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Biochip

In molecular biology, biochips are engineered substrates ("miniaturized laboratories") that can host large numbers of simultaneous biochemical reactions. One of the goals of biochip technology is to efficiently screen large numbers of biological analytes, with potential applications ranging from disease diagnosis to detection of bioterrorism agents. For example, digital microfluidic biochips are under investigation for applications in biomedical fields. In a digital microfluidic biochip, a group of (adjacent) cells in the microfluidic array can be configured to work as storage, functional operations, as well as for transporting fluid droplets dynamically.

History
The development started with early work on the underlying sensor technology. One of the first portable, chemistry-based sensors was the glass pH electrode, invented in 1922 by Hughes. The basic concept of using exchange sites to create permselective membranes was used to develop other ion sensors in subsequent years. For example, a K+ sensor was produced by incorporating valinomycin into a thin membrane.

In 1953, Watson and Crick announced their discovery of the now familiar double helix structure of DNA molecules and set the stage for genetics research that continues to the present day. The development of sequencing techniques in 1977 by Gilbert and Sanger (working separately) enabled researchers to directly read the genetic codes that provide instructions for protein synthesis. This research showed how hybridization of complementary single oligonucleotide strands could be used as a basis for DNA sensing. Two additional developments enabled the technology used in modern DNA-based. First, in 1983 Kary Mullis invented the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) technique, a method for amplifying DNA concentrations. This discovery made possible the detection of extremely small quantities of DNA in samples. Secondly in 1986 Hood and co-workers devised a method to label DNA molecules with fluorescent tags instead of radiolabels, thus enabling hybridization experiments to be observed optically.

Figure 1 shows the make up of a typical biochip platform. The actual sensing component (or "chip") is just one piece of a complete analysis system. Transduction must be done to translate the actual sensing event (DNA binding, oxidation/reduction, etc.) into a format understandable by a computer (voltage, light intensity, mass, etc.), which then enables additional analysis and processing to produce a final, human-readable output. The multiple technologies needed to make a successful biochip—from sensing chemistry, to microarraying, to signal processing—require a true multidisciplinary approach, making the barrier to entry steep. One of the first commercial biochips was introduced by Affymetrix. Their "GeneChip" products contain thousands of individual DNA sensors for use in sensing defects, or single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), in genes such as p53 (a tumor suppressor) and BRCA1 and BRCA2 (related to breast cancer). The chips are produced by using microlithography techniques traditionally used to fabricate integrated circuits (see below).

Microarray fabrication
The microarray—the dense, two-dimensional grid of biosensors—is the critical component of a biochip platform. Typically, the sensors are deposited on a flat substrate, which may either be passive (e.g. silicon or glass) or active, the latter consisting of integrated electronics or micromechanical devices that perform or assist signal transduction. Surface chemistry is used to covalently bind the sensor molecules to the substrate medium. The fabrication of microarrays is non-trivial and is a major economic and technological hurdle that may ultimately decide the success of future biochip platforms. The primary manufacturing challenge is the process of placing each sensor at a specific position (typically on a Cartesian grid) on the substrate. Various means exist to achieve the placement, but typically robotic micro-pipetting or micro-printing systems are used to place tiny spots of sensor material on the chip surface. Because each sensor is unique, only a few spots can be placed at a time. The low-throughput nature of this process results in high manufacturing costs.

Fodor and colleagues developed a unique fabrication process (later used by Affymetrix) in which a series of microlithography steps is used to combinatorially synthesize hundreds of thousands of unique, single-stranded DNA sensors on a substrate one nucleotide at a time. One lithography step is needed per base type; thus, a total of four steps is required per nucleotide level. Although this technique is very powerful in that many sensors can be created simultaneously, it is currently only feasible for creating short DNA strands (15–25 nucleotides). Reliability and cost factors limit the number of photolithography steps that can be done. Furthermore, light-directed combinatorial synthesis techniques are not currently possible for proteins or other sensing molecules.

As noted above, most microarrays consist of a Cartesian grid of sensors. This approach is used chiefly to map or "encode" the coordinate of each sensor to its function. Sensors in these arrays typically use a universal signalling technique (e.g. fluorescence), thus making coordinates their only identifying feature. These arrays must be made using a serial process (i.e. requiring multiple, sequential steps) to ensure that each sensor is placed at the correct position.

"Random" fabrication, in which the sensors are placed at arbitrary positions on the chip, is an alternative to the serial method. The tedious and expensive positioning process is not required, enabling the use of parallelized self-assembly techniques. In this approach, large batches of identical sensors can be produced; sensors from each batch are then combined and assembled into an array. A non-coordinate based encoding scheme must be used to identify each sensor. As the figure shows, such a design was first demonstrated (and later commercialized by Illumina) using functionalized beads placed randomly in the wells of an etched fiber optic cable. Each bead was uniquely encoded with a fluorescent signature. However, this encoding scheme is limited in the number of unique dye combinations that can be used and successfully differentiated.

Protein biochip array and other microarray technologies
Microarrays are not limited to DNA analysis; protein microarrays, antibody microarray, chemical compound microarray can also be produced using biochips. Randox Laboratories Ltd. launched Evidence, the first protein Biochip Array Technology analyzer in 2003. In protein Biochip Array Technology, the biochip replaces the ELISA plate or cuvette as the reaction platform. The biochip is used to simultaneously analyze a panel of related tests in a single sample, producing a patient profile. The patient profile can be used in disease screening, diagnosis, monitoring disease progression or monitoring treatment. Performing multiple analyses simultaneously, described as multiplexing, allows a significant reduction in processing time and the amount of patient sample required. Biochip Array Technology is a novel application of a familiar methodology, using sandwich, competitive and antibody-capture immunoassays. The difference from conventional immunoassays is that, the capture ligands are covalently attached to the surface of the biochip in an ordered array rather than in solution.

In sandwich assays an enzyme-labelled antibody is used; in competitive assays an enzyme-labelled antigen is used. On antibody-antigen binding a chemiluminescence reaction produces light. Detection is by a charge-coupled device (CCD) camera. The CCD camera is a sensitive and high-resolution sensor able to accurately detect and quantify very low levels of light. The test regions are located using a grid pattern then the chemiluminescence signals are analysed by imaging software to rapidly and simultaneously quantify the individual analytes.

Biochips are also used in the field of microphysiometry e.g. in skin-on-a-chip applications.

For details about other array technologies, see Antibody microarray.

title: Biochip


text:
WCFL

WCFL may refer to:

Current uses

 * WCFL (FM), a radio station (104.7 FM) licensed to Morris, Illinois, United States from 1990 to present

Past uses

 * WCFL-FM (104.3 FM), a radio station licensed to Chicago, Illinois, from 1948 to January 1950
 * Wilmington City Football League, a semi-professional American football league from 1932 to 1935
 * WMVP, a radio station (1000 AM) licensed to Chicago, Illinois, which held the call sign WCFL from June 1926 to May 1987

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: WCFL


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Evan Thornley

Evan William Thornley (born 1964), is an Australian social entrepreneur, philanthropist and impact investor. Thornley is the founder and executive chair of LongView, with a mission to find solutions to Australia's housing crisis. Based on his own childhood without secure housing, he is a passionate advocate for renters as well as bridging the affordability gap for Australian's who don't come from money, and lack the bank of mum and dad. LongView has grown to become a recognised industry leader in residential property buying and management and now, through its Shared Equity Fund (a form of equity sharing) is pioneering the development of a funds management to already existing dwelling assets to solve Australia's property market's affordability crisis by co-investing alongside homebuyers.

Thornley was founding chair of Per Capita and National Secretary of the Australian Fabian Society. He was a board member of the Brotherhood of St Laurence and the Chifley Research Centre, was a founding director of GetUp!. Along with his wife, he founded LookSmart, the first Australian dot-com company listed on the NASDAQ. During the dot-com bubble, his stake in the company was worth almost $1 billion, but its value declined by 99% as the bubble burst. Thornley made an attempt to buy LookSmart's search engine competitor Google during its early days but founders Larry Page and Sergey Brin rejected the offer.

Thornley is a co-founder of the Goodstart Consortium - a social enterprise that owns the largest childcare network in the world (formerly called ABC Learning). His vision for Goodstart was to ensure Australia's children have the best possible start in life by providing the learning, development and wellbeing outcomes they need. He was formerly the CEO of Better Place Australia and Global CEO of Better Place LLC, which developed electric cars and the charging or switching stations to support them. Thornley served in public office for two years as the Labor member of the Victorian Legislative Council for the Southern Metropolitan Region, and as Parliamentary Secretary to Premiers Bracks and Brumby.

Background and early career
Thornley was raised by a single mother under difficult circumstances on the NSW coast. At one stage his mother had 4 children under the age of 7, and survived on welfare and the kindness of the local community. He has 6 sisters.

A gifted student, Thornley attended Scotch College, Melbourne on a full scholarship and is a graduate of the University of Melbourne. He commenced his university studies in 1983 and served in full-time elected student office as President of the Student Representative Council, and then in the National Union of Students in 1987 and 1988. He completed a Bachelor of Commerce and a Bachelor of Laws degree in 1990, and from 1991 to 1995 he was a consultant at McKinsey and Company, a management consultancy firm.

Political career
Elected to the Parliament of Victoria in 2006, he served as Parliamentary Secretary assisting the Premier on the National Reform Agenda and Innovation until his resignation on 31 December 2008. He is a noted donor to various progressive causes, including the Australian Labor Party.

On 28 December 2008, Thornley announced that he would resign from the Victorian Parliament, despite speculation that he would be chosen to serve as a minister in John Brumby's government. His resignation had mixed responses in Victorian politics, with some Labor colleagues who thought his decision "insulting" and others acknowledging that for many people like Thornley who move into politics to make a real and personal impact, the reality of the slow pace of change within government can be frustrating and unsuitable.

After his departure he announced he had been appointed as the CEO of Australian operations for Better Place, a company promoting electric cars, which he said he thought was a "once-in-a-generation transformational project".

A joint sitting of the Legislative Assembly and the Legislative Council of the Victorian Parliament was required to select a new member to fill the vacancy caused by Thornley's resignation. It was the first casual vacancy to occur since the reform of the Legislative Council in 2006. Under the new rules, which mirror those of the Australian Senate, if the vacating MLC had been elected as a member of a political party, the joint sitting must select a person nominated by that political party. On 30 January 2009, it was announced that Melbourne lawyer Jennifer Huppert had been nominated by the ALP to fill the upper house vacancy.

Post-political career
Having served as the Australian head of Better Place since his resignation from parliament, Thornley was elevated to global CEO of the company following the sacking, in October 2012, of its founder and major spokesperson Shai Agassi. However, Thornley severed his connection with Better Place only three months later.

In January 2014, he became executive chair of Same Business Different Outcome (SBDO), a private equity firm. He is now executive chair of LongView, a property management company.

Connection to Israel, Judaism
Thornley first went to Israel on a Young Political Leaders' Tour while at University and was part of a pro-Israel group humorously dubbed "the Mossad faction". He led an Australia Israel Chamber of Commerce trade mission to Israel in 2008 and has been a delegate to the Australia Israel Leadership Forum several times. He was Secretary of the Parliamentary Friends of Israel and visited Israel over 30 times during his tenure at Better Place. He was a member of the strategic review panel for the Rabbinical Council of Victoria. Thornley began a formal process of converting to Judaism in 2012 under Rabbi Adam Stein at Kehilat Nitzan, Melbourne's only Conservative synagogue. Thornley formally completed the conversion process on 19 August 2014 and adopted the Hebrew name of "Lev Yonatan".

title: Evan Thornley


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Smokeless powder

Smokeless powder is a type of propellant used in firearms and artillery that produces less smoke and less fouling when fired compared to black powder. Because of their similar use, both the original black powder formulation and the smokeless propellant which replaced it are commonly described as gunpowder. The combustion products of smokeless powder are mainly gaseous, compared to around 55% solid products (mostly potassium carbonate, potassium sulfate, and potassium sulfide) for black powder. In addition, smokeless powder does not leave the thick, heavy fouling of hygroscopic material associated with black powder that causes rusting of the barrel.

Despite its name, smokeless powder is not completely free of smoke; while there may be little noticeable smoke from small-arms ammunition, smoke from artillery fire can be substantial.

Invented in 1884 by Paul Vieille, the most common formulations are based on nitrocellulose, but the term was also used to describe various picrate mixtures with nitrate, chlorate, or dichromate oxidizers during the late 19th century, before the advantages of nitrocellulose became evident.

Smokeless powders are typically classified as division 1.3 explosives under the UN Recommendations on the Transport of Dangerous Goods – Model Regulations, regional regulations (such as ADR) and national regulations. However, they are used as solid propellants; in normal use, they undergo deflagration rather than detonation.

Smokeless powder made autoloading firearms with many moving parts feasible (which would otherwise jam or seize under heavy black powder fouling). Smokeless powder allowed the development of modern semi- and fully automatic firearms and lighter breeches and barrels for artillery.

History
Before the widespread introduction of smokeless powder the use of gunpowder or black powder caused many problems on the battlefield. Military commanders since the Napoleonic Wars reported difficulty with giving orders on a battlefield obscured by the smoke of firing. Visual signals could not be seen through the thick smoke from the gunpowder used by the guns. Unless there was a strong wind, after a few shots, soldiers using gunpowder ammunition would have their view obscured by a huge cloud of smoke. Snipers and other operators firing from concealed positions risked revealing their locations with a cloud of smoke. Gunpowder burns in a relatively inefficient process that produces lower pressures, making it about one third as powerful as the same amount of smokeless powder. A significant portion of the combustion products  from gunpowder are  solids, that are also hygroscopic, meaning  it attracts moisture from the air, making cleaning mandatory after every use to prevent water accumulation in  the barrel that can lead to corrosion and premature failure. These solids are also behind gunpowder's tendency to produce severe fouling that causes breech-loading actions to jam and can make reloading difficult.

Nitroglycerine and guncotton
Nitroglycerine was synthesized by the Italian chemist Ascanio Sobrero in 1847. It was subsequently developed and manufactured by Alfred Nobel as an industrial explosive under the trademark "Dynamite," but even then it was unsuitable as a propellant: despite its energetic and smokeless qualities, it detonates at supersonic speed, as opposed to deflagrating smoothly at subsonic  speeds, making it more liable to shatter a gun barrel rather than propel a projectile out of it. Nitroglycerine is also highly shock-sensitive, making it unfit to be carried in battlefield conditions.

A major step forward was the invention of guncotton, a nitrocellulose-based material, by German chemist Christian Friedrich Schönbein in 1846. He promoted its use as a blasting explosive and sold manufacturing rights to the Austrian Empire. Guncotton was more powerful than gunpowder, but at the same time was once again somewhat more unstable. John Taylor obtained an English patent for guncotton; and John Hall & Sons began manufacture in Faversham.

English interest languished after an explosion destroyed the Faversham factory in 1847. Austrian Baron Wilhelm Lenk von Wolfsberg built two guncotton plants producing artillery propellent, but it too was dangerous under field conditions, and guns that could fire thousands of rounds using black powder would reach the end of their service life after only a few hundred shots with the more powerful guncotton. Small arms could not withstand the pressures generated by guncotton.

After one of the Austrian factories blew up in 1862, Thomas Prentice & Company began manufacturing guncotton in Stowmarket in 1863; and British War Office chemist Sir Frederick Abel began thorough research at Waltham Abbey Royal Gunpowder Mills leading to a manufacturing process that eliminated the impurities in nitrocellulose making it safer to produce and a stable product safer to handle. Abel patented this process in 1865 when the second Austrian guncotton factory exploded. After the Stowmarket factory exploded in 1871, Waltham Abbey began production of guncotton for torpedo and mine warheads.

Improvements

In 1863, Prussian artillery captain Johann F. E. Schultze patented a small-arms propellant of nitrated hardwood impregnated with saltpeter or barium nitrate. Prentice received an 1866 patent for a sporting powder of nitrated paper manufactured at Stowmarket, but ballistic uniformity suffered as the paper absorbed atmospheric moisture. In 1871, Frederick Volkmann received an Austrian patent for a colloided version of Schultze powder called Collodin, which he manufactured near Vienna for use in sporting firearms. Austrian patents were not published at the time, and the Austrian Empire considered the operation a violation of the government monopoly on explosives manufacture and closed the Volkmann factory in 1875.

In 1882, the Explosives Company at Stowmarket patented an improved formulation of nitrated cotton gelatinised by ether-alcohol with nitrates of potassium and barium. These propellants were suitable for shotguns but not rifles, because rifling results in resistance to a smooth expansion of the gas, which is reduced in smoothbore shotguns.

In 1884, Paul Vieille invented a smokeless powder called Poudre B (short for poudre blanche, white powder, as distinguished from black powder) made from 68.2% insoluble nitrocellulose, 29.8% soluble nitrocellulose gelatinized with ether and 2% paraffin. This was adopted for the Lebel rifle chambered in 8×50mmR Lebel. It was passed through rollers to form paper thin sheets, which were cut into flakes of the desired size. The resulting propellant, known as pyrocellulose, contains somewhat less nitrogen than guncotton and is less volatile. A particularly good feature of the propellant is that it will not detonate unless it is compressed, making it very safe to handle under normal conditions. Vieille's powder revolutionized the effectiveness of small guns because it gave off almost no smoke and was three times more powerful than black powder. Higher muzzle velocity meant a flatter trajectory and less wind drift and bullet drop, making 1000 m shots practicable. Since less powder was needed to propel a bullet, the cartridge could be made smaller and lighter. This allowed troops to carry more ammunition for the same weight. Also, it would burn even when wet. Black powder ammunition had to be kept dry and was almost always stored and transported in watertight cartridges. Other European countries swiftly followed and started using their own versions of Poudre B, the first being Germany and Austria, which introduced new weapons in 1888. Subsequently, Poudre B was modified several times with various compounds being added and removed. Krupp began adding diphenylamine as a stabilizer in 1888.

Meanwhile, in 1887, Alfred Nobel obtained an English patent for a smokeless gunpowder he called Ballistite. In this propellant the fibrous structure of cotton (nitro-cellulose) was destroyed by a nitroglycerine solution instead of a solvent. In England in 1889, a similar powder was patented by Hiram Maxim, and in the United States in 1890 by Hudson Maxim. Ballistite was patented in the United States in 1891. The Germans adopted ballistite for naval use in 1898, calling it WPC/98. The Italians adopted it as filite, in cord instead of flake form, but realising its drawbacks changed to a formulation with nitroglycerine they called solenite. In 1891 the Russians tasked the chemist Mendeleev with finding a suitable propellant. He created nitrocellulose gelatinised by ether-alcohol, which produced more nitrogen and more uniform colloidal structure than the French use of nitro-cottons in Poudre B.  He called it pyrocollodion.

Britain conducted trials on all the various types of propellant brought to their attention, but were dissatisfied with them all and sought something superior to all existing types. In 1889, Sir Frederick Abel, James Dewar and Dr W Kellner patented (Nos 5614 and 11,664 in the names of Abel and Dewar) a new formulation that was manufactured at the Royal Gunpowder Factory at Waltham Abbey. It entered British service in 1891 as Cordite Mark 1. Its main composition was 58% nitroglycerine, 37% guncotton and 3% mineral jelly. A modified version, Cordite MD, entered service in 1901, with the guncotton percentage increased to 65% and nitroglycerine reduced to 30%. This change reduced the combustion temperature and hence erosion and barrel wear. Cordite's advantages over gunpowder were reduced maximum pressure in the chamber (hence lighter breeches, etc.) but longer high pressure. Cordite could be made in any desired shape or size. The creation of cordite led to a lengthy court battle between Nobel, Maxim, and another inventor over alleged British patent infringement.

The Anglo-American Explosives Company began manufacturing its shotgun powder in Oakland, New Jersey in 1890. DuPont began producing guncotton at Carneys Point Township, New Jersey in 1891. Charles E. Munroe of the Naval Torpedo Station in Newport, Rhode Island patented a formulation of guncotton colloided with nitrobenzene, called Indurite, in 1891. Several United States firms began producing smokeless powder when Winchester Repeating Arms Company started loading sporting cartridges with Explosives Company powder in 1893. California Powder Works began producing a mixture of nitroglycerine and nitrocellulose with ammonium picrate as Peyton Powder, Leonard Smokeless Powder Company began producing nitroglycerine–nitrocellulose Ruby powders, Laflin & Rand negotiated a license to produce Ballistite, and DuPont started producing smokeless shotgun powder. The United States Army evaluated 25 varieties of smokeless powder and selected Ruby and Peyton Powders as the most suitable for use in the Krag–Jørgensen service rifle. Ruby was preferred, because tin-plating was required to protect brass cartridge cases from picric acid in the Peyton Powder. Rather than paying the required royalties for Ballistite, Laflin & Rand financed Leonard's reorganization as the American Smokeless Powder Company. United States Army Lieutenant Whistler assisted American Smokeless Powder Company factory superintendent Aspinwall in formulating an improved powder named W.A. for their efforts. W.A. smokeless powder was the standard for United States military service rifles from 1897 until 1908.

In 1897, United States Navy Lieutenant John Bernadou patented a nitrocellulose powder colloided with ether-alcohol. The Navy licensed or sold patents for this formulation to DuPont and the California Powder Works while retaining manufacturing rights for the Naval Powder Factory, Indian Head, Maryland constructed in 1900. The United States Army adopted the Navy single-base formulation in 1908 and began manufacture at Picatinny Arsenal. By that time Laflin & Rand had taken over the American Powder Company to protect their investment, and Laflin & Rand had been purchased by DuPont in 1902. Upon securing a 99-year lease of the Explosives Company in 1903, DuPont enjoyed use of all significant smokeless powder patents in the United States, and was able to optimize production of smokeless powder. When government anti-trust action forced divestiture in 1912, DuPont retained the nitrocellulose smokeless powder formulations used by the United States military and released the double-base formulations used in sporting ammunition to the reorganized Hercules Powder Company. These newer and more powerful propellants were more stable and thus safer to handle than Poudre B.

Characteristics
The properties of the propellant are greatly influenced by the size and shape of its pieces. The specific surface area of the propellant influences the speed of burning, and the size and shape of the particles determine the specific surface area. By manipulation of the shape it is possible to influence the burning rate and hence the rate at which pressure builds during combustion. Smokeless powder burns only on the surfaces of the pieces. Larger pieces burn more slowly, and the burn rate is further controlled by flame-deterrent coatings that retard burning slightly. The intent is to regulate the burn rate so that a more or less constant pressure is exerted on the propelled projectile as long as it is in the barrel so as to obtain the highest velocity. The perforations stabilize the burn rate because as the outside burns inward (thus shrinking the burning surface area) the inside is burning outward (thus increasing the burning surface area, but faster, so as to fill up the increasing volume of barrel presented by the departing projectile). Fast-burning pistol powders are made by extruding shapes with more area such as flakes or by flattening the spherical granules. Drying is usually performed under a vacuum. The solvents are condensed and recycled. The granules are also coated with graphite to prevent static electricity sparks from causing undesired ignitions.

Smokeless powder does not leave the thick, heavy fouling of hygroscopic material associated with black powder that causes rusting of the barrel (though some primer compounds can leave hygroscopic salts that have a similar effect; non-corrosive primer compounds were introduced in the 1920s). )

Faster-burning propellants generate higher temperatures and higher pressures, however they also increase wear on gun barrels.

Nitrocellulose deteriorates with time, yielding acidic byproducts. Those byproducts catalyze the further deterioration, increasing its rate. The released heat, in case of bulk storage of the powder, or too large blocks of solid propellant, can cause self-ignition of the material. Single-base nitrocellulose propellants are hygroscopic and most susceptible to degradation; double-base and triple-base propellants tend to deteriorate more slowly. To neutralize the decomposition products, which could otherwise cause corrosion of metals of the cartridges and gun barrels, calcium carbonate is added to some formulations.

To prevent buildup of the deterioration products, stabilizers are added. Diphenylamine is one of the most common stabilizers used. Nitrated analogs of diphenylamine formed in the process of stabilizing decomposing powder are sometimes used as stabilizers themselves. The stabilizers are added in the amount of 0.5–2% of the total amount of the formulation; higher amounts tend to degrade its ballistic properties. The amount of the stabilizer is depleted with time with substantial changes of ballistic properties. Propellants in storage should be periodically tested for the amount of stabilizer remaining, as its depletion may lead to auto-ignition of the propellant. Moisture changes the stabilizers consumption over time.

Composition
Propellants using nitrocellulose (detonation velocity 7300 m/s, RE factor 1.10) (typically an ether-alcohol colloid of nitrocellulose) as the sole explosive propellant ingredient are described as single-base powder.

Propellants mixtures containing nitrocellulose and nitroglycerin (detonation velocity 7700 m/s, RE factor 1.54) as explosive propellant ingredients are known as double-base powder. Alternatively diethylene glycol dinitrate (detonation velocity 6610 m/s, RE factor 1.17) can be used as a nitroglycerin replacement when reduced flame temperatures without sacrificing chamber pressure are of importance. Reduction of flame temperature significantly reduces barrel erosion and hence wear.

During the 1930s, triple-base propellant containing nitrocellulose, nitroglycerin or diethylene glycol dinitrate, and a substantial quantity of nitroguanidine (detonation velocity 8200 m/s, RE factor 0.95) as explosive propellant ingredients was developed. These "cold propellant" mixtures have reduced flash and flame temperature without sacrificing chamber pressure compared to single- and double-base propellants, albeit at the cost of more smoke. In practice, triple base propellants are reserved mainly for large caliber ammunition such as used in (naval) artillery and tank guns, which suffer from bore erosion the most. During World War II, it had some use by British artillery. After that war it became the standard propellant in all British large caliber ammunition designs except small-arms. Most western nations, except the United States, followed a similar path.

In the late 20th century new propellant formulations started to appear. These are based on nitroguanidine and high explosives of the RDX type (detonation velocity 8750 m/s, RE factor 1.60).

Detonation velocities are of limited value in assessing the reaction rates of nitrocellulose propellants formulated to avoid detonation. Although the slower reaction is often described as burning because of similar gaseous end products at elevated temperatures, the decomposition differs from combustion in an oxygen atmosphere. Conversion of nitrocellulose propellants to high-pressure gas proceeds from the exposed surface to the interior of each solid particle in accordance with Piobert's law. Studies of solid single- and double-base propellant reactions suggest reaction rate is controlled by heat transfer through the temperature gradient across a series of zones or phases as the reaction proceeds from the surface into the solid. The deepest portion of the solid experiencing heat transfer melts and begins phase transition from solid to gas in a foam zone. The gaseous propellant decomposes into simpler molecules in a surrounding fizz zone. Energy is released in a luminous outer flame zone where the simpler gas molecules react to form conventional combustion products like steam and carbon monoxide. The foam zone acts as an insulator slowing the rate of heat transfer from the flame zone into the unreacted solid. Reaction rates vary with pressure; because the foam allows less effective heat transfer at low pressure, with greater heat transfer as higher pressures compress the gas volume of that foam. Propellants designed for a minimum heat transfer pressure may fail to sustain the flame zone at lower pressures.

The energetic components used in smokeless propellants include nitrocellulose (the most common), nitroglycerin, nitroguanidine, DINA (bis-nitroxyethylnitramine; diethanolamine dinitrate, DEADN; DHE), Fivonite (2,2,5,5-tetramethylol-cyclopentanone tetranitrate, CyP), DGN (diethylene glycol dinitrate), and acetyl cellulose.

Deterrents (or moderants) are used to slow the burning rate. Deterrents include centralites (symmetrical diphenyl urea—primarily diethyl or dimethyl), dibutyl phthalate, dinitrotoluene (toxic and carcinogenic), akardite (asymmetrical diphenyl urea), ortho-Tolyl urethane, and polyester adipate. Camphor was formerly used but is now obsolete.

Stabilizers prevent or slow down self-decomposition. These include diphenylamine, petroleum jelly, calcium carbonate, magnesium oxide, sodium bicarbonate, and beta-Naphthol methyl ether Obsolete stabilizers include amyl alcohol and aniline.

Decoppering additives hinder the buildup of copper residues from the gun barrel rifling. These include tin metal and compounds (e.g., tin dioxide), and bismuth metal and compounds (e.g., bismuth trioxide, bismuth subcarbonate, bismuth nitrate, bismuth antimonide); the bismuth compounds are favored as copper dissolves in molten bismuth, forming brittle and easily removable alloy. Lead foil and lead compounds have been phased out due to toxicity.

Wear reduction materials including wax, talc and titanium dioxide are added to lower the wear of the gun barrel liners. Large guns use polyurethane jackets over the powder bags.

Other additives include ethyl acetate (a solvent for manufacture of spherical powder), rosin (a surfactant to hold the grain shape of spherical powder) and graphite (a lubricant to cover the grains and prevent them from sticking together, and to dissipate static electricity).

Flash reduction
Flash reducers dim muzzle flash, the light emitted in the vicinity of the muzzle by the hot propellant gases and the chemical reactions that follow as the gases mix with the surrounding air. Before projectiles exit, a slight pre-flash may occur from gases leaking past the projectiles. Following muzzle exit, the heat of gases is usually sufficient to emit visible radiation: the primary flash. The gases expand but as they pass through the Mach disc, they are re-compressed to produce an intermediate flash. Hot, combustible gases (e.g. hydrogen and carbon-monoxide) may follow when they mix with oxygen in the surrounding air to produce the secondary flash, the brightest. The secondary flash does not usually occur with small arms.

Nitrocellulose contains insufficient oxygen to completely oxidize its carbon and hydrogen. The oxygen deficit is increased by addition of graphite and organic stabilizers. Products of combustion within the gun barrel include flammable gasses like hydrogen and carbon monoxide. At high temperature, these flammable gasses will ignite when turbulently mixed with atmospheric oxygen beyond the muzzle of the gun. During night engagements, the flash produced by ignition can reveal the location of the gun to enemy forces and cause temporary night-blindness among the gun crew by photo-bleaching visual purple.

Flash suppressors are commonly used on small arms to reduce the flash signature, but this approach is not practical for artillery. Artillery muzzle flash up to 150 ft from the muzzle has been observed, and can be reflected off clouds and be visible for distances up to 30 miles. For artillery, the most effective method is a propellant that produces a large proportion of inert nitrogen at relatively low temperatures that dilutes the combustible gases. Triple based propellants are used for this because of the nitrogen in the nitroguanidine.

Flash reducers include potassium chloride, potassium nitrate, potassium sulfate, and potassium bitartrate (potassium hydrogen tartrate: a byproduct of wine production formerly used by French artillery). Before the use of triple based propellants, the usual method of flash reduction was to add inorganic salts like potassium chloride so their specific heat capacity might reduce the temperature of combustion gasses and their finely divided particulate smoke might block visible wavelengths of radiant energy of combustion.

All flash reducers have a disadvantage: the production of smoke.

Manufacturing

Smokeless powder may be corned into small spherical balls or extruded into cylinders or strips with many cross-sectional shapes (strips with various rectangular proportions, single or multi-hole cylinders, slotted cylinders) using solvents such as ether. These extrusions can be cut into short ("flakes") or long pieces ("cords" many inches long). Cannon powder has the largest pieces.

The United States Navy manufactured single-base tubular powder for naval artillery at Indian Head, Maryland, beginning in 1900. Similar procedures were used for United States Army production at Picatinny Arsenal beginning in 1907 and for manufacture of smaller grained Improved Military Rifle (IMR) powders after 1914. Short-fiber cotton linter was boiled in a solution of sodium hydroxide to remove vegetable waxes, and then dried before conversion to nitrocellulose by mixing with concentrated nitric and sulfuric acids. Nitrocellulose still resembles fibrous cotton at this point in the manufacturing process, and was typically identified as pyrocellulose because it would spontaneously ignite in air until unreacted acid was removed. The term guncotton was also used; although some references identify guncotton as a more extensively nitrated and refined product used in torpedo and mine warheads prior to use of TNT.

Unreacted acid was removed from pyrocellulose pulp by a multistage draining and water washing process similar to that used in paper mills during production of chemical woodpulp. Pressurized alcohol removed remaining water from drained pyrocellulose prior to mixing with ether and diphenylamine. The mixture was then fed through a press extruding a long tubular cord form to be cut into grains of the desired length.

Alcohol and ether were then evaporated from "green" powder grains to a remaining solvent concentration between 3 percent for rifle powders and 7 percent for large artillery powder grains. Burning rate is inversely proportional to solvent concentration. Grains were coated with electrically conductive graphite to minimize generation of static electricity during subsequent blending. "Lots" containing more than ten tonnes of powder grains were mixed through a tower arrangement of blending hoppers to minimize ballistic differences. Each blended lot was then subjected to testing to determine the correct loading charge for the desired performance.

Military quantities of old smokeless powder were sometimes reworked into new lots of propellants. Through the 1920s Fred Olsen worked at Picatinny Arsenal experimenting with ways to salvage tons of single-base cannon powder manufactured for World War I. Olsen was employed by Western Cartridge Company in 1929 and developed a process for manufacturing spherical smokeless powder by 1933. Reworked powder or washed pyrocellulose can be dissolved in ethyl acetate containing small quantities of desired stabilizers and other additives. The resultant syrup, combined with water and surfactants, can be heated and agitated in a pressurized container until the syrup forms an emulsion of small spherical globules of the desired size. Ethyl acetate distills off as pressure is slowly reduced to leave small spheres of nitrocellulose and additives. The spheres can be subsequently modified by adding nitroglycerine to increase energy, flattening between rollers to a uniform minimum dimension, coating with phthalate deterrents to retard ignition, and/or glazing with graphite to improve flow characteristics during blending.

Modern smokeless powder is produced in the United States by St. Marks Powder, Inc. owned by General Dynamics.

title: Smokeless powder


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In-group favoritism

In-group favoritism, sometimes known as in-group–out-group bias, in-group bias, intergroup bias, or in-group preference, is a pattern of favoring members of one's in-group over out-group members. This can be expressed in evaluation of others, in allocation of resources, and in many other ways.

This effect has been researched by many psychologists and linked to many theories related to group conflict and prejudice. The phenomenon is primarily viewed from a social psychology standpoint. Studies have shown that in-group favoritism arises as a result of the formation of cultural groups. These cultural groups can be divided based on seemingly trivial observable traits, but with time, populations grow to associate certain traits with certain behavior, increasing covariation. This then incentivizes in-group bias.

Two prominent theoretical approaches to the phenomenon of in-group favoritism are realistic conflict theory and social identity theory. Realistic conflict theory proposes that intergroup competition, and sometimes intergroup conflict, arises when two groups have opposing claims to scarce resources. In contrast, social identity theory posits a psychological drive for positively distinct social identities as the general root cause of in-group favoring behavior.

Origins of the research tradition
In 1906, the sociologist William Sumner posited that humans are a species that join together in groups by their very nature. However, he also maintained that humans had an innate tendency to favor their own group over others, proclaiming how "each group nourishes its own pride and vanity, boasts itself superior, exists in its own divinities, and looks with contempt on outsiders". This is seen on the group level with ingroup–outgroup bias. When experienced in larger groups such as tribes, ethnic groups, or nations, it is referred to as ethnocentrism.

Competition
Realistic conflict theory (or realistic group conflict) posits that competition between groups for resources is the cause of in-group bias and the corresponding negative treatment of members of the out-group. Muzafer Sherif's Robbers Cave Experiment is the most widely known demonstration of realistic conflict theory. In the experiment, 22 eleven-year-old boys with similar backgrounds were studied in a mock summer camp situation, with researchers posing as camp personnel.

The boys were divided into two equal groups and encouraged to bond, with the aim of fostering an in-group mentality. The researchers then introduced a series of competitive activities which pitted groups against each other for a valuable prize. Hostility and out-group negativity ensued. Lastly, researchers attempted to reverse the hostility by engaging the boys in situations of mutual interdependence, an effort which eventually resulted in relative harmony between the two groups.

Sherif concluded from this experiment that negative attitudes toward out-groups arise when groups compete for limited resources. However, he also theorized that inter-group frictions could be reduced and positive relations created, but only in the presence of an overarching goal, which could only be achieved with the two groups' cooperation.

Self-esteem
According to social identity theory, as well as terror management theory, one of the key determinants of group biases is the need to improve self-esteem. The desire to view one's self positively is transferred onto the group, creating a tendency to view one's own group in a positive light, and by comparison, outside groups in a negative light. That is, individuals will find a reason, no matter how insignificant, to prove to themselves why their own group is superior. This phenomenon was pioneered and studied most extensively by Henri Tajfel, a British social psychologist who looked at the psychological root of in-group/out-group bias. To study this in the lab, Tajfel and colleagues created minimal groups (see minimal group paradigm), which occur when "complete strangers are formed into groups using the most trivial criteria imaginable". In Tajfel's studies, participants were split into groups by flipping a coin, and each group then was told to appreciate a certain style of painting none of the participants were familiar with when the experiment began. What Tajfel and his colleagues discovered was that—regardless of the facts that a) participants did not know each other, b) their groups were completely meaningless, and c) none of the participants had any inclination as to which "style" they like better—participants almost always "liked the members of their own group better and they rated the members of their in-group as more likely to have pleasant personalities". By having a more positive impression of individuals in the in-group, individuals are able to boost their own self-esteem as members of that group.

Robert Cialdini and his research team looked at the number of university T-shirts being worn on college campuses following either a win or loss at the football game. They found that the Monday after a win, there were more T-shirts being worn, on average, than following a loss.

In another set of studies, done in the 1980s by Jennifer Crocker and colleagues using the minimal group paradigm, individuals with high self-esteem who suffered a threat to the self-concept exhibited greater ingroup biases than did people with low self-esteem who suffered a threat to the self-concept. While some studies have supported this notion of a negative correlation between self-esteem and in-group bias, other researchers have found that individuals with low self-esteem showed more bias toward both in-group and out-group members. Some studies have even shown that high-self-esteem groups showed more bias than did lower self-esteem groups. This research may suggest that there is an alternative explanation and additional reasoning as to the relationship between self-esteem and in-group/out-group biases. Alternatively, it is possible that researchers have used the wrong sort of self-esteem measures to test the link between self-esteem and in-group bias (global personal self-esteem rather than specific social self-esteem).

Biological basis as an effect of oxytocin
In a meta-analysis and review of the effect of oxytocin on social behavior done by Carsten De Dreu, the research reviewed shows that oxytocin enables the development of trust, specifically towards individuals with similar characteristics—categorized as 'in-group' members—promoting cooperation with and favoritism towards such individuals. This bias of oxytocin-induced goodwill towards those with features and characteristics perceived to be similar may have evolved as a biological basis for sustaining in-group cooperation and protection, fitting with the Darwinian insight that acts of self-sacrifice and cooperation contribute to the functioning of the group and hence improve the odds of survival for members of said group.

Race can be used as an example of in-group and out-group tendencies because society often categorizes individuals into groups based on race (Caucasian, African American, Latino, etc.). One study that examined race and empathy found that participants receiving nasally administered oxytocin had stronger reactions to pictures of in-group members making pained faces than to pictures of out-group members with the same expression. This shows that oxytocin may be implicated in our ability to empathize with individuals of different races, with individuals of one race potentially biased towards helping individuals of the same race than individuals of another race when they are experiencing pain.

Oxytocin has also been implicated in lying when lying would prove beneficial to other in-group members. In a study where such a relationship was examined, it was found that when individuals were administered oxytocin, rates of dishonesty in the participants' responses increased for their in-group members when a beneficial outcome for their group was expected. Both of these examples show the tendency to act in ways that benefit in-group members.

Self-identity and social identity
As noted in two recent theoretical reviews, the theoretical basis for the inclusion of self-identity in the theories of reasoned action and planned behavior has many similarities to social identity theory and its extension, self-categorization theory. According to social identity theory, an important component of the self-concept is derived from memberships in social groups and categories. When people define and evaluate themselves in terms of a self-inclusive social category (e.g., sex, class, team) two processes come into play: (1) categorization, which perceptually accentuates differences between the in-group and out-group, and similarities among in-group members (including the self) on stereotypical dimensions; and (2) self-enhancement which, because the self-concept is defined in terms of group membership, seeks behaviorally and perceptually to favor the in-group over the out-group. Social identities are cognitively represented as group prototypes that describe and prescribe beliefs, attitudes, feelings and behaviors that optimize a balance between minimization of in-group differences and maximization of intergroup differences.

More specifically, according to social identity theory, there is a continuum between personal and social identity shifts along this continuum that determine the extent to which group-related or personal characteristics influence a person's feelings and actions. If a particular social identity is a salient basis for self-conception, then the self is assimilated to the perceived in-group prototype which can be thought of as a set of perceived in-group norms such that self-perception, beliefs, attitudes, feelings and behaviors are defined in terms of the group prototype. Thus, social identities should influence behavior through the mediating role of group norms. People will be more likely to engage in a particular behavior if it is in accord with the norms of a behaviorally relevant group membership, particularly if the identity is a salient basis for self-definition. If the group membership is not salient, then people's behavior and feelings should be in accord with their own personal and idiosyncratic characteristics rather than group norms.

On the other hand, the self-identity theory poses that the self is often a reflection of expected norms and practices in a person's social role. At the center of it is the proposition that the self is made up of multi-faceted and differentiated components that exist in an organized manner for the sake of filling in roles in society. People are able to create an identity for themselves only through talking to others, and often what roles they are taking on differ from one group to another. These differing roles and positions people fill are a result of their interactions with others and are called role identities. Role identities may be self-realized, or may be facts like being a mother, a social worker, or a blood donor. Role identities lead people to act in certain ways due to assumed expectations for the roles. Because there is satisfaction in complying with expectations of the role, there is often distress behind an inability to appear congruent to one's identity as defined by societal norms. There is also an existing hierarchy of importance for roles that individuals take on, and according to the hierarchical standing of roles, people become more representative of roles that stand higher hierarchically, according to them.

Identity salience, the likelihood of role identities being invoked in different situations, is the result of role identities being placed hierarchically in different orders from person to person. People who hold the same roles may act differently because some roles are valued over others. For example, a working mother may have less time to spend with her child as opposed to a mother that does not work. Behaviors are reflective of the identities that are held higher hierarchically by people, so people act out in self-worth and self-meaning according to these hierarchies. Someone who holds the identity of being a psychologist higher than the identity of being a linguist will find that while he/she may become competitive when meeting another person that is better at psychology than he/she, he/she will not care when in contact with someone who is much better at being a linguist than he/she. In a similar way, social relationships are influenced by this salience. Self-identity often places individuals in social contexts and a commitment to the role within that context becomes a big part of perpetrating the idea of self. It also finds people relating more to others that hold similar role identities at the top of their hierarchies.

Because people have self-concepts that are derived from a role they define for themselves within the context of a group, when staying within their roles, intergroup similarities are accentuated while intergroup differences are diminished. In an attempt to assimilate oneself according to the tendencies of a group, often people reconfigure their intragroup representations or identities. Certain prototypes form about these groups that reaffirm rules that members of the group are encouraged to follow. Shared information and views are discussed more often than novel and unshared information within a group, therefore a norm is established where the majority views are perpetuated and others silenced. This norm is fluid and changing according to different contexts, but those within the group who want to keep up with the majority views in all matters have to keep an active role in affirming the views of the in-group in contest to out-groups.

Neuroscience of social categorization
Various neural correlates are impacted by group membership, which can shed light on the development of biases toward in-group members. The brain plays a critical role in how individuals classify themselves and others into groups based on personal attributes, as explained by the social identity theory.

Research shows that the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC) region displays increased activity when individuals engage in group categorization. This increased activity in this brain region is activated because people tend to focus on the positive qualities of their group. This increased brain activity has been linked to social identity which is a portion of one’s personality that comes from being a member of a specific group. This part of the brain is also activated when we think about personal qualities. People tend to want to feel good about themselves and base their personality on the groups they are part of. People then focus on the positives of their group which leads to people favoring their group and seeing it better than other groups. If people do this, then they will also feel good about themselves because they perceive themselves as being part of a high-status group.

More specifically, the ventral medial prefrontal cortex becomes active when individuals categorize themselves into groups with whom they already share prior experience which can be based on characteristics such as race, ethnicity, or gender. This region of the brain is activated due to emotional social reasoning where self-referential processing leads individuals to view the in-group as closer to the self than the out-group. Emotional social reasoning is also significant with groups of prior experience because the categorizations have developed over a longer duration leading to the development of emotions. Alternatively, the dorsal medial prefrontal cortex is activated when individuals categorize themselves into groups with whom they have no prior experience with such as randomly being divided into teams to compete in a task. In this case, individuals must use abstract social reasoning, a part of the dorsal medial prefrontal cortex, to form self-guided ideas for categorical identification. It is important to note that with newly formed groups, individuals do not have an emotional component which is why the ventral medial prefrontal cortex is not activated.

Formation of cultural groups
Studies have shown that in-group favoritism arises endogenously, through the formation of cultural groups. Symbolic markers in certain conditions can result in trivial groupings developing into cultural groups. The formation of such cultural groups then results in a higher degree of in-group favoritism.

Efferson, Lalive and Fehr published such a study in 2008, utilizing a series of coordination games to mimic cooperation between individuals. The study found that cultural groups were able to form endogenously through creation of a linkage between a payoff-relevant behavior and a payoff-irrelevant marker. Subsequently, in-group favoritism occurred in ensuing social interactions.

Participants were first divided into one of several populations of ten people, and then further divided into subpopulations of five. Each group had different payoff for coordinating on one of two choices, behavior A or behavior B. In group 1, participants were awarded 41 points for coordinating (choosing A themselves and choosing another participant who also chose A) on A and 21 for coordinating on B. The payoffs were switched in the second group. In both groups participants were awarded just 1 point for mis-coordinating. During each turn participants were also allowed to choose a payoff-irrelevant marker (circle or triangle). Players from both subpopulations were mixed to create a coordination problem, and every turn, an unidentified player from each subpopulation would be randomly switched.

The experiment created a situation in which participants were strongly incentivized to develop a sense of expected behaviors in his or her subpopulation, but occasionally would find themselves in a totally new situation in which their behaviors were not in-line with social norms.

The results showed that players generally developed an inclination to pair behavior with a marker, especially if it had resulted in a positive payoff. As linkages at an individual level increase, covariation (of marker and behavior) at an aggregate level also increases. In the experiment, there was a significant increase in participants requesting for partners with the same-shape choice as it progressed, although the initial choice of shape had no effect on payoffs. Toward the end of the experiment, this number stood at a substantial 87%, indicating the presence of in-group favoritism.

Their study supported the hypothesis that the formation of cultural groups alters selective pressure facing individuals, and thus leads to certain behavioral traits being advantageous. Thus, if such selective pressures were present in past civilizations, where membership in a certain group is correlated with a certain behavioral norm, the emergence of in-group biases where it is beneficial to act in differing manners to members of the same group is certainly plausible.

Automatic bias for own gender
Rudman and Goodwin conducted research on gender bias that measured gender preferences without directly asking the participants. Subjects at Purdue and Rutgers University participated in computerized tasks that measured automatic attitudes based on how quickly a person categorizes pleasant and unpleasant attributes with each gender. Such a task was done to discover whether people associate pleasant words (good, happy, and sunshine) with women, and unpleasant words (bad, trouble, and pain) with men.

This research found that while both women and men have more favorable views of women, women's in-group biases were 4.5 times stronger than those of men and only women (not men) showed cognitive balance among in-group bias, identity, and self-esteem, revealing that men lack a mechanism that bolsters automatic preference for their own gender.

Competition
Using a public goods game, Van Vugt, De Cremer, and Janssen found that men contributed more to their group in the face of outside competition from another group; there was no distinct difference amongst women's contributions.

Ethnicity-based favoritism
In 2001 Fershtman and Gneezy found that men showed in-group biases in a "trust" game based on ethnicity, whereas this tendency was not present in women. The study aims to identify ethnic discrimination in Israeli Jewish society, and was conducted on 996 Israeli undergraduates. Groups were separated based on whether the participant's name was typically ethnically Eastern or Ashkenazic. Similar to a dictator game, subjects were instructed to divide a sum of money (20 NIS) between themselves and another player. Player A was told that any money sent over to Player B would be tripled, and Player B would receive details of the experiment, including the name of Player A and the transferred sum. Subsequently, Player B would have a choice of whether to send any money back.

The experiment found that despite sharing similar average transfer values (10.63 for women and 11.42 for men), women did not display significant in-group biases when it came to recipients with either Ashkenazic or Eastern sounding names. However, a bias against Eastern sounding names was present amongst men.

Furthermore, men showed more bias for Ashkenazic men compared to women, but the opposite was true for Eastern names. This result may seem counter-intuitive, as participants appear to share more in common if they were both male. Thus, we would expect Eastern females to be more marginalized, but is actually consistent with other studies which studied discrimination against Afro-American women.

Developmental age
In 2008 Fehr, Bernhard, and Rockenbach, in a study conducted on children, found that boys displayed in-group favoritism from ages 3–8, whereas girls did not display such tendencies. The experiment involved usage of an "envy game", a modified version of the dictator game. A possible explanation posited by researchers relied on an evolutionary basis.

They theorized that parochialism and favoring members of the same group may have been particularly advantageous as it strengthened the individuals group position in intergroup conflicts. As males were the ones who were frequently at the forefront of such conflicts in the past, and thus bore the majority of the costs of conflicts in terms of injury or death, evolution may have favored a greater sensitivity in males in situations which resulted in an advantageous payoff for their in-group. Thus males tended to show in-group biases from a younger age than females, as was evident in the experiment.

Armenian Genocide denial
A 2013 study found that Turks with a stronger in-group bias were less likely to acknowledge the in-group responsibility for the Armenian genocide.

2008 US Presidential elections
A study conducted during the 2008 Presidential elections showcased how group identities were dynamic. The study was carried out among 395 Democrats from Cambridge, MA, using an Economics dictator game. Subjects were given $6 to divide between themselves and another person. The recipients remained anonymous, apart from which candidate they supported in the Democratic Primaries.

Data were collected in three separate periods. June 10 to 18 (after Hillary Clinton's concession speech on June 7); August 9 to 14, before the Democratic National Convention on the 25; and September 2 to 5, in the buildup to the Presidential elections. The results showed that men displayed significant in-group favoritism from June all the way to the DNC in August. This in-group bias, however, was not present in September. Women displayed no significant in-group favoritism throughout.

The experiment suggested that group identities are flexible and can change over time. Researchers theorized that in-group bias was strong in June, as the competition to be the Democratic nominee in the elections was still recent and thus salient. A lack of actual electoral conflict (against the Republicans) caused perception of salient groupings to remain throughout August. Only in September did the in-group favoritism subside as a superordinate goal shared between groups was now present.

Wikipedia
Research analyzing articles about 35 inter-group conflicts (e.g., Falklands War) by comparing the corresponding language versions of Wikipedia (e.g., English, Spanish) found evidence for in-group favoritism: While the "in-group" was systematically preferred and presented in a more favorable light, the "out-group" was presented as more immoral and more responsible for the conflict. There were substantial variations between conflicts, however, and additional analyses revealed in-group favoritism to be more pronounced in more recent conflicts and in articles written predominantly by "in-group" members.

Versus out-group negativity
Social psychologists have long made the distinction between ingroup favoritism and outgroup negativity, where outgroup negativity is the act of punishing or placing burdens upon the outgroup. Indeed, a significant body of research exists that attempts to identify the relationship between ingroup favoritism and outgroup negativity, as well as conditions that will lead to outgroup negativity. For example, Struch and Schwartz found support for the predictions of belief congruence theory. The belief congruence theory concerns itself with the degree of similarity in beliefs, attitudes, and values perceived to exist between individuals. This theory also states that dissimilarity increases negative orientations towards others. When applied to racial discrimination, the belief congruence theory argues that the perceived dissimilarity of beliefs has more of an impact on racial discrimination than does race itself.

Research finds evidence of in-group bias in police investigations and judicial decisions.

Biological relationship
Oxytocin is not only correlated with the preferences of individuals to associate with members of their own group, but it is also evident during conflicts between members of different groups. During conflict, individuals receiving nasally administered oxytocin demonstrate more frequent defense-motivated responses toward in-group members than out-group members. Further, oxytocin was correlated with participant desire to protect vulnerable in-group members, despite that individual's attachment to the conflict. Similarly, it has been demonstrated that when oxytocin is administered, individuals alter their subjective preferences in order to align with in-group ideals over out-group ideals. These studies demonstrate that oxytocin is associated with intergroup dynamics.

Further, oxytocin influences the responses of individuals in a particular group to those of another group. The in-group bias is evident in smaller groups; however, it can also be extended to groups as large as one's entire country leading toward a tendency of strong national zeal. A study done in the Netherlands showed that oxytocin increased the in-group favoritism of their nation while decreasing acceptance of members of other ethnicities and foreigners. People also show more affection for their country's flag while remaining indifferent to other cultural objects when exposed to oxytocin. It has thus been hypothesized that this hormone may be a factor in xenophobic tendencies secondary to this effect. Thus, oxytocin appears to affect individuals at an international level where the in-group becomes a specific "home" country and the out-group grows to include all other countries.

In-group derogation
Cross-cultural studies have found that in-group derogation, the tendency to criticize members of one's own group or culture more harshly than members of outside groups, is more common among members of disadvantaged and minority groups than among members of the majority or dominant group. According to Ma-Kellams, Spencer-Rodgers and Peng, system justification theory seeks to explain why "minorities sometimes endorse system-justifying views of their group". They said their research into in-group favoritism and derogation partially supported this theory, but that the theory failed to address all of the nuances.

Ma-Kellams et al. also found that, compared to individualist cultures, people from collectivist cultures, such as East Asian cultures, tended to judge their own group members less favorably than they judged outsiders, whereas people from individualist cultures were inclined to judge members of their own group more favorably than they judged outsiders. Social identity theory and Freudian theorists explain in-group derogation as the result of a negative self-image, which they believe is then extended to the group. Ma-Kellams et al. theorized that "ingroup derogation may be more culturally normative and less troubling for East Asians" as evidenced by the fact that East Asians were also likely to report high levels of positive affect (emotion) towards members of their in-group, demonstrating ambivalence towards the unfavorable characteristics they had acknowledged about their in-group. According to Ma-Kellam et al., culturally-ingrained attitudes and beliefs, rather than low self-esteem, may play a role in collectivist cultures' in-group derogation, due to their ability to tolerate holding seemingly contradictory views.

title: In-group favoritism


text: Category:Airfields

title: Category:Airfields


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Jack Whyte

Jack Whyte (March 15, 1940 –February 22, 2021) was a Scottish-Canadian novelist of historical fiction. Born and raised in Scotland, he moved to Canada in 1967. He resided in Kelowna, British Columbia.

Early life
Whyte was born in Scotland on March 15, 1940. He resided there until relocating to Canada in 1967. He was employed at a local school for one year, where he taught English. He subsequently worked as an author, musician, and actor. He and his wife, Beverley, initially lived in Alberta before settling in Kelowna in 1996.

Writings
Whyte's major work was a series of historical novels retelling the story of King Arthur against the backdrop of Roman Britain. This version of the popular legend eschews the use of magic to explain Arthur's ascent to power and instead relies on the historical condition (with some artistic licence) of post-Roman Britain to support the theory that Arthur was meant to counter the anarchy left by the Roman departure from Britain in 410 AD and the subsequent colonization and invasion of Britain by various peoples from Northwestern Europe, including the Saxons, Jutes, Franks, and Angles. Whyte incorporates traditional Arthurian names, places and events (albeit in Gaelic or Latin form) as well as the names of various historical figures that have been suggested as being the possible basis for the original King Arthur legend. The tacit implication is that Whyte's version of history is the true story that has become distorted over time to become the legend and stories of magic that we know today. The series has been published in different locations under three different titles. In Canada it was titled A Dream of Eagles, while in the United States it was retitled The Camulod Chronicles. When it was eventually republished in Great Britain with a different reading order, it became Legends of Camelot.

Whyte served as the official bard of The Calgary Highlanders and performed several tracks of poetry and song on the 1990 recording by the Regimental Pipes and Drums of The Calgary Highlanders entitled Eighty Years of Glory: The Regimental Pipes, Drums and Bard of The Calgary Highlanders.

A Dream of Eagles (Camulod Chronicles or Legends of Camelot)

 * The Skystone ISBN 9780735233140 (published in Great Britain as War of the Celts)
 * The Singing Sword ISBN 9780735237391 (published in Great Britain as The Round Table)
 * The Eagles' Brood ISBN 9780735237407 (published in Great Britain as Merlyn)
 * The Saxon Shore ISBN 9780735237414 (published in Great Britain as Excalibur)
 * The Sorcerer Part 1: The Fort at River's Bend ISBN 9780735237421 (published in Great Britain as The Boy King)
 * The Sorcerer Part 2: Metamorphosis ISBN 9780735237278 (published in Great Britain as The Sorcerer)
 * Uther ISBN 9780143197706 (published in Great Britain as Pendragon)

The two volumes The Sorcerer: The Fort at River's Bend and The Sorcerer: Metamorphosis were written as a single volume entitled The Sorcerer, but were split for publication.

A Dream of Eagles Prequel

 * The Burning Stone ISBN 9780143196976

Golden Eagle (companion mini-series)

 * Clothar the Frank ISBN 9780735237285 (published as The Lance Thrower in the United States of America, and as Lancelot in Great Britain)
 * The Eagle ISBN 9780735237292 (published as The Last Stand in Great Britain)

Other

 * Uther (published as Pendragon in Great Britain) is a stand-alone novel about the life of Uther Pendragon from infancy up until the end of events in The Eagles' Brood. It serves to answer questions left open by The Eagles' Brood that result from the fact that the latter is told exclusively from the perspective of Merlyn Britannicus and as such is not able to explain actions and events of which Merlyn is unaware. Uther is also a companion novel to The Eagles' Brood, as it follows the title character and others as they grow up and wage war on Uther's main enemy, Guhlrys Lot, King of Cornwall.

The Templar Trilogy

 * Knights of the Black and White (released August 1, 2006, in Canada) ISBN 9780143183686
 * Standard of Honor (released August 28, 2007, in Canada) ISBN 9780143017387
 * Order in Chaos (released in August 2009) ISBN 9780143183709

The Guardians of Scotland

 * The Forest Laird (2010) ISBN 9780143169093 (published as Rebel in the UK)
 * The Renegade (2012) ISBN 9780143186526 (published as Robert the Bruce in the United States in 2013) (published as Resistance in the UK)
 * The Guardian (2014) ISBN 9780143169130

Short fiction
Though primarily a novelist, Whyte has also written and published at least one short story:
 * "Power Play" in Paradox Magazine, issue 8 (Winter 2005–2006), an exploration of the nature of power, set in Roman Jerusalem.

Later life
Although Whyte received letters from readers around the world, he lived in obscurity in Kelowna. He died on the night of February 22, 2021, at Kelowna Hospice House. He was 80, and suffered from cancer prior to his death.

title: Jack Whyte


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Mandar Wavde

Mandar Wavde was proposed for deletion. This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was to delete.

Another computer tech, another self-aggrandizing and even sanctimonious vanity article. What is it with these guys? - Lucky 6.9 01:50, 27 Jul 2004 (UTC) This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like other '/delete' pages is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion or on the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.
 * Delete, not encyclopedic - Mandar, why don't you create an account and put that text on your user page? —Stormie 02:45, Jul 27, 2004 (UTC)
 * I'm afraid he doesn't list which hospital he was born in, so this will have to go. Sorry to do this to a fellow "highly talented linguist", but 削除に賛成します! I mean, delete. Ianb 05:07, 27 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Maybe we could at least give him a link on the List of people who use the public transport article? Nah? OK, delete! - Eisnel 06:09, 27 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Still not important. Delete. Average Earthman 10:05, 27 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Break the vanity mirror. Delete. - UtherSRG 15:06, 27 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Oh, sure, air pollution he's against. Wikipedia, on the other hand.  Delete: vanity.  Geogre 16:22, 27 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete vanity. -- Cyrius|✎ 00:32, 30 Jul 2004 (UTC)


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Politics of Queensland

One of the six founding states of Australia, Queensland has been a federated state subject to the Australian Constitution since 1 January 1901. It is a parliamentary constitutional monarchy. The constitution of Queensland sets out the operation of the state's government. The state's constitution contains several entrenched provisions which cannot be changed in the absence of a referendum. There is also a statutory bill of rights, the Queensland Human Rights Act 2019. Queensland's system of government is influenced by the Westminster system and Australia's federal system of government.

The powers of the state can be classified into three types:
 * Legislature: the unicameral Parliament of Queensland, comprising the Legislative Assembly and the Monarch (represented by the Governor);
 * Executive: the Executive Council of Queensland, which formalises decisions of the Cabinet of Queensland, which is composed of the Premier and other ministers of state appointed by the Governor on the advice of Parliament;
 * Judiciary: the Supreme Court and other state courts, whose judges are appointed by the Governor on advice of Parliament.

However, unlike the Commonwealth level of government or the United States, there is no legally enforceable separation of powers. The only restriction is that state parliaments may not abolish or impermissably interfere with the institutional integrity of supreme (or other) courts under the Kable doctrine.

Legislature
Legislative authority is formally held by the monarch acting with the advice and consent of the Legislative Assembly (i.e King-in-parliament). These two bodies together form the Parliament of Queensland, which uniquely for Australian states is unicameral, containing only one house, the Legislative Assembly. The Parliament was bicameral until 1922, when the Legislative Council was abolished by the Labor suicide squad, so called because they were appointed for the purpose of voting to abolish their own offices. Bills receive royal assent from the governor before being passed into law. The Parliament's normally sits at the Parliament House at Gardens Point in Brisbane's CBD, however regional sittings also take place. Members of the Legislative Assembly represent 93 electoral districts under fixed four year terms, with elections utilising full preferential voting.

Executive
Executive authority is exercised by the Governor of Queensland (currently Jeannette Young) as the representative of the monarch (currently King Charles III). However, except for certain reserve powers, the governor only acts in accordance with the advice of the Premier of Queensland. The premier (who is the state's head of government) along with the Cabinet of Queensland (whose decisions are given legal force by the Executive Council), exercise executive authority in practice. The premier is appointed by the governor and must have support of the Legislative Assembly of Queensland. The premier is in practice a leading member of the Legislative Assembly and parliamentary leader of his or her political party, or coalition of parties, and members of Cabinet will be drawn from the same party or coalition. The current Premier and Deputy Premier are Steven Miles and Cameron Dick of the Labor Party respectively. Government House at Paddington in Brisbane is the residence of the Governor, having replaced Old Government House at Gardens Point in Brisbane's CBD in the early 20th century.

Judiciary
The state's judiciary consists of the Supreme Court of Queensland and the District Court of Queensland, established by the Queensland Constitution, as well as the Magistrates Court of Queensland and other courts and tribunals established by legislation. Cases may be appealed to the High Court of Australia. As with all Australian states and territories, Queensland has a common law legal system. The supreme and district courts are headquartered at the Queen Elizabeth II Courts of Law in Brisbane's CBD.

The Supreme Court of Queensland, Trial Division, is the highest original jurisdiction, and the Court of Appeal is the highest appellate jurisdiction within Queensland. The current chief justice is Catherine Holmes. The High Court of Australia hears appeals from the court of appeal.

Magistrates Court
The Magistrates Court is a lower court of the judicial hierarchy of Queensland. The court's criminal jurisdiction covers summary offences, and indictable offences which may be heard summarily, but all criminal proceedings in Queensland begin in the Magistrates Court, even if they are not within this jurisdiction. For charges beyond its jurisdiction, the court conducts committal hearings in which the presiding magistrate decides, based on the strength of the evidence, whether to refer the matter to a higher court or dismiss it. The court's civil jurisdiction covers matters in which the amount in dispute is less than or equal to $150,000. Appeals against decisions by the Magistrates Court are heard by the District Court.

District Court
The District Court is the middle tier of the judicial hierarchy of Queensland. The court has jurisdiction to hear all appeals from decisions made in the Magistrates Court. Its criminal jurisdiction covers serious indictable offences (such as armed robbery, rape, and dangerous driving). The court's civil jurisdiction covers matters in which the amount in dispute is more than $150,000 but less than or equal to $750,000. Appeals against decisions by the District Court are heard by the Court of Appeal, a division of the Supreme Court.

Supreme Court
The Supreme Court is the highest tier of the judicial hierarchy in Queensland. The court has two divisions; the Trial Division and the Court of Appeal. The Trial Division's jurisdiction covers serious criminal offences (including murder and manslaughter), and civil matters involving claims of more than $750,000. The Court of Appeal's jurisdiction allows it to hear cases on appeal from the Trial Division, the District Court, and a number of other judicial tribunals in Queensland. Appeals against decisions by the Court of Appeal are heard by the High Court of Australia.

Local government
Local government is the mechanism by which local government areas can manage their own affairs to the extent permitted by the Local Government Act 2009. Queensland is divided into 77 local government areas, which are created by the state government under legislation. Each local government area has a council responsible for providing a range of local services and utilities. Local councils derive their income from both rates and charges on resident ratepayers, and grants and subsidies from the state and federal governments.

Federal representation
In the federal Parliament of Australia, Queensland accounts for 30 of the 151 electoral divisions in the House of Representatives (on the basis of population size) and 12 of the 76 seats in the Senate (on the basis of equality between the states).

The current partisan makeup of Queensland's House of Representatives delegation is 21 Liberal National, 5 Labor, 3 Greens and 1 Katter's Australian Party.

The current partisan makeup of Queensland's Senate delegation is 5 Liberal National, 3 Labor, 2 One Nation and 2 Green.

Idiosyncrasies
The state's politics are traditionally regarded as being conservative relative to other states. Historically, a gerrymander favouring rural electoral districts and the lack of an upper house has meant that Queensland had a long tradition of domination by strong-willed, populist premiers, often accused of authoritarian tendencies, holding office for long periods. This tendency was exemplified by the government of the state's longest-serving Premier Joh Bjelke-Petersen.

While most Australian states have over 60% of their populations concentrated in the capital cities, Brisbane accounts for about half of Queensland's population. This relative decentralisation of the population made the state a stronghold for the National Party. Before the merger of the Queensland branches of the Liberals and Nationals as the Liberal National Party, the National Party had been the senior partner in the non-Labor Coalition since 1924. In other states and federally, the long-standing coalition between the Nationals and Liberals typically has the National Party as the junior partner.

Recent history
In the 1989 state election environmental issues like rainforest protection were prominent, especially in Far North Queensland, contributing to the success of the ALP at the time. The dramatic collapse in support for the Goss government resulted in its returning from the 1995 general election with a majority of only one seat. This in turn was subsequently lost after the controversial and closely fought Mundingburra by-election. The Nationals formed minority government after securing the support of independent Liz Cunningham, with Rob Borbidge becoming Premier.

In stark contrast to some of his predecessors, Borbidge's government was not markedly domineering. However, controversies such as public service purges, disputes with the Criminal Justice Commission, and other scandals did do some damage to the government.

Events were superseded by the meteoric rise of controversial federal politician Pauline Hanson. Especially popular in her native Queensland, Hanson's decision to form her own political party (Pauline Hanson's One Nation) was greeted with apprehension by all the other parties, in particular the Nationals striving to maintain their rural conservative heartland. In 1998, a bitter dispute broke out within and between the Liberal and National parties over whether One Nation candidates should be ranked lower on how-to-vote cards than Labor candidates. Eventually, the Nationals decided to place Labor behind One Nation. This move backfired spectacularly in the election, with the urban Liberal vote deserting to Labor and an unexpectedly high One Nation primary vote of just under 23%, giving the party 11 seats in parliament. Labor attained 44 seats, one short of a majority, and achieved government with the support of Cunningham and new independent Peter Wellington.

The new minority government managed to secure itself a majority in a by-election and was dominated overwhelmingly by the self-confessed "media tart" Peter Beattie. A major controversy broke in 2001 on the eve of the election, when a number of very prominent Labor Party figures were implicated in rorting internal preselection and party ballots. The subsequent Shepardson Commission of Inquiry was widely expected to destroy the government. Beattie immediately undertook a purge, taking the opportunity to dispatch several factional enemies, and promised a "cleanskin" approach.

To the surprise of many, Beattie's public contrition was overwhelmingly popular, and in contrast to its previous tenuous hold on power, the government won a massive majority of 66 seats, with the Liberal Party reduced to only three seats.

In February 2004, The Beattie Labor team was again returned to government with 63 seats, National Party 15 seats, the Liberal Party five seats, one One Nation and five independents. This election saw the continual decline of the once conspicuous One Nation party from three seats in 2001 and 11 seats in 1998. It also saw the entrenched status of the Queensland ALP with its untouchable majority, despite allegations of bullying by senior Ministers, improper private use of public vehicles, the "Winegate" affair involving first-time Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Liddy Clark, and the government's repeated use of freedom of information laws to prevent the publication of potentially damaging information. Some notable outcomes of the 2004 election were the unseating of Labor Minister, Merri Rose, with a two-party swing of 15 points following her involvement in the use of a government vehicle by her son for private purposes, and the victory in former National Party Premier Rob Borbidge's seat, Surfers Paradise, by the Liberal Candidate, John-Paul Langbroek. Following the 2004 election, the National and Liberal parties ended their coalition and the Liberal party became a minor party on the back benches.

2005 saw a similar landscape for Queensland politics as 2004: increasing allegations that the Labor government lacked accountability and that the opposition lacked ability to hold the government to account. The once unstoppable National–Liberal coalition remained in tatters as the parties continued their war of words over who held the greatest chance of electoral success in the one-time National Party heartland of the Gold Coast. The Liberal Party was adamant that it had better electoral prospects by distancing itself from the National party despite the National Party holding three times as many seats. The premier instigated an independent inquiry into allegations of medical malpractice at Bundaberg Hospital, and in particular the circumstances behind the engagement of the unqualified doctor, Jayant Patel, more popularly known as "Dr Death", whose involvement was linked to numerous deaths at the hospital. Opposition parties and community groups protested that the terms of reference were narrow, avoiding investigation into broader allegations of maladministration of Queensland Health and bullying of departmental employees.

The resignations of deputy premier Terry Mackenroth and Speaker Ray Hollis triggered by-elections in the electorates of Chatsworth and Redcliffe on 20 August 2005. Both of the formerly safe Labor seats were lost and Liberal candidates Michael Caltabiano and Terry Rogers were elected as the new members for Chatsworth and Redcliffe respectively.

Following the announcement that Nita Cunningham would be retiring because of cancer, Premier Beattie called a general election for 9 September 2006. The Coalition failed to promote a united team under Lawrence Springborg MP, ready to assume government following a failed attempt to merge to the National Party into the Queensland Liberal Party earlier in the year. With the election due to be called any day, the Liberal Party surprised the public by ejecting long-standing leader, Bob Quinn, and electing Bruce Flegg MP as leader of the Liberal Party.

The election campaign started badly for the Coalition when in the opening days, Flegg was unable to clearly articulate the Coalition position should the Liberals achieve a majority in their party on winning government, and continued with numerous gaffes which were keenly covered by the media. The Coalition found it difficult to gain momentum after these initial blunders and despite a number of real issues to take the government to task over concerning infrastructure, the health system and water, the media remained focused on the personal leadership skills of the Coalition's front men. The ALP campaigned on the theme of a solid leadership team and this was overwhelming endorsed at the polls.

A second attempt at merging the Liberal and National parties was successful with the Liberal National Party being formed in 2008 with former Nationals leader Lawrence Springborg elected as its inaugural leader. Despite a swing towards it, the new Liberal National Party was defeated by the Labor Party, now led by Premier Anna Bligh, in 2009. In 2011 the Liberal Nationals elected Brisbane Lord Mayor Campbell Newman as its new leader. This led to an unusual circumstance in Australian politics, as Newman was not a member of the Legislative Assembly and was, therefore, unable to become the Leader of the Opposition. As a result former state Nationals' leader Jeff Seeney was elected interim opposition leader while Newman headed the party's election team from outside the legislature.

The 2012 election saw the Liberal National Party defeat Labor in one of the biggest landslides in Australian history, winning 49.65% of the primary vote and 78 of 89 seats, leaving the ALP with seven seats (26.66% of the primary vote), the newly formed Katter's Australian Party winning two seats, and the remaining seats won by independents. Campbell Newman was also successful in entering the Legislative Assembly by defeating Labor incumbent Kate Jones in the seat of Ashgrove. In 2007, the Queensland Parliament had the highest female parliamentary representation in Australia and the third highest in the world, with 30 out of 89 members having been women. After the 2012 election, Queensland now has the lowest female parliamentary representation in Australia. The LNP government rejected planning policy as a means to address environmental issues. They made the focus of planning throughout Queensland prioritise economic growth only.

Despite its landslide win, the Liberal National Party did not last long in government; it suffered a swing of 14.0% against it at the 2015 state election, while Campbell Newman became the second premier in Queensland history to be defeated in his own seat, by previous incumbent Kate Jones. Coincidentally, this happened almost 100 years after Digby Denham became the first premier to lose his seat when he was defeated in the seat of Oxley by Labor candidate Thomas Llewellyn Jones in 1915. Labor, led by Opposition Leader Annastacia Palaszczuk, won 44 seats and the backing of independent MP Peter Wellington and formed a minority government.

At the 2017 Queensland state election the LNP suffered a 7% swing against it with the Palaszczuk Labor government winning a second term.

The 2020 Queensland state election saw the Palaszczuk Labor government win a third term. Her win meant she will be the longest-serving Australian female head of government as of mid-2021.

title: Politics of Queensland