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Irish Rebellion of 1798

The Irish Rebellion of 1798 (Éirí Amach 1798; Ulster-Scots: The Hurries ) was a popular insurrection against the British Crown in what was then the separate, but subordinate, Kingdom of Ireland. The main organising force was the Society of United Irishmen. First formed in Belfast by Presbyterians opposed to the landed Anglican establishment, the Society, despairing of reform, sought to secure a republic through a revolutionary union with the country's Catholic majority. The grievances of a rack-rented tenantry drove recruitment.

While assistance was being sought from the French Republic and from democratic militants in Britain, martial-law seizures and arrests forced the conspirators into the open. Beginning in late May 1798, there were a series of uncoordinated risings: in the counties of Carlow and Wexford in the southeast where the rebels met with some success; in the north around Belfast in counties Antrim and Down; and closer to the capital, Dublin, in counties Meath and Kildare.

In late August, after the rebels had been reduced to pockets of guerrilla resistance, the French landed an expeditionary force in the west, in County Mayo. Unable to effect a conjunction with a significant rebel force, they surrendered on 9 September. In the last open-field engagement of the rebellion, the local men they had rallied on their arrival were routed at Killala on 23 September. On 12 October, a second French expedition was defeated in a naval action off the coast of County Donegal leading to the capture of the United Irish leader Wolfe Tone.

In the wake of the rebellion, Acts of Union abolished the Irish legislature and brought Ireland under the crown of a United Kingdom through the Parliament at Westminster. The centenary of the rebellion in 1898 saw its legacy disputed by nationalists who wished to restore a legislature in Dublin, by republicans who invoked the name of Tone in the cause of complete separation and independence, and by unionists opposed to all measures of Irish self-government. Renewed in a bicentenary year that coincided with the 1998 Belfast "Good Friday" Agreement, the debate over the interpretation and significance of "1798" continues.

The Volunteer movement
In the last decades of the 18th century, the British Crown in Ireland faced growing demands for constitutional reform. The Protestant Ascendancy had relaxed the Penal Laws by which, in the wake of the Jacobite defeat in 1691, it had sought to break the power, and reduce the influence, both of the Catholic church and of the remaining Catholic gentry. But the landed Anglican interest continued to monopolise the Irish Parliament, occupying both the House of Lords and, through the system of pocket boroughs, half of the Commons. The interests of the Crown were meanwhile secured by a Viceregal administration accountable, not to the legislature in Dublin, but to the King and his ministers in London (and which also having boroughs in its pocket reduced to a third the number of Commons seats open to electoral contest). Additionally, the British parliament presumed the right to itself to legislate for Ireland, a prerogative it had exercised to restrict rival Irish trade and commerce.

The revolt of the North American colonies presented a challenge. War with the colonists and with their French allies drew down the Crown's regular forces in Ireland. In their absence Volunteer companies were formed, ostensibly for home defence, but soon, like their kinsmen in the colonies, debating and asserting "constitutional rights". In 1782, with the Volunteers drilling and parading in support of the otherwise beleaguered Patriot opposition in the Irish Parliament, Westminster repealed its Dependency of Ireland on Great Britain Act 1719.

Volunteers, especially in the north where Presbyterians and other Protestant Dissenters had flocked to their ranks, immediately sought to build upon this grant of legislative independence by agitating for the abolition of the pocket boroughs and an extension of the franchise. But the question of whether, and on what terms, parliamentary reform should embrace Catholic emancipation split the movement".  The Ancien Régime survived: the Anglican aristocracy remained entrenched under the patronage of a government that continued to take its direction from London.

Formation of the United Irishmen
The disappointment was felt keenly in Belfast, a growing commercial centre which, as a borough owned of the Marquess of Donegall, had no elected representation. In October 1791, amidst public celebration of the French Revolution, a group of Volunteer veterans invited an address from Wolfe Tone, a Protestant secretary to Dublin's Catholic Committee. Acknowledging his Argument on behalf of the Catholics of Ireland, in which Tone had argued that they could not enjoy liberty until banded together with Catholics against the "boobies and blockheads" of the Ascendancy, and styling themselves at his suggestion the Society of United Irishmen, the meeting resolved:"[that] the weight of English influence in the government of this country is so great as to require a cordial union among all the people of Ireland; [and] that the sole constitutional mode by which this influence can be opposed, is by complete and radical reform of the representation of the people in parliament."The same resolution was carried by Tone's friends in Dublin where, reflecting a larger, more diverse, middle class, the Society united from the outset Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter.

The Catholic Convention
With the support and participation of United Irishmen, in December 1792 the Catholic Committee convened a national Catholic Convention. Elected on a broad, head-of-household, franchise, the "Back Lane Parliament" was a direct challenge to the legitimacy of the Irish Lords and Commons.

Anticipating war with the new French Republic, George III received a delegation from the convention (including Tone) at Windsor, and the British government pressed the Irish Parliament to match Westminster's 1791 Catholic Relief Act. This relieved Catholics of most of their remaining civil disabilities and, where (in the counties) Common's seats were contested, allowed those meeting the property qualification to vote. For Parliament itself the Oath of Supremacy was retained so that it remained exclusively Protestant.

For a measure that could have little appreciable impact on the conduct of government, the price for overriding Ascendancy opposition was the dissolution of the Catholic Committee, a new government militia that conscripted Catholic and Protestant by lot, and a Convention Act that effectively outlawed extra-parliamentary opposition. When it was clear that these were not terms acceptable to the United Irishmen (who had been seeking to revive and remodel the Volunteers along the lines of the revolutionary French "National Guard") the government moved to suppress the Society. In May 1794, following the revelation of meetings between a French emissary, William Jackson, and United leaders including Tone and Archibald Hamilton Rowan, the Society was proscribed.

New System of Organisation
A year later, in May 1795, a meeting of United delegates from Belfast and the surrounding market towns responded to the growing repression by endorsing a new, and it was hoped more resistant, "system of organisation". Local societies were to split so as to remain within a range of 7 to 35 members, and through baronial and county delegate committees, to build toward a provincial, and, once three of Ireland's four provinces had organised, a national, directory.

It was with this New System that the Society spread rapidly across Ulster and, eventually, from Dublin (where the abandonment of open proceedings had been resisted) out into the midlands and the south. As it did so, William Drennan's "test" or pledge, calling for "a union of power among Irishmen of every religious persuasion", was administered to artisans, journeymen and shopkeepers, many of whom had maintained their own Jacobin clubs, and to tenant farmers and their market-town allies who had organised against the Protestant gentry in secret fraternities.

United Irish—Defender alliance
In rural Ireland, there was a "varied, energetic and complex structure of agrarian 'secret societies'", commonly referred to as Whiteboyism, after groups that had emerged mid-century in the south. In the north, it had included the Oakboys who, mobilising the aggrieved irrespective of religion, had in 1763 threatened to pursue fleeing Anglican rectors and tithe proctors into the city of Derry. There had also been the Hearts of Steel who, protesting land speculation and evictions, in 1770 entered Belfast, besieged the barracks, and sprung one of their number from prison. By the 1790s, borrowing, like the United Irish societies (and, from 1795, their nemesis the Orange Institution), from the lodge structure and ceremonial of freemasonry, this semi-insurrectionary phenomenon had regenerated as the largely but—with some latter-day adjustments to their oaths—not exclusively Catholic, Defenders.

Originating as "fleets" of young men who contended with Protestant Peep o' Day Boys for the control of tenancies and employment in the linen-producing region of north Armagh, the Defenders organised across the southern counties of Ulster and into the Irish midlands. Already in 1788, their oath-taking had been condemned in a pastoral by the Catholic Primate Archbishop of Armagh. As the United Irishmen began to reach out the Defenders, they were similarly sanctioned. With cautions against the "fascinating illusions" of French principles, in 1794 Catholics taking the United test were threatened with excommunication.

Encountering a political outlook more Jacobite than Jacobin, and speaking freely to the grievances of tithes, taxes and rents,  United agents sought to convince Defenders of something they had only "vaguely" considered, namely the need to separate Ireland from England and to secure its "real as well as nominal independence". As the promise of reform receded, and as French victories built hopes of military assistance, Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform became a demand for universal manhood suffrage (every man a citizen), and hopes for accountable government were increasingly represented by the call for an Irish republic—terms that clearly anticipated a violent break with the Crown.

Preparation
Beginning with an obligation of each society to drill a company, and of three companies to form a battalion, the New System of Organisation was adapted to military preparation With only Ulster and Leinster organised, the leadership remained split between the two provincial directories. In June 1797, they met together in Dublin to consider the demands for an immediate rising from the northerners who, reeling from martial-law seizures and arrests, feared the opportunity to strike was passing. The meeting broke up in disarray, with many of the Ulster delegates fleeing abroad. The authorities were sufficiently satisfied with the severity of their countermeasures in Ulster that in August they restored civil law in the province.

The initiative passed to the Leinster directory which had recruited two radically disaffected members of the Patriot opposition: Lord Edward FitzGerald, who brought with him experience of the American war, and Arthur O'Connor (later, undistinguished, as an officer of Napoleon's Irish Legion). The directory believed themselves too weak to act in the summer of 1797, but through the winter the movement appeared to strengthen in existing strongholds such as Dublin, County Kildare and County Meath, and to break new ground in the midlands and the south-east. In February 1798, a return prepared by Fitzgerald computed the number United Irishmen, nationwide, at 269,896. But there were doubts as to the number would heed call to arms and whether they could muster more than simple pikes (over the previous year the authorities had seized 70,630 of these compared to just 4,183 blunderbusses and 225 musket barrels). While the movement had withstood the government's countermeasures, and seditious propaganda and preparation continued, there was hesitation to act without the certainty of French arms and assistance.

Hoche's expedition December 1796
In 1795, from American exile Tone had travelled to Paris where he sought to convince the French Directory that Ireland was the key to breaking Britain's maritime stranglehold. His "memorials" on the situation in Ireland came to the attention of Director Lazare Carnot, and by May, General Henri Clarke, the Irish-descendant head of the War Ministry's Bureau Topographique, had drafted an invasion plan. In June, Carnot offered General Lazare Hoche command of an Irish expedition that would secure "the safety of France for centuries to come."

Originally, it was to have been accompanied by two diversionary raids on England: one against Newcastle, the other against Bristol. In the event, because of pressing demands in Italy, the forty thousand men called for could not be mustered.

Under Hoche, a force of 15,000 veteran troops was assembled at Brest. Sailing on 16 December, accompanied by Tone, the French arrived off the coast of Ireland at Bantry Bay on 22 December 1796. Unremitting storms prevented a landing. Tone remarked that "England [...] had its luckiest escape since the Armada". The fleet returned home and the army intended to spearhead the invasion of Ireland was split up and sent, along with a growing Irish Legion, to fight in other theatres of the French Revolutionary Wars.

Bantry Bay had nonetheless made real the prospect of French intervention, and United societies flooded with new members. There were increasing reports of Defenders and United Irishmen "marauding" for weapons, and openly parading. In May 1797, Yeomanry, which in the north had begun recruiting entire Orange lodges, charged gatherings near Cootehill in Cavan killing eleven, and in Dundalk killing fourteen.

Naval mutinies
Seeking to justify the suspension of habeas corpus in Britain, the authorities were quick to see the hand of both Irish and English radicals in the Spithead and Nore mutinies of April and May 1797. The United Irish were reportedly behind the resolution of the Nore mutineers to hand the fleet over to the French "as the only government that understands the Rights of Man". Much was made of Valentine Joyce, a leader at Spithead, described by Edmund Burke as a "seditious Belfast clubist". But no evidence emerges of a concerted United Irish plot to subvert the fleet. There had only been talk of seizing British warships as part of a general insurrection.

The mutinies had paralysed the British navy, but the Batavian fleet that the French had prepared for their forces at Texel was again opposed by the weather. In October 1797, after Tone and the troops he was to accompany to Ireland had been disembarked, the fleet sought to reach the French naval base at Brest and was destroyed by the Royal Navy at the Battle of Camperdown.

In Paris, Tone recognised the rising star of Napoleon Bonaparte. But he found the conqueror of Italy incurious about the Irish situation being in need of a war of conquest, not of liberation, to pay his army. In February 1798, British spies did report that the First Consul was preparing a fleet in the Channel ports ready for the embarkation of up to 50,000 men, but the preparations were soon reversed. Bonaparte deemed both the military and naval forces assembled inadequate to the task. In later exile, he was to claim that he might have made an attempt on Ireland (instead of sailing in May 1798 for Egypt) had he had confidence in Tone the other United Irish agents appearing in Paris. He describes them as divided in opinion and constantly quarrelling.

British co-conspiracy
These agents from Ireland included James Coigly. A Catholic priest who had been active in bringing Defenders into the movement in Ulster, Coigly sought to persuade both French Directory and the leadership in Ireland of a larger project. Beginning in 1796, United Irish agents had helped build networks of United Englishmen and United Scotsmen, societies whose proceedings, oath-taking, and advocacy of physical force "mirrored that of their Irish inspirators". Describing himself as an emissary of the United Irish executive, assisted by a tide of refugees from Ulster, and tapping into protest against the Combination Acts and wartime food shortages, Coigly worked from Manchester to spread the United system across the manufacturing districts of northern England. In London, he conferred with Irishmen prominent in the city's federation of democratic clubs, the London Corresponding Society. With these he drew together delegates from Scotland and the provinces who, as "United Britons", resolved "to overthrow the present Government, and to join the French as soon as they made a landing in England".

In July 1797, the resolution of the United Britons was discussed by the leadership in Dublin and Belfast. Although addressed to the prospect of a French invasion, the suggestion that "England, Scotland and Ireland are all one people acting for one common cause", encouraged militants to believe that liberty could be won even if "the French should never come here".

Eve-of-rebellion arrests
In early 1798, a series of violent attacks on magistrates in County Tipperary, County Kildare and King's County alarmed the authorities. They were also aware that there was now a faction of the United Irish leadership, led by Fitzgerald and O'Connor, who felt "sufficiently well organised and equipped" to begin an insurgency without French assistance. The Viceroy, Lord Camden, came under increasing pressure from hardline Irish MPs, led by Speaker John Foster, to crack down on the growing disorder in the south and midlands and arrest the Dublin leadership.

Camden hesitated, partly as he feared a crackdown would itself provoke an insurrection: the British Home Secretary Lord Portland agreed, describing the proposals as "dangerous and inconvenient". The situation changed when an informer, Thomas Reynolds, produced Fitzgerald's report on manpower with its suggestion that over a quarter of a million men across Ulster, Leinster and Munster were preparing to join the "revolutionary army". The Irish government learned from Reynolds that a meeting of the Leinster Provincial Committee and Directory had been set for 10 March in the Dublin house of wool merchant Oliver Bond, where a motion for an immediate rising would be tabled. Camden decided to act, explaining to London that he risked having the Irish Parliament turn against him.

On the 10th, In March 1798, almost the entire committee were seized, along with two directors, the comparative moderates (those who, in the absence of the French, had counselled delay) William James MacNeven and Thomas Addis Emmet, together with all their papers. Meanwhile in England, O'Connor had been arrested alongside Coigly. Having been found in possession of a further address to the French Directory, Coigly was hanged, and the United network he had helped build in Britain was broken up by internment. In Dublin, Fitzgerald went into hiding.

The Irish government imposed martial law on 30 March, although civil courts continued sitting. Overall command of the army was transferred from Ralph Abercromby to Gerard Lake who turned his attention to Leinster and Munster where from Ulster his troops' reputation for public floggings, half-hanging, pitch-capping and other interrogative refinements preceded him.

The Call from Dublin
Faced with the breaking-up of their entire system, Fitzgerald, joined by Samuel Neilson (publisher in Belfast of the Society paper Northern Star, recently released from Kilmainham Prison), and by John and Henry Sheares, resolved on a general uprising for 23 May. There was no immediate promise of assistance from France (on the 19th a French expeditionary force had set sail, under Napoleon, but for Egypt, not Ireland). The United army in Dublin was to seize strategic points in the city, while the armies in the surrounding counties would throw up a cordon and advance into its centre. As soon as these developments were signalled by halting mail coaches from the capital, the rest of the country was to rise.

On the appointed day, the rising in the city was aborted. Fitzgerald had been mortally wounded on the 19th, the Sheares brothers were betrayed the 21st, and on the morning of the 23rd, Neilson, who had been critical to the planning, was seized. Armed with last minute intelligence, a large force of military occupied the rebels' intended assembly points, persuading those who had turned out to dump weapons and disperse. The plan to intercept the mail coaches miscarried, with only the Munster-bound coach halted at Johnstown, County Kildare, near Naas. The organisation in the outer districts of the city nonetheless rose as planned and were swiftly followed by the surrounding counties.

Leinster
The first clashes of the rebellion took place just after dawn on 24 May in County Kildare. After the Munster mail coach was attacked on its approach to Naas on the night of the 23rd, a 1000 to 3,000 men approached the town. Their pikes could not prevail against grapeshot and steady musket fire. A garrison of less than 200 routed the rebels, with a small cavalry detachment cutting down over a hundred as they fled.

Success did attend a smaller rebel force, commanded by John Esmonde, a Protestant physician who had deserted from the Yeomanry, later that day at Prosperous. The town was not to be re-occupied until after a rebel defeat at Ovidstown on 19 June, but a succession of rebel reversals further afield, including defeats at Carlow (25 May) and of a larger host at the Hill of Tara in County Meath (May 26) persuaded many of the Kildare insurgents that their cause was lost.

Rebels were to remain longest in the field in south-east, in Wexford and in the Mountains of Wicklow. It is commonly suggested that the trigger for the rising in Wexford was the arrival on 26 May of the notorious North Cork Militia. On 27 May, underestimating the hill-top position and resolve of a rebel party hastily assembled under a local priest, John Murphy, a force of the militia and yeomanry was cut down outside the town of Oulart. The insurgents then swept south through Wexford Town where they released, and gave command to, the local United Irish leader, a Protestant barrister, Bagenal Harvey.

On 5 June, under Bagenal, a force of 3,000 exhausted their ammunition and, with heavy losses, was forced to withdraw from New Ross whose capture might have opened the way to the large bodies of Defenders known to exist in Kilkenny and Waterford. On news of the defeat, rebels in the rear killed up to 200 loyalist prisoners (men, women and children): the notorious Scullabogue Barn massacre.

Meanwhile, attempts to break northward and open a road through Wicklow toward Dublin were checked 1 June at Bunclody and, despite the deployment of guns captured in an ambush at Tubberneering, at Arklow on 9 June. The rebels fell back toward the south, meeting the survivors of New Ross and forming a camp of 16,000 on Vinegar Hill outside the town of Enniscorthy. There, on 21 June, they were surrounded, bombarded and routed by a force of 13,000 under General Lake.

The remnants of the "Republic of Wexford" established a base in Killaughrim Woods, in the north of the county, under James Corcoran. Others sought action elsewhere. On 24 June, 8,000 men converged in two columns led by Father Murphy and by Myles Byrne on Castlecomer in County Kilkenny where it was hoped the area's militant colliers would join them. Unprepared, the miners did not tip the balance and at the end of the day both garrison and rebels retreated from the burning town. Byrne led his men into the Wicklow Mountains where Joseph Holt and Michael Dwyer commanded a guerrilla resistance. Murphy's men passed into Kildare where, after the priest was captured, they joined rebels withdrawn under William Aylmer into the Bog of Allen. After a number of bruising engagements, the "Wexford croppies" moved into Meath making a last stand at Knightstown bog on 14 July. A few hundred survivors returned to Kildare where at Sallins they surrendered on the 21st.

All but their leaders benefited from an amnesty intended by the new Lord Lieutenant, Charles Cornwallis to flush out remaining resistance. The law was pushed through the Irish Parliament by the Chancellor, Lord Clare. A staunch defender of the Ascendancy, Clare was determined to separate Catholics from the greater enemy, "Godless Jacobinism."

Ulster
In the north, there had been no response to the call from Dublin. On 29 May, following news of the fighting in Leinster, county delegates meeting in Armagh, voted out the hesitant Ulster directory and resolved that if the adjutant generals of Antrim and Down could not agree a general plan of insurrection, they would return to their occupations and "deceive the people no more". In response, Robert Simms, who refused to consider action in the absence of the French, resigned his command in Antrim. Amidst charges of betrayal by aristocrats, cowards and traitors, his colonels turned to the young Henry Joy McCracken. Fearful that the "hope of a union with the south" was otherwise lost, McCracken proclaimed the First Year of Liberty on 6 June.

On 7 June, there were local musters across the county, and west of the Bann at Maghera. The green flag was raised in Ballymena, and there were attacks on Larne, Glenarm, Carrickfergus, Toomebridge and Ballymoney. But by the following morning, before any coordination had been possible, those who turned out had begun to dump arms and disperse on news of McCracken defeat. Leading a body of four to six thousand, their commander had failed, with heavy losses, to seize Antrim Town.

From the point of view of the military, the insurrection in County Antrim ended on 9 June with the surrender of Ballymena (under an amnesty that spared it the fate of Randalstown, Templepatrick and Ballymoney—all set ablaze). A diminishing band under McCracken dispersed when, on the 14th, they received news of the decisive defeat of the Army of the Republic in County Down.

Plans for a simultaneous rising in Down on the 7th had been disrupted by the arrest of the county's adjutant general, William Steele Dickson, and all his colonels. But beginning on the 9th younger officers took the initiative. An ambush outside Saintfield, an attack upon Newtownards, and the seizure of guns from a ship in Bangor harbour, persuaded General Nugent to concentrate his forces for a counteroffensive in Belfast. The republic in north Down, which extended down the Ards peninsula to Portaferry from which the rebels, under naval fire, were repulsed on the 11th, lasted but three days. Nugent moved on the 12th, and by the morning of the 13th had routed the main rebel conjunction under Dickson's successor, a young Lisburn draper, Henry Monro, outside Ballynahinch.

Stories of Catholic desertion at the Battle of Ballynahinch were common, although a more sympathetic account has Defenders decamping only after Munro rejected their proposal for a night attack on the riotous soldiery in the town as taking an "ungenerous advantage". These were denied by James Hope who had been one of the principal United emissaries to the Defenders. He insisted that Defenders had not appeared among the rebels in separate ranks, and that the body that deserted Munro on the eve of battle had been "the Killinchy people ... and they were Dissenters".

Historian Marianne Elliott notes that, in Down, Catholics had a formal parity in the United organisation. Prior to the final arrests, they accounted for three of the county's six colonels. As they dominated only in the southern third of the county this, she suggests, did not reflect a practice of separate Catholic divisions.

Munster
In the southwest, in Munster, there were just two skirmishes: on 19 June near Clonakilty in West Cork, the "Battle of the Big Cross" and, after the principal action was over, on 24 July, an attempt to free prisoners at Ninemilehouse in County Tipperary. The province had been subject to pacification ten years before: a martial-law regime suppressed a semi-insurrectionary Rightboy agrarian resistance movement. Following the French appearance off Bantry in December 1796, the exercise was repeated. With a license to "treat the people with as much harshness as possible", troops of the line, militia, yeomanry and fencibles, were garrisoned across the region recovering arms, arresting large numbers of United suspects, and dragooning young men into militia service.

In May 1797, the entire committee of the relatively strong United organisation that the Sheares brothers had built in Cork City were arrested. In April 1798, the authorities broke up what remained.

The confrontation on 19 June was between a column of Westmeath Militia and a force of 300-400 lightly armed local peasantry, who, according to one account, appealed to the militia men to join their party and were instead met with fire. The Clonakilty Catholics were afterwards admonished in their chapel by the town's Protestant vicar for being so "foolish" as "to think that ... country farmers and labourers [could] set up as politicians, reformers, and law makers".

French epilogue
Connacht, in the far west, the poorest of the Irish provinces, was drawn into the rebellion only by the arrival on 22 August of the French. About 1,000 French soldiers under General Humbert landed at Kilcummin, County Mayo. Joined by up to 5,000 hastily assembled "uncombed, ragged" and shoeless peasants, they had some initial success. In what would later become known as the "Races of Castlebar" they set to flight a militia force of 6,000 under Lake.

In the wake of the victory, Humbert proclaimed the Irish Republic with the French-educated John Moore as president of the government of Connacht. But unable to make timely contact with a new rising sparked in County Longford and County Meath, after a token engagement with British forces of some 26,000 at Ballinamuck, in County Longford, he surrendered on 8 September, along with 500 Irish under Bartholomew Teeling.

What was recalled in the Irish-speaking region as Bliain na bhFrancach (The year of the French), concluded with slaughter of some 2000 poorly-armed insurgents outside Killala on the 23rd. They had been led by a scion of Mayo's surviving Catholic gentry, James Joseph MacDonnell. Terror ensued with Mayo's High Sheriff, Denis Browne (the future  Marquess of Sligo) earning the nickname Donnchadh an Rópa (Denis the Rope).

To Tone's dismay, the French Directory concluded from Humbert's account of his misadventure that the Irish were to be compared with the devoutly Catholic peasantry they had battled at home in the Vendée. He had to rebuff the suggestion that, rather than a secular republic, he consider a restoration of the Jacobite Pretender, Henry Benedict Stuart, as Henry IX, King of the Irish.

On 12 October, Tone was aboard a second French expedition, carrying a force of 3,000 men, that was intercepted off the coast of County Donegal, the Battle of Tory Island. Taken captive, Tone regretted nothing done "to raise three million of my countrymen to the ranks of citizen," and lamented only those "atrocities committed on both sides" during his exile. On the eve of execution, he cut his own throat.

Casualties
In what was to be the most widely read account of the rebellion since its centenary, The Year of Liberty (1969), Thomas Pakenham (overlooking 1741, the famine "year of slaughter") wrote: The rebellion of 1798 is the most violent and tragic event in Irish history between the Jacobite wars and the Great Famine.

In the space of a few weeks, 30,000 – peasants armed with pikes and pitchforks, defenceless women and children – were cut down, shot, or blown like chaff as they charged up to the mouth of the canon. Thirty thousand is mid range between what had been the contemporary estimates (of which just 2,000 were thought to be Crown forces and 1,000 loyalist civilians). Recent studies suggest a lower figure. A demographic study of County Wexford, the rebellion's principal theatre, indicates 6,000 killed. From this, historian Thomas Bartlett, concludes "a death toll of 10,000 for the entire island would seem to be in order". Others suspect that the widespread fear of repression led relatives to hide their losses. It is not clear how many of those killed died in combat.

Military atrocities
Accounts of rebel outrages against loyalist civilians circulated widely. These helped secure defections from the republican cause. They also deflected criticism of the military counter terror that had come from loyal, even establishment, figures. Lord Moira (the future Governor-General of India) collated evidence of crimes and abuses by the Crown's forces which he sought to present to the King.

In February 1798, the British commander-in-chief General Sir Ralph Abercromby publicly rebuked his predecessor, Henry Luttrell, Lord Carhampton, for bequeathing an army "in a state of licentiousness, which must render it formidable to everyone but the enemy". But, finding his efforts to restore military discipline and the supremacy of the civil power unsupported by Dublin Castle, he resigned in April. He was replaced by General Gerrard Lake.

With Lake issuing an order to take no prisoners, during the rebellion summary justice was carried into the field. Captured and wounded rebels were killed, sometimes on a large scale. After accepting their surrender near Curragh, on 27 May Crown forces killed up to 500 Kildare rebels – the Gibbet Rath executions. A further 200 (Wolfe Tone's brother Matthew among them) were executed after Humbert's surrender at Ballinamuck on 9 September.

Civilians in theatres of operation were brutally interrogated and murdered, their houses burned. Cornwallis, who commanded the response to Humbert's arrival, was moved to threaten his "licentious" soldiery (among whom he counted his Catholic militia the most "ferocious and cruel") with summary execution. During and after the rebellion, using their local knowledge the loyalist Yeomanry engaged in their own reprisals. "Pardoned" rebels were a particular target.

Rebel outrages
County Wexford was the only area which saw widespread rebel atrocities. Of these the most notorious were the killings at Scullabogue and on Wexford bridge. After the rebel defeat at New Ross, on June 5 between one to two hundred loyalist hostages, men, women and children, were packed into a barn at Scullabogue that was set alight. Bagenal Harvey resigned his rebel command in protest. In Wexford town on 20 June, after a United Irish "Committee of Public Safety" had been swept aside, 70 loyalist prisoners were marched to the bridge over the River Slaney and piked to death. There were a small number of Catholics among the loyalists killed, and of Protestants among the rebels present. But for government propagandists, the sectarian nature of the outrages was unquestioned.

Women in the rebellion
The United Irishmen and the Defenders were male fraternities. There is little record for the Defenders, but for United Irishmen it is clear that women nonetheless played an active role in the movement. By 1797 the Castle informer Francis Higgins was reporting that "women are equally sworn with men" suggesting that some of the women, assuming risks for the United Irish cause, were taking places beside men in an increasingly clandestine organisation. It is in a person named Mrs. Risk, that R.R. Madden, one of the earliest historians of the United Irishmen, summarises their various activities: carrying intelligence, hiding weapons, running safe houses.

In the risings, women came forward in many capacities, some, as celebrated in later ballads (Betsy Gray and Brave Moll Doyle, the Heroine of New Ross), as combatants. At Ballynahinch, where legend has Betsy Gray mounted with a green flag upon white horse, the father of the future Lord Kelvin reported seeing women remain on the field and perform deeds as "valiant as the men". At Vinegar Hill, British officers remarked on "female rebels more vehement than the men", and on the "many women [who] fought with fury". The rebel leader Thomas Cloney claimed that he would have carried the day at New Ross had one tenth of his men had had the "warlike" quality of Molly Doyle of Castlebro.

Women suffered greatly in the counterinsurgency. Abduction and rape were common. Women who "in their hundreds, who crisscrossed the country, seeking help for, or news of, their menfolk", were particularly vulnerable.

Last resistance
On 1 July 1798 in Belfast, the birthplace of the United Irish movement, it was reported that no man appeared in the street without wearing the red coat of the Yeomanry. As he enlisted former radicals into his Portglenone Yeomanry, Anglican clergyman Edward Hudson claimed that "the brotherhood of affection [between Catholic and Protestant] is over". However, the widespread return in the winter 1799–1800 of flogging, arms raids and assassinations to rural east Ulster suggests that among Dissenters the spirit of rebellion was not yet extinguished. The holdouts had organised in Defender cells from whose oaths references to religion had been notably dropped.

The execution in February 1800 of one of these irreconcilables, Roddy McCorley "at the bridge of Toome", enters into Irish republican martyrology through a ballad written in the 1890s by Ethna Carberry. At the time, it was the name of McCorley's captain, Thomas Archer, that captivated the public imagination. His execution in Ballymena in March 1800 (with his body left hanging in cage in terrorem for several months), and of fifteen of his confederates, marked the final end of the insurgency in Antrim.

In the south-east, in County Wicklow, the United Irish General, Joseph Holt, fought on until his negotiated surrender in Autumn 1798. It was not until December 1803, following the construction of a military road into the Wicklow mountains and the failure of Emmet's rising in Dublin, that the last organised rebel forces under Captain Michael Dwyer capitulated. Small pockets of rebel resistance had also survived within Wexford and the last rebel group under James Corcoran was not vanquished until his death in February 1804.

In the west, after Battles of Ballinamuck and Killala, remnants of the "Republic of Connacht" had held out for some months in the hills of Erris and Tyrawley in County Mayo and in Connemara in County Galway from where James MacDonnell, vanquished at Killala, escaped to France.

Fate of the United Irish and rebel leadership
Taken prisoner, those who had commanded rebels in the field faced court martial and execution. This was the fate of Bagenal Harvey, Fr. Philip Roche, and five others hanged on Wexford Bridge; John Esmonde hanged in Sallins with his coat reversed to indicate that he was a Yeomanry deserter; Watty Graham whose head was paraded through Maghera; Henry Joy McCracken hanged before the Market House in Belfast; Fr John Murphy, stripped, flogged, hanged, decapitated, his corpse burnt in a barrel of tar and his head impaled on a spike in Tullow; Henry Munro whose piked head was displayed on the Market House in Lisburn; and Bartholomew Teeling, whose body was committed to a mass grave for rebels at Croppies' Acre, Dublin.

The Sheares brothers had been hanged, drawn and quartered in Dublin in July. Once confident that the rebellion had been contained, Cornwallis, and his Chief Secretary, Lord Castlereagh, resisted pressure from the Irish Parliament to proceed against the other directory leaders held as state prisoners. Under terms negotiated by Thomas Addis Emmet, William James MacNeven, and Arthur O'Connor, and confident that government informers had left little to disclose, the prisoners promised to give a full account of their activities to a secret House of Commons committee in return for exile, into which they were released in 1802.

Michael Dwyer negotiated his surrender in December 1803 on terms that permitted him, and all his party, to be transported to New South Wales, Australia, as unsentenced exiles. Reprieved by Cornwallis, in 1799 John Moore, Humbert's President of Connacht, was also to have been transported, but he died in custody.

Rebel ministers and priests
In Ulster, some twenty Presbyterian ministers and probationers were implicated in the insurrectionary movement. Two were executed. Others were allowed American exile, including William Steele Dickson and, notwithstanding that he had led the rebels at Newtownards, the young probationer David Bailie Warden. Reacting to what he identified as "the democratic party in the [Presbyterian] synod, most of whom, if not engaged in the Rebellion, were deeply infected with its principles", Castlereagh moved to condition the size and payment to ministers of the synod's Crown grant (regium donum) upon professions and proofs of loyalty.

In the spirit of reaction, between 1798 and 1800 at least 69 Catholic chapels were destroyed or damaged, mosty in south Leinster. It was not, however, the policy of the government to target the Catholic church. With Cornwallis and Castlereagh, British Prime Minister, William Pitt, was persuaded that, while the Catholic peasantry had been roused, the source of the rebellion had been Jacobinism, and not Catholicism.

The Catholic bishops had been almost totally united in their condemnation of disaffection, and voiced no criticism of government policy of "the bayonet, the gibbet, and the lash". The ten or so priests involved in the fighting in County Wexford, were rejected by their bishop, James Caufield of Ferns, as "the very faeces of the church". Two were killed, and four, including Roche and Murphy, were executed. Two priests were also sent to the gallows in Mayo. Their bishop, Dominic Bellew of Killala had served as president of the "committee of public safety" in Ballina but he satisfied Dublin Castle that his sole purpose had been to prevent rebel outrages.

Pitt's plans, conceived in advance of the rebellion, for a legislative union had included a final act of Catholic emancipation. It was only after he had resigned in the face of opposition from the King and court party, that additional measures were thought necessary to secure the loyalty of the Catholic clergy. The government that had since 1795 endowed the Catholic seminary at Maynooth, now proposed that, in return for future episcopal appointments in Ireland being subject to Crown approval, that its graduates enjoy their own regium donum—that like Presbyterian ministers, priests receive a government stipend. But this too proved too much for the king, and Cornwallis was obliged to withdraw the offer.

The Union
In August 1800, the Irish Parliament (induced by extensive favours and emoluments) agreed to abolish itself. Under the Acts of Union, Irish representation, purged of many of the pocket boroughs but still narrow and exclusively Protestant, was transferred to Westminster, now styled as the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

In seeking to rally support for a renewal of the rebellion in 1803, Robert Emmet argued that if Ireland had cause in 1798, it had only been compounded by subjecting Ireland to "a foreign parliament" in which "seven-eights of the population have no right to send a member of their body to represent them" and in which the "other eight part" are "the tools and taskmasters, acting for the cruel English government and their Irish Ascendancy--a monster still worse, if possible than foreign tyranny". Yet at the time, there was no popular protest. This may have reflected the demoralisation that followed the rebellion's crushing defeat, but for the Irish Parliament there was little nostalgia. From exile in Hamburg, Archibald Hamilton Rowan predicted that, in depriving the Anglo-Irish lords of their "corrupt assembly", the union would itself see "the wreck of the old Ascendancy". (In opposing the union, this was the express fear of the Speaker of the Irish House of Commons, John Foster).

Emmet's rebellion
Emmet and his co-conspirators worked to re-establish the United Irish organisation on strictly military lines, but otherwise planning for a republican rising relied on broadly the same strategy as in '98. Hopes of outside assistance were abandoned in 1802 when, what Emmett acknowledged as "similar attempt in England" (the "Despard Plot") was crushed, and when French forces under Humbert were assigned by Napoleon, not to the liberation of Ireland, but to the re-enslavement of Haiti. Through a series of mishaps and missteps an attempt in July 1803 to seize Dublin Castle and other key points in the capital, misfired, and rebels in Kildare dispersed. Without promised firearms, Michael Dwyer refused to lead his men down from the Wicklow Mountains. In Ulster, despite being represented by the original Society's two most successful organisers in the north, Thomas Russell and James Hope, the republic proclaimed by Emmet rallied neither former United men nor Defenders.

Many of those arrested or taken prisoner in '98 were transported to penal colonies of New South Wales. In March 1804, when news reached them of Emmet's rising, several hundred convicts mutinied in the hope of capturing ships for a return to Ireland. They were routed in an encounter loyalists celebrated as the Second Battle of Vinegar Hill.

O'Connell and Young Ireland
In 1801, Sir Richard Musgrave's Memoirs of the Different Rebellions in Ireland presented the first "seminal history" of rebellion. "Violently anti-Catholic", it devoted just 12 pages to events in Ulster, compared to 600 on the rebellion in Leinster. Notwithstanding the loyalty of the Catholic Church, the Ascendancy was determined to paint the rebellion as a "Popish" conspiracy. Daniel O'Connell who, enrolled in a yeomanry corps, had sat out the rebellion in his native County Kerry, retorted that the United Irishmen had been the dupes, not of Catholics intent on driving Protestants from Ireland, but of a government seeking a pretext for abolishing the Irish Parliament. Neither in the mass mobilisation he led for Catholic emancipation nor, in the years to the Great Famine, for repeal of the union, did O'Connell invoke the spirit of "'98".

In 1831, Thomas Moore, who, citing the need to engage with the Presbyterian north, refused a parliamentary nomination from O'Connell's a Repeal Association, presented his Life and Death of Lord Edward Fitzgerald as a "justification of the men of '98 – the ultimi Romanorum of our country". His perspective was broadly shared by the Young Irelanders who, on the principle of physical force, broke with O'Connell in 1846. The journalism of, the Protestant, Young Irelanders Thomas Davis in The Nation, and John Mitchel in the United Irishman, accorded 1798 an honored place in a nationalist narrative.

Centenary 1898
In pilgrimages to Wolfe Tone's graveside at Bodenstown, County Kildare, first held in 1873, a new generation of Irish republicans claimed the legacy of the rebellion. But in the sectarian polarisation that marked consideration of the 1886 and 1893 Home Rule bills, narrower interpretations prevailed. "Despite the enthusiastic republicanism expressed by so many of the early organisers" (among them veterans of physical-force Fenianism),  the Centenary celebrations in Dublin bore "the stamp" of constitutional nationalism, O'Connell's home-rule successors. The public were assured that the United Irishmen had been established to secure Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform, and had only taken up arms, and the cause of a republic, once the obstinacy of the Ascendancy had closed all constitutional paths.

Finding Protestants loathe to acknowledge their connection to those she saw as having sealed Tone's union of creeds on "the battle field and scaffold", Alice Milligan had to confine her commemorative displays in Belfast to Catholic districts. A processive outing to the grave of Betsy Gray, heroine of the Battle of Ballynahinch, ended in a fracas and the destruction of her memorial stone. Unionists willing to recall the turnout under McCracken and Munro, insisted that had their forefathers been offered a Union under the British constitution as it later developed there would have been "no rebellion".

The centenary year saw the fifth and sixth editions of Fr. Patrick Kavanagh's A Popular History of the Insurrection of 1798 (1874). Kavanagh did not, as has been suggested, depict the rebellion as "a purely Catholic affair", but neither did he see cause to profile the republicanism of the United directories. Wexford historian Louis Cullen finds that in Kavanagh's chronicle "the concept of the priest leader emerges to a degree which did not exist in contemporary accounts".

Sesquicentennial 1948
In 1948, attempting, post-partition, to organise Protestant participation in a commemoration of the 150th anniversary, writer Denis Ireland, and trade unionists Victor Halley and Jack MacGougan, were denied permission to rally in Belfast's city centre. Instead, it was from nationalist west Belfast, that they led a procession to McArt's Fort, the site overlooking the town where in June 1795 Wolfe Tone and members of the United Irish northern executive took an oath "never to desist in our efforts until we had subverted the authority of England over our country".

In the south, in Éire, the sesquicentennial of the rebellion was background to the consideration and passage of the Republic of Ireland Act 1948, which came into effect on 18 April 1949, Easter Monday, the 33rd anniversary of the beginning of the 1916 Easter Rising.

In 1960, the accidental discovery of the remains of John Moore occasioned a state funeral in Castlebar. President Éamon de Valera (veteran of 1916), together with the ambassadors of France and (Francoist) Spain, honoured Moore as both "Ireland's first president" and (with greater poetic license) "a descendant of [the Catholic martyr] St Thomas More".

Bicentennial 1998
The 1998 bicentenary coincided with the hopes entertained in the Good Friday, Belfast Agreement for reconciliation and an end to thirty years of political violence in Northern Ireland. In Dublin, the Government of Ireland described itself as having

... set out to avoid what we identified as a flaw in the commemorations of 1898, 1938 and 1948. That is the excessive emphasis on the Catholic Nationalist version of the rebellion which saw 1798 only as a crusade for faith and fatherland. Inevitably, that partisan approach alienated many others, including the descendants of the Ulster United Irishmen who had been so much to the forefront in the 1790s.

Supported by a reversion in the scholarship of rebellion to "a romantic, celebratory style of history writing", and by criticism not only of Kavanagh's interpretation but also, with its heavy reliance on the available loyalist sources, of Thomas Pakenham's celebrated The Year of Liberty (1969), the official commemorations emphasised the United Irishmen's non-sectarian, enlightened, French and American-inspired, democratic ideals.

Contrary to what it characterised as the "sectarian and narrow-minded folklore" of the rebellion, The Irish Times noted that even in Wexford, typically associated with fighting priests, Protestants had played a leading role. Executed alongside Bagenal Harvey on Wexford Bridge, Matthew Keogh, the United governor of Wexford town, had also been a member of the established Church of Ireland. So had four of the eight members of the town's committee and all three United colonels for the baronies of Forth and Bargy.

Not all historians contributed in the spirit of the official commemorations. There were those who argued that "the central sectarian component of popular politics and culture in the 1790s" remained regardless of "the United Irishmen's ideological and organisational presence". (As an expression of Presbyterian radicalism, this, in any case, could be seen as a "continuation of the war against popery by other means"). The evidence, at least in the south-east, still supported the Cullen's thesis that the rebellion "was a local sectarian civil war between Catholic and Protestant gentry and large tenant farmers".

1798 in the Ulster-Scots retelling
Under the Belfast Agreement, the bicentennial year saw the creation of the Ulster Scots Agency (Tha Boord o Ulstèr-Scotch), which has advanced its own reclamation of 1798. Its publications, including materials for schools materials, portray the Ulster Scots (broadly the Presbyterians of Ulster) as having been, while not their equal as the victims of the Ascendancy, in advance of Catholics in the demand for change. The rebellion in Ulster is described as "a struggle for fairness, equal rights, and democracy" ["to right some things we thought wrong"]; in which the militancy of the United Irishmen reflects the character of "a people prepared to agitate when faced with discrimination and unfairness".

Enlightenment ideas are acknowledged, but they are those of the Scottish Enlightenment. Through the moral philosophy of an Ulsterman, Francis Hutcheson, these draw on the covenanting tradition of Presbyterian resistance to royal and episcopal imposition. Flowing through various channels, they stiffen the resolve of the American patriots (with the "Scotch-Irish" prominent in their ranks). Once affirmed, first by American independence and then by the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, they return to Ulster in the liberal-patriotic resolutions of the Volunteers and of the United Irishmen.

It is a story sceptical of the promised unity of creeds. The risings in Leinster are described as having "the paraphernalia of Roman Catholicism ... more in evidence than the symbolism of the United Irishmen". With Catholics enrolled in the militia, it is also proposed that the union of Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter was "more closely realised in the forces of the crown".

The result is an interpretation of the rebellion which remains Protestant-centric without restricting itself to the traditional unionist celebration of British loyalties and identity. Recalled in this manner, sociologist Peter Gardner suggests that the Rebellion of 1798 advances an "ethnicising of Ulster Protestants". They are reimagined as a "disenfranchised and indignant" community "outside of the bounds of colonial power in Ireland", rather than, as they appear in the traditional Irish nationalist historiography, "its custodians".

Broadly the same interpretation was advanced by the education committee of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland with a bi-centenary programme that included re-enactments of the battles of Antrim and Ballynahinch. While acknowledging that "members of the [Orange] institution in 1798 supported the forces of the Crown and in many instances whole lodges joined the yeomanry", the institution, nonetheless, commemorates 1798 "because of the elements of shared history, social justice and `disaffection'."

Memorials
In the Republic of Ireland there are at least 85 public monuments and memorials acknowledging the patriot dead of 1798, including the national Garden of Remembrance in Dublin. In Northern Ireland, the Down District 1798 Bicentennial Committee installed informational plaques to mark the battles of Saintfield and Ballynahinch. In 1900, a large monument commemorating those "who suffered for the parts they took in the memorable insurrection in 1798" was erected over the grave of Michael Dwyer in the Waverley Cemetery, Sydney, Australia.

In the arts

 * Liberty or Death – by British author David Cook (2014). A novella about the rebellion.
 * The Year of the French – Thomas Flanagan, 1979. An historical novel about the events in County Mayo.
 * Glenarvon (1816) – a novel by Lady Caroline Lamb set during the Rebellion, combining elements of the roman à clef, the Gothic Novel, and the Historical Novel.

title: Irish Rebellion of 1798


text:
Talk:Pavel Alexandrov

Untitled
Is there a public domain (or pre-1973) reproduction of the Fomenko's painting of the Alexandrov's horned sphere? It would make a great illustration to this article.

On homosexuality
Before adding any allegations of homosexuality, see discussion on Talk:Andrey_Kolmogorov. --Gene s 14:21, 23 Jan 2005 (UTC)

And the Alexandrov (or Alexandroff) compactification ?
Based on what the French article says, I'm nearly sure that the Alexandroff compactification is named after Pavel Alexandrov. If so, this compactification should be mentioned in this article, because most mathematicians knowing this thing will, when they hear the name Alexandrov, think about "his" compactification --UKe-CH (talk) 13:25, 25 July 2008 (UTC)

As I got confirmation of the fact on the discussion page of the corresponding German article, I have now edited the article to mention compactification.--UKe-CH (talk) 19:13, 12 August 2008 (UTC)

Romanization
I added a third romanization that was apparently his personal preference, or at least used by him when signing Urysohn's death certificate. If you follow the referenced link, you'll have to flip through multiple images to come to the appropriate image and commentary. I'm attempting to get a better scan of the death certificate as well as permission to add it to wikimedia. Until then, I'd appreciate it if no one undoes the addition. Thanks. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 75.107.104.217 (talk) 23:44, 7 June 2009 (UTC)
 * Sorry, I've noticed this note after having undone the addition. At any rate, please do not restore it until you have a direct link to a page that explicitly states Alexandrov's preference.  Until that's done, a simple note on alternative romanizations is sufficient.  There is no need to confuse our readers while you are searching for a more appropriate link.  Thank you.—Ëzhiki (Igels Hérissonovich Ïzhakoff-Amursky) • (yo?); 16:41, June 8, 2009 (UTC)

Kolmogorov--Alexandrov
The following material has been deleted from the page: The two were involved in a homosexual relationship in the 1930s. The material seems to be well-documented and also reported at related pages. Tkuvho (talk) 13:00, 12 January 2012 (UTC)
 * The two sources: Lorentz, G.G. (December 2001). "Who Discovered Analytic Sets?". The Mathematical Intelligencer 23 (4): 31. doi:10.1007/BF03024600. "In Leningrad, many mathematicians believed that Aleksandrov was homosexual..." and Graham, Loren R.; Kantor, Jean-Michel (2009). Naming infinity: a true story of religious mysticism and mathematical creativity. Harvard University Press. p. 185. ISBN 9780674032934. "The police soon learned of Kolmogorov and Alexandrov's homosexual bond, and they used that knowledge to obtain the behavior that they wished." are already cited in the article. Tkuvho (talk) 12:46, 9 March 2012 (UTC)
 * As far as I know, the statement is true. My only remark is that such a sentence should come with a reference at the end of it. Sasha (talk) 15:55, 9 March 2012 (UTC) I have copyedited this part, please have a look now. Sasha (talk) 15:58, 9 March 2012 (UTC)

 * Your version is fine. Tkuvho (talk) 19:59, 10 March 2012 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Pavel Alexandrov


text:
Talk:Aleksandr Aleksandrov (mathematician)

Untitled
Please see also the article page wikicode comments. BACbKA 13:15, 4 Aug 2004 (UTC)

Photo
As a result of the discussion at Wikipedia_talk:WikiProject_Mathematics, I have uploaded a photo to which is now used in the article (both en: and ru: versions). I am also working on getting a permission to use a better one, from the book. BACbKA 22:53, 10 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * This one was deleted by User:Thuresson, who found the St.Andrews University unconvincing. Personally, I am sure noone would have objected and/or challenged that image from the outside of Wikipedia, but what the heck. --BACbKA 22:14, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

Today I was promised a photo from 1960s of A.D. with various students at an alpinist event, with a permission to publish in the WP. It has however to be dug up from someone's personal photo archive. If I get it, I'll scan it and add to the "Mountaineering" section in the article. BACbKA 16:52, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * This one has never been found, and the said someone is lamenting the loss of it :-( --BACbKA 22:14, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

I have uploaded another photo, but I am a bit concerned about the DPI (it's a 150dpi scan off an apparently 75dpi book reproduction). Please look at Image:Aleksandr Danilovich Aleksandrov 1952.jpg and tell me what you think. BACbKA 08:35, 16 Dec 2004 (UTC)

There is a very reasonable photo of Aleksandrov from the Russian Academy of Sciences web site: http://www.ras.ru/win/db/show_per.asp?P=.id-203.ln-en I think all these photos are fair use since they are promotional in a general/technical sense. Basically the web site is a press/news release of the RAS exhibiting most/all of current and past members. This photo is undaded and the copyright owner is unlisted, but I am still confident in my interpretation. You might want to change the image to this one or simply add it (cf. how I did this with the photo of Yuri I. Manin). Mhym 16:11, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

Go ahead, add it, too. I agree it's promotional as per what you're saying. --BACbKA 22:14, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

Done. Mhym 22:43, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

Transliteration issues
Some sources write Alexandr or Alexander for the 1st name, and a lot of sources (including A.D. himself in his last 30 years or so), write Alexandrov for the last name. However, the inconsistent transliteration at the math. genealogy progject really looks like an oxymoron to me: Aleksandr Danilovic Alexandrov. Maybe we could re-work this comment into alternative spellings available in the 1st paragraph instead.
 * Incorporated in the first paragraph. BACbKA 11:50, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)

It remains to verify all the transliterations of the students listed as per how they're spelled in modern citation references. BACbKA 08:42, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Some of the misspellings are very glaring. For example, S. Olovianishnikoff published exactly three papers (two of them posthumous, I think), all with this spelling. It is unfortunate that the Math Geneology Project has no listing for him. I say someone should submit the full list of Alexandrov's student to MGP - their listing is missing quite a few of the people you mention:  Mhym 16:22, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

Thanks, I have changed Olovianishnikoff as per your note. They certainly used the old (French rather than English) transliteration standard in the publications as the preprints and abstracts for international use disseminated by the USSR Academy of Sciences were in French at the time. --BACbKA 22:24, 28 February 2006 (UTC) P.S. It's funny, but the book [1] spells him Olovyanishnikov! However, it also spells "Delone", which A.D. himself would never have done, I presume :-) The book is in Russian, but it features an English translation of the Contents, on the pages 398–399, where I am referring to. --BACbKA 23:39, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

Right. I am reading this which is supposed to be a "complete" list of the students of Alexandrov and the spelling is different as well. Mhym 17:02, 1 March 2006 (UTC)

Contributions per domain
Perhaps a handful of the most important A.D.'s achievements per domain should be listed in the article as well. BACbKA 08:42, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * math.
 * phys.
 * phylosophy.
 * mountaineering done BACbKA 00:46, 11 Dec 2004 (UTC)''

A.D.'s poetry
Is A.D.'s poetry worth mentioning in the article? BACbKA 22:54, 10 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Hi! I thought so, but only briefly, because I found a small bit of humour in an interview with his daughter about it. I put it in the personal life section. However, as i am unable to speak russian, I'm sure there are better sources than mine. I mostly came in to edit some grammar things that were bugging me to heck and back. Hat Jul 22:43, 30 June 2022

Poincaré conjecture statement
Mhym: the original text contained the Poincaré conjecture statement for the purpose of context introduction. The same text appears in the ru: version, and is traced back to the original entry for the WP authored by V.A.Zalgaller by my request. I find it very appropriate. Do you mind me putting it back? --BACbKA 23:36, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

Well, I would say that an elaboration on who is Perelman is already a context introduction. Despite a separate article on him in the Wikipedia, I agree that this is appropriate given the importance of his work. On the other hand, note that the articles on him and on the Poincare Conjecture do a pretty good job. Given that this is really a side issue to the main article (neither did Aleksandrov work with Perelman nor did he work on the Poincare conjecture), I see no reason why elaborate on this rather than leave the reader with a pointer. Mhym 20:31, 1 March 2006 (UTC)

Fair enough. --BACbKA 22:00, 1 March 2006 (UTC)

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List of rulers of Luba

The Kingdom of Luba (1585–1889), which emerged in the marshy grasslands of the Upemba Depression in what is now southern Congo around 1585, initially began as a kingdom. Over time, through a combination of conquests, strategic marriages, and alliances, it expanded its territory and influence, eventually transforming into a significant empire. This growth in territory and power allowed the Luba state to elevate its status from a kingdom to an empire.

Mulopwe = Emperor

title: List of rulers of Luba


text:
User talk:68.236.84.14

Proposed deletion of Willy Lin

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title: User talk:68.236.84.14


text:
Sterile insect technique

The sterile insect technique (SIT) is a method of biological insect control, whereby overwhelming numbers of sterile insects are released into the wild. The released insects are preferably male, as this is more cost-effective and the females may in some situations cause damage by laying eggs in the crop, or, in the case of mosquitoes, taking blood from humans. The sterile males compete with fertile males to mate with the females. Females that mate with a sterile male produce no offspring, thus reducing the next generation's population. Sterile insects are not self-replicating and, therefore, cannot become established in the environment. Repeated release of sterile males over low population densities can further reduce and in cases of isolation eliminate pest populations, although cost-effective control with dense target populations is subjected to population suppression prior to the release of the sterile males.

The technique has successfully been used to eradicate the screw-worm fly (Cochliomyia hominivorax) from North and Central America. Many successes have been achieved for control of fruit fly pests, most particularly the Mediterranean fruit fly (Ceratitis capitata) and the Mexican fruit fly (Anastrepha ludens). Active research is being conducted to determine this technique's effectiveness in combatting the Queensland fruit fly (Bactrocera tryoni).

Sterilization is induced through the effects of x-ray photon irradiation on the reproductive cells of the insects. SIT does not involve the release of insects modified through transgenic (genetic engineering) processes. Moreover, SIT does not introduce non-native species into an ecosystem.

History
The use of sterile males was first described by the Russian geneticist A.S. Serebrovsky in 1940, but the English-speaking world came up with the idea independently, and applied it practically around the 1950s. Raymond Bushland and Edward Knipling developed the SIT to eliminate screw-worms preying on warm-blooded animals, especially cattle; this was effective because female screw-worms mate only once. The larvae of these flies invade open wounds and eat into animal flesh, killing infected cattle within 10 days. In the 1950s, screw-worms caused annual losses to American meat and dairy supplies that were projected at above $200 million. Screw-worm maggots can also parasitize human flesh. Bushland and Knipling began searching for an alternative to chemical pesticides in the late 1930s when they were working at the United States Department of Agriculture Laboratory in Menard, Texas. At that time, the screw-worm was devastating livestock herds across the American South. Red meat and dairy supplies were affected across Mexico, Central America, and South America.

Knipling developed the theory of autocidal control – breaking the pest's reproductive cycle. Bushland's enthusiasm for Knipling's theory sparked the pair to search for a way to rear flies in a "factory" setting, and to find an effective way to sterilize flies.

Their work was interrupted by World War II, but they resumed their efforts in the early 1950s with successful tests on the screw-worm population of Sanibel Island, Florida. The sterile insect technique worked; near eradication was achieved using X-ray-sterilized flies.

Successes
In 1954, the technique was used to eradicate screw-worms from the 176 sqmi island of Curaçao, off the coast of Venezuela. Screw-worms were eliminated in seven weeks, saving the domestic goat herds that were a source of meat and milk.

During the late 1950s to the 1970s, SIT was used to control the screw-worm population in the US. In the 1980s, Mexico and Belize eliminated their screw-worm problems with SIT. Eradication programs progressed across Central America in the 1990s, followed by the establishment of a biological barrier in Panama to prevent reinfestation from the south. The map shows the current and former distribution area and the approximate seasonal spread of the screw-worm fly.

In 1991, Knipling and Bushland's technique halted a serious outbreak of New World screw-worm in northern Africa. Programs against the Mediterranean fruit fly in Mexico, Florida and California use the SIT to maintain their fly-free status. The technique was used to eradicate the melon fly from Okinawa and in the fight against the tsetse fly in Africa.

The technique has suppressed insects threatening livestock, fruit, vegetable, and fiber crops. The technique was lauded for its environmental attributes: it leaves no residues and has no (direct) negative effect on nontarget species.

The technique has been a boon in protecting the agricultural products to feed the world's human population. Both Bushland and Knipling received worldwide recognition for their leadership and scientific achievements, including the 1992 World Food Prize. The technique were hailed by former U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Orville Freeman as "the greatest entomological achievement of the 20th century."

South Australia has since 2016 been producing tens of millions of sterile fruit flies a week during peak summer months, as part of a program to control and eventually eradicate the horticultural pests.

African trypanosomiasis
Sleeping sickness or African trypanosomiasis is a parasitic disease in humans. Caused by protozoa of genus Trypanosoma and transmitted by the tsetse fly, the disease is endemic in regions of sub-Saharan Africa, covering about 36 countries and 60 million people. An estimated 50,000 – 70,000 people are infected and about 40,000 die every year. The three most recent epidemics occurred in 1896 -1906, 1920, and 1970.

Studies of the tsetse fly show that females generally mate only once (occasionally twice). Studies found this process to be effective in preventing the scourge.

Successful programs

 * The screw-worm fly (Cochliomyia hominivorax) was eradicated from the United States, Mexico, Central America, Puerto Rico and Libya.
 * The Mexican fruit fly (Anastrepha ludens, Loew) was eradicated from most of northern Mexico.
 * The tsetse fly was eradicated from Zanzibar in 1998 and Senegal in 2014.
 * The Mediterranean fruit fly (Medfly, Ceratitis capitata, Wiedemann) was eradicated from the northern part of Chile and southern parts of Argentina, Peru and Mexico. It is being suppressed by SIT in fruit-producing areas of Croatia, Israel, South Africa, Spain, and the United States.
 * The codling moth (Cydia pomonella) is being effectively suppressed in parts of British Columbia, Canada,
 * The pink bollworm (Pectinophora gossypiella) eradicated from southwestern USA and northwestern Mexico.
 * The false codling moth (Thaumatotibia leucotreta) is being effectively suppressed in parts of South Africa.
 * The cactus moth (Cactoblastis cactorum) was eradicated from an outbreak in Yucatán, Mexico.
 * The melon fly (Bactrocera cucurbitae, Coquillett) was eradicated from Okinawa.
 * The onion fly (Delia antiqua) managed in onion production areas in the Netherlands
 * The sweet potato weevil (Cylas formicarius) was eradicated from Kume Island and Tsuken Island, Okinawa Japan.

Targets

 * Anopheles mosquito – malaria vector, example Anopheles arabiensis.
 * Tsetse fly (Glossina spp.) – vector of sleeping sickness in humans and nagana in livestock.
 * Painted apple moth in Auckland, New Zealand
 * Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus mosquitoes, vectors for filariasis, dengue, yellow fever, chikungunya, and the Zika virus
 * Fruit fly species, including Mediterranean fruit fly (Ceratitis capitata), Caribbean fruit fly (Anastrepha suspensa) and Mexican fruit fly (Anastrepha ludens) in Americas, Queensland fruit fly (Bactrocera tryoni) in Australia, the oriental fruit fly (Bactrocera dorsalis) in Hawaii, and several other Bactrocera spp. across Australia, Asia, and Oceania: FAO/IAEA lists 39 different SIT facilities (DIR-SIT) across the globe, aiding the retrieval of information on mass production and on radiation doses (IDIDAS). It includes data on both the radiation dose required for the disinfestation of generic commodity groups and the radiation dose used to induce sterility for pest control through the SIT.
 * West Indian sweet potato weevil from Tsuken Island, Okinawa, Japan.

History of transboundary shipment of sterile insects
Transboundary shipment of sterile insects has taken place on a continuous basis for 60 years (since 1963). The total number of sterile insects shipped has been estimated at more than one trillion in thousands of shipments across borders to 23 recipient countries from 50 sterile insect factories in 25 countries. During this long period and many precedents, no problems associated with possible hazards have been identified, and thus the shipment of sterile insects have never been subjected to any regulatory action. The table shows the history of transboundary shipments which started in 1963 with the shipments of sterile Mexican fruit fly (Anastrepha ludens, Loew), from Monterrey, Mexico, to Texas, US.

Drawbacks

 * Naturally low population periods or repeated pesticide treatment are sometimes required to suppress populations before the use of sterile insects.
 * Sex separation can be difficult, though this can be easily performed on a large scale where genetic sexing systems have been developed as for the Mediterranean fruit fly.
 * Radiation, transport and release treatments can reduce male mating fitness.
 * The technique is species-specific. For instance, the technique must be implemented separately for each of the 6 economically important tsetse fly species.
 * Mass rearing and irradiation require precision processes. Failures have occurred when unexpectedly fertile breeding males were released.
 * Area-wide approach is more effective, as migration of wild insects from outside the control area could recreate the problem.
 * The cost of producing sufficient sterile insects can be prohibitive in some locations but decreases with economies of scale.

Conclusion and perspectives
Biotechnological approaches based on genetically modified organism (transgenic organisms) are still under development. However, since no legal framework exists to authorize the release of such organisms in nature, sterilization by irradiation remains the most used technique. A meeting was held at FAO headquarters in Rome, 8 to 12 April 2002 on "Status and Risk Assessment of the Use of Transgenic Arthropods in Plant Protection". The resulting proceedings of the meeting have been used by the North American Plant Protection Organization (NAPPO) to develop NAPPO Regional Standard No. 27 on "Guidelines for Importation and Confined Field release of Transgenic Arthropods", which might provide the basis for the rational development of the use of transgenic arthropods.

Economic benefits
Economic benefits have been demonstrated. The direct benefits of screwworm eradication to the North and Central American livestock industries are estimated to be over $1.5 billion/year, compared with an investment over half a century around $1 billion. Mexico protects a fruit and vegetable export market of over $3 billion/year through an annual investment around $25 million. Medfly-free status has been estimated to have opened markets for Chile's fruit exports up to $500 million. When implemented on an area-wide basis and a scaled rearing process, SIT is cost-competitive with conventional control, in addition to its environmental benefits.

Related techniques in plants
A similar technique to SIT has recently been applied to weeds using irradiated pollen, resulting in deformed seeds that do not sprout.

title: Sterile insect technique


text:
List of foreign ministers in 2000

This is a list of foreign ministers in 2000.

Africa

 * Algeria -
 * Youcef Yousfi (1999-2000)
 * Abdelaziz Belkhadem (2000-2005)
 * Angola - João Bernardo de Miranda (1999-2008)
 * Benin - Antoine Idji Kolawolé (1998-2003)
 * Botswana - Mompati Merafhe (1994-2008)
 * Burkina Faso - Youssouf Ouedraogo (1999-2007)
 * Burundi - Severin Ntahomvukiye (1998-2001)
 * Cameroon - Augustin Kontchou Kouomegni (1997-2001)
 * Cape Verde -
 * José Luís de Jesus (1998-2000)
 * Rui Alberto de Figueiredo Soares (2000-2001)
 * Central African Republic - Marcel Metefara (1999-2001)
 * Chad - Mahamat Saleh Annadif (1997-2003)
 * Comoros - Mohamed El-Amine Souef (1999-2002)
 * Republic of Congo - Rodolphe Adada (1997-2007)
 * Democratic Republic of Congo -
 * Abdoulaye Yerodia Ndombasi (1999-2000)
 * Léonard She Okitundu (2000-2003)
 * Côte d'Ivoire -
 * Amara Essy (1990-2000)
 * Christophe Mboua (2000)
 * Charles Gomis (2000)
 * Abou Drahamane Sangare (2000-2003)
 * Djibouti - Ali Abdi Farah (1999-2005)
 * Egypt - Amr Moussa (1991-2001)
 * Equatorial Guinea - Santiago Nsobeya Efuman (1999-2003)
 * Eritrea -
 * Haile Woldetensae (1997-2000)
 * Ali Said Abdella (2000-2005)
 * Ethiopia - Seyoum Mesfin (1991-2010)
 * Gabon - Jean Ping (1999-2008)
 * The Gambia - Momodou Lamin Sedat Jobe (1998-2001)
 * Ghana - Victor Gbeho (1997-2001)
 * Guinea -
 * Zainoul Abidine Sanoussy (1999-2000)
 * Mahawa Bangoura (2000-2002)
 * Guinea-Bissau -
 * José Pereira Baptista (1999-2000)
 * Yaya Diallo (2000-2001)
 * Kenya - Bonaya Godana (1998-2001)
 * Kyrgyzstan - Muratbek Imanaliyev (1997-2002)
 * Lesotho - Tom Thabane (1998-2002)
 * Liberia - Monie Captan (1996-2003)
 * Libya -
 * Umar Mustafa al-Muntasir (1992-2000)
 * Abdel Rahman Shalgham (2000-2009)
 * Madagascar - Lila Ratsifandrihamanana (1998-2002)
 * Malawi -
 * Brown Mpinganjira (1999-2000)
 * Lilian Patel (2000-2004)
 * Mali - Modibo Sidibe (1997-2002)
 * Mauritania - Ahmed Ould Sid'Ahmed (1998-2001)
 * Mauritius -
 * Rajkeswur Purryag (1997-2000)
 * Anil Gayan (2000-2003)
 * Morocco - Mohamed Benaissa (1999-2007)
 * Western Sahara - Mohamed Salem Ould Salek (1998–2023)
 * Mozambique - Leonardo Simão (1994-2005)
 * Namibia - Theo-Ben Gurirab (1990-2002)
 * Niger -
 * Aïchatou Mindaoudou (1999-2000)
 * Nassirou Sabo (2000-2001)
 * Nigeria - Sule Lamido (1999-2003)
 * Rwanda -
 * Augustin Iyamuremye (1999-2000)
 * André Bumaya (2000-2002)
 * São Tomé and Príncipe -
 * Paulo Jorge Espirito Santo (1999-2000)
 * Joaquim Rafael Branco (2000-2001)
 * Senegal -
 * Jacques Baudin (1998-2000)
 * Cheikh Tidiane Gadio (2000-2009)
 * Seychelles - Jérémie Bonnelame (1997-2005)
 * Sierra Leone - Sama Banya (1998-2001)
 * Somalia - Ismail Mahmud Hurre (2000-2002)
 * Somaliland - Mahmud Salah Nur (1997-2001)
 * South Africa - Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma (1999-2009)
 * Sudan - Mustafa Osman Ismail (1998-2005)
 * Swaziland - Albert Nhlanhla Shabangu (1998-2001)
 * Tanzania - Jakaya Kikwete (1995-2006)
 * Togo -
 * Joseph Kokou Koffigoh (1998-2000)
 * Koffi Panou (2000-2002)
 * Tunisia - Habib Ben Yahia (1999-2004)
 * Uganda - Eriya Kategaya (1996-2001)
 * Zambia - Keli Walubita (1997-2002)
 * Zimbabwe - Stan Mudenge (1995-2005)

Asia

 * Afghanistan - Wakil Ahmed Muttawakil (1999-2001)
 * Armenia - Vartan Oskanian (1998-2008)
 * Azerbaijan - Vilayat Guliyev (1999-2004)
 * Nagorno-Karabakh - Naira Melkumyan (1997-2002)
 * Bahrain - Sheikh Muhammad ibn Mubarak ibn Hamad Al Khalifah (1971-2005)
 * Bangladesh - Abdus Samad Azad (1996-2001)
 * Bhutan - Jigme Thinley (1998-2003)
 * Brunei - Pengiran Muda Mohamed Bolkiah (1984–2015)
 * Cambodia - Hor Namhong (1998–2016)
 * China - Tang Jiaxuan (1998-2003)
 * East Timor - José Ramos-Horta (2000-2006)
 * Georgia - Irakli Menagarishvili (1995-2003)
 * Abkhazia - Sergei Shamba (1997-2004)
 * South Ossetia - Murat Dzhioyev (1998-2012)
 * India - Jaswant Singh (1998-2002)
 * Indonesia - Alwi Shihab (1999-2001)
 * Iran - Kamal Kharazi (1997-2005)
 * Iraq - Muhammad Saeed al-Sahhaf (1992-2001)
 * Israel -
 * David Levy (1999-2000)
 * Ehud Barak (acting) (2000)
 * Shlomo Ben-Ami (2000-2001)
 * Japan - Yōhei Kōno (1999-2001)
 * Jordan - Abdul Ilah Khatib (1998-2002)
 * Kazakhstan - Erlan Idrisov (1999-2002)
 * North Korea - Paek Nam-sun (1998-2007)
 * South Korea -
 * Hong Soon-young (1998-2000)
 * Yi Jeong-bin (2000-2001)
 * Kuwait - Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah (1978-2003)
 * Kyrgyzstan - Muratbek Imanaliyev (1997-2002)
 * Laos - Somsavat Lengsavad (1993-2006)
 * Lebanon -
 * Selim al-Hoss (1998-2000)
 * Mahmoud Hammoud (2000-2003)
 * Malaysia - Syed Hamid Albar (1999-2008)
 * Maldives - Fathulla Jameel (1978-2005)
 * Mongolia -
 * Nyam-Osoryn Tuyaa (1998-2000)
 * Luvsangiin Erdenechuluun (2000-2004)
 * Myanmar - Win Aung (1998-2004)
 * Nepal -
 * Ram Sharan Mahat (1999-2000)
 * Chakra Bastola (2000-2001)
 * Oman - Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah (1982–2020)
 * Pakistan - Abdul Sattar (1999-2002)
 * Philippines - Domingo Siazon, Jr. (1995-2001)
 * Qatar - Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jaber Al Thani (1992–2013)
 * Saudi Arabia - Prince Saud bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz Al Saud (1975–2015)
 * Singapore - S. Jayakumar (1994-2004)
 * Sri Lanka - Lakshman Kadirgamar (1994-2001)
 * Syria - Farouk al-Sharaa (1984-2006)
 * Taiwan -
 * Chen Chien-jen (1999-2000)
 * Tien Hung-mao (2000-2002)
 * Tajikistan - Talbak Nazarov (1994-2006)
 * Thailand - Surin Pitsuwan (1997-2001)
 * Turkey - İsmail Cem (1997-2002)
 * Turkmenistan -
 * Boris Şyhmyradow (1995-2000)
 * Batyr Berdiýew (2000-2001)
 * United Arab Emirates - Rashid Abdullah Al Nuaimi (1980-2006)
 * Uzbekistan - Abdulaziz Komilov (1994-2003)
 * Vietnam -
 * Nguyễn Mạnh Cầm (1991-2000)
 * Nguyễn Dy Niên (2000-2006)
 * Yemen - Abdul Qadir Bajamal (1998-2001)

Australia and Oceania

 * Australia - Alexander Downer (1996-2007)
 * Fiji -
 * Tupeni Baba (1999-2000)
 * Kaliopate Tavola (2000-2006)
 * French Polynesia - Gaston Flosse (2000-2004)
 * Kiribati - Teburoro Tito (1994-2003)
 * Marshall Islands -
 * Phillip H. Muller (1994-2000)
 * Alvin Jacklick (2000-2001)
 * Micronesia -
 * Epel K. Ilon (1997-2000)
 * Ieske K. Iehsi (2000-2003)
 * Nauru -
 * René Harris (1999-2000)
 * Bernard Dowiyogo (2000-2001)
 * New Zealand - Phil Goff (1999-2005)
 * Cook Islands - Robert Woonton (1999-2004)
 * Niue - Sani Lakatani (1999-2002)
 * Palau - Sabino Anastacio (1997-2000)
 * Papua New Guinea -
 * Sir John Kaputin (1999-2000)
 * Sir Michael Somare (2000)
 * Bart Philemon (2000-2001)
 * Samoa - Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegaoi (1998–2021)
 * Solomon Islands -
 * Patterson Oti (1997-2000)
 * Danny Philip (2000-2001)
 * Tonga - Prince 'Ulukalala Lavaka Ata (1998-2004)
 * Tuvalu -
 * Ionatana Ionatana (1999-2000)
 * Lagitupu Tuilimu (2000-2001)
 * Vanuatu - Serge Vohor (1999-2001)

Europe

 * Albania - Paskal Milo (1997-2001)
 * Andorra - Albert Pintat (1997-2001)
 * Austria -
 * Wolfgang Schüssel (1995-2000)
 * Benita Ferrero-Waldner (2000-2004)
 * Belarus -
 * Ural Latypov (1998-2000)
 * Mikhail Khvostov (2000-2003)
 * Belgium - Louis Michel (1999-2004)
 * Brussels-Capital Region -
 * Annemie Neyts-Uyttebroeck (1999-2000)
 * Guy Vanhengel (2000-2009)
 * Flanders - Patrick Dewael (1999-2001)
 * Bosnia and Herzegovina - Jadranko Prlić (1996-2001)
 * Bulgaria - Nadezhda Mihailova (1997-2001)
 * Croatia -
 * Mate Granić (1993-2000)
 * Tonino Picula (2000-2003)
 * Cyprus - Ioannis Kasoulidis (1997-2003)
 * Northern Cyprus - Tahsin Ertuğruloğlu (1998-2004)
 * Czech Republic - Jan Kavan (1998-2002)
 * Denmark -
 * Niels Helveg Petersen (1993-2000)
 * Mogens Lykketoft (2000-2001)
 * Estonia - Toomas Hendrik Ilves (1999-2002)
 * Finland -
 * Tarja Halonen (1995-2000)
 * Erkki Tuomioja (2000-2007)
 * France - Hubert Védrine (1997-2002)
 * Germany - Joschka Fischer (1998-2005)
 * Greece - George Papandreou (1999-2004)
 * Hungary - János Martonyi (1998-2002)
 * Iceland - Halldór Ásgrímsson (1995-2004)
 * Ireland -
 * David Andrews (1997-2000)
 * Brian Cowen (2000-2004)
 * Italy - Lamberto Dini (1996-2001)
 * Latvia - Indulis Bērziņš (1999-2002)
 * Liechtenstein - Andrea Willi (1993-2001)
 * Lithuania -
 * Algirdas Saudargas (1996-2000)
 * Antanas Valionis (2000-2006)
 * Luxembourg - Lydie Polfer (1999-2004)
 * Republic of Macedonia -
 * Aleksandar Dimitrov (1998-2000)
 * Srgjan Kerim (2000-2001)
 * Malta - Joe Borg (1999-2004)
 * Moldova -
 * Nicolae Tăbăcaru (1997-2000)
 * Nicolae Cernomaz (2000-2001)
 * Transnistria - Valeriy Litskai (2000-2008)
 * Netherlands - Jozias van Aartsen (1998-2002)
 * Norway -
 * Knut Vollebæk (1997-2000)
 * Thorbjørn Jagland (2000-2001)
 * Poland -
 * Bronisław Geremek (1997-2000)
 * Władysław Bartoszewski (2000-2001)
 * Portugal - Jaime Gama (1995-2002)
 * Romania -
 * Petre Roman (1999-2000)
 * Mircea Geoană (2000-2004)
 * Russia - Igor Ivanov (1998-2004)
 * San Marino - Gabriele Gatti (1986-2002)
 * Slovakia - Eduard Kukan (1998-2006)
 * Slovenia -
 * Boris Frlec (1997-2000)
 * Dimitrij Rupel (2000)
 * Lojze Peterle (2000)
 * Dimitrij Rupel (2000-2004)
 * Spain -
 * Abel Matutes (1996-2000)
 * Josep Piqué (2000-2002)
 * Sweden - Anna Lindh (1998-2003)
 * Switzerland - Joseph Deiss (1999-2002)
 * Ukraine -
 * Borys Tarasyuk (1998-2000)
 * Anatoliy Zlenko (2000-2003)
 * United Kingdom - Robin Cook (1997-2001)
 * Scotland - Jack McConnell (2000-2001)
 * Vatican City - Archbishop Jean-Louis Tauran (1990-2003)
 * Yugoslavia -
 * Živadin Jovanović (1998-2000)
 * Zoran Novaković (acting) (2000)
 * Goran Svilanović (2000-2004)
 * Montenegro -
 * Branko Perović (1997-2000)
 * Branko Lukovac (2000-2002)

North America and the Caribbean

 * Antigua and Barbuda - Lester Bird (1991-2004)
 * The Bahamas - Janet Bostwick (1994-2002)
 * Barbados - Billie Miller (1994-2008)
 * Belize - Said Musa (1998-2002)
 * Canada -
 * Lloyd Axworthy (1996-2000)
 * John Manley (2000-2002)
 * Quebec - Louise Beaudoin (1998-2003)
 * Costa Rica - Roberto Rojas López (1998-2002)
 * Cuba - Felipe Pérez Roque (1999-2009)
 * Dominica -
 * Norris Charles (1998-2000)
 * Rosie Douglas (2000)
 * Pierre Charles (2000-2001)
 * Dominican Republic -
 * Eduardo Latorre Rodríguez (1996-2000)
 * Hugo Tolentino Dipp (2000-2003)
 * El Salvador - María Eugenia Brizuela de Ávila (1999-2004)
 * Grenada -
 * Mark Isaac (1999-2000)
 * Elvin Nimrod (2000-2008)
 * Guatemala -
 * Eduardo Stein (1996-2000)
 * Gabriel Orellana Rojas (2000-2002)
 * Haiti - Fritz Longchamp (1995-2001)
 * Honduras - Roberto Flores Bermúdez (1999-2002)
 * Jamaica -
 * Seymour Mullings (1995-2000)
 * Paul Robertson (2000-2001)
 * Mexico -
 * Rosario Green (1998-2000)
 * Jorge Castañeda Gutman (2000-2003)
 * Nicaragua -
 * Eduardo Montealegre (1998-2000)
 * José Adán Guerra Pastora (2000)
 * Francisco Aguirre Sacasa (2000-2002)
 * Panama - José Miguel Alemán Healy (1999-2003)
 * Puerto Rico – Angel Morey (1999–2001)
 * Saint Kitts and Nevis -
 * Denzil Douglas (1995-2000)
 * Sam Condor (2000-2001)
 * Saint Lucia - George Odlum (1997-2001)
 * Saint Vincent and the Grenadines - Allan Cruickshank (1998-2001)
 * Trinidad and Tobago -
 * Ralph Maraj (1995-2000)
 * Mervyn Assam (2000-2001)
 * United States - Madeleine Albright (1997-2001)

South America

 * Argentina - Adalberto Rodríguez Giavarini (1999-2001)
 * Bolivia - Javier Murillo de la Rocha (1997-2001)
 * Brazil - Luiz Felipe Palmeira Lampreia (1995-2001)
 * Chile -
 * Juan Gabriel Valdés (1999-2000)
 * Soledad Alvear (2000-2004)
 * Colombia - Guillermo Fernández de Soto (1998-2002)
 * Ecuador -
 * Benjamín Ortiz Brennan (1999-2000)
 * Heinz Moeller Freile (2000-2003)
 * Guyana - Clement Rohee (1992-2001)
 * Paraguay -
 * José Félix Fernández Estigarribia (1999-2000)
 * Juan Esteban Aguirre Martínez (2000-2001)
 * Peru -
 * Fernando de Trazegnies (1998-2000)
 * Javier Pérez de Cuéllar (2000-2001)
 * Suriname -
 * Errol Snijders (1997-2000)
 * Marie Levens (2000-2005)
 * Uruguay - Didier Opertti (1998-2005)
 * Venezuela - José Vicente Rangel (1999-2001)

title: List of foreign ministers in 2000


text:
User:Iainscott/sandbox2

hellow, world!

title: User:Iainscott/sandbox2