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National Liberal Party (Romania)

The National Liberal Party (Partidul Național Liberal, PNL) is a socially conservative political party in Romania (and the second largest overall political party in the country as of mid 2023). Re-founded in mid January 1990, shortly after the Revolution of 1989 which culminated in the fall of communism in Romania, it claims the legacy of the major political party of the same name, active between 1875 and 1947 in the Kingdom of Romania (Regatul României). Based on this historical legacy, it often presents itself as the first formally constituted political party in the country and the oldest of its kind from the family of European liberal parties as well.

Recent historical overview
Until 2014, the PNL was a member of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE). The party statutes adopted in June 2014 dropped any reference to international affiliation, consequently most of its MEPs joined the European People's Party Group (EPP) in the European Parliament.

On 12 September 2014, it was admitted as a full member of the European People's Party (EPP), and subsequently merged with the Democratic Liberal Party (PDL). The party was also a member of the Liberal International (LI) before switching to Centrist Democrat International (CDI). Currently, it is the second-largest party in the Romanian Parliament, with 79 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 36 in the Senate, behind the Social Democratic Party (PSD). Additionally, the party currently has the largest number of MEPs in the European Parliament on behalf of Romania (more specifically 10 out of 33).

At local political level, the PNL has been very closely associated with either the Democratic Forum of Germans in Romania (FDGR/DFDR), more specifically in parts of Banat and Transylvania, or, formerly, with the Christian Democratic National Peasants' Party (PNȚCD), in southern Romania.

After it won the 2020 local elections, the PNL became the first political party in Transylvania, Banat, and Bukovina, establishing new political alliances at national level with, most notably, USR PLUS shortly thereafter. Moreover, as of mid 2023, the PNL also holds the largest amount of incumbent county councillors and local councillors nationwide, making it, in these regards, the most influential political party in Romania at local level. Nonetheless, concerning the total amount of mayors, the PNL comes second behind the PSD.

During late 2021, the PNL broke the alliance with USR PLUS (now simply legally known as USR) and continued under former party president Cîțu a minority government alongside the Hungarian minority-oriented UDMR/RMDSZ (with the support of President Klaus Iohannis), consequently causing the three month-long 2021 Romanian political crisis, until successfully negotiating with their historical nominal adversaries PSD in early November 2021 a grand coalition government between themselves and the UDMR/RMDSZ (known as the National Coalition for Romania or CNR for short), thereby leading to the formation of the Ciucă cabinet led by Prime Minister Nicolae Ciucă (current leader of the PNL since April 2022 onwards).

In mid June 2023, Ciucă resigned as part of the coalition protocol previously agreed between the PNL and PSD and let Marcel Ciolacu (current PSD leader) become the incumbent Prime Minister of Romania. In the meantime, the UDMR/RMDSZ was also taken out of government and thereby rejected from the composition of the current Ciolacu Cabinet in which PNL is still the second party. Furthermore, the share of governmental power between the PSD and PNL is even between the two constituent political parties of the incumbent Ciolacu Cabinet (or the second CNR cabinet).

Re-foundation and first governing experiences after the 1989 Romanian Revolution (1990–2000)

The National Liberal Party of Romania (PNL) was re-founded in January 1990, a few days after the end of the violent Romanian Revolution. During the early 1990s, the party primarily revolved around the presidencies of Radu Câmpeanu and Mircea Ionescu-Quintus, both former members of the historical PNL and liberal youth leaders during the interwar period as well as during and shortly after World War II.

At the 1990 general elections, the PNL became the third largest party in the Parliament of Romania and its then re-founding leader, Radu Câmpeanu, finished second in the same year's presidential elections, with 10.6% of the cast votes, behind Ion Iliescu. In December 1990, the Socialist Liberal Party (PSL) led by Niculae Cerveni established an alliance with the PNL and the latter became vice-president of the PNL led by Câmpeanu at that time.

Shortly afterwards, at the main request and most notably alongside the Christian Democratic National Peasants' Party (PNȚCD), but to a lesser extent also with other smaller center-right parties and NGOs, the PNL managed to form the Romanian Democratic Convention (CDR) in an effort to assemble a stronger collective opposition and alternative governing body to then ruling National Salvation Front (FSN), which was, in many ways, the heir of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR). However, prior to the 1992 general elections, Câmpeanu decided to withdraw the party from the CDR electoral alliance and instead compete as a stand-alone political force. One of the main reasons for doing so was Câmpeanu's reluctance for the PNL to run on common lists with the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR/RMDSZ).

This had ultimately proven to be an eventual major strategic error for the PNL, as the party did not manage to surpass the needed electoral threshold for parliamentary presence and as such was forced to enter extra-parliamentary opposition for the period 1992–1996. Furthermore, this political decision also resulted in several splinter factions leaving the main party, with some PNL deflecting groups opting to remain within the CDR while others still endorsing Câmpeanu's side in a new party which was called PNL-C (Partidul Național Liberal-Câmpeanu). Therefore, the factions which deflected from the main PNL and aligned themselves with the CDR were PNL-CD (led by Niculae Cerveni), PNL-AT, and PL '93. Other minor liberal political parties such as PAC and UFD (which later merged into the main PNL) were also part of the CDR throughout the late 1990s.

Nevertheless, after a change of leadership that saw Ionescu-Quintus as the new party leader elected in 1995, the PNL contested the 1996 general election once again as part of the CDR. The 1996 general elections represented the first peaceful transition of power in post-1989 Romania, with the PNL, PNȚCD, Democratic Party (PD), and the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR/RMDSZ) forming a grand coalition that pushed the PDSR (formerly the FSN and FDSN) in opposition for the period 1996–2000. Furthermore, the presidency was also won by the CDR's common candidate, more specifically Emil Constantinescu, who received endorsement on behalf of all of the alliance's constituent parties (including the PNL political groups therein).

Opposition and second governing experiences (2000–2010)
Between 1996 and 2000, because of the lack of political coherence within the parties of the governing CDR coalition and the multiple changes of cabinets that followed throughout this entire period of time, the PNL decided once more to withdraw from the alliance just before the 2000 general election and, consequently, to compete alone instead. This time, the party managed to gain parliamentary presence but failed to form another centre-right government, finishing fourth in the legislative elections and third in the presidential election. However, a splinter group founded by Dan Amedeo Lăzărescu and led by Decebal Traian Remeș which was called PNL-T (PNL Tradițional) decided to remain within CDR 2000 and contest that year's general election by endorsing Mugur Isărescu as presidential candidate.

Therefore, during the mid 2000s (more specifically starting in 2003), the PNL joined forces with the PD in order to form the Justice and Truth Alliance (DA) so as to compete in the 2004 general election as an alternative to the then ruling PSD (formerly PDSR) government. The alliance managed to finish second by popular vote in the Parliament, subsequently form a centre-right cabinet, and also win the presidency during the same year.

Until April 2007, the PNL was the largest member of the governing Justice and Truth Alliance (DA), which enjoyed a parliamentary majority due to an alliance between the PNL, PD, the Conservative Party (PC), and the UDMR/RMDSZ. In April 2007, then PNL Prime Minister Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu, who was also the party president, formed a minority government solely with the UDMR/RMDSZ and the remainder PD ministers were reshuffled. This caused internal opposition within the party and led to the scission of a splinter group which turned into a political party under Theodor Stolojan, more specifically the Liberal Democratic Party (PLD), eventually merging with the PD to form the Democratic Liberal Party (PDL).

After the 2008 legislative election, the party placed third and entered official opposition, winning 19.74% seats in the Parliament, while the new grand coalition, formed by their former enlarged ally, the Democrat Liberals (PDL) and the Social Democratic Party (PSD), obtained roughly 70% together. At the 2009 presidential election, the National Liberal Party's then newly elected leader, Crin Antonescu, finished third in the first round and the party would still find itself in parliamentary opposition for the three next years to come up until the accession of the Social Liberal Union (USL) to governance in mid 2012.

At the same time, Klaus Iohannis, at that time solely FDGR/DFDR president, was nominated twice by the PNL (along with their most sturdy and powerful allies, the PSD and the PC) in 2009, but was rejected by then state president Traian Băsescu.

Transition from USL to ACL and third governing experiences (2010–2020)
On 5 February 2011, the PNL formed the Social Liberal Union (USL) political alliance with the PSD, the National Union for the Progress of Romania (UNPR), and the Conservative Party (PC). The PNL subsequently exited the USL on 25 February 2014, disbanding the alliance and returning to opposition. On 26 May 2014, following the 2014 European elections, then PNL party president Crin Antonescu announced he was seeking membership within the European People's Party (EPP). At the beginning of the 8th European Parliament, 5 of the PNL MEPs sat with the EPP Group, and 1 with the ALDE Group, who later became an independent MEP within ALDE. In late May 2014, the party agreed to a future merger with the Democratic Liberal Party (PDL), with the two parties main short-time goal being to submit a joint candidate for the upcoming presidential election. The PNL-PDL presidential candidate was agreed to run under an electoral banner called the Christian Liberal Alliance (ACL).

On 27 June 2014, former PNL chairman Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu announced his intention to found a separate liberal party to run for president, stating opposition to the upcoming merger with the PDL. The breakaway party, called the Liberal Reformist Party (PLR), was founded by Popescu-Tăriceanu on 3 July 2014. On 17 July 2014, it was announced that the future merger of the PNL and PDL would retain the National Liberal Party name, while being situated in the PDL's existing headquarters in Bucharest, and would be legally registered by the end of 2014. On 26 July 2014, a joint party congress of the PNL and PDL approved the merger.

In the first round of the 2014 presidential election on 2 November 2014, ACL presidential candidate Klaus Iohannis, PNL party president and Mayor of Sibiu was the runner-up. Iohannis won the runoff election held on 16 November 2014 with 54.5% of the total number of votes. At the 2016 local elections and legislative elections, the PNL managed to finish second, behind the PSD, and consequently in continuous opposition until 2019 when it regained executive power.

Regarding the 2019 presidential election, the party previously announced its formal endorsement for a second term of incumbent state president Klaus Iohannis in March 2018 along with an official designation of Ludovic Orban, former party president, for the position of Prime Minister should the PNL win the 2020 legislative elections. In June 2018, at an open air press conference in his native Sibiu, Iohannis publicly announced his intention to run for a second presidential term.

The year 2019 saw two minor parties adhering to the PNL, namely the PND (led by Daniel Fenechiu) and PACT (led by Sebastian Burduja), thereby increasing its total number of members. In late 2019, the National Liberal Party acceded to governance under a minority stand-alone government led by Orban which was voted twice by the Parliament (under, most notably, a confidence and supply agreement with USR and PMP as well as most ethnic minority parties, including most importantly the FDGR/DFDR). At national level, the greatest two challenges that the Orban cabinet tried to monitor, control, and solve were the COVID-19 pandemic as well as its affiliated recession.

Brief alliance with USR PLUS and fourth governing experiences (2020–present)

The PNL ran in several electoral alliances with the 2020 USR-PLUS Alliance for the 2020 Romanian local elections, winning the mayor of Bucharest (along with several of the capital's sectors) as well as many other municipalities throughout the countryside. Shortly thereafter, the PNL decided to form local alliances with, most notably, USR PLUS, PMP, and FDGR/DFDR (as well as with two local branches of the PNȚCD and UDMR/RMDSZ in Hunedoara County). After the 2020 Romanian legislative election, the party agreed to form a coalition government alongside USR PLUS and UDMR/RMDSZ in order to reportedly provide a stable governance for the next 4 years in Romania.

Furthermore, incumbent party president Ludovic Orban decided to step down as prime minister in early December 2020, letting Nicolae Ciucă acting until the new coalition received the confidence vote in the Parliament after the 2020 legislative elections concluded with concrete, positive results on behalf of a future center-right government. Subsequently, the newly proposed prime minister on behalf of the PNL was Florin Cîțu, who previously served as the Minister of Public Finance in both Orban cabinets between 2019 and 2020. Therefore, Cîțu took office on 23 December 2020, after an overwhelming confidence vote in the Parliament (260 for in counterpart to 186 against).

In the meantime, it has been announced that a new party congress will take place on 25 September 2021 with 5,000 delegates. At the forthcoming congress, incumbent party president Ludovic Orban will face incumbent Prime Minister Florin Cîțu for the leadership of the party during the upcoming years (although it has been rumoured that Dan Motreanu, former Minister for Agriculture in the First Tăriceanu Cabinet between 2006 and 2007, would also announce his candidacy at a later point during 2021 but the latter eventually declined it). Furthermore, this new congress will also determine the leadership of PNL at each and every level within the party nationwide. Nonetheless, up until the date of the congress, Orban will still remain party president. At the same time, the struggle for power within the PNL between Cîțu and Orban (each one along with their respective teams of supporters) considerably bogged down the pace of reforms applied by the government.

Major involvement in the 2021 Romanian political crisis
During early September 2021, several weeks prior to the new congress of the party, USR-PLUS decided to exit the Cîțu Cabinet in protest to Cîțu's dismissal of the Minister of Justice; the initial coalition consisting of three centre-right parties was thereby disbanded and reduced to two, with the USR-PLUS officially entering opposition and even publicly declaring that they will endorse any motion of no confidence against Cîțu in the future, deeming him responsible for creating a major governmental crisis in the process.

Moreover, according to USR PLUS, Cîțu is also responsible for legalizing massive theft from public procurement money with the approval of PNDL 3 (overtaking, in this regard, even convicted former PSD leader Liviu Dragnea) in the prospect of bribing PNL mayors (referred to as "local barons" in a press report by USR PLUS) to side with him for the then upcoming party congress which was held on 25 September 2021.

In response, Cîțu stated: "only this [three-party] coalition is feasible for Romania. It's that political setup that can handle European Union's recovery plan, our local development, and make use of EU money," after an emergency meeting of the party. He also stated that "this is my message for the coalition talks later today, we have all promised Romania's investments".

Additionally, in response to sacking the Justice Minister, Cîțu mentioned in a late night news briefing the following: "I will not accept ministers in the Romanian government who oppose the modernisation of Romania. Blocking the activity of the government only because you do not agree to develop the communities, means violating the mandate given to you by the parliament through the governing programme.", referring to a 50 billion lei ($12 billion) allegedly local development financing scheme aimed at modernizing decrepit infrastructure in the countryside and the plan which needed the justice ministry's seal of approval.

Eventually, the PNL was helped to maintain a minority cabinet along with the UDMR/RMDSZ after they boycotted the no confidence motion initiated by the USR PLUS and AUR, with the help of both PSD and UDMR/RMDSZ parliamentary groups. In the meantime, Cîțu posted a video portraying himself as Superman on Instagram. In response, the Romanian internet community made a video in which he was portrayed as the psychopathic supervillain Joker. Moreover, Ludovic Orban hinted a psychiatric consultation for Cîțu, in reaction to the Instagram videoclip.

In addition, it was also in 2021 that, at local political level, the PNL lost other former allies, more specifically the PMP, who veered towards PSD and PRO Romania, establishing new political alliances in some counties (most notably Caraș-Severin) with the two centre-left political parties. In the meantime, former deputy prime minister Dan Barna said that "if USR PLUS will remain in opposition, it will win the electorate of the right [in 2024]". Additionally, Marcel Ciolacu, the incumbent president of the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and thereby the leader of the then largest opposition party, stated on 20 September 2021 that PSD will vote for the no confidence motion initiated by the USR PLUS and AUR. In the meantime, PNL president Ludovic Orban clearly stated that "Cîțu could only remain Prime Minister with PSD's endorsement which would be a catastrophe for both Romania and the PNL". In stark contrast to Orban's statement, Iohannis declared that he still endorses Cîțu and that he has no reasons whatsoever for resigning or for being ousted. Nonetheless, in late September 2021, DNA officially started the criminal investigation in Florin Cîțu's case on the grounds of abuse of office and incitement to abuse of office as prime minister.

Several noteworthy Romanian journalists such as Cristian Tudor Popescu, Lucian Mîndruță, and Ramona Ursu have also criticized Cîțu and his actions as prime minister and have described themselves totally revolted with respect to why would he still be left to serve as prime minister.

All throughout this period of time, the political crisis had severe results in the economy of the country, with the euro rising consistently above the leu, as reported by the National Bank of Romania (BNR) in the beginning of the autumn of 2021. Furthermore, during late September 2021, the USD had also risen consistently above the RON, as the political crisis kept on lingering. In addition, the finance department of Bloomberg also noted the record inflation levels which rose to the highest charting positions in the last three years in Romania in early September 2021.

As of 12 September 2021, most of the initial PNL-USR PLUS local alliances established after the 2020 local elections have been disbanded, with the USR PLUS entering official opposition at all local levels towards the PNL. The PNL also has a local governing alliance with the PSD in Ialomița.

Cîțu's leadership (September 2021–April 2022)
On 25 September 2021, at the PNL congress held at Romexpo in Bucharest, Florin Cîțu was elected the 10th post-1989 president of the PNL with 2,878 votes out of 4,848 total delegates, being congratulated, most notably, by congress organiser Theodor Stolojan, amidst significant heavy fraud allegations claimed, most importantly, by previous PNL president Ludovic Orban and subsequently by Adrian Veștea. Nonetheless, Orban congratulated Cîțu but also said that he no longer has a partnership with Iohannis. Furthermore, he also stated that he resigns from the office of the President of the Chamber of Deputies. The Romanian press had also cited Cîțu's triumph as a Pyrrhic victory given the fact that, on the one hand, PSD announced that they will vote the no confidence motion initiated by USR PLUS and AUR and, on the other hand, USR PLUS also stated that they will no longer want to govern under Cîțu.

On 26 September 2021, the party's new leadership team under Cîțu was voted, validated, and consequently established as well. Shortly after the congress, on 27 September, former president Ludovic Orban stated that Cîțu became persona non grata for a huge number of Romanian citizens and that he doesn't understand he will no longer be PM for too long, only with the mercy of PSD. In the meantime, the PNRR (part of the Next Generation EU package and short for Planul Național de Redresare și Reziliență) was signed and adopted in Bucharest on the occasion of Ursula von der Leyen's visit, mandated by the European Commission. The Romanian PNRR is the 5th Next Generation EU plan adopted by volume of funds and most of the work and successful negotiations on it were carried out by USR PLUS ministers, in particular Cristian Ghinea. Most opinion polls conducted throughout 2021 registered a significant drop of trust both in Cîțu as PM and in the PNL in the perspective of the next Romanian legislative elections which are most likely going to take place in 2024. In the meantime, PSD initiated its own motion of no confidence which is scheduled to be debated on 30 September and voted on 5 October. In addition, former party president Valeriu Stoica accused the recent political behaviour of PNL in the following manner: "PNL acts like PSD", further stating that the party is operating on a catch all ideology and consistent party switching as well as currently defying and breaching the constitution.

On 5 October 2021, the Cîțu cabinet was ousted by an overwhelming vote on behalf of the PSD, AUR, and USR parliamentary groups at the no confidence motion debated and voted during that day. The no confidence motion was voted by 281 MPs, the largest number of votes to dismiss a government in Romania's post-1989 history. Nevertheless, Cîțu still served as acting/ad interim prime minister until a new government will be validated by vote in the Parliament and then subsequently sworn in (i.e. for at least one week from October 5 until still incumbent President Klaus Iohannis will call for party consultations). In the meantime, former PNL president Valeriu Stoica heavily criticized Iohannis for allowing "mediocre people at the leadership of the party" since 2014 onwards. He previously also stated that the PNL would demonstrate gross political immaturity if they will still propose Cîțu as prime minister at subsequent party consultations scheduled to take place at the Cotroceni Palace. At the same time, he mentioned that Iohannis should have that the political status quo imposed Cîțu's resignation, avoiding as such the motion of no confidence.

On 11 October, still incumbent President Klaus Iohannis nominated USR leader and former prime minister Dacian Cioloș to form a new government. Cioloș was subsequently rejected by the parliament and Iohannis appointed previous acting PM Nicolae Ciucă instead on 21 October 2021. In late October, relatively shortly after his dismissal, Cîțu's approval rate hit 7% nationwide, a negative record for him. Given the matter, Cîțu resorted to buying Facebook likes from countries such as Vietnam, the ones from the ex-Soviet Union and from the Arab world, partly according to an analysis by former Health minister Vlad Voiculescu of Save Romania Union (USR). In early November 2021, journalist Lucian Mîndruță heavily criticized Iohannis and PNL for making an alliance with PSD, also stating that PSD is the only political party in post-1989 Romania which acceded to governance by "walking on corpses", a reference to the dreadful demographic effects of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic in Romania.

In mid-early November 2021, several noteworthy political sources hinted a very probable merger of PMP with PNL sometime in the near future (although previous PMP president Cristian Diaconescu publicly dismissed this scenario on his Facebook page) and even a possible, hypothetical absorption of ALDE afterwards (paradoxically enough, thereby subsequently producing the return of Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu in the party he had previously left in 2014), just after the exclusion of Ludovic Orban from the party on 12 November 2021, who stated that "he is [now] free to build a new political force". At an official level however, Cristian Diaconescu later stated that there are indeed negotiations between the delegations of the two parties for a "common political project". Shortly afterwards, incumbent party president Cîțu stated, in the context of the ongoing negotiations with the PSD, that "it is a major compromise that PNL does" (i.e. to make a government with PSD). In stark contrast, former PNL president Orban stated that "a monster is being built" (in reference to the subsequent hypothetical longtime alliance between PSD and PNL) and that he has the obligation to the people who voted for PNL to represent them, as such siding with USR in the process. Subsequently, Diaconescu totally dismissed the possibility of a hypothetical merger between PMP and PNL during his term as PMP president, instead expecting a future invitation to governance, even though PMP is currently extra-parliamentary. On 22 November 2021, Nicolae Ciucă was officially designated PM by Klaus Iohannis, being in charge of a grand coalition government known as the National Coalition for Romania (CNR for short). Shortly afterwards, on 23 November 2021, former PNL president Ludovic Orban had officially resigned from the party along with 16 others PNL MPs. In December 2021, Orban officially founded his party which is called "Force of the Right" (or FD for short).

In early 2022, incumbent PNL spokesman Ionuț-Marian Stroe announced that the PNL has just started negotiations for a very probable near future merger with ALDE, but without former ALDE president Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu, who is no longer even a member of the latter party. In addition, it was confirmed that PNL is also currently negotiating with PMP for a future merger as well. On 2 April 2022, Florin Cîțu resigned from the position of PNL president and prior to this decision Dan Vîlceanu also announced his resignation as secretary-general of the party. Gheorghe Flutur, president of the Suceava County council, became acting/ad interim president of the PNL on 2 April 2022 until a new congress was held on 10 April 2022.

Ciucă's leadership (April 2022–present)
At an extraordinary party congress held on 10 April 2022, Nicolae Ciucă was elected the 11th post-1989 president of the PNL with 1,060 valid votes out of 1,120 total ones (60 were nullified and 159 were abstentions). Thus, Nicolae Ciucă became the first military leader in the history of the party. Additionally, Ciucă's primary objective as PNL president was to maintain the cohesion of the CNR grand coalition until the end of his term as prime minister which took place in mid June 2023. Afterwards, the PNL maintained the CNR grand coalition only with PSD, removing UDMR/RMDSZ from government, but retaining the confidence and supply agreement with the political group of the national minorities in the Parliament, thereby still having a solid majority needed for endorsing the incumbent Ciolacu Cabinet.

In terms of external politics, the CNR government led by former prime minister Nicolae Ciucă expressed serious concern over the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian War. Internally, the PNL chose their new secretary-general on 27 May 2022, when the party's national council re-united to vote for this position in front of 1,000 national delegates.

Under Ciucă's premiership, Romania experienced democratic backsliding, with The Economist ranking it last in the European Union in the world terms of democracy, even behind Viktor Orbán's Hungary.

Furthermore, since both Cîțu and Ciucă's leaderships, more and more PNL MPs and local politicians had departed from the party, some of which founded splinter political parties in the meantime. The party has also lost at least several electoral points for the forthcoming electoral year of 2024 (most notably for the next Romanian parliamentary election) according to most opinion polls.

Parties seceded from PNL

 * National Liberal Party - Youth Wing (1990);
 * Liberal Union–Brătianu (1990);
 * National Liberal Party - Democratic Convention (1991);
 * National Liberal Party–Câmpeanu (1995);
 * Liberal Democratic Party (2006);
 * Liberal Reformist Party (2014);
 * Liberal Right Party (2019);
 * Force of the Right (2021);
 * Liberal Conservative Platform (2022);
 * Hope's Movement (2023).

Parties absorbed by PNL

 * Socialist Liberal Party (1990);
 * Progressive Peasant Party (1993);
 * New Liberal Party (1993);
 * Liberal Party '93/Liberal Party (1998);
 * Civic Alliance Party (1998);
 * Alliance for Romania (2002);
 * Union of Right-wing Forces (2003);
 * National Liberal Party–Câmpeanu (2003);
 * People's Action (2008);
 * Democratic Force (2012);
 * Democratic Liberal Party (2014);
 * Popular Party (2015);
 * National Democratic Party (2019);
 * Youth Civic Action Platform (2019);
 * Alliance of Liberals and Democrats (2022).

Ideology
The party officially adheres to the doctrine of liberalism in the form of conservative liberalism and liberal conservatism, advocating both economic and social liberalization. The party also takes a pro-European stance. In recent years, it has focused more on economic liberalism and a shift to a more catch all platform. The National Liberal Party (PNL) also advocates for conservative initiatives and policies and the state in moral and religious issues, as well as the privatization and denationalization of the economy, a trend which is currently taking place quite rapidly in Romania, as in other post-communist economies in Central and Eastern Europe. Unlike its Western counterparts, the party is more nationalist and traditionalist on social issues, such as LGBT rights.

The party has factions of adherence to Christian democracy, national liberalism, ethnic nationalism, neoliberalism, and social conservatism. The party has also been described as populist,  while former president Florin Cîțu rejects this qualification. However, after joining the European People's Party (EPP) and especially under Cîțu and Ciucă's leadership, the party became more conservative,  Radio Free Europe calling it "liberal only in the name". PNL opposes same-sex marriage as well as civil unions.

In economic regards, it deems significant the fact that taxes must be lowered and that the private sector of the national economy must be expanded and helped by a series of new laws in order to generate more value. It also advocates a decentralization of Romania's political structure, with greater autonomy given to the eight development regions. However, under Ciucă's rule, the party also shifted more from a liberal-oriented economy towards economic patriotism. Opposition leader Cătălin Drulă, the incumbent president of the Save Romania Union (USR), accused the party of being statist.

Structure
According to the statute, the leading organs of the party are the following:

Congress
The Congress, or The General Assembly of the delegates of the party's members (Congresul; Adunarea Generală a delegaţilor membrilor partidului) is the supreme authority in the party. It leads the party and takes decisions at national level. Its members are elected by the local (territorial) organizations, and The National Consillium. The Congress meets every four years, after the parliamentary elections, or at any time needed. The Congress is convoked either by the Permanent Delegation (see below), at the request of the Central Political Bureau, or at the request of at least half of the Territorial Permanent Delegations. The Congress elects the President of the National Liberal Party, the 15 vice-presidents of the Central Standing Bureau (7 with specific attributions and 8 responsible for the development regions), 23 judges of The Honor and Referee Court (Curtea de Onoare şi Arbitraj), 7 members of The Central Committee of Censors (Comisia Centrală de Cenzori).

The last congress took place at Romexpo in Bucharest on 25 September 2021, when the 10th post-1989 president of the party was elected being Florin Cîțu.

Permanent Delegation
The Permanent Delegation (Delegaţia Permanentă – DP) is the structure that leads the party between two Congresses. It meets monthly, or at any time needed. Its members are the following; the President of the National Liberal Party, the members of the Central Political Bureau, the President of the Senate of the party, the Secretary General of the National Liberal Party, the presidents of the two Chambers of the Parliament (if the officeholders are members of the PNL), the leaders of the National liberal Party's parliamentary groups, the Senators and Deputies, the MEPs, the Ministers, the President of the National Liberal Youth (TNL), the President of the Liberal Women Organisation (OFL), the President of the Liberal Student Clubs (CSL), the President of the League of the Local Elected Officeholders of the National Liberal Party (LAL PNL), the President of the Coordinating Council of the Municipality of Bucharest, the European Commissioner (if the officeholder is member of the PNL).

National Political Bureau
The National Political Bureau (Biroul Politic Național – BPN) of the National Liberal Party (PNL) proposes the party's politics and coordinates its application. It ensures the party's day-to-day leadership, and it is composed by the following: the President of the party, the 15 vice-presidents (7 with specific charges, and 8 responsible for the development regions). At the BPC's meetings can assist, with consultative vote, the president of the Senate of the PNL, the Secretary-General of the PNL, the Presidents of the two Chambers of the Parliament (if the officeholders are members of the PNL), the leaders of the National liberal Party's parliamentary groups, the President of the TNL, the President of the OFL, the President of the CSL, the President of the League of the LAL, and the Ministers. The BPC meets weekly, or at any time needed, convoked by the president of the PNL.

According to Article 70 of the PNL Statute, the BPN coordinates and evaluates the objectives of the territorial branches, of the parliamentary groups; it negotiates political agreements (within the limits established by the DP); it coordinates the elections campaign; proposes sanctions according to the Statute; proposes to the DP the political strategy of the party; proposes the candidates for the central executive or public offices; for certain territorial units, proposes to the DP the candidates for the parliamentary elections; proposes to the DP the candidates for the European Parliament elections; proposes the DP to dissolve or dismiss, for exceptional reasons, the territorial branch, or the branch's president; convokes the DP; coordinates the activity of the permanent committees of the National Council, validates or invalidates the results of the elections for the territorial branches; appoints the Secretary-Executive, the Foreign Secretary, and Deputy-Secretaries-General.

The BPN is assisted, in the organizing activity by the Secretary General of the PNL. This office ensures the communication between the central organisms and the territorial branches, ensures the management of the party's assets, is responsible for the informational system. The Secretary-General is assisted by the Deputy-Secretaries-General, appointed by the BPC at the suggestion of the Secretary-General.

As of 2018, the National Political Bureau was composed of the following members:

 * President: Ludovic Orban;
 * Secretary General: Robert Sighiartău;
 * Vice-presidents: Ilie Bolojan, Raluca Turcan, Iulian Dumitrescu, Mircea Hava, Vlad Nistor, Laurențiu Leoreanu, Ben-Oni Ardelean, Florin Cîțu, Dan Motreanu, Nechita-Adrian Oros, Virgil Guran, Ioan Bălan, Victor Paul Dobre, Răducu Filipescu, Gigel Știrbu, Gheorghe Falcă, Lucian Bode, Florin Roman, Marian Petrache, Cristian Bușoi;
 * Leader of the PNL Parliamentary Group in the Senate: Iulian Dumitrescu;
 * Leader of the PNL Parliamentary Group in the Chamber of Deputies: Raluca Turcan.

In normal conditions, the term of the BPN members ends during the Party's Congress, when the president leaves the presidium of the Congress. The president of the Standing Bureau of the Congress is, formally, the acting president of the party until the new president is elected. The last acting president of the National Liberal Party (PNL) was Mircea Ionescu-Quintus on 20 March 2009, when Crin Antonescu succeeded Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu.

National Council
The National Council (Consiliul Naţional – CN) is the debate forum of the National Liberal Party between two Congresses. It reunites twice a year, or at any time necessary, convoked by the president, by the BPC, or at the request of at least half of its members. Its members are: DP, including the members with consultative vote; the Secretaries of State and the equivalent officeholders; the Prefects and Deputy-Prefects; Presidents and vice-presidents of the County Councils; Mayors and Deputy-Mayors of the county capitals, of the sectors of Bucharest, the General Mayor and General Deputy-Mayors of Bucharest; the vice-presidents and Secretaries-General of TNL, OFL, CSL, the Senate of the Party, LAL; honorary members of the party; the President of the structures that deal with specific issues; the Presidents of the CN.

The CN has the following competences: acts to fulfill the decisions of the Congress; adopts the Governing Program; adopts the programs and sectorial politics of the party; approves the reports of the specialty committees; names the candidate of the National Liberal Party for the Romanian Presidency; gives and retracts the quality of honorary member of the party.

According to Article 65 of the Statute, the CN is organized and functions through its permanent specialty committees, constituted on social and professional criteria. The committees constituted on social criteria promote the interests of the correspondent social category. The committees constituted on professional criteria state the sectorial politics and the public politics in major fields, to express the options and solutions proposed by the National Liberal Party.

President
The President of the National Liberal Party (PNL) is the guardian of the political programme of the party, of the respect of the statute, and the keeper of the unity and prestige of the party.

Secretary-General
The Secretary-General ensures the communication between the central leading structures and the territorial ones, ensures the management of the assets of the party, is responsible for the informational system. The Secretary-General is helped in its activity by Deputy-Secretaries-General appointed by the BPC, upon the suggestion of the Secretary-General.

Other national structures

 * The Senate of the party – consulting organism for the president regarding the continuity and development of the liberal traditions and concepts;
 * Court of Honor and Arbitration – the supreme court of the party;
 * Central Committee of Censors – checks the management of the party;
 * Ethics Commission – analyzes the candidates proposed for the legislative elections and for the offices in the Government as well as other central offices;
 * National Liberal Youth – coordinates the activity specific to the youth structures in the territory;
 * League of the Local Elected Officeholders – coordinates the activity of the PNL members in the local public administration (mayors and deputy-mayors, local councilors, county councilors, county council presidents, and deputy-presidents);
 * Liberal Women Organisation – coordinates the activity of the territorial women organizations;
 * Liberal Student Clubs – promotes the liberal ideas and political program of the PNL through the students.

Local leading structures
The local leading structures of the National Liberal Party (PNL) are the following:

 * the General Assembly of the Members (Adunarea Generală a membrilor – AG) – applies at local level the necessary measures for fulfilling the Program and Strategy.
 * the Standing Bureau of the organization (Biroul Permanent – BP) – leads the organization between two General Assemblies.

Symbol
Romanian law requires all parties to present a permanent sign and a permanent electoral sign. The former is used to identify the party's buildings and press releases, and the latter to identify the party's electoral materials and the candidates on the elections ballot. Usually they differ slightly.

The main element of the party is a blue arrow pointing to the upper right corner of a yellow square, and the letters P, N, and L in blue, tilted to the right. The position of the PNL with respect to the arrow depends on the type of symbol, as shown below.

Leadership
{{legend|#00BFFF|Also served as state vice president in the Provisional Council of National Unity (Consiliul Provizoriu de Uniune Națională) during the early 1990s |outline=silver}} {{legend|#87CEEB|Also served as ad interim (i.e. acting) President|outline=silver}} {{legend|#1E90FF|Also served as President|outline=silver}} {{legend|#FFFF00|Also served as Prime Minister|outline=silver}} {{legend|#FFD700|Also served as Senate President|outline=silver}} {{legend|#FFE338|Also served (and currently serving) as County council President|outline=silver}}

Notes:

1 Câmpeanu had also subsequently served as Honorary Founding President of the party until his death. 2 Ionescu-Quintus had also subsequently served as Honorary President of the party, after the death of Câmpeanu in 2016. 3 Popescu-Tăriceanu had also subsequently served as Senate President between 2014 and 2019, firstly as independent (shortly after he left the PNL with a group of followers), then on behalf of the Liberal Reformist Party (PLR), and finally from the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats (ALDE), both political parties being PNL splinters (either in their entirety or in part). 4 Antonescu had also served as Senate President between 2012 and 2014. 5 Co-president along with Alina Gorghiu until 28 September 2016 when he resigned from this position. 6 Co-president along with Vasile Blaga until 28 September 2016. Afterwards, sole party leader until the end of her term. Additionally, she had served as acting/ad interim Senate President from 29 June 2022 to 13 June 2023. 7 Orban had also served as Chamber President between December 2020 and October 2021, until he resigned. 8 Cîțu had also served as Senate President between 23 November 2021 and 29 June 2022, until he resigned. 9 Ciucă is the first military leader of the party in the entire history of the PNL. Additionally, he has been serving as President of the Senate since 13 June 2023.

Current notable members

 * Dinu Zamfirescu, one of the 12 founding members of the PNL in January 1990, former BBC reporter, and human rights activist;
 * I.V. Săndulescu, one of the 12 founding members of the PNL in January 1990;
 * Florin Cîțu, former party president between 25 September 2021 and 2 April 2022, former prime minister between December 2020 and October 2021 (acting between October and November 2021), and former Minister of Public Finance between 2019 and 2020;
 * Nicolae Ciucă, current prime minister since 25 November 2021, former Minister of National Defence, and former acting prime minister in December 2020;
 * Emil Boc, Mayor of Cluj-Napoca, former prime minister of Romania (2008–2012);
 * Cătălin Predoiu, current and former Minister of Justice and acting Prime Minister of Romania (2012);
 * Leonard Orban, economist, former European Commissioner on multilingualism;
 * Crin Antonescu, former party president between 2009 and 2014, former Minister of Youth and Sports, President of the Senate and Acting President of Romania (July–August 2012);
 * Vasile Blaga, former co-president of the party between 2014 and 2016, former President of the Senate of Romania between 2011 and 2012;
 * Alina Gorghiu, lawyer, former co-president of the party (2014–2016), member of Chamber of Deputies (2008–2016) and former member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, currently senator of Timiș;
 * Nicolae Robu, the Mayor of Timișoara between 2012 and 2020, former senator in Romanian Parliament (2008–2012), member of the Central Bureau and the National Executive Council of the party and former rector of the Politechnic Institute of Timișoara (2004–2012), currently university professor;
 * Mircea Hava, former mayor of Alba Iulia and current MEP since 2019;
 * Gheorghe Falcă, former mayor of Arad and current MEP since 2019;
 * Raluca Turcan, former acting president of the party in 2017;
 * Theodor Stolojan, former president of the party between 2002 and 2004, former prime minister of Romania (1991–1992), and MEP;
 * Andrei Chiliman, former mayor of Sector 1 in Bucharest;
 * Crin Halaicu, former Mayor of Bucharest (1992–1996) and businessman;
 * Gheorghe Flutur, former ad interim/acting president of the party, current President of the Suceava County Council, and former Minister of Agriculture;
 * Teodor Atanasiu, former Minister of National Defence;
 * Eugen Nicolăescu, former Minister of Health;
 * Daniel Dăianu, MEP, former Minister of Finance, and member of the Romanian Academy;
 * Siegfried Mureșan, MEP, spokesman and vice-president of the European People's Party;
 * Andrei Marga, former Minister of Education, Minister of External Affairs and rector of the Babeș-Bolyai University;
 * Hermann Fabini, architect, art historian, and former senator;
 * Ion Lungu, current mayor of Suceava since 2004;
 * Roberta Anastase, former President of the Chamber of Deputies of Romania (2008–2012);
 * Adrian Cioroianu, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, historian and journalist;
 * Ovidiu Raețchi, political analyst;
 * Adriana Săftoiu, spokeswoman and political advisor;
 * Sorin Cîmpeanu, former Minister of National Education;
 * Ligia Deca, current Minister of National Education;
 * Daniel Constantin, former Deputy Prime Minister of Romania, former Minister of Environment, and former Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development.

Former notable members

 * Klaus Iohannis, 5th and incumbent President of Romania;
 * Ludovic Orban, former party president and former prime minister of Romania between 2019 and 2020, former Minister of Transport between 2007 and 2008;
 * Eduard Hellvig, Member of the European Parliament and current Director of the Romanian Intelligence Service (SRI);
 * Mihai Răzvan Ungureanu, former prime minister of Romania (February–May, 2012) and Head of the Romanian Foreign Intelligence Service (SIE);
 * Sorin Frunzăverde, former president of the Caraș-Severin County Council, former MEP, former Minister of Environment, former Minister of Tourism, and former Minister of Defence;
 * Radu Câmpeanu, first president of the party after the 1989 Revolution;
 * Mircea Ionescu-Quintus, second president of the party after the Romanian Revolution, serving between 1993 and 2001, former President of the Senate, and former Minister of Justice;
 * Nicolae Enescu, former Romanian MP and one of the 12 re-founding members of the PNL in January 1990;
 * Sorin Bottez, former vice-president of the National Liberal Youth, honorary founding member of PNL and former Minister-Delegate of Public Information in the Ciorbea Cabinet;
 * Niculae Cerveni, lawyer, former vice-president of the party during the early 1990s, former deputy, and former senator;
 * Alexandru Paleologu, essayist, literary critic, and diplomat;
 * Theodor Paleologu, historian and diplomat;
 * Neagu Djuvara, historian and diplomat;
 * Petre Țuțea, philosopher;
 * Nicolae Manolescu, literary critic;
 * Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu, former prime minister and former president of the Senate;
 * Bogdan Olteanu, former president of the Chamber of Deputies of Romania;
 * Teodor Meleșcanu, former director of the Foreign Intelligence Service, Foreign Minister and Minister of National Defence;
 * Mircea Diaconu, former Minister of Culture and member of the European Parliament, actor;
 * Mihai Stănișoară, former Minister of National Defence;
 * Norica Nicolai, former MEP;
 * Renate Weber, former MEP, former ombudsman between 2019 and 2021, jurist;
 * Victor Ciorbea, former prime minister between 1996 and 1998 and former ombudsman between 2014 and 2019;
 * Ramona Mănescu, former MEP and former Minister of Transport;
 * Ovidiu Silaghi, former Minister for Small and Medium Enterprises and former Minister of Transport;
 * Radu Stroe, former Minister of Interior;
 * Viorel Cataramă, businessman and former senator;
 * Dinu Patriciu - businessman and architect;
 * Sorin Paliga, former mayor of Sector 3 in Bucharest.

Parliamentary elections
Notes:

1 The members of the CDR were the PNȚCD (with 25 senators and 81 deputies), the PNL, the PNL-CD (with 1 senator and 4 deputies), the PAR (with 3 senators and 3 deputies), the PER (with 1 senator and 5 deputies), and the Ecologist Federation of Romania (FER - with 1 senator and 1 deputy). 2 The members of the Justice and Truth Alliance (DA) alliance were the PNL and the PD (with 21 senators and 48 deputies). 3 The Social Liberal Union (USL) was a larger political alliance comprising two other smaller political alliances as follows: the Centre Left Alliance (ACS) and the Centre Right Alliance (ACD). The Centre Left Alliance (ACS) members were the PSD and the UNPR (with 5 senators and 10 deputies). The members of the Centre Right Alliance (ACD) were the PNL (with 51 senators and 101 deputies) and the PC (with 8 senators and 13 deputies). Furthermore, de facto, the PNL became the 2nd largest political party in the Romanian Parliament in the wake of the 2012 Romanian legislative election.

Mayor of Bucharest
1 PNȚCD candidate (endorsed by PNL as part of CDR)
 * Notes

2 PD candidate (endorsed by PNL as part of DA)

3 Independent candidate endorsed by USL

4 Independent candidate endorsed by PNL and USR PLUS

Presidential elections
Notes:

1 Emil Constantinescu was the common centre-right candidate that was endorsed by the PNL in both 1992 and 1996 as part of the larger Romanian Democratic Convention (CDR). 2 Traian Băsescu was the common centre-right candidate that was endorsed by the PNL in 2004 as part of the Justice and Truth Alliance (DA) alongside the now defunct Democratic Party (PD). 3 Although Klaus Iohannis was a member of the PNL, he was the common centre-right candidate that was endorsed by the party in 2014 as part of the Christian Liberal Alliance (ACL) alongside the now longtime defunct Democratic Liberal Party (PDL).

European Parliament elections
Notes:

1 During the 2004–09 EU parliament session, the Parliament of Romania sent 7 delegates on behalf of the PNL to Brussels, Belgium. 2 Subsequently, sought permission to adhere to the European People's Party (EPP) as well as to its affiliated EU Parliament group and had been successfully accepted within it as a full member in the meantime.

title: National Liberal Party (Romania)


text:
Battle of Saalfeld

The Battle of Saalfeld took place on 10 October 1806, at which a French force of 12,800 men commanded by Marshal Jean Lannes defeated a Prussian-Saxon force of 8,300 men under Prince Louis Ferdinand. The battle took place in Thuringia in what was the Ernestine duchy of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld. The battle was the second clash in the Prussian Campaign of the War of the Fourth Coalition.

French Movements
Napoleon had arranged the Grande Armée into three columns to cross the Thuringian Forest to attack the Prussian-Saxon army. The westernmost column was headed by V Corps commanded by Jean Lannes, with Pierre Augereau's VII Corps following behind. They had orders to march from Coburg via Gräfenthal due at Saalfeld on 11 October. V Corps set out on 8 October, and by the end of 9 October was at Gräfenthal with light cavalry on the road to Saalfeld. At 5am on 10 October, Lannes with Louis-Gabriel Suchet's division and Anne-François-Charles Trelliard brigade of light cavalry of V corps began advancing down the road to Saalfeld, aware that a Prussian-Saxon force was in front of them.

Prussian-Saxon movements
Prince Louis Ferdinand commanded the Advanced Guard of Frederick Louis, Prince of Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen's army and on 9 October the Prince his headquarters at Rudolstadt, with detachments at Saalfeld,, and Bad Blankenburg. The Prince had received a message from Hohenlohe that the Prussian-Saxon army would be advancing across the River Saale to support Bogislav Friedrich Emanuel von Tauentzien's force after the Battle of Schleiz, and that Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel's main army would be advancing to Rudolstadt. In the evening of 9 October Oberst Leopold Ludwig Maximilian Nordeck zu Rabenau (who commanded a detachment at Saalfeld) reported to Prince Louis that a French column of between 16,000 and 20,000 men had left Coburg heading for Saalfeld and that a post of 30 hussars stationed at Gräfenthal and the Jäger Company "Valentini" stationed at had both retreated to Arnsgereuth after clashing with the French. Knowing that the main body of the army under Hohenlohe was due to advance across the River Saale on 10 October, Prince Louis therefore decided that his forces needed to stop the French column from either crossing the Saale at Saalfeld and interfering with Hohenlohe’s movements or from moving up the western side of the Saale to Rudolstadt, which they would reach before Brunswick’s army. During 9 October a fusilier company commanded by August von Gneisenau was sent to Arnsgereuth to support the troops there, and having confirmed that the French were advancing on Saalfeld and in strength, the Prussian troops withdrew from Arnsgereuth to, just outside Saalfeld, with advance posts in.

At 7am Prince Louis began concentrating his troops at Saalfeld, and by 9am he had arranged his forces for battle. The troops were arranged in a line stretching from in front of Saalfeld to behind and  facing the woods the covered the hills above Saalfeld and the Saale valley. The Prince left Generalmajor Karl Gerhard von Pelet's detachment at Blankenburg.

Battle
At around 9.45AM, the advanced guard of V Corps, consisting of the corps' Bataillon d'élite (formed of the elite companies of battalions left at depots), the 17th Légère Regiment, and two cannons, made its way towards Saalfeld and occupied the heights overlooking the town. The French light cavalry brigade and the advanced guard began to engage the Prussian-Saxon army. The Bataillon d'élite supported by French skirmishers pushed out the Prussian troops from Garnsdorf and occupied it. As the French troops advanced and the Prussian-Saxon army prepared to fight them, Marshal Lannes noticed that the right flank of the Prussian-Saxon army was completely uncovered, and while the cavalry and French advanced guard engaged the Prussians around Garnsdorf and Saalfeld, he ordered rest of Suchet's division to march northwards through the woods to outflank the Prussian and Saxon line. To cover these moves, the 17th Légère Regiment formed a skirmish line that extended from Saalfeld to Beulwitz.

Prince Louis was aware that he was engaged with a larger force, and then at 11am, Saxon Souslieutnant Heinrich August von Egidy brought a verbal order from Prince Hohenlohe to remain at Rudolstadt and that the offensive across the Saale had been abandoned. Prince Louis decided to try and disengage with the French and retreat to Rudolstadt. He ordered second battalion of the "Müffling" Regiment to Schwarza to hold the bridges, and sent troops under the Saxon Generalmajor to extend the right of his line to the hills either side of   (known as the Oberhayn and Sandberg). He also ordered the "Prince Xaver" and "Kurfürst" regiments to take the offensive by attacking the plain between Siechentbal and the Kesselthal streams. The skirmishers of the 17th Légère Regiment supported with the 34th Ligne Regiment (which had moved out of the woods into Beulwitz) repelled the Saxon regiments, who then fell back in disorder. Prince Louis rallied these troops, and fearing that he would lose communication with General Bevilaqua and his troops, he ordered another attack, and by midday the "Kurfürst" regiment had captured Crösten. Thinking that his centre was secure, Prince Louis gave further orders for a withdrawal. The French had entered Saalfeld and were pushing the Prussian troops back to, where Prince Louis headed to rally these troops.

At just before 1pm, Marshal Lannes gave the signal for the offensive. The 34th, 40th, and 64th Ligne headed towards the Saxon troops around Aue am Berg, whilst the French cavalry, with the 88th Ligne behind them, moved forward between Crösten and Saalfeld. Prince Louis decided this was a moment to engage the French cavalry with the Prussian and Saxon cavalry, attacking an exposed flank of the 21st Chasseurs à Cheval. However, the second line of French cavalry then enveloped the Prince's outnumbered cavalry line. Order in the Prussian and Saxon cavalry began to break down, and they fled joining the troops retreating from Saalfeld. In the confused mass around Wöhlsdorf, many were cut down by the French hussars and some drowned trying to escape across the Saale. Prince Louis tried to cut his way out towards Schwarza, during which he was attacked by Quartermaster Guindet of the 10th Hussars. Although wounded, Prince Louis refused to surrender and was killed.

Meanwhile, on the Prussian-Saxon right, General Bevilaqua tried to reinforce the Sandberg with the "Prinz Clemens" regiment, but then seeing the rout at Wöhlsdorf, Bevilaqua ordered a retreat to Scwharza. As the first battalion of the "Prince Clemens" Regiment moved down the slope it was attacked repeatedly by the 21st Chasseurs à Cheval, and the Saxons broke under the onslaught. the 21st Chasseurs à Cheval then assaulted and successively broke the second battalion "Prinz Clemens" Regiment and first battalion "Müffling" Regiment. As these troops dispersed, General Bevilaqua was captured.

There was a final conflict at Schwarza and Pelet's force engaged the French around Unter-Wirbach. Pelet's force was largely intact but had to retreat to Stadt-Ilm, which it reached at 10pm. The French cavalry pursued the remains of the Prussian and Saxon units to Rudolstadt, but the French infantry halted at Schwarza. Some of the Prussian and Saxon troops that had escaped onto the east side of the Saale withdrew towards Rudolstadt.

Aftermath
Prince Louis' force had been completely dispersed as a fighting force. Only Pelet's detachment was intact, and they were forced to take a long route to rejoin Hohenlohe.

Despite this battle and the battle of Schleiz, Napoleon was still not fully aware of location of the Prussian army. After four days of further marches, the French engaged the Prussians and Saxons at the twin battles of Jena and Auerstedt on the plateau west of the river Saale.

A memorial stone commemorates the site of the battle and Prince Louis Ferdinand's death. The plaque reads "Here Prince Louis Ferdinand of Prussia fell fighting for his grateful Fatherland on 10 October 1806".

Maps of the Battle

 * Napoleon Series Map Archives
 * Maps of the Battle

Media

 * Rugendas, Johan Lorenz, II, "Mort du Prince Louis de Prusse, près de Saalfeld" (1799). Prints, Drawings and Watercolors from the Anne S.K. Brown Military Collection. Brown Digital Repository. Brown University Library.
 * Chéreau, J., "Combat de Saalfeld. Mort du Prince Louis de Prusse: 10 8bre 1806 " (1806). Prints, Drawings and Watercolors from the Anne S.K. Brown Military Collection. Brown Digital Repository. Brown University Library
 * "Le Prince Louis de Prusse.: Qui commandait l'avant garde du Prince Hohenloe, le 10 octobre 1806, à Saalfeld... " Prints, Drawings and Watercolors from the Anne S.K. Brown Military Collection. Brown Digital Repository. Brown University Library
 * "Tod des Prinzen Louis Ferdinand von Preussen" Prints, Drawings and Watercolors from the Anne S.K. Brown Military Collection. Brown Digital Repository. Brown University Library
 * Bell, "The Hero Was Mortal", 1807, Royal Collections Trust
 * Peter Edward Stroehling (1768-c. 1826), "The Death of Prince Louis Ferdinand of Prussia (1772-1806)", c.1806-16, Royal Collections Trust
 * Francois Pigeot, "Death Of Prince Louis Of Prussia At The Battle of Saalfeld", 1850, Getty Images

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Battle of Saalfeld


text: Category:Elections in Romania

title: Category:Elections in Romania


text:
Popular Action (Peru)

The Popular Action (Acción Popular, AP) is a liberal and reformist political party in Peru, founded by former Peruvian president Fernando Belaúnde.

Early history
Fernando Belaúnde founded Popular Action (Acción Popular) in 1956 as a reformist alternative to the status quo conservative forces and the populist American Popular Revolutionary Alliance party.

Although Belaúnde's message was not all that different from APRA's, his tactics were more inclusive and less confrontational. He was able to appeal to some of the same political base as APRA, primarily the middle class, but also to a wider base of professionals and white-collar workers. It also advocated scientific advancement and technocracy, a policy set that it took from the Progressive Social Movement, a splinter party which it eventually absorbed. The AP had significant electoral success, attaining the presidency in 1963 and 1980, but the party was more of an electoral machine for the persona of Belaúnde than an institutionalized organization. The AP was initially reckoned as a center-left party. However, by the 1980s, Peru's political spectrum had shifted sharply leftward, and the AP found itself on the center-right.

Later years
After AP's second administration, in 1985, the party was defeated by the APRA party, gaining only 6.4 percent of the vote. In 1990, AP participated in the elections as a part of the Democratic Front, a center-right coalition headed by Mario Vargas Llosa.

In 2000, Víctor Andrés García Belaúnde was selected as the presidential nominee, being the worst general election for AP, gaining only 0.42% of the popular vote. Only three AP congressman were elected. As many assume the election was a fraud, Fujimori resigned after the corruption of his government was revealed by the opposition.

AP member Valentín Paniagua would become President of the Congress in November 2000 for a few days and, after the fall of the Fujimori administration, became the interim President of the Republic, holding office from November 2000 to July 2001.

At the 8 April 2001 election, the party won 4.2% of the popular vote and three out of 120 seats in Congress.

Likewise, in 2002, regional elections were held for the first time, which aimed to elect Regional Presidents for the 25 departments of Peru. In that sense, party participation was quite high (15 political groups). In these elections, AP ranked sixth by number of votes.

For the 2006 national election, the party joined forces with We Are Peru and National Coordinator of Independents to form the Centre Front coalition. Paniagua was the presidential candidate, while the vice-presidential candidates belonged to AP's allies. The Center Front ended in the fifth place in the national election, with 5.6% of the popular vote.

For the 2011 national election, the party joined forces with We Are Peru and Possible Peru to form the Possible Peru Electoral Alliance. The presidential candidate was former Peru's president and leader of Possible Peru, Alejandro Toledo. The alliance ended in the fourth place in the national election, with 15.6% of the popular vote.

For the 2016 national election, the party ran alone for the first time since 2000, when Congressman Víctor Andrés García Belaúnde ran against the sitting president Alberto Fujimori, and it was the first time since 2006 that Popular Action participated with a party member as a presidential candidate, when former President Valentín Paniagua ran for office. The presidential candidate was Alfredo Barnechea, journalist and political analyst, who won the party's primaries with 52% of the votes, defeating Mesías Guevara (40%), the party's president for the 2014–2018 term, the lawyer Beatríz Mejía (6%) and former Deputy Alejandro Montoya (2%). Popular Action ended in fourth place in the national election, with 6.97% of the popular vote. This was the best result for Popular Action since 1985. For the 2016–2021 term, AP had five congressmen out of 130 representing the party, until the snap election in 2020, when it increased its representation to 25 congressmen until the end of the 2016–2021 term. In the 2021 elections, Lescano placed 5th in a fractured race of 18 candidates while the party gained 16 seats for the 2021–2026 congressional term. On 26 July 2021, an alliance led by Popular Action member María del Carmen Alva successfully negotiated an agreement to gain control of Peru's Congress.

Doctrine
Popularactionism is the name that has been given to the party's ideological doctrine. It is pointed out that the main feature of his thinking is a situational humanism.

Popularactionism considers that the role of the State should be limited to regulating and encouraging private enterprise and sustainable development. Within the main feature of his theory, situational humanism, it considers in the Peruvian case that it is specifically inspired by what has been called "Peru as Doctrine".

It affirms that the proclamation is of a "democratic, nationalist and revolutionary" court:

 * Democratic, inasmuch as it respects, disseminates and defends the democratic system.
 * Nationalist, in that it promotes local traditions and economic and cultural development.
 * Revolutionary, inasmuch as it aspires to keeping up-to-date with the new modernity and rapid change that improves social and cultural structures.

The idea of "Peru as Doctrine" is based on the values and principles arising from the historical and cultural particularity in which Peru developed but which have universal significance. An important part of their doctrine is developed in what they call Popular Cooperation.

In Peruvian political history it has happened that on occasions the right has called Popular Action a leftist party (first government) or that the left has called it a right-wing party (second government). Towards the end of the 1960s, a radicalized sector split from the party (the so-called "hotheads"), forming Acción Popular Socialista (Manuel Seoane, Gustavo Mohme, among other intellectuals).

Likewise, a significant percentage of the so-called "young Turks" (or "chapulines"/grasshoppers, young popularactionists of the early 1980s), at the beginning of the 1990s migrated to liberal political positions (to the Liberty Movement and then to Fujimorism). These are the two biggest party losses suffered by this party. Consequently, from then on, Popular Action is generally identified with positions of the center, with factions of both the progressive left and the conservative right.

Towards the end of the 1990s, the former popularactionist Luis Castañeda founded the National Solidarity, which with an alliance with the Christian People's Party within the National Unity coalition won the municipal elections in the capital, Lima, in 2002.

Presidents of Peru from Popular Action

 * Fernando Belaúnde (1963–1968; 1980–1985)
 * Valentín Paniagua (2000–2001)
 * Manuel Merino (10–15 Nov. 2020)

title: Popular Action (Peru)


text:
User talk:RimRod

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Thanks for uploading Image:Epeefen.gif. I notice it currently doesn't have an image copyright tag. Could you add one to let us know its copyright status? (You can use if you release it under the GFDL, or  if you claim fair use, etc.) If you don't know what any of this means, just let me know where you got the images and I'll tag them for you. Thanks so much, Duk 00:04, 15 Jan 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:RimRod


text:
Union for Peru

Union for Peru (Unión por el Perú) is a Peruvian political party founded by Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, an ex-UN Secretary General, in 1994 to run for the presidency of Peru in the 1995 general elections. Originally a social democratic party, the party became the main political home of the Peruvian ethnocacerist movement in the late-2010s after a group led by former Army Major Antauro Humala joined the party. Humala later formed the Patriotic Front in 2018 and contested the 2021 general elections.

History
Union for Peru was founded in 1994 by the former Secretary General of the United Nations, the diplomat Javier Pérez de Cuéllar together with Daniel Estrada Pérez and José Vega Antonio, to participate in the elections generals of 1995, against the-then dictator Alberto Fujimori, who was running for reelection.

At the elections held on 9 April 2000, the party nominated former Fujimorist first vice president Máximo San Román as its presidential candidate, but he performed poorly in the elections placing last with 0.3% of the popular vote but in the legislative elections, the party won 2.6% of the popular vote and only 3 out of 120 seats in the Congress of the Republic, a decrease of 14. During this parliamentary period, UPP made an alliance with the Popular Action bench in the legislature and both showed their opposition to the dictatorship of Alberto Fujimori.

Shortly after Alberto Fujimori won the 2000 elections amid accusations of electoral fraud, he decided to resign after the "Vladivideos" scandal and call general elections for 2001.

At the legislative elections held on 8 April 2001, the party won 4.1% of the popular vote and 6 out of 120 seats in the Congress of the Republic. However, they did not present a presidential candidate for that year's elections.

In the 2006 elections, Union for Peru aligned itself with the Peruvian Nationalist Party and endorsed Ollanta Humala, who faced Alan García in the presidential runoff election. In the congressional election, the alliance won with 21.2% of popular vote, and 45 out of 120 seats in the Congress. However, after the elections, the alliance split and the Nationalist sat on their own bench with Union for Peru sitting in their own bench too.

In the 2011 elections, the party joined forces with the National Solidarity Party to form the National Solidarity Alliance to support the presidential candidacy of former Lima Mayor Luis Castañeda Lossio. The alliance placed fifth at both the presidential and parliamentary election, attaining 9 out of 130 seats, with Vicente Zeballos and Martin Belaunde Moreya as the only two elected congressman from Union for Peru. The party would retain its alliance with the National Solidarity Party for the 2016 elections as well, jointly nominating Hernando Guerra García but the ticket withdrew due to its low support at national polls and fears of losing its status as a political party. In the 2020 snap parliamentary elections, the party won 6.8% of the vote and 13 seats out of 130 seats in the Congress after almost four years of absence in Congress. In the 2021 elections, the party nominated the party Secretary-General José Vega for the presidency, but, he was disqualified on 29 December 2020, because of incomplete information regarding income on the nominees registration form, but he was reinstated on 6 February 2021. On the Election Day, Vega places 14th with 0.7% of the vote, while in the congressional election, the party lost all of its 13 seats and only won 2.1% of the vote and the party is expected to lose its party registration.

The party's Secretary-General as of 2021 was José Vega Antonio.

title: Union for Peru


text:
Fiat Ritmo

The Fiat Ritmo is a small, front-engine, front-wheel drive family car manufactured and marketed by Fiat, launched in April 1978 at the Turin Motor show and offered in 3- and 5-door hatchback and cabriolet body styles – from 1978 to 1988 with two facelifts.

Styled by Sergio Sartorelli at Fiat's Centro Stile in Turin, export versions for the UK, US and Canada were marketed as the Strada. In 1979, SEAT Ritmo production began in Spain, with a facelift in 1982, the SEAT Ronda.

The name Ritmo derives from the Italian for "rhythm", and Strada derives from the Italian for "road." Production reached a total of 1,790,000 and ended in early 1988 it was replaced by the Fiat Tipo.

Development

Fiat began designing the Ritmo hatchback – as a replacement for the 128 sedan – in 1972, following the body style of its 127 supermini as European manufacturers began launching small family hatchbacks, notably the Volkswagen Golf in 1974.

Prior to its launch, the press speculated that the project codename 138 would be the final production name, however, Fiat instead gave its new car the Ritmo name, rather than another three digit number.

The Ritmo was manufactured at the Cassino plant using a system developed by its subsidiary Comau, the "Robogate" system – which automated the bodyshell assembly and welding process using robots, giving rise to its advertising slogan "Handbuilt by robots", immortalised in a television advertising campaign showing the robots assembling the Ritmo bodyshells to the strains of Rossini's The Barber of Seville. The exterior has plastic bumper fascias integrated into the styling which combined strong round shapes with overall sharp lines, achieving a. The plastic bumpers also resisted damage from impacts of speeds of up to 6 km/h.

First series (1978)
The initial four-cylinder engine range included 1.1-litre (60 PS), 1.3-litre (65 PS) and 1.5-litre (75 PS) petrol engines, inherited from the Fiat 128, although the engines were noticeably quieter in the more insulated Ritmo. Suspension was independent all-round, the braking system comprised front discs and rear drums and the wheels measured 13-inch in diameter. Gearboxes ranged from a standard four-speed manual (five-speed optional on CL models) and an optional three-speed Volkswagen-derived automatic. Its boot capacity ranged from 330 to 1,100 litres.

The Ritmo finished second in the European Car of the Year awards, finishing narrowly behind the winning car, the Simca-Chrysler Horizon – which was similar in concept. The initial range in Italy was designated by their respective engine horsepower (PS):

 * 60 L (3- and 5-door, priced L4,407,000 to 4,608,000) (prices in lire )
 * 60 CL (3- and 5-door, priced L4,679,000 to 4,879,000)
 * 65 L (5-door, priced L4,726,000)
 * 65 CL (3- and 5-door, priced L4,797,000 to 4,997,000)

The CL range were the better-equipped models (with the 60 CL comprising 80% of total initial sales in Italy) and the whole range also distinguished itself by having numerous optional accessories unseen in past Fiat cars. These included: larger tyres; a rev counter; stereo system; safety seatbelts and headrests; passenger-side rear view mirror; split-fold rear seat; tinted windows; rear window wiper; rear window defroster; metallic paint; sunroof (the most expensive at L259.60). The instrumentation was incorporated in a rectangular pod with modular slots that could house various gauges and switches, either standard depending on the model or optional (e.g. digital clock and switches for hazard lights or adjustable-speed ventilation fan). Export markets also received the 1.5-litre 75 CL with a five-speed manual, a model which was initially unavailable in the domestic Italian market.

The colour of the interiors was determined by the external paint, as follows:
 * beige interior: azzurro rodi (light blue), rosso cina (red), verde Kent (green) and metallic verde medio (medium green);
 * blue interior: bianco yacht (white), blu lord (royal blue) and metallic azzurro (light blue) and alluminio (silver);
 * brown interior: arancio messico (orange), grigio jet (grey) and metallic rosso rame (copper).

The Ritmo was criticized for its basic interior trim (e.g. no fabric on door panels). Fiat responded in 1979 with various revisions and the introduction of the Targa Oro ("gold plate") range. The latter was based on the Ritmo 65 (or 75 for export markets) and was distinguished by mink or black paint with gold striping and accents in the alloy wheels, foglights, dark bumper bars and velour trim interiors. From February 1979, the 75 CL range had an optional VW-derived automatic transmission – the Automatica was the only 1.5-engined version marketed in Italy. At the same time, the 60 L models for Italy and some export markets had its 1.1-litre 128-derived engine replaced by a 1049 cc petrol engine built by Fiat of Brazil. Through the use of a new carburetor and altered timing, power and torque figures were kept the same as those of the 1.1, up by ten horsepower over what the engine produced as installed in the 127. The 60 CL - the fastest-selling Ritmo in the Italian market at the time - continued to use the comparable 1116 cc engine.

At the 1980 Geneva Motor Show, a five-door only diesel version – marketed as the Ritmo D and available in both L and CL trim – was introduced with a 1,714 cc engine (55 PS). To accommodate this considerably heavier engine, the steering rack was slowed down (from 3.5 to 4 turns) and the suspension adjusted. Nonetheless, a 65.5% forward weight distribution was hard to mask and both handling and braking suffered when compared to petrol-powered Ritmos.

In 1981, the Targa Oro and 75 models were replaced by the five-door only Ritmo Super (or Superstrada in some export markets). They brought higher specification and fittings (from chrome trimmings to a more complete instrumentation and optional central locking), larger, 14-inch, wheels and, most significantly, revised engines with 75 PS (1300) and 85 PS (1500). This extra power was gained through slight alterations to the camshaft profile, a twin carburettor, and a twin exhaust system. Other differences included lower profile tyres (Pirelli P8) and a close-ratio five-speed manual gearbox. The steering was also somewhat faster. By this time, the Ritmo range in Italy also included three- and five-door manual versions of the 75 CL and three-door 75 CL Automatica, with the price of the popular 60CL now ranging from L6,868,000 to L7,180,000 for the three- and five-door versions, respectively.

In May 1981, the first sports version, the Ritmo 105 TC, was launched. Available only as a three-door, it was powered by a 105 PS Fiat DOHC engine with a displacement of 1,585 cc, which was derived from that used in the 131 and 132 models. This car had the same 14 in wheels as the Ritmo Super, but with black centre hubcaps. British and Irish models had black and silver Speedline alloy wheels (5.5 x 14) as standard. Other distinguishing features relative to the normal range included: front fog lights integrated into the front bumper; integrated front spoiler combined with wheel arch extensions; black lower door paint; black mesh air intake; and a rear spoiler at the base of the rear window. That same year, Fiat also launched the Ritmo Cabrio.

In September 1981, Fiat displayed the Ritmo Abarth 125 TC at the Frankfurt Motor Show. This model was not available for right-hand export markets because the position of the exhaust downpipe did not allow for a relocated steering column and system. The 125 TC was a modified and revised 105 TC with a 1,995 cc DOHC four with 125 PS, ventilated front discs, a new five-speed ZF manual gearbox, revised suspension settings and strengthened components. Outwardly, the 125 TC differed only slightly from the 105 TC – it gained the chunky four-spoke 14 in alloys later seen on the Bertone Cabrio models, featured an "Abarth" red and black badge on the rear hatch, and the side badges featured the Abarth "Scorpion". The 125 TC version had a top speed of 190 km/h and it could accelerate from 0 to 100 km/h in 8.7 seconds. These cars were the last ones assembled on a separate Abarth production line, following the Fiat buyout in 1971.

Second series (1982)
In October 1982, the Ritmo was reengineered and restyled to improve its competitiveness against rivals, which included the MK3 Ford Escort and the first front-wheel drive Opel Kadett (Vauxhall Astra in the UK). The chassis was lighter by 70 kg and benefitted from better noise, vibration and harshness (NVH) control. Suspension mounts were altered and the spare tyre was moved from the engine bay to the boot, along with a relocation of the fuel tank to ahead of the rear axle. The fuel tank move resulted in the fuel cap being moved to the right side and under a lid instead of remaining exposed. The facelift saw the Ritmo acquire a more conventional look. For example, the round headlights no longer intersected the bumper bar but were now integrated in a separate grille, and the tail lights were similarly integrated into the body instead of inset in the rear bumper. In addition, all models now featured Fiat's new corporate five-bar emblem at the centre of the grille, with base models featuring single round headlamps and all other, double round headlights (in Britain, all models of this generation featured twin headlamps). The bonnet no longer had an air scoop and the roof was now completely flat (with the upward sweep of the first series found to cause vortices and contribute to dust and water over the rear window). The 1,049 cc "Brazil" engine was discontinued. Better aerodynamics, lower weight, and engine optimizations combined to increase fuel mileage by around ten percent on most of the range.

The 105 TC was relaunched with revised interior trim, a dashboard similar to that of the earlier Ritmo Super and an upper hatchback spoiler in place of the lower one. In Britain, seven-spoke alloy wheels replaced the earlier Speedline ones. In British advertising the car was named Strada II, but it was badged as the Strada. The North American version was unchanged but was finally discontinued at the end of the 1982 model year (at which time the Fiat range included only the X1/9 and the 124 Spider).

In 1983, Fiat completed the range with the Ritmo ES ("energy saving") models and the hot hatch, Ritmo Abarth 130 TC. The latter was based on the 125 TC but was powered by a 1995 cc engine with power output increased to 130 PS. This was achieved by replacing the single Weber carb used in the 125 TC with twin Solex/Weber carburettors on a side-draught manifold, and via improved cam profiles. The 130 TC had a top speed of 195 km/h and accelerated from 0 to 100 km/h in 7.8 seconds. It was fitted with Recaro bucket seats in Britain and Ireland (optional in Europe) and it remained the only 1980s European hot hatch to continue utilise carburettors instead of fuel injection. Ignition timing was controlled electronically. Although appearing outwardly similar to the restyled 105 TC with its lower door and wheelarch trims, the 130 TC could be distinguished by its polished four-spoke alloy wheels (continued from the earlier 125 TC), aerodynamic perspex front door wind deflectors, and lower hatchback spoiler. The powerful twin-cam was mated to a close ratio five-speed ZF manual gearbox and had superior performance to its contemporary rivals, which included the Volkswagen Golf GTI, Ford Escort XR3i, Vauxhall Astra GTE and the MG Maestro.

There was a minor change in the spring of 1984, mainly consisting of a new range hierarchy. Aside from the three-door, four-speed "L" versions ("60" and "diesel"), all non-sporting Ritmos now had five-speed manual gearboxes and five-door bodywork. The upper-class 85 Super version was dropped in Italy, where smaller-engined versions ruled the marketplace. The 1.1 litre 60 Super models were new to the lineup.

This Ritmo (and the third series) was also built in Venezuela, only in the five-door version. Two models were available: the 85 and the 105TC, with the 85 only available with the automatic transmission from Volkswagen and the 105TC being a five-speed manual. Unique to Venezuela was the fact that the 105TC was not offered in a three-door version, the only option available in the rest of the world.

Third series (1985)
1985 saw a minor facelift to the Ritmo range, featuring new rectangular door handles on five-door versions (the three-door retained circular door handles), shared with the Regata – the Ritmo-derived sedan. Other changes included restyled front and rear bumpers, and lower plastic panels on the doors (again, taken from the Regata). The rear bumper now housed the number plate at low level, whilst the space between the rear lights was filled with a plastic panel. The 1,714 cc diesel engine was replaced with a 1,697 cc unit from the Uno 60D, developing 60 PS. The three-door 105 TC model was replaced by the five-door Ritmo 100 S (also fitted with a 1,585 cc DOHC engine). The 130 TC Abarth benefitted from the same external changes as the other models, in addition to new wheels and interior trim. In 1986, a new diesel version was launched with a 1,929 cc intercooled turbodiesel (80 PS), and was badged as the Ritmo Turbo DS (as a five-door only). While marketed across continental Europe, the 100 S and the Turbo DS were not sold in Great Britain or Ireland, nor were any of the fuel injected models. The latter included the 75 i.e. and 90 i.e., which had lower outputs due to their catalytic converters fitted to meet tougher export markets' emission regulations. By this stage, however, Ritmo/Strada sales were declining outside Italy, not helped by its reputation for unreliability and rust, nor the growing number of competitors which were appearing. However, the Ritmo's falling popularity in these markets was compensated for by the growing success of its smaller stablemate, the Uno.

To spur more sales, in 1986 Fiat launched two limited editions:
 * the Ritmo Team (with 60 and D engines and based on a five-door CL) in May; and
 * the Ritmo Super Team (with 60, 70 and 100 engines fitted with central locking, power windows and adjustable steering wheel).

Early in 1988, the production of the Ritmo ended after 10 years. In its place, as the new contender in the European C-segment, Fiat launched the similarly avantgarde, Tipo, which took inspiration from the smaller Uno with its design and style.

Other models or variants
The Fiat Ritmo cabrio was originally displayed as a concept at the 1979 Frankfurt Motor Show but went on sale in mainland Europe only in 1981. It was assembled by Bertone and, coinciding with the 1982 facelift, was badged as a Bertone instead of a Fiat. It was cheaper than, and competed against, the Volkswagen Golf cabriolet but was not up to Volkswagen standards in terms of quality or ability, despite the fact that the German rival was not built in-house, but by Karmann.

With the introduction of the Series 2 cars, Fiat began manufacture of a RHD Ritmo Cabrio, which was offered in the UK (Superstrada Cabrio) and Ireland (Ritmo Cabrio) only in 85S (Superstrada) guise.

The Bertone cabriolet was sold in various European markets in petrol-engined form only (75S, 85S, 100S; some with fuel injection) until 1988. There were various special editions including the Ritmo Cabrio Chrono and Ritmo Cabrio Bianco (all white).

A sedan version, the Regata, was launched in 1983 with limited success outside of Italy despite being sold more globally, including in Australia. Mechanically similar to the Ritmo, the sedan was offered with 1.3, 1.5 and 1.6-litre petrol engines, and diesel 1.7 and 1.9-litre or 1.9-litre turbodiesel engines. A station wagon version—badged the Regata Weekend—was launched in 1984 and a unique design feature was represented by its folding rear bumper section, which created a level loading bay. The Regata received a minor facelift in 1986 (bumpers, doors and interior) as well as fuel injection fitted for some engines – most notably the 1,585 cc "100S i.e."

Fiat Strada
The Ritmo was sold on the British market as the Strada from the autumn of 1978 until it was replaced by the Tipo in July 1988. Despite decent early sales, surprising given its unconventional styling, it was soon overshadowed by a host of new British-built and imported competitors, and by the 1980s was selling very slowly, although Fiat's overall market share in the UK increased sharply throughout the 1980s due to the huge success of the smaller Uno.

In North America, the Fiat Strada was introduced in January 1979 (for the same model year) to replace the 128. Available with either three or five doors, it used the same 1.5-litre SOHC engine as the X1/9 coupé, generating 69 hp, and featured a standard five-speed manual gearbox or a three-speed automatic from Volkswagen as optional equipment. For 1981 the engine gained fuel injection for all states, meaning that power increased to 75 hp. In spite of excellent fuel economy, a roomy interior, and comfortable ride, the Strada failed to convince enough buyers to forget reliability issues from previous Fiat models and was withdrawn from North America in 1982. Strict North American collision standards resulted in this Strada featuring extended plastic bumper bars.

SEAT Ritmo
Spanish car maker SEAT began their history as a Fiat licensee from 1948, manufacturing clones of the Italian cars. From 1979 to 1982, a Spanish version of the Ritmo, the SEAT Ritmo, was produced in Spain near Barcelona. The original SEAT Ritmo was equipped with licence-built pushrod engines from the old Fiat 124. The end of the above partnership began in 1982, coinciding with a new SEAT logo and the launch of the "System Porsche"-engined SEAT Ronda, which remained in production until 1986. An intellectual property dispute arose and was ultimately resolved by the Arbitration Chamber of Paris in 1983, which found that the Ronda was sufficiently different from the Ritmo (much to the angst of Fiat due to rumours that its restyle was very close to that of the Ronda). As part of this dispute, SEAT showed a black Ronda with all the in-house developed components painted in bright yellow, in order to highlight key differences between the two products.

In 1982, SEAT entered into a new licensing agreement, this time with Volkswagen. In 1984, SEAT manufactured the new Giugiaro-designed and "System Porsche"-engined Ibiza, which still had Ritmo underpinnings. Moreover, mirroring the Regata, in 1985 SEAT also developed and launched the four-door Málaga sedan. All ties with Fiat underpinnings were finally severed when Volkswagen took majority ownership of SEAT in 1986 and began producing cars in Spain based on German-developed platforms.

Revival of the Ritmo name
The Ritmo name was revived in Australia by the Fiat importer, Ateco Automotive, with the new Bravo sold there with Ritmo badging beginning in February 2008. This rebadging was due to the fact that, in Australia, Mazda had been using the name Bravo for its B Series pickup. Although pre-launch indication were that the Ritmo name would also be used for New Zealand, this never eventuated since Fiat were able to use the Bravo nameplate there. The new Ritmo sold slowly and was discontinued in 2009; the name has remained retired since.

title: Fiat Ritmo


text:
Maida

Maida may refer to:

People

 * Maida Abdallah (born 1970), Tanzanian politician
 * Maida Arslanagić (born 1984), Croatian handball player
 * Maida Bryant (1926–2016), New Zealand nurse, politician and community leader
 * Maida Coleman (born 1954), American politician
 * Maida Heatter, American chef and cookbook writer
 * Maida Markgraf (born 1991), Montenegrin footballer
 * Maida Townsend, American 21st century politician
 * Maida (surname), surname

Places

 * Maida, a non-existent island in the North Atlantic
 * Maida, Calabria, a comune in the province of Catanzaro, Italy
 * Maida, North Dakota, an unincorporated community in the United States
 * Maida Avenue, street in London, England

Other uses

 * Maida (flour), a white flour used in South Asia
 * Battle of Maida, a Napoleonic battle in Calabria during the War of the Third Coalition
 * French ship Jupiter, captured by the Royal Navy and renamed HMS Maida
 * Maida (dog), belonging to Sir Walter Scott
 * The Maida series of children's books, written by Inez Haynes Irwin

title: Maida