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E-meter

The E-Meter (also electropsychometer and Hubbard Electrometer) is an electronic device used in Scientology that allegedly "registers emotional reactions". After claims by L. Ron Hubbard that the procedures of auditing, which used the E-Meter, could help heal diseases, the E-Meter became the subject of litigation. Since then, the Church of Scientology publishes disclaimers declaring that the E-Meter "by itself does nothing", is incapable of improving health, and is used solely for spiritual purposes.

Mathison
Volney Mathison built an EDA meter based on a Wheatstone bridge, a vacuum tube amplifier, and a large moving-coil meter that projected an image of the needle on the wall. He patented his device in 1954 as an electropsychometer or E-meter, and it came to be known as the "Mathison Electropsychometer". In Mathison's words, the E-meter "has a needle that swings back and forth across a scale when a patient holds on to two electrical contacts". Mathison recorded in his book, Electropsychometry, that the idea of the E-Meter came to him in 1950 while listening to a lecture by L. Ron Hubbard: "In 1950 ... I next attended a series of lectures being given by a very controversial figure, who several times emphasized that perhaps the major problem of psychotherapy was the difficulty of maintaining the communication of accurate or valid data from the patient to the therapist." and "it appeared to me that the psychogalvanometer showed most promise." Hubbard told of that encounter in a 1952 recorded lecture: "This machine, the electropsychometer, has been acting as a pilot since about the first of January 1952. Very early I wanted a pilot; I had to have some method of metering preclears which was not dependent at all upon opinion or judgment. And I went out and looked at the existing lie detector equipment and I could not find anything which would do a job of work. Now, Volney Mathison out on the Coast heard a talk out there one day, and I mentioned this fact. ... I had one of the fanciest electroencephalographs made and it didn't do anything very much, police detectors didn't do anything very much, and Mathison went to work and he floated a current within a current. This machine is relatively simple, but it's a current floating inside another current ... And I am, by the way, very much indebted to Mathison just on this basis of all of a sudden having a pilot."

Mathison began working with L. Ron Hubbard in 1951 and that year filed application for his first E-meter patent, U.S. Patent 2,684,670. After the partnership broke up in 1954, Mathison continued improving his E-meters with additional patents, marketing them through his own company and publications, retaining many of the concepts and terms from his time with Hubbard.

In a separate line of development, EDA monitors were incorporated in polygraph machines by Leonarde Keeler. Rigorous testing of the polygraph has yielded mixed results, and some critics classify polygraph operation as a pseudoscience.

Hubbard
The E-meter was adopted for use in Dianetics and Scientology when Mathison collaborated with Hubbard in 1951. Some sources say the E-meter was "developed by Volney Mathison following Hubbard's designs", or that Hubbard invented it. Hubbard falsely claimed to be the inventor of the E-meter, a claim which is in keeping with the Scientology stance that Hubbard is the "source", or "the only originator of all Dianetics and Scientology material".

The E-meter was not part of the early days of Dianetics and Scientology. Auditing was composed of conversation and not led by a mechanical device. Hubbard introduced an E-meter prototype during the 1952 Philadelphia Doctorate Course but did not introduce his transistorized version until several years later. The E-meter became "the principal material artifact" of Dianetics and Scientology from the 1960s onward.

In the book, L. Ron Hubbard, Messiah or Madman?, Bent Corydon wrote:

"In late 1954 the use of the E-meter was discontinued by Hubbard. Wrote Hubbard: "Yesterday, we used an instrument called an E-Meter to register whether or not the process was still getting results so that the auditor would know how long to continue it. While the E-Meter is an interesting investigation instrument and has played its part in research, it is not today used by the auditor ... As we long ago suspected, the intervention of a mechanical gadget between the auditor and the preclear had a tendency to depersonalize the session ...""

Though it seemed for a while that Scientology's more advanced techniques would serve without an E-meter, a few months later in May 1955, Hubbard wrote:

"And here come E-Meters back into the picture. The HASI is, at this moment, building a new and better E-Meter than has ever been built before, under the trademarked name of Physio-galvanometer, or O-Meter. It has very little in common with the old type E-Meter. Nevertheless, an old type E-Meter can be utilized."

The Scientology meter was smaller, based on transistors rather than vacuum tubes, and powered by a low-voltage rechargeable battery rather than line voltage.

From then on, the E-meter was a required tool for Scientology ministers. The "Hubbard Mark II" E-meter was christened in 1960 and the Hubbard Mark III shortly after. On December 6, 1966, Hubbard won a patent on the Mark V version under the name "Hubbard Electropsychometer". Corydon wrote that the Hubbard E-meter was actually developed by Scientologists Don Breeding and Joe Wallis, though the patent  does not list other developers.

The Scientology E-meter has been redesigned and re-patented several times since its first introduction to Dianetics (e.g.:, , ).

Earlier similar devices
Electrodermal activity meters were first developed in 1889 in Russia, and psychotherapists began using them as tools for therapy in the 1900s.

Use in Scientology

E-meters are used by Scientology practitioners known as "auditors". Scientology materials refer to the subject as the "preclear". The auditor gives the preclear a series of commands or questions while the preclear holds a pair of cylindrical electrodes ("cans") connected to the meter, and the auditor notes both the verbal response and the activity of the meter. Auditor training includes familiarization with a number of characteristic needle movements, each with a specific significance. Religion scholar Dorthe Refslund Christensen describes the e-meter as "a technical device that could help the auditor locate engrams and areas of change when auditing a preclear".

Scientology concepts associated with the E-meter and its use are regarded by the scientific and medical communities as pseudoscience, as the E-meter has never been subjected to clinical trials as a therapeutic tool.

Scientologists claim that in the hands of a trained operator, the meter can indicate whether a person has been relieved from the spiritual impediment of past experiences. In accordance with a 1974 federal court order, the Church of Scientology asserts that the E-meter is intended for use only in church-sanctioned auditing sessions; it is not a curative or medical device. The E-meters used by the Church were previously manufactured by Scientologists at their Gold Base facility, but were being manufactured in Hong Kong and Taiwan as of 1998.

According to Hubbard, the E-meter is used by the operator for three vital functions: The Church claims that the E-meter can be used to assess the emotional charge of single words, whole sentences, and questions, as well as indicating the general state of the subject when the operator is not speaking. Few users of the E-meter claim that it does anything to the subject. To most, it does no more than suggest to the operator a change of mental, emotional, or autonomic nervous system activity.
 * 1) To determine what process to run and what to run it on.
 * 2) To observe how well the process is running.
 * 3) To know when the process should be stopped.

New religious movement scholar Douglas Cowan writes that Scientologists cannot progress along the Bridge to Total Freedom without an E-meter, and that Hubbard even told Scientologists to buy two E-meters, in the event that one of them fails to operate. According to anthropologist Roy Rappaport, the E-meter is a ritual object, an object that "stand[s] indexically for something intangible".

Other uses
Similar devices have been used as research tools in many human studies and as one of several components of the Leonarde Keeler's polygraph (lie detector) system, which has been widely criticized as ineffective and pseudoscientific by legal experts and psychologists.

EDA meters are used in both therapist-patient and bio-feedback settings. EDA is one of the factors recorded by polygraphs, and EDA meters are often used in human studies to gauge psychological responses.

Description
Most prominent on the face of the e-meter is a display with a needle pointer. There are several dials and knobs, and modern e-meters have several LCD displays. All models have knobs for turning the device on, testing it, setting the sensitivity, and boosting the device. The primary control for the auditor is the tone arm (a rotating lever) which is held throughout auditing and operated by one hand while the auditor writes with their other hand. As the needle on the display moves off the right or left of the dial, the tone arm is used to bring the needle back on the dial. During an auditing session, the auditor writes down questions he has asked the preclear, the preclear's answers, and activity of the e-meter such as needle movements and tone arm settings

"There are ten main 'needle actions' that an auditor is trained to spot, including a 'fall,' a smooth needle motion to the right; a 'rise,' a similar motion to the left; and a 'free needle,' or more commonly called a ',' which is 'a rhythmic sweep of the dial at a slow, even pace... back and forth.'"

Electronics
One of E-meter's primary components is a Wheatstone bridge, an electrical circuit configuration invented in 1833 that enables the detection of very small differences between two electrical impedances (in this case, resistances). The E-meter is constructed so that one resistance is the subject's body and the other is a rheostat controlled by the operator. A small voltage from the battery is applied to electrodes held in the subject's hands. As the electrical properties (electrodermal activity) of the subject's body change during the counseling, the resulting changes in the small electric current are displayed in needle movements on a large analog panel meter. The dial face is without numbers because the absolute resistance in ohms is relatively unimportant, while the operator watches primarily for characteristic needle motions. The voltage applied to the electrodes is less than 1.5 V, and the electric current through the subject's body is less than a half a milliampere.

In the Scientology E-meter, the large control, known as the "tone arm", adjusts the meter bias, while a smaller one controls the gain. The operator manipulates the tone arm to keep the needle near the center of the dial so its motion is easily observed. A simple E-meter powered by direct current, such as that used by the Scientologists and the like, displays several kinds of electrodermal activity (EDA) on the one dial without distinction, including changes in conductance, resistance, and bioelectric potential. Researchers in psychophysiology are also exploring admittance and impedance aspects of EDA that can be observed only with alternating current.

The E-Meter, measuring variations in electrodermal activity (which can be highly responsive to emotion ), functions on the same physiological data sources as one of the parts of the polygraph, or "lie detector". According to Scientology doctrine, the resistance corresponds to the "mental mass and energy" of the subject's mind, which are claimed to change when the subject thinks of particular mental images (engrams). One account tells about Hubbard using the E-meter to determine whether or not fruits can experience pain, as in his 1968 assertion that tomatoes "scream when sliced".

The traditional theory of EDA holds that skin resistance varies with the state of sweat glands in the skin. Sweating is controlled by the sympathetic nervous system. Because sweat contains electrolytes (salt, etc.), conductivity is increased when the sweat glands are activated. But some advocates argue that the meter responds more quickly than would be possible by the exudation and drying of sweat. They propose an additional mechanism termed the "Tarchanoff Response", through which the cerebral cortex of the brain affects the current directly. This phenomenon is not completely understood, and further research needs to be performed.

United States
The medical establishment had been watching Hubbard's enterprises since 1951, when the New Jersey State Board of Medical Examiners prosecuted the Hubbard Dianetic Research Foundation (Elizabeth, New Jersey) for practicing medicine without a license. In 1958, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) seized and destroyed 21,000 Dianazene tablets from Hubbard's Distribution Center Inc., charging that they were falsely labeled as a treatment for radiation sickness.

On January 4, 1963, in service of an FDA complaint, more than 100 US marshals and deputized longshoremen with drawn guns raided the Founding Church of Scientology in Washington, D.C., and confiscated more than three tons of property, including 5,000 books, 2,900 booklets, and several hundred E-meters. The FDA accused the Church of making false medical claims that the E-meters could treat physical and mental illnesses. The FDA also charged that the meters did not bear adequate directions for treating the conditions for which they were recommended.

The Church claimed that they had not written any publication that the E-meter could or would heal anything and sued to get the property back. Years of litigation ensued. In the first trial beginning on April 3, 1967, the jury found that the Church misrepresented the E-meter, and the judge ordered the confiscated materials destroyed. However, in 1969 the US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia reversed the verdict; the Church, it said, had made substantial showing that Scientology is a religion and the government had done nothing to rebut the claim. The US Court of Appeals wrote: "[The Founding Church has] made no attempt to contradict the expert testimony introduced by the Government. They have conceded that the E-meter is of no use in the diagnosis or treatment of disease as such, and have argued that it was never put forward as having such use. Auditing or processing, in their view, treats the spirit of man, not his body, though through the healing of the spirit the body can be affected. They have culled from their literature numerous statements disclaiming any intent to treat disease and recommending that Scientology practitioners send those under their care to doctors when organic defects may be found. They have introduced through testimony a document which they assert all those who undergo auditing or processing must sign which states that Scientology is 'a spiritual and religious guide intended to make persons more aware of themselves as spiritual beings, and not treating or diagnosing human ailments of body or mind, and not engaged in the teaching of medical arts or sciences * * *.' Finally, with respect to their claim to be a religion and hence within the protection of the First Amendment, they have shown that the Founding Church of Scientology is incorporated as a church in the District of Columbia, and that its ministers are qualified to perform marriages and burials. They have introduced their Creed into evidence. The Government has made no claim that the Founding Church is not a bona fide religion, that auditing is not part of the exercise of that religion, or that the theory of auditing is not a doctrine of that religion."

Having found that Scientology was a religion, the Court wrote that the government was forbidden by the First Amendment to the Constitution to rule on the truth or falsity of the Church's doctrines and interfere with its practices, provided the claims are not manifestly insincere and the practices are reasonably harmless. The Court ordered a new trial with the mandate that the trial court could not forbid auditing, use of the E-meter, or purveyance of the literature within a religious context. The FDA appealed the decision, but in 1969, the US Supreme Court declined to review the case, commenting only that "Scientology meets the prima facie test of religion". In his 1973 judgment, District Court Judge Gerhard Gesell ruled that:"Hubbard and his fellow Scientologists developed the notion of using an E-Meter to aid auditing. Substantial fees were charged for the meter and for auditing sessions using the meter. They repeatedly and explicitly represented that such auditing effectuated cures of many physical and mental illnesses. An individual processed with the aid of the E-Meter was said to reach the intended goal of 'clear' and was led to believe that there was reliable scientific proof that once cleared many, indeed most, illnesses would successfully be cured. Auditing was guaranteed to be successful. All this was and is false."Unable to do more under the mandate from the Court of Appeals, Judge Gesell ordered all the property to be returned to the Church, and thereafter, the E-meter may be used only in "bona fide religious counseling". All meters and referring literature must include a label disclaiming any medical benefits:

"The E-Meter is not medically or scientifically useful for the diagnosis, treatment or prevention of any disease. It is not medically or scientifically capable of improving the health or bodily functions of anyone."

The church adopted a modified version of that statement, which it still invokes in connection with the E-meter. The current statement reads:

"The Hubbard Electrometer is a religious artifact. By itself, this meter does nothing. It is for religious use by students and Ministers of the church in Confessionals and pastoral counseling only."

Judge Gesell also ordered the Church to pay all the government's legal fees and warehousing costs for the confiscated property for the nine years of litigation. He also required the church to pay the salaries and travel expenses of FDA agents who might, from time to time, inspect for compliance with the court's order. The raid was ruled illegal, but the government retained copies of the documents.

Europe
In 1979 in Sweden, a court forbade calling the E-meter "an invaluable aid to measuring man's mental state and changes in it" in an advertisement. The prohibition was upheld by the European Commission of Human Rights in case X. and Church of Scientology v. Sweden.

In October 2009, a three-judge panel at the Correctional Court in Paris, France, convicted the church and six of its members of organized fraud. The Court's decision followed a three-week trial, where two plaintiffs alleged they were defrauded by the organization. One plaintiff's complaint involved the use of an E-Meter by Scientologists with medical implications. This plaintiff claimed that, after being audited with the device, she was encouraged to pay tens of thousands of euros for vitamins, books, and courses to improve her condition. She argued that amounted to fraud. The Court agreed, and the ruling was upheld on appeal in 2013. See.

Australia
In 1964, the government of Victoria, Australia, held a Board of Inquiry into Scientology which returned its findings in a document colloquially known as the Anderson Report. Psychiatrist Ian Holland Martin, honorary federal secretary of the Australian and New Zealand College of Psychiatrists, gave evidence that the E-Meter "used for Scientology" was a "psycho-galvano-meter" and was "dangerous in unqualified hands". He said that if the E-meter "was suggested to possess mysterious powers" to someone who did not understand that it had "been thoroughly discredited as a lie detector" then "that person would be suggestible to ideas foisted on him by the operator". The final report of the inquiry stated that the E-meter enabled Scientology

"to assume, intensify and retain control over the minds and wills of preclears. Fears of its abilities keep them in constant subjection. Its use can be so manipulated by cunningly phrased questions that almost any desired result can be obtained, and it is used unscrupulously to dominate students and staff alike. All the evil features of scientology are intensified where the E-meter is involved. When used in conjunction with hypnotic techniques, its evil impact is greatly increased.

This simple electrical device is not, of course, the sole basis for the condemnation of scientology, but without the E-meter scientology would be partly disarmed."

In 1965, Victoria banned the use of the E-meter without a license, with Western Australia and South Australia following suit. In 1969, the High Court of Western Australia ruled the ban illegal. South Australia repealed its law in 1973, and Victoria repealed it in 1982. In 1983, the High Court of Australia ruled that Scientology was a religion and as such had the same rights and protections.

Scientology beliefs and theories
Within the Church of Scientology, the early psychoanalysts are credited with first use of the E-meter.

"Bob Thomas, senior executive of the Church of Scientology in the United States, described the E-meter ... 'Some very early work on this was done by Jung, who used a list of words. I think he combined it with the psycho-galvanometer. By this word association, he was attempting to increase the effectiveness of the free association techniques, which he was not sure about.'"

Hubbard credited Mathison with recreating the E-meter and bringing him the first model for use in Dianetics. Hubbard set out his theory of how the E-meter works in his book Understanding the E-Meter:

"For the meter to be read, the tiny flow of electrical energy through the preclear (person) has to remain steady. When this tiny flow is changed the needle of the E-Meter moves. This will happen if the preclear pulls in or releases mental mass. This mental mass (condensed energy), acts as an additional resistance or lack of resistance to the flow of electrical energy from the E-Meter."

Hubbard claimed that this "mental mass" has the same physical characteristics, including weight, as mass as commonly understood by lay persons:

"In Scientology it has been discovered that mental energy is simply a finer, higher level of physical energy. The test of this is conclusive in that a thetan "mocking up" (creating) mental image pictures and thrusting them into the body can increase the body mass and by casting them away again can decrease the body mass. This test has actually been made and an increase of as much as thirty pounds, actually measured on scales, has been added to, and subtracted from, a body by creating "mental energy". Energy is energy. Matter is condensed energy."

This text in Understanding the E-Meter is accompanied by three drawings. The first shows a man standing on a weighing scale, which reflects a weight of "150" (the units are not given). The next shows the man on the same scale, weighed down under a burden of "Mental Image Pictures", and the scale indicates a weight of "180". The last picture shows the man standing upright on the scale, now unburdened by "Mental Image Pictures" and with a smile on his face, while the scale again indicates a weight of "148".

Bob Thomas, senior executive of the church in the early 1970s, gave a prosaic description.

"The immediate goal of the E-meter is to enhance communication. In other words, just to take a parallel: if an analyst were allowing his patient to free-associate, and the patient were connected in some way with a galvanometer which showed the analyst what things the patient mentioned were emotionally charged and what things were not emotionally charged, a lot of time would be saved. So it's simply an assist for the practitioner to direct the individual to areas which he himself may not realize are troubled or charged with emotion or are repressed; and to better direct his attention into those areas ...

The E-meter is a simple psycho-galvanometer. It's got some increased sensitivity built into it and the myological reactions that you sometimes get in the galvanometer have been damped out by the circuitry, so that the mental reactions, the reactions of the spirit, on the body are emphasized and can be read more clearly. But that's simply the design of the circuitry; it doesn't basically affect the kind of device. It registers what is called, commonly, the psychogalvanomic reflex, which is a reflex that is a poorly understood mechanism of the psyche. The body resistance seems to vary when the individual thinks of a painful or pain-associated or traumatic-associated concept, or word or idea. ... Some very early work was done on this by Jung ..."

title: E-meter


text: Category:Districts of Belize

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title: Category:Districts of Belize


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Language interpretation

Interpreting is a translational activity in which one produces a first and final target-language output on the basis of a one-time exposure to an expression in a source language.

The most common two modes of interpreting are simultaneous interpreting, which is done at the time of the exposure to the source language, and consecutive interpreting, which is done at breaks to this exposure.

Interpreting is an ancient human activity which predates the invention of writing.

Historiography
Research into the various aspects of the history of interpreting is quite new. For as long as most scholarly interest was given to professional conference interpreting, very little academic work was done on the practice of interpreting in history, and until the 1990s, only a few dozen publications were done on it.

Considering the amount of interpreting activities that is assumed to have occurred for thousands of years, historical records are limited. Moreover, interpreters and their work have usually not found their way into the history books. One of the reasons for that is the dominance of the written text over the spoken word (in the sense that those who have left written texts are more likely to be recorded by historians). Another problem is the tendency to view it as an ordinary support activity which does not require any special attention, and the social status of interpreters, who were sometimes treated unfairly by scribes, chroniclers and historians.

Our knowledge of the past of interpreting tends to come from letters, chronicles, biographies, diaries and memoirs, along with a variety of other documents and literary works, many of which (and with few exceptions) were only incidentally or marginally related to interpreting.

Etymology
Many Indo-European languages have words for interpreting and interpreter. Expressions in Germanic, Scandinavian and Slavic languages denoting an interpreter can be traced back to Akkadian, around 1900 BCE. The Akkadian root targumânu/turgumânu also gave rise to the term dragoman via an etymological sideline from Arabic.

The English word interpreter, however, is derived from Latin interpres (meaning 'expounder', 'person explaining what is obscure'), whose semantic roots are not clear. Some scholars take the second part of the word to be derived from partes or pretium (meaning 'price', which fits the meaning of a 'middleman', 'intermediary' or 'commercial go-between'), but others have suggested a Sanskrit root.

Consecutive
In consecutive interpreting (CI), the interpreter starts to interpret after the speaker pauses; thus much more time (perhaps double) is needed. Customarily, such an interpreter will sit or stand near the speaker.

Consecutive interpretation can be conducted in a pattern of short or long segments according to the interpreter's preference. In short CI, the interpreter relies mostly on memory whereas, in long CI, most interpreters will rely on note-taking. The notes must be clear and legible in order to not waste time on reading them. Consecutive interpreting of whole thoughts, rather than in small pieces, is desirable so that the interpreter has the whole meaning before rendering it in the target language. This affords a truer, more accurate, and more accessible interpretation than where short CI or simultaneous interpretation is used.

An attempt at consensus about lengths of segments may be reached prior to commencement, depending upon complexity of the subject matter and purpose of the interpretation, though speakers generally face difficulty adjusting to unnatural speech patterns.

On occasion, document sight translation is required of the interpreter during consecutive interpretation work. Sight translation combines interpretation and translation; the interpreter must render the source-language document to the target-language as if it were written in the target language. Sight translation occurs usually, but not exclusively, in judicial and medical work.

Consecutive interpretation may be the chosen mode when bilingual listeners are present who wish to hear both the original and interpreted speech or where, as in a court setting, a record must be kept of both.

When no interpreter is available to interpret directly from source to target, an intermediate interpreter will be inserted in a relay mode, e.g. a Greek source language could be interpreted into English and then from English to another language. This is also commonly known as double-interpretation. Triple-interpretation may even be needed, particularly where rare languages or dialects are involved. Such interpretation can only be effectively conducted using consecutive interpretation.

Simultaneous
Simultaneous interpretation (SI) has the disadvantage that if a person is performing the service the interpreter must do the best they can within the time permitted by the pace of source speech. However they also have the advantages of saving time and not disturbing the natural flow of the speaker. SI can also be accomplished by software where the program can simultaneously listen to incoming speech and speak the associated interpretation. The most common form is extempore SI, where the interpreter does not know the message until they hear it.

Simultaneous interpretation using electronic equipment where the interpreter can hear the speaker's voice as well as the interpreter's own voice was introduced at the Nuremberg trials in 1945. The equipment facilitated large numbers of listeners, and interpretation was offered in French, Russian, German and English. The technology arose in the 1920s and 1930s when American businessman Edward Filene and British engineer Alan Gordon Finlay developed simultaneous interpretation equipment with IBM. Yvonne Kapp attended a conference with simultaneous interpretation in 1935 in the Soviet Union. As it proved successful, IBM was able to sell the equipment to the United Nations, where it is now widely used in the United Nations Interpretation Service.

In the ideal setting for oral language, the interpreter sits in a sound-proof booth and speaks into a microphone, while clearly seeing and hearing the source-language speaker via earphones. The simultaneous interpretation is rendered to the target-language listeners via their earphones.

The progressive shift from consecutive to simultaneous

Pavel Palazchenko's My Years with Gorbachev and Shevardnadze: The Memoir of a Soviet Interpreter gives a short history of modern interpretation and of the transition from its consecutive to simultaneous forms. He explains that during the nineteenth century, interpreters were rarely needed during European diplomatic discussions; these were routinely conducted in French, and all government diplomats were required to be fluent in this language. Most European government leaders and heads of state could also speak French. Historian Harold Nicolson attributes the growing need for interpretation after World War I to the fact that U.S. President Woodrow Wilson and British Prime Minister David Lloyd George "were no linguists". At the time, the concept and special equipment needed for simultaneous interpretation, later patented by Alan Gordon Finlay, had not been developed, so consecutive interpretation was used.

Consecutive interpreters, in order be accurate, used a specialized system of note-taking which included symbols abbreviations and acronyms. Because they waited until the speaker was finished to provide interpretation, the interpreters then had the difficult task of creating from these notes as much as half an hour of free-flowing sentences closely matching the speaker's meaning. Palazchenko cites Anton Velleman, Jean Herbert and the Kaminker brothers as skilled interpreters, and notes one unusual case in which André Kaminker interpreted a speech by a French diplomat who spoke for two and a half hours without stopping.

After World War II, simultaneous interpretation came into use at the Nuremberg trials and began to be more accepted. Experienced consecutive interpreters asserted that the difficulties of listening and speaking at the same time, adjusting for differences in sentence structure between languages, and interpreting the beginning of a sentence before hearing its end, would produce an inferior result. As well, these interpreters, who to that point had been prominent speakers, would now be speaking invisibly from booths.

In 1951, when the United Nations expanded its number of working languages to five (English, French, Russian, Chinese and Spanish), consecutive interpretation became impractical in most cases, and simultaneous interpretation became the most common process for the organization's large meetings. Consecutive interpretation, which provides a more fluent result without the need for specialized equipment, continued to be used for smaller discussions.

Technology support
Stemming from the field of computer-assisted translation, the field of computer-assisted interpretation has emerged, with dedicated tools integrating glossaries and automated speech recognition.

Whispered
Whispered interpretation is known in the trade by the French term chuchotage. To avoid disturbing the participants using the original language, the interpreter speaks to a few people at close proximity with normal voiced delivery at a very low volume, or through electronic equipment without the benefit of a soundproof booth. Typically, no actual whispering is involved as this is difficult to decipher, causes postural fatigue while parties lean in to one another, and straining to be heard at a whisper "can be as bad for your voice as shouting."

Conference
Conference interpreting refers to interpretation at a conference or large meeting, either simultaneously or consecutively. The advent of multi-lingual meetings has reduced the amount of consecutive interpretation in the last 20 years.

Conference interpretation is divided between two markets: institutional and private. International institutions (EU, UN, EPO, et cetera), which hold multilingual meetings, often favor interpreting several foreign languages into the interpreters' mother tongues. Local private markets tend to have bilingual meetings (the local language plus another), and the interpreters work both into and out of their mother tongues. These markets are not mutually exclusive. The International Association of Conference Interpreters (AIIC) is the only worldwide association of conference interpreters. Founded in 1953, its membership includes more than 2,800 professional conference interpreters, in more than 90 countries.

Judicial
Judicial, legal, or court interpreting occurs in courts of justice, administrative tribunals, and wherever a legal proceeding is held (i.e., a police station for an interrogation, a conference room for a deposition, or the locale for taking a sworn statement). Legal interpreting can be the consecutive interpretation of witnesses' testimony, for example, or the simultaneous interpretation of entire proceedings, by electronic means, for one person, or all of the people attending. In a legal context, where ramifications of misinterpretation may be dire, accuracy is paramount. Teams of two or more interpreters, with one actively interpreting and the second monitoring for greater accuracy, may be deployed.

The right to a competent interpreter for anyone who does not understand the language of the court (especially for the accused in a criminal trial) is usually considered a fundamental rule of justice. Therefore, this right is often guaranteed in national constitutions, declarations of rights, fundamental laws establishing the justice system or by precedents set by the highest courts. However, it is not a constitutionally required procedure (in the United States) that a certified interpreter be present at police interrogation. This has been especially controversial in cases where illegal immigrants with no English skills are accused of crimes.

In the US, depending upon the regulations and standards adhered to per state and venue, court interpreters usually work alone when interpreting consecutively, or as a team, when interpreting simultaneously. In addition to practical mastery of the source and target languages, thorough knowledge of law and legal and court procedures is required of court interpreters. They are often required to have formal authorization from the state to work in the courts – and then are called certified court interpreters. In many jurisdictions, the interpretation is considered an essential part of the evidence. Incompetent interpretation, or simply failure to swear in the interpreter, can lead to a mistrial.

Escort interpreter
In escort interpreting, an interpreter accompanies a person or a delegation on a tour, on a visit, or to a business meeting or interview. An interpreter in this role is called an escort interpreter or an escorting interpreter. An escort interpreter's work session may run for days, weeks, or even months, depending on the period of the client's visit. This type of interpreting is often needed in business contexts, during presentations, investor meetings, and business negotiations. As such, an escort interpreter needs to be equipped with some business and financial knowledge in order to best understand and convey messages back and forth.

Signed language interpreters typically refer to this role as a "designated interpreter." It is not a new practice; since the 1960s, deaf professionals and academics such as Robert Sanderson increasingly sought out and trained specific interpreters to work with on a regular, if not exclusive basis.

Public sector
Also known as community interpreting, is the type of interpreting occurring in fields such as legal, health, and federal and local government, social, housing, environmental health, education, and welfare services. In community interpreting, factors exist which determine and affect language and communication production, such as speech's emotional content, hostile or polarized social surroundings, its created stress, the power relationships among participants, and the interpreter's degree of responsibility – in many cases more than extreme; in some cases, even the life of the other person depends upon the interpreter's work.

Medical
Medical interpreting is a subset of public service interpreting, consisting of communication among healthcare personnel and the patient and their family or among Healthcare personnel speaking different languages, facilitated by an interpreter, usually formally educated and qualified to provide such interpretation services. In some situations, medical employees who are multilingual may participate part-time as members of internal language banks. Depending on country/state-specific requirements, the interpreter is often required to have some knowledge of medical terminology, common procedures, the patient interview and exam process. Medical interpreters are often cultural liaisons for people (regardless of language) who are unfamiliar with or uncomfortable in hospital, clinical, or medical settings.

For example, in China, there is no mandatory certificate for medical interpreters as of 2012. Most interpretation in hospitals in China is done by doctors, who are proficient in both Chinese and English (mostly) in his/her specialty. They interpret more in academic settings than for communications between doctors and patients. When a patient needs English language service in a Chinese hospital, more often than not the patient will be directed to a staff member in the hospital, who is recognized by his/her colleagues as proficient in English. The actual quality of such service for patients or medical interpretation for communications between doctors speaking different languages is unknown by the interpreting community as interpreters who lack Healthcare background rarely receive accreditation for medical interpretation in the medical community. Interpreters working in the Healthcare setting may be considered Allied Health Professionals.

In the United States, language access is a socioeconomic disparity, and language access to federally-funded health services is required by law. Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, or national origin in any program or activity that receives Federal funds or other Federal financial assistance. Hospital systems and clinics that are funded by federal programs, such as Medicare, are required by this law to take reasonable steps towards ensuring equitable access to health services for limited English proficient patients.

Military interpreting
Interpreters are often used in a military context, carrying out interpretation usually either during active military combat or during noncombat operations. Interpretation is one of the main factors in multi-national and multi-lingual cooperation and military cohesion of the military and civilian populations.

During inactive military operations, the most common goal of military interpreters is to increase overall cohesion in the military unit, and with the civilian population. One of the primary forces behind the feeling of an occupation is a lack of mutual intelligibility. During the War in Afghanistan, the use of American soldiers that did not speak the languages of Afghanistan, and the primary recruitment from northern Afghanistan, primarily Tajiks, led to a feeling of the United States and Tajik forces as an occupying force. This feeling was most common in majority Pashtun areas of the country, which in turn was one of the main causes of the Taliban's resurgence. If interpreters are not present inside war zones, it becomes extremely common for misunderstandings from the civilian population and a military force to spiral into an open conflict, or to produce animosity and distrust, forming the basis of a conflict or an insurgency.

Military interpreters are commonly found in Iraq and have been largely effective, particularly in the Kurdish held regions (Kurdistan Regional Government), during the fighting against ISIS. Military interpreters were the primary drivers in cooperation between the coalition and the Iraqi population and military. Likewise managing to produce stability in areas held by the coalition, Kurdish interpreters were known for being a primary aid in this endeavour.

The fundamental act of interpreting during active combat is extremely stressful and dangerous. It is, however, necessary when different-language battalions are fighting together with no common intermediate language. Misunderstandings in this context are most often fatal, the most common misinterpretations are positioning and attempted break outs. In the chaos of combat, however, it can be very easy to make a mistake in interpreting, particularly with the immense noise and changing locations.

Military interpreters are also used within single armies instead of multi-lingual cooperation. In this context, a military interpreter is usually a given job in each unit. Common examples include Bosnia, Pakistan, Switzerland, and South Africa. This use of assigning soldiers with different languages to a single battalion helps reinforce a feeling of unity in the military force.

For an historical example, see also Linguistics and translations in the Austro-Hungarian Army.

Sign language

A sign language interpreter conveys messages between combinations of spoken and signed languages and manual systems. This may be between deaf signers and hearing nonsigners, or among users of different signed languages and manual systems. This may be done in simultaneous or consecutive modes, or as sight translation from printed text.

Interpreters may be hearing, hard of hearing, or deaf, and work in teams of any combination, depending upon the circumstance or audience. Historically, deaf interpreters or DIs work with DeafBlind people who use either close vision or Protactile signing, deaf people with nonstandard, emerging, or idiolect language varieties, affinity or cultural groups within the Deaf community, minors, immigrants of a different signed language, users of a minority signed language, participants in medical, carceral, or legal matters, and persons with cognitive or intellectual disabilities. DIs may work in relay teams with hearing interpreters, from a teleprompter, or with another DI to access the source language. DIs are commonly the member of the team visible on camera or on stage at televised, recorded, or public events.

Interpreters can be formally trained in postsecondary programs and receive a certificate, associates, bachelors, masters, or doctoral degree. In some circumstances, lay interpreters take an experiential route through churches, families, and social networks. Formal interpreter education practices are largely the product of twentieth-century developments.

In the United States, Sign Language interpreters have national- and some states have state-level certifications. The Registry of Interpreters for the Deaf (RID), a non-profit organization, is known for its national recognition and certification process. In addition to training requirements and stringent certification testing, RID members must abide by a Code of Professional Conduct, Grievance Process and Continuing Education Requirement. There are many interpreter-training programs in the U.S. The Collegiate Commission on Interpreter Education is the body that accredits Interpreter Preparation Programs. A list of accredited programs can be found on the CCIE web site.

Some countries have more than one national association due to regional or language differences. National associations can become members of the umbrella organizations, the World Association of Sign Language Interpreters or the European Forum of Sign Language Interpreters (efsli). In Canada, the professional association that recognizes and nationally certifies sign language interpreters is the Association of Visual Language Interpreters of Canada (AVLIC). Under AVLIC holds several affiliate chapters representing a specified region of Canada.

Sign language interpreters encounter a number of linguistic, environmental, interpersonal and intrapersonal factors that can have an effect on their ability to provide accurate interpretation. Studies have found that most interpreter training programs do not sufficiently prepare students for the highly variable day-to-day stresses that an interpreter must manage, and there is an ongoing conversation in the interpreting field as to how to appropriately prepare students for the challenges of the job. Proposed changes include having a more robust definition of what a qualified interpreter should know, as well as a post-graduate internship structure that would allow new interpreters to work with the benefit of supervision from more experienced interpreters, much like the programs in place in medicine, law enforcement, etc.

In Israel, Naama Weiss, a board member of Malach, the Organization of the Israeli Sign Language Interpreters, advertised a video which she produced. It was her paraphrase of the video So-Low, and showed her viewpoint upon the Israeli Sign Language interpreters' jobs. A study which was made in Finland found that, in comparison to the foreign language teachers and non-linguistic experts, a high cooperativeness was found to be more characteristic to simultaneous and consecutive interpreters, and Weiss showed it in her video, although she claimed to be comic.

The World Federation of the Deaf asserts that computer-generated signing avatars "do not surpass the natural quality and skill provided by appropriately trained and qualified interpreters," and approves their application only "for pre-recorded static customer information, for example, in hotels or train stations". The WFD statement concedes to such a project only if "deaf people have been involved in advising," and it does not intend to replace human interpreters. Quality and naturalness of movements are closely critiqued by sign-fluent viewers, particularly those who began signing at a younger age.

Media
By its very nature, media interpreting has to be conducted in the simultaneous mode. It is provided particularly for live television coverages such as press conferences, live or taped interviews with political figures, musicians, artists, sportsmen or people from the business circle. In this type of interpreting, the interpreter has to sit in a sound-proof booth where ideally he/she can see the speakers on a monitor and the set. All equipment should be checked before recording begins. In particular, satellite connections have to be double-checked to ensure that the interpreter's voice is not sent back and the interpreter gets to hear only one channel at a time. In the case of interviews recorded outside the studio and some current affairs program, the interpreter interprets what they hear on a TV monitor. Background noise can be a serious problem. The interpreter working for the media has to sound as slick and confident as a television presenter.

Media interpreting has gained more visibility and presence especially after the Gulf War. Television channels have begun to hire staff simultaneous interpreters. The interpreter renders the press conferences, telephone beepers, interviews and similar live coverage for the viewers. It is more stressful than other types of interpreting as the interpreter has to deal with a wide range of technical problems coupled with the control room's hassle and wrangling during live coverage.

Modalities
Interpreting services can be delivered in multiple modalities. The most common modality through which interpreting services are provided is on-site interpreting.

On-site
Also called "in-person" and "face-to-face" or "F2F" interpreting, this traditional method requires the interpreter be physically present. With the growth of remote settings, having interpreters on-site remains crucial in high-stakes medical, legal, and diplomatic situations, and with socially, intellectually, or emotionally vulnerable clients.

Telephone
Also referred to as "over-the-phone interpreting", "telephonic interpreting", and "tele-interpreting", telephone interpreting enables interpretation via telephone. Telephone interpreting can be used in community settings as well as conference settings. Telephone interpreting may be used in place of on-site interpreting when no on-site interpreter is readily available at the location where services are needed. However, it is more commonly used for situations in which all parties who wish to communicate are already speaking to one another via telephone (e.g. telephone applications for insurance or credit cards, or telephone inquiries from consumers to businesses).

Video
Interpretation services via video remote interpreting (VRI) or a video relay service (VRS) are useful for spoken language barriers where visual-cultural recognition is relevant, and even more applicable where one of the parties is deaf, hard-of-hearing or speech-impaired (mute). In such cases the direction of interpretation is normally within the same principal language, such as French Sign Language (FSL) to spoken French and Spanish Sign Language (SSL) to spoken Spanish. Multilingual sign language interpreters, who can also interpret as well across principal languages (such as to and from SSL, to and from spoken English), are also available, albeit less frequently. Such activities involve considerable effort on the part of the interpreter, since sign languages are distinct natural languages with their own construction and syntax, different from the aural version of the same principal language.

With video interpreting, sign language interpreters work remotely with live video and audio feeds, so that the interpreter can see the deaf or mute party, converse with the hearing party and vice versa. Much like telephone interpreting, video interpreting can be used for situations in which no on-site interpreters are available. However, video interpreting cannot be used for situations in which all parties are speaking via telephone alone. VRI and VRS interpretation requires all parties to have the necessary equipment. Some advanced equipment enables interpreters to control the video camera, in order to zoom in and out, and to point the camera toward the party that is signing.

Venues

The majority of professional full-time conference interpreters work for phone interpreting agencies, health care institutions, courts, school systems and international organizations like the United Nations (for the United Nations Interpretation Service), the European Union, or the African Union.

The world's largest employer of interpreters is currently the European Commission, which employs hundreds of staff and freelance interpreters working into the official languages of the European Union and some others in DG Interpretation. In 2016, Florika Fink-Hooijer was appointed as Director General and the first ever Knowledge Centre on Interpretation was created. She had spoken about the need to "futureproof" services by strengthening the skills of colleagues to work with new technologies as well as how artificial intelligence may be an (un)desired revolution in linguistic services. Subsequently, she drove forward the digitalization of the service by introducing features like automatic speech recognition and other support services to interpreters. During the COVID-19 pandemic, she scaled up multilingual interpretation in hybrid meetings via new digital platforms and technologies, which was a "watershed moment" for the interpretation profession.

The European Union's other institutions (the European Parliament and the European Court of Justice) have smaller interpreting services.

The United Nations employs interpreters at almost all its sites throughout the world. Because it has only six official languages, however, it is a smaller employer than the European Union.

Interpreters may also work as freelance operators in their local, regional and national communities, or may take on contract work under an interpreting business or service. They would typically take on work as described above.

Militaries often use interpreters to better communicate with the local population. One notable example is the US military during the war in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Associations
There are a number of interpreting and translation associations around the world, including the National Accreditation Authority for Translators and Interpreters, the International Association of Conference Interpreters, the China Accreditation Test for Translators and Interpreters, the Canadian Translators, Terminologists and Interpreters Council, the Institute of Translation & Interpreting, the Argentine Association of Conference Interpreters, and the American Association of Language Specialists.

Certifications
No worldwide testing or certification agency exists for all types of interpreters. For conference interpretation, there is the International Association of Conference Interpreters.

Specific regions, countries, or even cities will have their own certification standards. In many cases, graduates of a certain caliber university program acts as a de facto certification for conference interpretation.

China
The most recognized interpretation and translation certificate in the People's Republic of China is the China Accreditation Test for Translation and Interpretation (CATTI). Entrusted by China's Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security, it is a translation and interpretation professional qualification accreditation test that is implemented throughout the country according to uniform standards, in order to assess examinees' bilingual translation or interpretation capability. CATTI was introduced in 2003. In later 2013, translation and interpreting tests of different levels in English, French, Japanese, Russian, German, Spanish and Arabic were held across the nation.

Those examinees who pass CATTI and obtain translation and interpretation certificates acquire corresponding translation and interpretation professional titles.
 * Senior translator or interpreter – professor of translation or interpretation
 * Level 1 translator or interpreter – associate professor of translation or interpretation
 * Level 2 translator or interpreter – translator or interpreter
 * Level 3 translator or interpreter – assistant translator or interpreter

Relevant institutions from Australia, France, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Singapore and other countries as well as Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and Taiwan have established work ties with CATTI.

Germany
In Germany, anyone can become and call themselves an interpreter; access to this profession is not regulated, but court interpreters must be sworn in and prove their qualifications, e.g. through a recognized certificate or professional experience of several years.

In order to learn and practice the necessary skills, colleges and universities offer studies in Translation and/or Interpretation Studies, primarily to/from English, but there are also Sign Language Interpretation studies. Admission to higher education, however, is highly restricted.

Some states offer a State Examination title Staatlich geprüfter Dolmetscher. Unlike a bachelor's or master's degree, this certificate merely certifies professional skills. Access to the exam is far easier, but requires proof of the necessary skills. For that, there are private schools that offer preparatory courses. Attending these schools is usually sufficient to prove someone's aptitude. Of course, a university or college degree is accepted, too.

Furthermore, the State Examination is offered in many more languages, including German Sign Language, yet primarily to/from German.

title: Language interpretation


text:
Category:Regions of Chile

sw:Jamii:Mikoa ya Chile

title: Category:Regions of Chile


text:
Marrero

Marrero may refer to:

 * Marrero (surname)
 * Marrero, Louisiana, a census-designated place in the United States
 * Estadio Pedro Marrero, a multi-purpose stadium in Havana, Cuba

title: Marrero


text:
Amy Acuff

Amelia Lyn "Amy" Acuff (born July 14, 1975) is a track and field athlete from the United States. A high jump specialist, she competed in the 1996, 2000, 2004, 2008 and 2012 Olympic Games as a member of USA Track and Field. Her best Olympic performance came at the 2004 Games, where her jump of 1.99 m earned her fourth place in the final.

Biography
Born in Port Arthur, Texas, she established herself domestically with wins at the USA Outdoor Track and Field Championships in 1995 and 1997. At the age of 22, she became the Universiade champion, edging out Monica Iagăr in the 1997 high jump final. Acuff was the winner of the 1998 Hochsprung mit Musik meeting in Arnstadt, Germany, becoming the first non-European winner in the history of the event. She went on to win at the national championships in 2001, 2003, 2005 and 2007. Six national championships, all in odd numbered years.

Her personal best is 2.01 m, which she achieved at the Weltklasse Golden League international track and field meet in Zürich, Switzerland, on August 15, 2003. She finished 4th place at that high jump competition.

During the 2004 Olympic final, she was in bronze medal position through 1.99m. At 2.02m, after Vita Styopina cleared her lifetime personal best on her first attempt, Acuff strategically chose to pass at what would have been her personal best just to equal Styopina and retain bronze medal position. At the time, American television commentator Dwight Stones said "That is a decision she will think about the rest of her life."

While in high school in 1993 she was named the national Girl's "High School Athlete of the Year" by Track and Field News.

Her 1.95m at the Texas Relays at age 36 on March 31, 2012, should qualify as the W35 American Masters record.

Just 17 days before her 40th birthday, on June 28, 2015, Acuff placed third at the USATF track championships in Eugene, Oregon, potentially qualifying her for 2015's US delegation to the world championships in Beijing, however she needed jump of 1.94 meters, the qualifying standard. She, and all of the other American women, were ultimately unable to meet this standard and could not compete in Beijing.

She was Inducted into the Texas Track and Field Coaches Hall of Fame, Class of 2015.

Personal bests

 * High jump (outdoors): - Zurich, August 15, 2003
 * High jump (indoors): - Indianapolis, March 11, 1995

National titles

 * National Scholastic Indoor Champion: 1991, 1992
 * NCAA (National Collegiate) Indoor Champion: 1994, 1995, 1997
 * NCAA Outdoor Champion: 1995, 1996
 * 6 Time U.S. Outdoor Champion: 1995, 1997, 2001, 2003, 2005, 2007
 * 5 Time U.S. Indoor Champion: 2001, 2004, 2007, 2008, 2009

International competitions

 * Results with a Q indicate Acuff's overall position in the qualifying round.

Modeling
Amy Acuff is also known for her career as a model. She was the subject of modeling projects, media stories, and photography relating to her sports career as a track and field athlete. Acuff was even featured on national television commercials. A new challenge was taken in 1999 as she successfully organized the making of the 2000 Omnilite Millennium Calendar of Champions, which featured nude/semi-nude photographs of Acuff and 11 other U.S. female track and field stars, with half the proceeds going to the Florence Griffith-Joyner Youth Foundation.

Acuff's cover appearances include:
 * Esquire, "Women of Summer: Strength & Beauty: A Portfolio of America's 10 Sexiest Athletes"
 * Men's magazines, such as Maxim and FHM
 * The 2004 Olympics were noted for the large number of female Olympians who posed nude—following in the footsteps of the 2000 Matildas and the Omni calendar. Of the 2004 examples the most visible was Acuff's appearance on the cover and within Playboy's "The Women of the Olympics" issue.
 * Acuff appears across the top of the title for The Complete Book of the Olympics: 2008 Edition.

Personal life
Acuff graduated from Calallen High School in Corpus Christi, Texas. She attended UCLA and was inducted into the UCLA Athletics Hall of Fame in 2007. Acuff went on to study at the Academy of Oriental Medicine in Austin, Texas, and become a licensed acupuncturist.

She is distantly related to country musician Roy Acuff (her grandfather's second cousin).

She is married to Tye Harvey, a retired pole vaulter. They have a daughter, Elsa.

In addition to being a model, Acuff is also an artist with work on display with the Art of the Olympians.

title: Amy Acuff


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Mars Hill

Mars Hill may refer to:

Places

 * The Areopagus, in classical Athens, the first Mars Hill
 * Mars Hills, Antarctica; a range of hills

 * United States
 * Mars Hill, Alabama
 * Mars Hill, Georgia
 * Mars Hill (Iowa), a log church in Wapello County, Iowa; listed on the National Register of Historic Places
 * Mars Hill, Maine, a New England town
 * Mars Hill (CDP), Maine, the primary settlement in the town
 * Mars Hill (Maine), prominent hill in the town
 * Mars Hill, North Carolina
 * Mars Hill, site of Lowell Observatory, Flagstaff, Arizona
 * Mars Hill, neighborhood in Indianapolis, Indiana

Organizations

 * Mars' Hill, the student newspaper of Trinity Western University
 * Mars Hill Academy (Mason, OH), a school in Mason, Ohio
 * Mars Hill Audio, a Christian publisher of audio materials, including a bimonthly journal
 * Mars Hill Bible Church, a large church in Grandville, Michigan, once pastored by Rob Bell
 * Mars Hill Bible School, a primary and secondary school in Florence, Alabama
 * Mars Hill Church, a former large church in Seattle, Washington, pastored by Mark Driscoll
 * Mars Hill Graduate School, a Christian graduate school in Seattle, Washington
 * Mars Hill Network, a Christian radio network in New York
 * Mars Hill University, formerly Mars Hill College, a four-year university in Mars Hill, North Carolina

title: Mars Hill


text:
Marsh Creek

Marsh Creek may refer to:

Watercourses in the United States

 * Marsh Creek (California), a tributary of the San Joaquin River
 * Marsh Creek (Missouri), a tributary of the St. Francis River
 * Marsh Creek (New York), Broome County, New York, United States
 * Marsh Creek (Crabtree Creek tributary), a stream in North Carolina
 * Marsh Creek (Bowman Creek tributary), Wyoming County, Pennsylvania
 * Marsh Creek (Brandywine Creek), a tributary of Brandywine Creek in Pennsylvania
 * Marsh Creek (Monocacy River tributary), a tributary of the Monocacy River in Pennsylvania
 * Marsh Creek (Pine Creek tributary), a tributary of Pine Creek in Pennsylvania
 * Marsh Creek (Rogers Creek tributary), Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, the United States
 * Rogers Creek (Pennsylvania), also known as Marsh Creek, a tributary of Huntington Creek in Luzerne County
 * Marsh Creek (Portneuf River), a tributary of the Portneuf River, Idaho

Populated place

 * Marsh Creek, Missouri, an unincorporated community

title: Marsh Creek


text:
Marshall Creek

Marshall Creek or Marshalls Creek may refer to:

 * Marshall Creek (North Moreau Creek), a stream in Missouri
 * Marshall Creek, Texas, a neighborhood of Roanoke, Texas
 * Marshall Creek (Latah Creek), a stream in Washington

 * Marshalls Creek (Pennsylvania), a stream in Pennsylvania
 * Marshalls Creek, Pennsylvania, an unincorporated community in Pennsylvania

title: Marshall Creek


text:
Marshallton

Marshallton may refer to:

 * Marshallton, Pennsylvania, in Northumberland County
 * Marshallton, Chester County, Pennsylvania
 * Marshallton, Delaware

title: Marshallton


text: Category:Counties of Croatia

title: Category:Counties of Croatia


text:
Marshallville

Marshallville is the name of several places in the United States:

 * Marshallville, Georgia
 * Marshallville, Kentucky
 * Marshallville, New Jersey
 * Marshallville, Ohio

title: Marshallville


text:
Marshan

Marshan may refer to:

 * Marshan Quarter (Quartier du Marshan) in Tangiers, Morocco
 * A variant spelling of the surname Marshman or Marshania
 * Marshan Township, Minnesota
 * Marshania (Amarshan, Marshan), a surname of Abkhaz origin.

title: Marshan


text: Category:Provinces of Cuba

title: Category:Provinces of Cuba


text:
Anabasis

Anabasis (from Greek ana = "upward", bainein = "to step or march") is an expedition from a coastline into the interior of a country. Anabase and Anabasis may also refer to:

History

 * Anabasis Alexandri (Anabasis of Alexander), a history of the campaigns of Alexander the Great by Greek historian Arrian
 * Anabasis (Xenophon), a history of the expedition of Cyrus the Younger by Greek writer Xenophon
 * Siberian Anabasis, a literary name for the Czechoslovak Legions' transit through Siberia during the Russian Civil War, in reference to the epic of Xenophon

Poetry and fiction

 * "", a 1924 poem by Saint-John Perse
 * "Anabasis", a 1930 translation of Saint-John Perse's poem by T. S. Eliot
 * "Anabasis", poem by Paul Celan, published 1963 in Die Niemandsrose
 * Anabasis, a 1994 novel by Ellen Gilchrist
 * Anabasis, a novel of Hellenistic Afghanistan and India by Geoffrey Storey

Music

 * Anabasis, a fantasy music act on Waerloga Records.
 * The Anabasis, an American progressive metal band featuring Ryo Okumoto.
 * "Anabasis (Xenophontis)", a song from the album Killing with a Smile by Australian band Parkway Drive.
 * "Anabasis", second track on Anastasis, the eighth studio album by Dead Can Dance, released 2012.

Nature

 * Anabasis (moth), a genus of snout moths in the family Pyralidae
 * Anabasis (plant), a genus of desert shrubs in family Chenopodioideae
 * Anabatic wind, a wind which blows up a steep slope or mountain side

title: Anabasis


text:
Mart

Mart may refer to:

 * Mart, or marketplace, a location where people regularly gather for the purchase and sale of provisions, livestock, and other goods
 * Mart (broadcaster), a local broadcasting station in Amsterdam
 * Mart (given name)
 * Mart., taxonomic author abbreviation for Carl Friedrich Philipp von Martius (1794–1868), German botanist
 * Mart (Syriac), Syriac title for women saints
 * Mart, Texas, a community in the United States
 * Data mart, an approach to handling big data

Abbreviations

 * Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art of Trento and Rovereto, a museum in Italy
 * Mississippi Aerial River Transit, a demolished gondola lift in New Orleans, Louisiana
 * Montachusett Regional Transit Authority
 * Multiple Additive Regression Trees, a commercial name of gradient boosting

title: Mart


text:
Martell (cognac)

Martell is a cognac house founded in 1715 by Jean Martell. It is the oldest of the "big four" cognac houses (the others are Hennessy, Rémy Martin and Courvoisier), who together produce most of the world's cognac. Formerly owned by the Seagram spirits empire, it is now part of the Martell Mumm Perrier-Jouët (MMPJ) subsidiary of the French wines and spirits conglomerate Pernod Ricard. Martell's flagship Cordon Bleu, introduced in 1912, was for many years the world's highest-selling premium cognac.

By 2015 Martell was producing around 14 million bottles of its cognacs a year, making it the world's second-largest cognac producer behind Hennessy.

History
Jean Martell, a young merchant, was born on the island of Jersey in 1694. It was then a location known for smuggling, which may have led to his involvement in the liquor trade. In 1715 he began his own trading business at Gatebourse in Cognac, on the banks of the Charente, and thus founded one of the first cognac houses. Variations of the logo he chose, a swift in combination with the Martell family coat of arms, have been in use ever since.

Martell used grapes from the vineyards in the Borderie subregion for his eaux-de-vie, and Tronçais oak for its casks, a combination that resulted in an exceptionally smooth cognac. After the founder's death in 1753, Jean Martell's widow and then his two sons and grandson continued this tradition. They also developed an export business, and by 1814 Martell was the most consumed brandy in England. In 1831, Martell created its first V.S.O.P. cognac. The use of English-language designations like "very superior old pale" and "extra old" reflected aged cognac's status as primarily an export product.

In 1795 a marriage between the Hennessy and Martell families cemented a strategic alliance that created an effective duopoly in the cognac market. Another marriage followed in 1865. While still in competition, the two companies also made joint decisions, for example introducing the star grading system at the same time. This semi-formal relationship was dissolved in 1947 after the death of Maurice Firino-Martell. In 1912 the marque launched Martell Cordon Bleu at the Hôtel de Paris, its first post-phylloxera cognac. While sold without designation (Martell XO is a distinct product), it is regarded as the oldest XO equivalent cognac still in production, and is widely credited as the first mass-market premium cognac. Martell Cordon Bleu was served at the coronation of George V, on the maiden voyage of the RMS Queen Mary, and on board the Concorde.

In 1987, Seagram took control of Martell in a deal worth around $600 million, reportedly attracted by cognac's high profit margin. According to the Wall Street Journal, Seagram largely neglected the brand, and while other cognac producers experienced a boom in the 1990s, driven by increased consumption among African Americans, Martell's sales declined. By 1998 it was selling less cognac in the United States than all of the other big four producers.

Seagram was broken up in 2001, and Martell was acquired by Pernod Ricard. Pernod repositioned the brand, making efforts to attract new consumers with multiple new product lines: Martell XO (released 2005), Martell Création Grand Extra (released 2007, in a bottle designed by the artist and glass designer Serge Mansau), L'Or de Jean Martell (released 2009). In 2011 the marque Martell expanded into an "ultra-prestige" range with Martell Chanteloup Perspective, a tribute to the know-how of the cellar masters and to the Domaine de Chanteloup.

In 2006, Martell joined the Comité Colbert, an association that promotes French luxury houses on an international scale.

In 2010, Martell renewed its sponsorship with the Palace of Versailles, which began in 2007, by supporting the restoration of the Queen's antechamber.

Products
Martell selects crus from the Cognac region: Les Borderies, Grande Champagne, Petite Champagne and Fins Bois.

 * Martell VSOP Médaillon
 * Martell Noblige Cognac
 * Martell Cordon Bleu
 * Martell XO
 * Martell Chanteloup
 * Martell Création
 * Martell Cohiba
 * Martell L’Or de Jean
 * Martell Blue Swift

Marketing
Martell sponsored the Grand National horse race between 1992 and 2004.

Like its chief rival Hennessy, Martell has targeted African American consumers in the United States. In 2022, it teamed with Janelle Monáe in a campaign celebrating black mixologists.

In popular culture
A bottle of Martell Cordon Bleu can be seen in the opening scene of Apocalypse Now (1979), on the bedside table of Captain Willard (played by Martin Sheen).

The "Poe Toaster" is the name given to a mysterious figure who, formerly, would visit the site of Edgar Allan Poe's original grave in Baltimore on the anniversary of the writer's death. He would pour a glass of Martell and raise a toast. He then would arrange three red roses on the monument in a distinctive configuration and depart, leaving the unfinished bottle. Several of the Martell bottles are kept at the Edgar Allan Poe House and Museum in Baltimore.

title: Martell (cognac)


text:
American Society for Quality

The American Society for Quality (ASQ), formerly the American Society for Quality Control (ASQC), is a society of quality professionals, with more than 40,000 members.

ASQ is a global organization with members in more than 140 countries. ASQ operates regional centers in North Asia, South Asia, and Latin America, and has established strategic alliances with organizations through the World Partners® Program in countries like Japan, Canada, and the United Arab Emirates to promote ASQ products and training.

History
ASQC was established on 16 February 1946 by 253 members in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, with George D. Edwards as its first president. The organization was first created as a way for quality experts and manufacturers to sustain quality-improvement techniques used during World War II.

In 1948, ASQC's Code of Ethics establishes standards for members to conduct their activities and business. Business writer Armand V. Feigenbaum served as president of the society in 1961–63.

In 1997, the members of the organization voted to change its name from "American Society for Quality Control" to "American Society for Quality".

Quality
ASQ provides its members with certification, training, publications, conferences, and other services. ASQ is a founding partner of the American Customer Satisfaction Index (ACSI), a quarterly economic indicator.

Since 1989, ASQ has administered the annual Malcolm Baldrige National Quality Award. The ASQ also gives the Dorian Shainin Medal, which is awarded annually for the "Development and Application of Creative or Unique Statistical Approaches in the Solving of Problems Relative to the Quality of Product or Service".

Certifications
ASQ offers 18 professional certifications relating to various aspects of the quality profession. Professional certification exams are translated into five languages included English, Korean, Mandarin, Portuguese, and Spanish. Exams are given nationally and, to a limited degree, worldwide several times annually. The body of knowledge for each certification is maintained through peer review every few years on a rotating schedule.

In 1968, the first ASQ certification was offered.

In 2016, ASQ's certification exam delivery method changed from paper to computer-based testing at Prometric nationwide testing facilities.

Publications
ASQ publishes a range of magazines and journals:

Conferences
ASQ hosts a number of quality events and annual conferences worldwide:

title: American Society for Quality


text: Category:Counties of Romania

title: Category:Counties of Romania


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West Cambridge

West Cambridge is a university site to the west of Cambridge city centre in England. As part of the West Cambridge Master Plan, several of the University of Cambridge's departments have relocated to the West Cambridge site from the centre of town due to overcrowding. A number of other research institutions also have buildings on the site.

Layout
The West Cambridge site covers the area between the M11 motorway, Madingley Road, Clerk Maxwell Road and the Coton Footpath. The area currently contains some open fields and a small lake. As well as number of university departments and private research institutions, the site also has residential areas and a restaurant. The roads on the site are named after famous Cambridge scientists. The Institute of Astronomy is located just to the north of the site, while the Centre for Mathematical Sciences is to the east.

Future development
Preparation for the construction of a new Cavendish laboratory (Cavendish III) has begun and it is expected to be completed by 2021/2022. Planning permission has also been granted for the construction of the Civil Engineering Building (CEB) due to be completed in spring 2019.

Conservation
The West Cambridge site is also of conservation importance. The area is host to a number of native species, including barn owls, the grey partridge, badgers, grass snakes and various amphibians. RPS have been conducting surveys on the site since 2003. In order to preserve and develop habitats on the site, a number of ponds are maintained and the roofs of some buildings are covered with plants such as sedum. Landscape management is also employed to create and maintain hedgerows and ditches.

Archaeology
An ancient Roman settlement dominates the archaeology of the site, but smaller, prehistoric and medieval use has also been documented. Investigations and excavations were conducted between 1999 and 2000, and the site was opened to the public as part of National Science Week and followed by a Schools' Week. During the investigations over 3000 excavations were made and around 50,000 finds retrieved. Some of these are on display in the William Gates Building.

Prehistoric activity
A number of Stone Age flints and Iron Age pottery pits were discovered. Analysis is continuing into other possible prehistoric features.

Roman settlement
A series of regular enclosures and semi-open Roman fields dominate the site. Also present were two timber buildings, some quarry pits and two cemeteries, featuring forty burials, plus five isolated burials. This settlement seems to be part of a much larger system that probably formed a ring around the Roman town. Current understanding suggests that the site was in use, in various stages, from the late 1st to early 5th centuries.

Some unusual features have also been documented, including a cache of 3rd-century coins and an enclosure containing butchered animal carcasses apparently for some ritualistic purpose. Deposits of horse and cattle remains mark the entrance of one of the cemeteries. Finds from this period include spearheads, brooches, coins, pottery and a copper bust of possibly Minerva or Pallas Athena.

Later use
The site was abandoned in the 5th century AD, with no further activity until the late medieval period when ploughing began. A dyke was constructed known as Willowes Ditch, which is marked on 14th-century maps. No other development is apparent until the construction of Vicars Farm in the 19th century.

title: West Cambridge