet, flute
 * Jim Horn – baritone saxophone
 * Milt Holland – percussion
 * Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young (as the Lookout Mountain United Downstairs Choir) – vocal chorus on "The Circle Game"

Production personnel
 * Henry Lewy – engineer, production advice
 * Don Bagley – cello arrangement

title: Ladies of the Canyon (album)


text: User talk:62.12.103.10

title: User talk:62.12.103.10