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Horace François Bastien Sébastiani de La Porta

Horace François Bastien Sébastiani de La Porta (Oraziu Francescu Bastianu Sebastiani di A Porta; 11 November 1771 – 20 July 1851) was a French general, diplomat, and politician, who served as Naval Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Minister of State under the July Monarchy.

Having joined the French Revolutionary Army in his youth, Sébastiani rose through its ranks before becoming a supporter of Napoleon Bonaparte. Sébastiani was the French Consulate's emissary to The Levant, notably drafting plans to reconquer Ottoman Egypt, and later served as the Empire's Ambassador to The Porte. In the latter capacity, he attempted to increase French influence and signaled pro-Russian activities in the Danubian Principalities, thus provoking the War of 1806–1812. In 1807, Sébastiani organized the defense of Constantinople during the Dardanelles Operation. Recalled due to British pressure after the deposition of Selim III, he served in the Peninsular War and resided in the Alhambra, took part in the unsuccessful invasion of Russia, and defended the Champagne region in front of the Sixth Coalition.

Sébastiani recognized the Bourbon Restoration, but rallied with Napoleon during the Hundred Days, being elected to the Chamber for the first time in 1815. Briefly exiled after the return of King Louis XVIII, he was again admitted as a Deputy in 1819, sitting with the Left faction, supporting liberal politics, and coming into conflict with the Jean-Baptiste de Villèle Cabinet. After the July Revolution, he endorsed Louis-Philippe. Sébastiani's time as Foreign Minister saw France's involvement in the Belgian Revolution, its refusal to sanction the November Uprising, the controversial solution to a commercial dispute with the United States, and the French occupation of Ancona. In later years, he progressed in French Government service as an ambassador.

The 1847 murder of his daughter, Françoise, Duchess de Praslin indirectly helped spark the 1848 Revolution.

Early life
Born in La Porta, Corsica, Sébastiani was the son of a tailor and well-to-do craftsman, the nephew of Louis Sébastiani de La Porta, a Roman Catholic priest who was later Bishop of Ajaccio, and probably a distant relative of the Bonapartes. Horace Sébastiani had a brother, Tiburce, who rose to the rank of Maréchal de Camp. Initially destined for a religious career, he left his native island during the French Revolution, and entered the army in 1792. Briefly dispatched as a secretary to Conte Raffaele Cadorna in Casablanca, Sébastiani participated in the Revolutionary Wars, including campaigns in Corsica, 1793, the Alps, 1794–1797, and at the Battle of Marengo, 1800. Having served as an officer in the 9th Dragoon Regiment, he was promoted to colonel in 1799.

Sébastiani joined Lucien Bonaparte's entourage, and endorsed Napoleon's political actions, taking an active part in the 18 Brumaire coup (9 November 1799). In 1802, the Consulate sent him on his first diplomatic assignments in the Ottoman Empire, Ottoman Egypt, and other parts of The Levant. Among his first actions were the settlement of a conflict between Sweden and the Barbary State of Tripoli, as well as obtaining the latter's agreement to recognize the Italian Republic.

Mission to Egypt and 1805 Campaign
Sébastiani negotiated with the British military commanders in the aftermath of the French invasion of Egypt (1798), asking them to abide by the newly signed Treaty of Amiens and withdraw from Alexandria; following this he met with Ottoman officials in Cairo, unsuccessfully offering to mediate between them and rebellious beys (see Muhammad Ali's seizure of power). In late 1802, he traveled to Akka, and negotiated a trade agreement with the local pasha.

During this period, Sébastiani theorized that, despite Egyptian Campaign's failure, the French could yet again establish their control over the region. He publicized this view in a report, published by Le Moniteur Universel on 30 January 1803, posing a threat for both British and Russian interests; this probably contributed to deescalating relations between the latter two over the prolonged British presence in Malta, with Henry Addington's Cabinet indicating that British troops would remain as long as France held designs to invade Egypt.

Returning to France, he was put in charge of the littoral from the mouth of the Vilaine (in Morbihan) to Brest, before, in 1804, being despatched on a short mission to the Holy Roman Emperor in Vienna. Promoted Brigadier-General in 1803, he commanded Grande Armée troops during the Battle of Ulm. After leading a successful attack on Günzburg, Sébastiani followed the Austrians into Moravia (1805), having been promoted Général de division after the Battle of Austerlitz in 1805, where he was wounded.

Embassy to Selim III

Appointed French Ambassador to The Porte on 12 April 1806, and gaining his post on 10 August, he attempted to convince Sultan Selim III to exclude the Royal Navy from access through the Dardanelles. According to a biographical essay published by the Revue des Deux Mondes in 1833, Sébastiani faced almost universal hostility from the anti-French diplomatic corps—whose opinions were influenced by the Russian Count Andrei Yakovlevich Budberg and the British Ambassador Charles Arbuthnot. The same article claimed: "France had for its allies only the envoys of Spain and Holland". Among Horace Sébastiani's moves to enlist Ottoman support for Napoleon was the establishment of a printing press in Constantinople, which published works of French literature translated into Turkish and Arabic.

Sébastiani persuaded the Ottomans to take a stand against Russia after bringing attention to the anti-Ottoman conspiracy in Wallachia, formed around Prince Constantine Ypsilantis, as well as to the suspicious policies of Moldavia's Prince Alexander Mourousis. According to the aristocratic Wallachian memoirist and politician Ion Ghica, Selim "followed the advice of General Sébastiani, who tried to bring him to Napoleon's side", and saw a connection between Ypsilantis and the Serbian Uprising: "'He felt that [Ypsilantis] sided with the Russians and had an understanding with Pazvantoğlu of Vidin and with Czerny-George the Serbian, both of whom had rebelled against The Porte.'"

The conflict itself started when Russia considered Ypsilantis' deposition to go against the letter of the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca and the Treaty of Jassy. While the Russian Count and Ambassador Arbuthnot prepared to leave Constantinople, The Porte convened to have the two Princes reinstated. Despite this, Russian troops under General Ivan Michelson and Count Mikhail Miloradovich entered the two Danubian Principalities (see Russo-Turkish War (1806–12)). Prince Ypsilantis had previously escaped to the Russian camp, and was briefly considered by his allies as ruler over both principalities (just before Russian occupation took over); the French Consul to Moldavia, Charles-Frédéric Reinhard, reportedly not informed of Sébastiani's contacts with Selim, was arrested by the Russian troops. As a major consequence of this chain of events, France pulled the strings of Ottoman foreign policy.

During the parallel Anglo-Turkish War in 1807, Sébastiani helped the Ottomans in the successful defense of Constantinople against the British squadron of Admiral Duckworth. The British bombardment, coming at a time when the Muslim population was celebrating Eid al-Adha, was met with panic, and Sébastiani's group of French military officers was soon the only organized force present on the European side. In his messages to Selim, Sir John Duckworth asked for the French ambassador to be removed, for the Ottoman fleet and the Dardanelles military facilities to be handed over, and for Russia to be granted rule over Wallachia and Moldavia. The Sultan sent envoys requesting Sébastiani to leave Ottoman territory, but the French Ambassador explained that he would not do so until being ordered by Selim himself.

As the matter was being debated, Janissary forces on the Anatolian shore organized themselves, and, once increased in strength, began responding to the attack. Selim subsequently asked Sébastiani and his men (including Louis Gustave le Doulcet and José Martínez de Hervás, as well as the embassy's secretary Florimond de Faÿ de La Tour-Maubourg), to oversee Constantinople's defense and the line of fire nearby Topkapı Palace, organizing maneuvers which caused Duckworth to withdraw.

In 1806, Sébastiani married Jeanne-Françoise-Antoinette (Fanny) Franquetot family, only daughter of François-Henri de Franquetot, marquis de Coigny). She died in childbirth while in Constantinople, just a few days before the Sultan was deposed (14 April 1807), and left Sébastiani a large fortune. Upon hearing news of her death, Sultan Selim transmitted condolences through his Grand Dragoman.

Embassy to Mustafa IV
The successful rebellion led by Kabakçı Mustafa and the Janissary troops put an end to French diplomatic success. Sébastiani negotiated with Kabakçı, while the British sought support from various factions inside Constantinople — the Grand Dragoman, Alexandros Soutzos (Grand Dragoman), eventually informed the French Ambassador on the parallel British projects. This resulted in Soutzos' beheading — that which, in Ion Ghica's version of events, caused the Soutzos family to abandon their commitment to France and begin supporting Russia. According to the Revue des Deux Mondes biography, Sébastiani had betrayed Aleko Soutzos' confidence by revealing as many details of Anglo-Ottoman negotiations as to render it clear that the Dragoman had been acting as his spy, and by failing to respect the promise of French protection.

Under the new monarch, Mustafa IV, he attempted to impose a pro-French pasha as governor of Baghdad, and later provoked a scandal by asking for the Imperial Executioner, the Bostanji-bashi, to be demoted—this came after three Ragusan subjects, having been found guilty of theft, were subjected to the falaka torture, despite the facts that the recent annexation of Ragusa by France offered them a degree of immunity. As a result of his pressures, Sébastiani obtained rule over the province of Baghdad for his favorite, and, in return, allowed the Bostanji-bashi to remain in office.

He asked to be recalled in April 1807,  being replaced by Chargé d'affaires Faÿ de La Tour Maubourg. This departure was also prompted by renewed British requests. Shortly before his leaving, Sultan Mustafa awarded Sébastiani the Order of the Crescent 1st Class, which has been interpreted as a measure to alleviate the impact of British successes. According to other accounts, Mustafa himself had become deeply dissatisfied with Sébastiani's interventions and policies. Upon his return to France, Sébastiani received the Grand Aigle de la Légion d'honneur. The Revue des Deux Mondes speculated that, based on the Corsican heritage he shared with Sébastiani: "'the Emperor would often keep his eyes closed in respect to his Generals' mistakes. As for [Sébastiani's] diplomatic skills, Napoleon was so affected that he sent him to the arms as soon as he returned from the Orient, and did not assign him to any negotiations until his fall [of 1814].'"

Peninsular War and 1813 Campaign
Sébastiani became a Count of the Empire, and commanded IV Corps in the Peninsular War, notably at the Battle of Ciudad-Real, the Battle of Talavera, and the Battle of Almonacid. In 1810, he took Linares, Jaén, Granada and Málaga. Troops under his command included a group of Polish émigré soldiers, among them Albert Grzymała, who served on his staff and was later noted for his friendship with Frédéric Chopin.

Starting from that date, Sébastiani gained a reputation for lacking leadership skills: popularly nicknamed "General Surprise" as a result of having been caught out by enemy troops a significant number of times, he was argued by Jean-Baptiste de Marbot to have been noted for nothing other than mediocrity. According to the 1833 Revue des Deux Mondes, he had also become known for his lassitude, to the point where Napoleon himself grew irate. The same source recounted that, after Talavera de la Reina and especially after Almonacid, the general raised suspicion that he wasted men and resources, systematically failed to report all his casualties, and seriously exaggerated the scale of his victories. It was contended that the Emperor eventually withdrew Sébastiani's command of IV Corps after concluding that this assessment was correct.

Some sources claim that Sébastiani was created "1st Duke of Murcia" by Napoleon; according to the Revue, although nominated for the title by the new King of Spain, Joseph Bonaparte, Sébastiani was denied appointment by Napoleon (a gesture alleged to have itself been based on the General's conduct at Almonacid). Nonetheless, it was reported that Sébastiani made use of the title for the rest of his participation in the Spanish expedition. The Revue claimed that the ducal title "of Murcia" was adopted by the General himself, after he reaped a minor victory in Lorca and reportedly advanced a project to gain the region back from guerrilla forces (the plan was to be discarded by Sébastiani's commander, Nicolas Jean de Dieu Soult).

Sébastiani is reported to have plundered a number of Roman Catholic convents during the Peninsular expedition. Having stationed his troops in the Alhambra, where he himself resided in noted luxury, Sébastiani partly destroyed the palace's fortifications after retreating. It is argued that he was also responsible for the partial devastation of the palace's interior. The American author Washington Irving, who visited Spain in the following period, recounted that: "'With that enlightened taste which has ever distinguished the French nation in their conquests, this monument of Moorish elegance and grandeur was rescued from the absolute ruin and desolation that were overwhelming it. The roofs were repaired, the saloons and galleries protected from the weather, the gardens cultivated, the watercourses restored, the fountains once more made to throw up their sparkling showers; and Spain may thank her invaders for having preserved to her the most beautiful and interesting of her historical monuments.'"

Serving during Napoleon's invasion of Russia, under Marshal Joachim Murat, and in the Campaign of 1812–1813, he commanded a cavalry division,  becoming noted in the battles of Borodino   (being the first French commander to enter Moscow, but was later forced to retreat with heavy losses), Bautzen, Lützen, Leipzig (where he was wounded), and Hanau. After attempting to hold Cologne, he took part in the defense of French territory, holding a command position in Champagne and organizing troops in Châlons-en-Champagne. In March, he assisted in the retaking of Reims, where he faced the Imperial Russian Army troops under the command of Emmanuel de Saint-Priest.

Hundred Days and Second Restoration
Changing sides to support Talleyrand on 10 April 1814,  Sébastiani was appointed to the Bourbon Restoration Government and was, on 2 June, awarded the Order of Saint Louis by King Louis XVIII. Nevertheless, upon news that Napoleon was returning from Elba, he abandoned his command and left for Paris, where, together with the Count de Lavalette, he organized National Guard detachments to assist the Emperor. Napoleon also sent him over to attract support from the liberal politician Benjamin Constant; soon after, Constant became involved in drafting the more permissive Acte Additionel, which amended the Constitution of the Year XII.

During the Hundred Days, he was assigned the reviewing of legislation passed by Louis XVIII, and organized the National Guard in Picardy. Sébastiani was elected to the Chamber for the department of Aisne. After the Battle of Waterloo, he voted in favor of Napoleon's abdication, and, eventually, was among those assigned with negotiating a peace with the Seventh Coalition (as part of a delegation also comprising Benjamin Constant de Rebecque, the marquis de La Fayette, marquis d'Argenson and comte de Pontécoulant). During talks, he showed himself opposed to a second Bourbon return.

Sébastiani spent a year in England before being allowed to return  (having retired from active service and receiving half pay). Starting in 1819, after being promoted by the Duke Decazes, he was a prominent member of the Chamber of Deputies, initially representing Corsica, rallying with the Left. According to the Revue comments, his political choice was unusual, reportedly astonishing both members of the Left and the moderate Decazes, a Royalist. Inside the Chamber, he joined forces with Maximilien Sebastien Foy, notably pushing projects to recognize the merits of Grande Armée veterans; a speech he held on the latter occasion, which gave praise to the French tricolor, caused an uproar among conservative deputies.

During the 1824 French legislative election, his attempt to campaign in Corsica was frustrated by the local authorities representing the Royalist Government of Jean-Baptiste de Villèle, and he subsequently won 1 out of 48 votes. Instead, after General Foy's death in late 1825, he was elected as replacement in his constituency, the Aisne town of Vervins, receiving 120 votes out of 200.

July Revolution and Belgian question
After the July Revolution, he held the posts of Naval Minister under the nominal leadership of François Guizot (autumn 1830),  and Foreign Affairs under Jacques Laffitte and Casimir Pierre Perier. During the Revolution, he parted with the Left, and made declarations in support of Charles X—including one which proclaimed that the only national flag was the white one for the Bourbons. Allegedly establishing links with the radical Aide-toi, le ciel t'aidera society in the early days of the July Monarchy, he subsequently rallied with the centrist politics of the Orléanist camp. With Laffitte, Benjamin Constant, Jean-Guillaume Hyde de Neuville, Adolphe Thiers, and others, he played a prominent part in calling Louis-Philippe to the French throne.

After that, the Sébastianis became the most influential faction in Corsica, replacing the Legitimist Pozzo di Borgo family — one of the latter, Carlo Andrea Pozzo di Borgo, was a high-ranking Russian diplomat who negotiated with Horace Sébastiani on several occasions.

In the wake of the Belgian Revolution, when candidatures were considered for the Belgian throne, Sébastiani had the task of undermining support for Auguste of Leuchtenberg and drawing allegiances for the Duke of Nemours. After Nemours refused the Belgian crown, he transferred French support to Leopold of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, the British-backed candidate, in exchange for Leopold's agreeing to marry Louise-Marie of France. This policy was viewed as a capitulation by the Legitimists, and most notably by Jean Maximilien Lamarque, who, while deploring the separation of the French and the French-speaking Walloons, accused Sébastiani of having obtained the destruction of fortifications in Belgium not as a concession from other states, but rather because "the allied powers want to set aside the means of entering France without running into obstacles".

When the London Conference compelled Dutch forces to evacuate Belgian territory, Sébastiani indicated that the French troops under General Gérard were to remain in the area until "all reasons why the French Army has maneuvered would be dealt with resolutely, and no danger would threaten us". Nevertheless, Gérard retreated before the Conference came to an end. When Chamber called on the minister to answer about the discrepancy, he declared himself "astonished" by news of the retreat, attributing it to British pressures, and indicated that "we have entered Belgium in good will; good will is what led us to withdraw".

November Uprising: early negotiations
In late 1830, after the November Uprising broke out in Congress Poland, Sébastiani, despite the revolutionaries' expectations, chose to avoid his country's involvement. As Russian troops carried out a violent intervention against the rebellion, a deputy in the Sejm lamented that Poland was perishing without having even seen a French courier; the minister responded to similar accusations at home by stating that France was determined not to raise the anger of Emperor Nicholas. Nevertheless, some time after the Uprising erupted, Sébastiani received Polish envoys with sympathy, and had felt secure that "a friendly arrangement with Russia" could be achieved. To this end, he sent a mission to Saint Petersburg, which attempted to mediate an understanding between the Polish revolutionaries and Russia; in order to undermine communications between France and Poland, the government of Viktor Kochubey took the decision of recognizing the July Monarchy, which it had refused to do until then. In January 1831, after pressures from the Marquis de La Fayette, the Duke of Mortemart was dispatched to Russia in order to seek a new agreement—his mission was made ineffectual by the revolutionaries' decision to dethrone Nicholas from his position as King of Poland, which in turn led to a standoff between all sides involved.

In parallel, Sébastiani allegedly approved the designs of Armand Charles Guilleminot, the Ambassador to The Porte, who attempted to undermine the Holy Alliance by stressing that Russian actions in Poland and the Balkans could rally opposition from Austria, the Ottoman Empire and the United Kingdom. Guilleminot ultimately presented the Ottomans with an offer to back an independent Poland—as a consequence, Foreign Minister Sébastiani was formally asked by Carlo Andrea Pozzo di Borgo to recall the ambassador, and he ultimately agreed to do so.

Historian Barthélemy Hauréau indicated that the moderate path pursued by Sébastiani had been largely responsible for convincing Jan Zygmunt Skrzynecki to postpone military operations, to the point where it was later contended that the minister was plotting with Russian authorities. He referred to Sébastiani's position as "a miserable role", and to his correspondence with the Poles as "perfidious epistles".

November Uprising: aftermath
When Poland was ultimately pacified, Sébastiani uttered the famous words: "'Order reigns in Warsaw.'"

The statement itself was not rendered verbatim by the Moniteur, allegedly due to their potential for causing scandal. As Sébastiani's words began circulating freely, public opinion considered them evidence of callousness, and, in December, they were used by J. J. Grandville as title for a cartoon showing the effects of repression in Congress Poland. Another of Grandville's drawings, depicting the authorities' violent response to public manifestations of support for Polish revolutionaries, was titled Public Order Reigns Also in Paris (sold together, the two works caused the artist to be censored and his house to be raided by policemen). It was also contended that the statement had been made by Sébastiani with the specific goal of persuading Russia that France did not condemn the intervention — reportedly, Emperor Nicholas normalized relations with France and received its ambassador, the Duke of Trévise, only after hearing news of Sébastiani's speech.

Later, he justified himself in front of the Chamber by arguing that intervention in Poland was doomed to failure, noting that a French landing on Poland's Baltic shore was made impossible by both distance and the minor scale of facilities in Polangen. When interpellated in the Chamber, he also contended that France had managed to obtain consensus that Russia was to maintain a degree of Polish autonomy, as these had been stipulated by the 1814–1814 Congress of Vienna. Reflecting upon public sentiment at a time when Radicalism had become a European phenomenon, he was also quoted saying: "'There are those who want to drag us into a war of opinions, to dump us into an apparent alliance of peoples versus governments; we ask them with what right do they pretend to attribute themselves or assign us the mission of revolutionizing all the peoples. We know their goal and their secret thought. These people work to bring disruptions on the inside through disruptions on the outside. What they want, we avoid; what they fear, we seek. In the absence of set rules of conduct, their exhortations, their fears and their joys would suffice for shedding light on our path and making us perceive the abysses where they would like to throw us.'"

During a Chamber session in September 1831, the liberal Marquis de La Fayette publicly accused the Laffitte cabinet in general and Sébastiani in particular of having secretly encouraged the Poles while persuading them to delay their attack on Russian troops (allegedly promising that France would give them official backing following that moment, and later forfeiting the pledge). La Fayette also stressed that it was possible for France to sanction Polish independence, especially since the Holy Alliance appeared to have been divided on the issue. According to Karl Marx, when Sébastiani defended his ministry and stressed that he had not made Poland any promises, the Marquis confronted him with a letter signed by Karol Kniaziewicz, dated September 1830, which contained references to Sébastiani's guarantees and his call to postpone the offensive. The Revue des Deux Mondes recounted that the diplomat Talleyrand and Sébastiani both maintained an independent line in politics—their secretive notes reportedly contributed to the fall of the Laffitte government.

Périer Cabinet
Over the following year, he and Prime Minister Périer were called upon by the Marquis de La Fayette to express disapproval for reactionary politics in the Austrian Empire, and to allow Italian Carbonari refugees such as Cristina Trivulzio di Belgiojoso to remain on French territory. La Fayette noted that Sébastiani had undertaken: "'efforts to revoke and prevent the sequestration [of property] that was inflicted [by Austria] on the Italian men and women who are traveling in France.'"

In February 1832, Sébastiani took initiative in ordering a French occupation of Ancona. The Revue argued that this was the most significant gesture of his career, and credited him with having planned it as an indirect but effective strike at Austrian economic interests, when implying that France would march into Rome and Trieste in the event of a war with Austria.

Among his last actions in office as Foreign Minister were negotiations with the United States over losses suffered by American citizens during the Napoleon's Continental Blockade, when several ships bearing the American flag were arrested in European ports, on suspicion that they were in fact serving British commercial interests (see Embargo Act of 1807). Raising much controversy, he set the sum France agreed to pay at 25 million francs, 10 million more than what committees of the Conseil d'État and Chamber had decided, although still significantly less than what had been asked by American plaintiffs.

It was during the same period that Sébastiani remarried, to Aglaé-Angélique-Gabrielle de Gramont, one of Héraclius, duc de Gramont's daughters and the widow of the Russian General Count Alexander Davidoff. He retired from office after having a stroke which left him partly paralyzed, and traveled in the Italian Peninsula. He was later Minister of State for a short period of time.

Later years
In 1833, Sébastiani was ambassador to the Two Sicilies, and in 1835–1840, to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. He was recalled and replaced by François Guizot after refusing, against his government wishes, to support the cause of Muhammad Ali's design to extend his rule out of the Egyptian realm by conquering Ottoman lands in Syria (see London Straits Convention). Adolphe Thiers later pointed out that he agreed with Sébastiani's view, which he defined as: "'The apprehension [...] over seeing France engaging in the Oriental question, to find herself the only one of that opinion, and from that moment on to be reduced to the alternative of either ceding or risk a universal war over an object that was not worth it [...].'"

During the ministerial crisis provoked by the fall of the Nicolas Jean de Dieu Soult cabinet, before Thiers' nomination, Sébastiani was considered for the office of Premier; his failure to gain the position was attributed to rejection from all political camps, based on the view that he was overtly subservient to King Louis-Philippe.

He was made Marshal of France in 1840, replacing the deceased Nicolas Joseph Maison, and represented Ajaccio in the Chamber for several terms. He became a Peer of France in 1842. The Revue des Deux Mondes' François Buloz announced, in April 1835, that Vicomte Tiburce Sébastiani was involved in heated disputes with other public figures, over repeated allegations that his brother had harmed French interests in the American creditors' affair. In this and other cases of the period, the same controversy almost erupted into duels.

Having largely retired from public life, he had his last years clouded by the 1847 death of his sole daughter from his first marriage, Fanny, duchess of Choiseul-Praslin. Fanny had married Charles, duc de Praslin, in 1825. In what was one of the most famous murders of the 19th century, the duchess had been stabbed repeatedly and with noted violence. For long before her death, Fanny had accused Charles de Choiseul-Praslin of having cheated on her and of having separated her from her children. Her killing was thought to be a consequence of the Duke's plan to run away with their children's governess. Arrested and waiting to be tried by the Court of Peers, Choiseul-Praslin was released on parole, only to commit suicide on 24 August 1847; shortly before his death, he denied all charges. This event played a part in bringing about the 1848 Revolution, after public opinion began speculating that aristocrats had allowed one of their own to take his own life rather than face trial, or even that Choiseul-Praslin had been allowed to escape. As a parallel result, the 1848 events brought an end to the Sébastianis' influence in Corsica, especially after Tiburce Sébastiani chose to retire to his domain in Olmeta-di-Tuda.

Four years later, Sébastiani died suddenly while having breakfast. His funeral service was held at Les Invalides and attended by President Charles-Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte among other officials of the Second Republic.

Legacy
Horace Sébastiani's name is inscribed on the western side of the Arc de Triomphe. An avenue in Bastia was named in his honor (Avenue Maréchal Sébastiani).

In 1938, Rachel Field published her All This and Heaven Too, a novel which centers on the killing of Sébastiani's daughter. The 1940 drama film of the same starred Barbara O'Neil as Fanny, Charles Boyer as De Choiseul-Praslin, and Bette Davis as Henriette Deluzy-Desportes, the governess. Sébastiani is portrayed by Montagu Love.

Sébastiani is also one of the protagonists in Prince Michael of Greece's novel Sultana - La Nuit du Sérail, which depicts fictionalized events of Selim III's rule. In 1989, the story was later turned into an American-Swiss film co-production: titled The Favorite (or La Nuit du Sérail), it starred Laurent Le Doyen as Sébastiani.

Honours

 * Knight Grand cross in the Legion of Honour.
 * Grand Cordon in the Order of Leopold.
 * Knight Grand cross in the Imperial Order of the Crescent.
 * Knight Grand cross in the Illustrious Royal Order of Saint Ferdinand and Merit
 * Knight Grand cross in the Order of the Redeemer
 * Knight of the Order of the Oak Crown

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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Triggshire

The hundred of Trigg (also known as Triggshire) was one of ten ancient administrative shires of Cornwall—see "Hundreds of Cornwall".

Trigg is mentioned by name during the 7th century, as "Pagus Tricurius", "land of three war hosts". It was to the north of Cornwall, and included Bodmin Moor, Bodmin and the district to the west and north of the Moor. The high incidence of imported pottery from the period found at Tintagel Castle suggests that this was an area of high significance, where war bands from the region may have congregated.

The name may be cognate with that of Trégor (Bro-Dreger) in Brittany, now northwest France. The same name is used for the ecclesiastical deaneries of Trigg Major and Trigg Minor which between them cover a wider area (but not identical to the historical boundaries). Since 1874 they have been within the Archdeaconry of Bodmin, and since 1876 within the Diocese of Truro. The parishes of Triggshire consisted of Bodmin, Blisland, St Breward, Egloshayle, St Endellion, Helland, St Kew, St Mabyn, St Minver, St Teath, Temple, St Tudy.

Modern usage
The name Triggshire has been adopted by different clubs and organizations in the area. Triggshire Wind Orchestra, an amateur orchestra for wind players primarily from Sir James Smith's School, Wadebridge School, Budehaven School, however some students from Bodmin College and Launceston College also attend. The orchestra was set up in 1984 by conductor Janet Elston, who still conducts them today. After the success of the wind orchestra, Triggshire String Orchestra was set up, to cater for the string players from these schools.

Trigg Morris are a long established Morris Dancing club.

Literature
The historian Sir John Maclean (1811-1895) came from Trehudreth in Blisland and his "Parochial History of the Deanery of Trigg Minor" (1872-1879) in 3 volumes is the most detailed work of parochial history which deals with Cornwall (the deanery consisted of 20 parishes at the time he wrote). It was published in parts intended for binding as three volumes: there was also a separate edition of the part on Blisland. (His name was originally John Lean but he adopted that of Maclean, in the belief that he had Maclean ancestors, because a contemporary Lean was incriminated in the Bodmin Moor Murder. Two versions of the origins of at least some of the Lean families of Devon and Cornwall have been passed through the oral tradition. One of these went with a Lean family to Australia in about 1820, and was passed down to Mike Lean, patent officer at the University of Queensland. Both versions include the disinheritance and banishment of two Maclean brothers (thus sans Mac) from the west of Scotland to a farm near Bodmin, where they married two sisters and lived near Blisland.)

title: Triggshire


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John Hughlings Jackson

John Hughlings Jackson, FRS (4 April 1835 – 7 October 1911) was an English neurologist. He is best known for his research on epilepsy.

Biography
He was born at Providence Green, Green Hammerton, near Harrogate, Yorkshire, the youngest son of Samuel Jackson, a brewer and yeoman who owned and farmed his land, and Sarah Jackson (née Hughlings), the daughter of a Welsh revenue collector. His mother died just over a year after giving birth to him. He had three brothers and a sister; his brothers emigrated to New Zealand and his sister married a physician. He was educated at Tadcaster, Yorkshire and Nailsworth, Gloucestershire before attending the York Medical and Surgical School. After qualifying at St Barts in 1856 he became house physician to the York Dispensary.

In 1859 he returned to London to work at the Metropolitan Free Hospital and the London Hospital. In 1862 he was appointed Assistant Physician, later (1869) full Physician at the National Hospital for Paralysis and Epilepsy located in Queen Square, London (now the National Hospital for Neurology and Neurosurgery) as well as Physician (1874) at the London Hospital. During this period he established his reputation as a neurologist. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1878. Jackson died in London on 7 October 1911 and was buried on the western side of Highgate Cemetery. He was an atheist. The Hull York Medical School building at the University of York is named in his honour.

Science and research
Jackson was an innovative thinker and a prolific and lucid, if sometimes repetitive, writer. Though his range of interests was wide, he is best remembered for his seminal contributions to the diagnosis and understanding of epilepsy in all its forms and complexities. His name is attached eponymously to the characteristic "march" (The Jacksonian March) of symptoms in focal motor seizures and to the so-called "dreamy state" of psychomotor seizures of temporal lobe origin. His papers on the latter variety of epilepsy have seldom been bettered in their descriptive clinical detail or in their analysis of the relationship of psychomotor epilepsy to various patterns of pathological automatism and other mental and behavioural disorders.

Jackson also did research on aphasia, noting that some aphasic children were able to sing, even though they had lost the power of voluntary speech. He also studied what types of language loss was found in patients with left-brain injury, including set phrases, such as "Good bye" and "Oh, dear."

In his youth Jackson had been interested in conceptual issues and it is believed that in 1859 he contemplated the idea of abandoning medicine for philosophy. Thus, an important part of his work concerned the evolutionary organization of the nervous system for which he proposed three levels: a lower, a middle, and a higher. At the lowest level, movements were to be represented in their least complex form; such centres lie in the medulla and spinal cord. The middle level consists of the so-called motor area of the cortex, and the highest motor levels are found in the prefrontal area.

The higher centres inhibited the lower ones and hence lesions thereat caused 'negative' symptoms (due to an absence of function). 'Positive' symptoms were caused by the functional release of the lower centres. This process Jackson called 'dissolution', a term he borrowed from Herbert Spencer. The 'positive-negative' distinction he took from Sir John Reynolds.

Continental psychiatrists and psychologists (e.g. Théodule Ribot, Pierre Janet, Sigmund Freud, Henri Ey) have been more influenced by Jackson's theoretical ideas than their British counterparts. During the 1980s, the 'positive-negative' distinction was introduced in relation to the symptoms of schizophrenia.

He was one of only a few physicians to have delivered the Goulstonian (1869), Croonian (1884) and Lumleian (1890) lectures to the Royal College of Physicians. He also delivered the 1872 Hunterian Oration to the Hunterian Society.

Methodology
Jackson could not use modern sophisticated neuro-investigative technology (it had not been invented), but had to rely upon his own powers of clinical observation, deductive logic and autopsy data. Some of his eminent successors in the field of British neurology have been critical of many of his theories and concepts; but as Sir Francis Walshe remarked of his work in 1943, " ... when all that is obsolete or irrelevant is discarded there remains a rich treasure of physiological insight we cannot afford to ignore."

In Otfrid Foerster's research on the motor cortex, he cites exclusively Hughlings Jackson for the initial discovery (although without evidence) of the brain as the spring of neurological motor signalling.

Contributions
Together with his friends Sir David Ferrier and Sir James Crichton-Browne, two eminent neuropsychiatrists of his time, Jackson was one of the founders of the important journal Brain, which was dedicated to the interaction between experimental and clinical neurology (still being published today). Its inaugural issue was published in 1878.

In 1892, Jackson was one of the founding members of the National Society for the Employment of Epileptics (now the National Society for Epilepsy), along with Sir William Gowers and Sir David Ferrier.

Oliver Sacks repeatedly cited Jackson as an inspiration in his neurologic work.

title: John Hughlings Jackson


text: Category:Kings of Jordan

title: Category:Kings of Jordan


text:
Soyuz T-14

Soyuz T-14 (Союз Т-14, Union T-14) was the ninth expedition to Salyut 7. The mission relieved Soyuz T-13, whose crew had performed unprecedented repairs aboard the previously-dead station.

Mission parameters

 * Mass: 6850 kg
 * Perigee: 196 km
 * Apogee: 223 km
 * Inclination: 51.6°
 * Period: 88.7 minutes

Mission highlights
Soyuz T-14 demonstrated the wisdom of maintaining a Soyuz at Salyut 7 as an emergency medical evacuation vehicle: the mission commander Vasyutin fell ill which forced an early termination of the planned 6-month mission.

The main goals of the mission was to receive Cosmos 1686, a modified TKS, and conduct spacewalks with application to future space stations. The first goal was achieved on October 2. Cosmos 1686 contained 4500 kg of freight, including large items like a girder to be assembled outside Salyut 7, and the Kristallizator materials processing apparatus. However, the crew of Soyuz T-14 were unable to achieve their second goal. By late October Vasyutin was no longer helping with experiments because he was ill.

On November 13 the cosmonauts began scrambling their communications with the TsUP. Return to Earth occurred soon after. Sources at NASA have reported that psychologists with the Russian Aviation and Space Agency cited Soyuz T-14 as ending prematurely due to "mood and performance issues" with the crew. Vasyutin's illness is said to have been caused by a prostate infection or urinary tract infection, which had manifested itself as inflammation and a fever.

title: Soyuz T-14


text:
United States congressional delegations from Ohio

These are tables of congressional delegations from Ohio to the United States House of Representatives and the United States Senate.

The current dean of the Ohio delegation is Representative Marcy Kaptur (OH-9), having served in the House since 1983.

Current members
List of members of the United States House delegation from Ohio, their terms in office, district boundaries, and the district political ratings according to the CPVI. The delegation has a total of 15 members, with 10 Republicans and 5 Democrats.

1803–1813: One seat
After statehood, Ohio had one representative, elected statewide at-large.

1813–1823: 6 seats
Six seats were apportioned by districts.


text:
User talk:Mal~enwiki

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title: User talk:Mal~enwiki


text:
AWP

AWP may refer to:

Political parties

 * American Workers Party
 * Animal Welfare Party, a political party in the United Kingdom
 * Australian Workers Party, a political party in Australia
 * Awami Workers Party, a left-wing political party in Pakistan
 * General Water Board Party - Algemene Waterschapspartij

Other organizations

 * Adventures with Purpose, a civilian scuba diving and search organization
 * Associated Whistleblowing Press
 * Association for Women in Psychology, a scientific educational organization encouraging feminist psychological research, theory, and activism
 * Association of Writers & Writing Programs, a literary organization
 * Avon and Wiltshire Mental Health Partnership NHS Trust, a mental health care provider in the south west of England
 * awp Finanznachrichten, a Swiss Financial News Agency

Technology

 * Accuracy International AWP, a sniper rifle
 * Adria–Wien Pipeline, a crude oil pipeline from the Italian-Austrian border to near Vienna, Austria
 * Advanced work packaging, in construction, a process flow of detailed work packages leading to an installation work package
 * Aerial work platform, a mechanical device used to effect temporary access for people or equipment to inaccessible areas, usually at height
 * amusement with prize, a type of slot machine popular in some European countries

Other

 * Atlanta and West Point Rail Road
 * Auf Wiedersehen, Pet, a British sitcom
 * Average Wholesale Price, the average price at which wholesalers sell prescription drugs
 * AWP Conference and Bookfair
 * Awaiting parts, a term used in military logistics to indicate lack of part supply
 * AWP, a weapon in the Counter-Strike series based on the Accuracy International Arctic Warfare sniper rifle

title: AWP


text:
Trigg

Trigg may refer to:

Surnames

 * Abram Trigg (1750 – c. 1813), U.S. Congressman from Virginia
 * Charles W. Trigg (1898—1989), American mathematician
 * Connally Findlay Trigg (1847–1907), American soldier and politician
 * Connally Findlay Trigg (judge) (1810–1880), American judge
 * Cyril Trigg (1917–1993), English footballer
 * Frank Trigg (born 1972), American mixed martial artist
 * Frank Trigg (educator) (c. 1850–1933) American educator, college president
 * George L. Trigg (1925–2014), American physicist, editor of PRL
 * Henry Trigg (public servant) (1791–1882), public servant
 * Henry Trigg (testator) (c. 1667–1724), British grocer famous for his eccentric will
 * John Johns Trigg (1748–1804), American farmer, U.S. Congressman from Virginia
 * Johnny Trigg (born 1938), American BBQ chef
 * Lloyd Allan Trigg (1914–1943), New Zealand pilot of WWII, awarded the Victoria Cross
 * Mary K. Trigg, American professor, women's and gender studies academic
 * Michael Trigg (quarterback), American football player
 * Noel Trigg, (born 1938), British boxer
 * Roy Trigg (born 1943), English motorcycle rider
 * Stephen Trigg (c. 1744–1782), American pioneer and soldier in Kentucky
 * Stephanie Trigg, Australian literary scholar, medieval studies academic

Given names

 * Trigg H. Knutson (1879–1952), American businessman and politician

Places

 * Trigg, Western Australia, a suburb of Perth, Australia
 * Triggshire, an ancient hundred of Cornwall; also known as Trigg
 * Trigg County, Kentucky, United States

Other

 * John Trigg Ester Library, in Ester, Alaska, United States
 * William R. Trigg Company, an inland shipyard in Richmond, Virginia, United States, circa 1900

title: Trigg


text:
Enemy Territory

Enemy Territory may refer to:

 * Wolfenstein: Enemy Territory, a 2003 sequel to the video game Return to Castle Wolfenstein
 * Enemy Territory: Quake Wars, a 2007 video game, part of the same franchise as above
 * Enemy Territory (film), a 1987 action film, starring Gary Frank and Ray Parker Jr.
 * Enemy Territory, a 2016 thriller movie, starring Adrien Brody

title: Enemy Territory


text: Template:Vasodilators used in cardiac diseases


text:
G. K. Butterfield

George Kenneth Butterfield Jr. (born April 27, 1947) is an American lawyer and politician who served as the U.S. representative for North Carolina's 1st congressional district from 2004 to 2022. A member of the Democratic Party, he was first elected in a special election after the resignation of Frank Ballance.

His district was in the state's northeastern corner, which included all or parts of 19 counties. A longtime advocate of civil rights, Butterfield was appointed an associate justice of the North Carolina Supreme Court by Governor Mike Easley in 2001, retaining the position until 2003. He was a member of the Congressional Black Caucus and served as its chair from 2015 to 2017.

In November 2021, Butterfield announced that he would not run for re-election in 2022.

On December 30, 2022, Butterfield resigned from his position to take up a lobbying position.

Early life and education
G. K. Butterfield was born and raised in the then segregated city of Wilson, North Carolina. Butterfield came from a prominent black family with a long history in North Carolina. Both of Butterfield's parents were mixed-race Americans. His maternal grandfather, Rev Fred Davis, was a child of a former slave (Judah Davis) and a white man (Joe Davis). His mother, Addie, taught elementary school for 48 years in some of North Carolina's poorest communities. She was keenly focused on ensuring that her students learned to read. Butterfield's father, G. K. Butterfield Sr., was an immigrant from Bermuda. As a graduate of Meharry Medical College, he practiced dentistry for 50 years in the poor, segregated community of East Wilson. In the late 1940s, he helped found the Wilson Branch of the NAACP in order to register black voters in the county. In 1953, he became the first African American elected to the city council in Wilson and the first black elected official in eastern North Carolina since Reconstruction.

Butterfield graduated from Charles H. Darden High School in Wilson. He went on to earn a Bachelor of Arts in political science and sociology from North Carolina Central University (NCCU), a historically black university. During his time at NCCU, Butterfield was active in voter registration activism, including coordinating voter registration drives in Durham and organizing a student march from the State Capitol in Raleigh to the Wilson County Courthouse to draw attention to the importance of voter registration. After completing his bachelor's degree, Butterfield attended the NCCU School of Law, receiving a Juris Doctor degree in 1974.

During his junior year at NCCU, Butterfield was drafted into the United States Army and stationed at Fort Bragg Army installation in Fayetteville. He served from 1968 to 1970 and was honorably discharged, and he returned to NCCU to complete his undergraduate degree.

In describing his racial identity as a black man, he has pointed to his African heritage, as a direct descendant of enslaved people. He grew up in racially segregated North Carolina, living in "East Wilson", where he attended black schools. He spent his childhood as a firsthand witness to the disenfranchisement of his black community originating as part of a targeted campaign to remove his father from the Board of Aldermen. He is the former chair of the Congressional Black Caucus.

Judicial career
After completing law school, Butterfield began a 14-year legal career as a civil rights attorney, practicing across eastern North Carolina. During this time, he developed his reputation, winning several voting-rights cases.

In 1988, Butterfield was elected Resident Superior Court judge in judicial district 7BC. Beginning on January 1, 1989, and for the next 12 years, he presided over civil and criminal court in 46 North Carolina counties. In February 2001, Governor Mike Easley appointed him to the North Carolina Supreme Court. In 2002, Butterfield lost his seat on the Supreme Court, but he returned to the Superior Court bench by special appointment of Governor Easley. He served in that position until his retirement in May 2004 to run for the U.S. House of Representatives.

Political career
Butterfield was first elected to the House of Representatives in a special election on July 20, 2004, to fill the seat of Frank Ballance, who had resigned after pleading guilty to conspiracy to commit mail fraud and money laundering. He assumed office on July 21, 2004.

2004 special
Butterfield was elected to Congress in a special election on July 20, 2004, to fill the unexpired term of Representative Frank Ballance, who had resigned for health reasons. He defeated Republican nominee Greg Dority and Libertarian Party nominee Tom Eisenmenger. Butterfield was sworn into office on July 21, 2004.

On July 20, 2004, Butterfield won the Democratic primary, entitling him to run in the November general election. Running against Dority again, he won his first full term with 64% of the popular vote.

2006
Butterfield was unopposed for reelection in 2006.

2008
Butterfield defeated Dean Stephens with 70.28% of the vote.

2010
Butterfield defeated Republican nominee Ashley Woolard with 59.31% of the vote.

2012
Butterfield defeated Republican Pete DiLauro with 75.32% of the vote.

2014
Butterfield defeated Republican Arthur Rich with 73.38% of the vote.

2016
Butterfield defeated Republican H. Powell Dew Jr. with 68.62% of the vote.

2018
Butterfield defeated Republican Roger W. Allison with 69.85% of the vote.

2020
Butterfield defeated Republican Sandy Smith with 54.18% of the vote.

Committee assignments

 * Committee on Energy and Commerce
 * Subcommittee on Communications and Technology
 * Subcommittee on Energy
 * Subcommittee on Health
 * Committee on House Administration
 * Subcommittee on Elections

Caucus memberships

 * Congressional Black Caucus (first vice chair for the 113th United States Congress; chair for the 114th United States Congress)
 * United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus
 * Congressional Motorcycle Safety Caucus
 * Congressional Out-of-Poverty Caucus

Butterfield served on the House Committee on Energy and Commerce, and formerly served on the House Armed Services Committee and the House Agriculture Committee. He was the Region VIII representative on the House Democratic Steering and Policy Committee.

Beginning in 2007, in the 110th Congress, Butterfield was chosen to serve as one of eight Chief Deputy Whips for the House Democratic Caucus. Chief Deputy Whips assist in the formulation of Democratic policy and ensure the passage of legislation by maintaining good communication with members. He was appointed to this position by Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Majority Whip Jim Clyburn.

Political positions
As a member of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce, Butterfield advocated for the American Clean Energy and Security Act. He supports "a market-based approach to capping carbon emissions" and wants to broaden the United States' sources of energy. On his website, Butterfield stresses the need to find more clean and domestic sources of energy.

A strong supporter of civil rights, Butterfield advocated renewal of the Voting Rights Act and "introduced a bill calling for the Capitol Visitor's Center to acknowledge the slave labor used to build the Capitol."

Originally endorsing John Edwards for the 2008 Democratic Party presidential nomination, Butterfield endorsed Barack Obama in January 2008.

In 2009, Butterfield introduced the Don't Let the Bed Bugs Bite Act "to assist states in carrying out inspections of lodging facilities, train inspection personnel, contract with a commercial exterminator; educate owners and staff at lodging facilities." He also passed H.R. 4252 "[t]o amend the Small Business Act to change the net worth amount under the small business program for socially and economically disadvantaged individuals from $750,000 to $978,722, and for other purposes." Butterfield supported the Affordable Care Act, and worked with the Energy and Commerce Committee to help write the legislation. During the discussion of the bill in Congress, he complained about the lack of cooperation from Republicans.

Butterfield supports increasing taxes for higher-income families while decreasing taxes for middle- and low-income families. Although he is an advocate for using government stimulus in order to improve the economy, he wants to reduce government regulations on the private sector.

In 2008, Planned Parenthood gave Butterfield an 80% rating. In 2009, Butterfield supported the interests of NARAL Pro-Choice America 100% of the time. He identifies as pro-choice on abortion, and especially supports legalized abortion when the life of the woman is in danger or if the pregnancy is a result of rape or incest. He called the day that the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade a "sad day".

Butterfield has repeatedly voted against defining marriage as being between one man and one woman, voting against the Marriage Protection Act of 2004 and constitutional marriage amendments in 2004 and 2006. He has voted to ban job discrimination based on sexual orientation, and in 2010 voted for the repeal of Don't Ask Don't Tell.

Butterfield voted in 2008 against the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) $700 billion bailout of the financial industry and the $14 billion rescue package for the auto industry.

In 2011, he voted to extend expiring provisions of the PATRIOT Act and in favor of the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for Fiscal Year 2012.

In 2012, Butterfield introduced legislation that would require more input from the public before tolls are introduced on roads. The legislation was in response to the "No toll on I-95" group, a Roanoke Rapids-based group that opposes instating a toll on I-95. Opponents of the toll argue that it leads to double taxation, and say it is the first time that "the federal government has put tolls on an existing interstate."

In April 2012, Butterfield accompanied Obama to the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill to speak about extending the interest rates on federal loan programs for many undergraduate students. Butterfield expressed concern with the pending expiration, saying: "Allowing the current interest rates to expire would burden students with additional debt, prolong their ability to kick start their careers, and send the message that it is more important to cut taxes for the wealthy than educational expenses for our young people."

On July 23, 2014, Butterfield introduced House Joint Resolution 120, approving the location of a memorial to commemorate the more than 5,000 slaves and free black persons who fought for independence in the American Revolution.

As of 2022, Butterfield has voted with President Joe Biden's stated position 100% of the time, according to FiveThirtyEight.

Personal life
Butterfield is married to Dr. Sylvia Chester Butterfield. He and his former wife, Jean Farmer-Butterfield (1971–1991), are the parents of Valeisha Butterfield Jones and Jenetta Lenai Butterfield. He is also the father of Tunya Butterfield Smith. His four grandsons are Dahntay Jones Jr., Dillon Jones, Chase Smith, and Gavin Smith. Butterfield is a lifelong member of Jackson Chapel First Missionary Baptist Church in Wilson, North Carolina, where he has served as Trustee and Chairman of the Finance Ministry. He also serves on the Board of Visitors for the North Carolina Central University School of Law and as a Trustee of Gallaudet University. He is a member of Sigma Pi Phi Fraternity, Gamma Sigma Chapter and a member of Groove Phi Groove Social Fellowship, Incorporated. In 2017, the City of Greenville named its new transit center, the G.K. Butterfield Transportation Center, in his honor.

title: G. K. Butterfield


text:
The 158-Pound Marriage

The 158-Pound Marriage is the third novel by American author John Irving. The book explores the sexual revolution-era trend of "swinging" (partner-swapping) via a glimpse into the lives of two couples in a small New England college town who enter casually into such an affair, with disastrous consequences.

Plot summary
The narrator (who never identifies himself by name) is a college professor and a relatively unsuccessful author of historical novels. While doing research in Vienna, Austria, he met Utch, an orphaned survivor of the German occupation and the Russian siege at the end of World War II. At the opening of the novel, the narrator and Utch are married with two children and live a relatively placid existence until, at a faculty party, they become acquainted with Severin Winter, a Viennese-born professor of German and coach of the school's wrestling team, and his wife Edith, a WASP from a privileged background (she met her husband in Vienna while on a buying trip for MOMA) who is an aspiring fiction writer. The narrator begins a mentor-protégé relationship with Edith, and soon the couples are sharing dinners and arranging play dates for their children. As the narrator becomes more attracted to Edith, and Utch begins to fall for Severin, the couples begin trading spouses for sexual encounters at the end of their dinner dates. At first the affairs proceed smoothly, with emotional conflict submerged beneath sexual curiosity, but soon enough, obsessive love rears its ugly head, and the narrator begins to discover that the Winters have not been entirely honest with him and his wife about their motives for entering the affair.

It is ultimately revealed that sometime prior to the events of the novel Severin had an affair with a teacher at the school, and when Edith discovered this she became furious and depressed. In an attempt to provide her with some emotional leverage against him, Severin arranged for Edith to become sexually involved with the narrator, while he himself would sleep with Utch. This foursome soon thereafter fragments; Severin and Edith are able to repair their relationship and forgive each other for the pains they have inflicted on one another. The narrator and Utch, however, are a different story. The narrator had developed genuine feelings for Edith, and while she did seem to reciprocate them, at least to a small degree, he is left despondent after she ends their liaison to salvage her marriage to Severin. For her own part Utch had fallen completely in love with Severin, and she is left devastated upon learning he did not feel the same for her. Utch leaves and takes their children with her, returning to her native Austria to sort out her feelings; she also takes her husband's passport so he cannot follow her. Edith and Severin likewise move to Austria, though it is revealed through letters that Utch writes her husband that she and the Winters do not interact with each other. The novel ends with a small bit of hope for the narrator and Utch when she mails him his passport, indicating she is now ready to mend their relationship.

The sport of wrestling featured prominently—the novel's title refers to the 158-pound weight class, which Severin considers the most elite competitive weight—and a subplot eventually emerges involving Winter's protégé, a peculiar wrestling prodigy from Iowa who transfers to Winter's college because of its superior biology department and becomes a pawn in the fallout of the two couples' swinging relationship.

title: The 158-Pound Marriage


text:
User talk:Peter malyan wilson

Hello and welcome to Wikipedia! Hope you like it here, and stick around.

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title: User talk:Peter malyan wilson


text:
Soyuz T-15

Soyuz T-15 (Союз T-15, Union T-15) was a crewed mission to the Mir and Salyut 7 space stations and was part of the Soyuz programme. It marked the final flight of the Soyuz-T spacecraft, the third generation Soyuz spacecraft, which had been in service for seven years from 1979 to 1986. This mission marked the first time that a spacecraft visited, and docked with, two space stations in the same mission.

Mission parameters

 * Mass: 6850 kg
 * Perigee: 331 km
 * Apogee: 366 km
 * Inclination: 51.6°
 * Period: 91.5 minutes

Mission highlights
Soyuz T-15 was both the first expedition to Mir and the last to Salyut 7.

Flight to Mir
Due to the pressure of launching Mir in time for the 27th Communist Party Congress, mission planners were left without the newer Soyuz-TM spacecraft or any of the planned modules to launch to the station at first. It was decided to launch an older Soyuz-T as Soyuz T-15 on a dual mission to both Mir and Salyut 7.

Leonid Kizim and Vladimir Solovyov first docked with the Mir space station on 15 March 1986 after their launch on 13 March. Plans for Mir intended that only the newer Soyuz-TM would dock with Mir's forward port, leaving the aft port free for arriving Progress spacecraft. However, the older Soyuz-T was not equipped with the Kurs approach system used on Mir's front port, but only with the older Igla approach system used for Mir's aft port. Therefore, Soyuz T-15 had to approach Mir's aft port, and then manually maneuver around the station to dock manually at the forward port. At 20 km Soyuz T-15's Igla system acquired its counterpart on Mir's aft port. At 200 meters, the Igla system was shut off, and the crew manually maneuvered around the station to dock at the front port. For this manual approach, the same laser range finder was used as for the Soyuz T-13 docking with the uncooperative Salyut 7 station in 1985.

During their nearly 55-day stay on Mir, the crew unloaded two Progress spacecraft, launched after their arrival. The mission was mostly designed to test out the new space station's systems since it had been launched with little scientific equipment, most of which would have to wait for the launch of add-on modules. Despite Mir's name literally meaning "Peace", US officials during this time accused the Soviet Union of performing military experiments on their supposedly civilian space stations. After the cosmonauts' return to Earth, Leonid Kizim in an official press conference stated that Mir was not being used for any military purposes and that "The US is accusing us of this sort of action in order to justify their own plans to extend the arms race into space." The Reagan Administration did not however reiterate these claims so as not to negatively impact the planned 1987 summit meeting between President Ronald Reagan and Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev.

The crew transfers to Salyut 7
In preparation for the trip to Salyut 7, the crew loaded Soyuz T-15 with their personal belongings, plants grown on Mir, and other items. At that time Salyut 7 was still 4000 km ahead of Mir in a lower orbit in the same inclination. Therefore, on 4 May, Mir was lowered by 13 km in order to expedite the approach to Salyut 7 and conserve Soyuz T-15's limited fuel supply for the transfer. On 5 May 1986 12:12:09 UTC they undocked from Mir for their journey to Salyut 7 – at this time, the distance between the two space stations had been reduced to 2500 km due to Mir's maneuver. After a crossing of 29 hours, Soyuz T-15 docked with Salyut 7 on 6 May 16:57:52 UTC.

Experiments on Salyut 7
The previous crew on Salyut 7, Salyut 7 EO-4, had been assigned to conduct experiments with TKS-4 (Kosmos 1686). However, commander Vladimir Vasyutin had fallen ill and the crew had to return prematurely to Earth. Therefore, they were unable to perform EVAs, which would have had implications for the Mir program. After arriving at Salyut 7, the crew of Soyuz T-15 conducted two EVAs and collected experiment results, experimental apparatuses, and samples of materials to finish the work of the previous crew. The first EVA was on 28 May, when the crewmembers climbed outside to retrieve space exposure experiments and test the Ferma-Postroital ("girder-constructor") device. A deployment canister converted a folded girder cartridge into a 15-meter girder in only a few minutes. The girder was retracted by reversing the process at the end of the EVA. This first EVA lasted 3 hours and 50 minutes. The second EVA consisted of girder and welding experiments. On 31 May, Kizim and Solovyov attached measurement devices to the top of the retracted girder, then re-extended it with an aim toward studying its rigidity. They then used an electron gun to weld several of the girder's joints. This second EVA lasted five hours.

Ferry flight back to Mir
The crew removed 20 instruments with a total mass of 350 to 400 kg from Salyut 7 before returning to Mir. Mir maneuvered twice again between 24–25 June, raising its orbit slightly and moving closer to Salyut 7. On 25 June, Soyuz T-15 undocked from Salyut 7 to begin their 29-hour journey back to Mir, to which they returned on 25–26 June.

On 3 July, Kizim surpassed Valeri Ryumin's record for time spent in space. On 6 July, he became the first human to have spent a full year in space. The crew spent their last 20 days on Mir conducting Earth observations.

Meanwhile, between 19 and 22 August, engines on Kosmos 1686 boosted Salyut 7 to a record-high mean orbital altitude of 475 km to forestall reentry. Atmospheric drag took its toll, however, and the station reentered over South America 55 months later. Pieces of Salyut 7 and Kosmos 1686 were found in Argentina.

Soyuz T-15 was the last mission to use the Soyuz-T spacecraft, due to its replacement by the Soyuz-TM.

title: Soyuz T-15


text:
1999 Leeds Central by-election

The Member of Parliament for Leeds Central, Rt. Hon. Derek Fatchett, (Labour) died suddenly on 9 May 1999. The Labour government rushed to organise for the by-election and moved the writ so that the election could be held on 10 June, the same day as elections to the European Parliament.

The shortlist for the Labour candidacy included the Chair of Leeds Central Constituency Labour Party, Maggie Giles-Hill, and Shahid Malik, but the selection went to Hilary Benn who had been Special Adviser to David Blunkett, then Secretary of State for Education and Employment. The Conservatives chose their general election candidate Edward Wild. The Liberal Democrats provided the strongest challenge and increased their vote by nearly 20%, but this was not enough to take the seat.

The campaign was subsumed with the European Parliament elections, and the result was an all-time low turnout for a by-election: at 19.9% it held the record for the lowest turnout in a UK parliamentary election since World War II, until surpassed in 2012 by the Manchester Central by-election.

title: 1999 Leeds Central by-election


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Spanish–Portuguese War

Spanish–Portuguese Wars may refer to one of the following conflicts between Portugal and Spain (or between Portugal and Castile before 1492):

 * Portuguese-Castillian War (1250-1253), when Castile attempted to conquer the Algarve
 * Fernandine Wars (1369–70, 1372–73, 1381–82), when Portugal attempted to claim the Castilian throne
 * 1383–1385 Portuguese interregnum, when Castile attempted to claim the Portuguese throne
 * War of the Castilian Succession (1475–79), when Portugal intervened unsuccessfully in a Castilian civil war
 * War of the Portuguese Succession (1580–83), when Portugal passed under the rule of the Spanish Monarchy
 * Portuguese Restoration War (1640–68), when Portugal regained its sovereignty
 * War of the Spanish Succession (1701–13)
 * Spanish–Portuguese War (1735–37), fought over the Banda Oriental (Uruguay)
 * Spanish–Portuguese War (1762–63), known as the Fantastic War
 * Spanish–Portuguese War (1776–77), fought over the border between Spanish and Portuguese South America
 * War of the Oranges in 1801, when Spain and France defeated Portugal in the Iberian Peninsula, while Portugal defeated Spain in South America
 * Invasion of Portugal (1807), a French invasion initially supported by Spain
 * Liberal Wars
 * Patuleia
 * Spanish Civil War, when Portugal supported the "nationalist" or francoist coalition against the Second Spanish Republic.

title: Spanish–Portuguese War


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Walter B. Jones Jr.

Walter Beaman Jones Jr. (February 10, 1943 – February 10, 2019) was an American politician who served twelve terms in the United States House of Representatives as a member of the Republican Party for NC's 3rd congressional district from 1995 until his death in 2019. The district encompassed the coastal regions of North Carolina, from the Outer Banks and areas near the Pamlico Sound in the north, southwards to the northern suburbs of Wilmington. Jones's father was Walter B. Jones Sr., a Democratic Party congressman from the neighboring 1st district. Prior to his election to the U.S. House of Representatives, he served ten years in the North Carolina House of Representatives as a member of the Democratic Party and worked as a business executive.

He had been a Democrat like his father before changing parties in 1994, just before his first election to the U.S. House. Even after becoming a Republican, he frequently broke with the party over key issues. He supported the U.S. involvement in the Iraq War initially, but became one of its staunchest critics, arguing that the George W. Bush administration misinformed Congress with selective intelligence to win authorization for the war. He also was a critic of the Bush administration in their firing of federal prosecutors, and joined Democrats in supporting raises to the federal minimum wage. During the Obama administration, he voted against the Republican Path to Prosperity budget proposal of 2011, after which he was removed from key committee roles for defying party leadership. During the Trump presidency, he was a frequent voice on the floor of Congress calling for scrutiny of the Trump presidency, including demanding the release of his tax returns and calling for investigations into alleged Trump presidential campaign involvement in the Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections.

Having libertarian-leaning tendencies, he was a member of the Liberty Caucus.

Early life, education, and business career
Jones was the son of U.S. representative Walter B. Jones Sr. (1913–1992) and Doris (Long) Jones (1914–1984).

Jones was a lifelong resident of Farmville, a small town near Greenville, North Carolina. He attended Hargrave Military Academy in Chatham, Virginia and graduated in 1966 with a Bachelor of Arts from Atlantic Christian College (now Barton College) in Wilson, North Carolina, before serving four years (1967–1971) in the North Carolina National Guard. He worked as an executive with his family's business supply company.

North Carolina legislature
Jones was first elected as a Democrat to the North Carolina House of Representatives in 1982 and served for five terms, until 1992. He represented Pitt County. He was known in the North Carolina House for his advocacy of campaign finance reform and lobbying reform.

Elections
After his father announced his retirement from Congress in 1992, Jones ran for his father's seat in North Carolina's 1st congressional district. He ranked first in the Democratic primary with 38% of the vote, but failed to reach the 40% threshold to win the nomination. In the run-off election, he was defeated by Eva Clayton, Chairwoman of the Warren County Board of Commissioners, by a margin of 55–45%. Clayton received support from three of the defeated primary candidates and from the African American community. Jones Sr. died before his term expired, and Clayton was elected to serve out the last two months of his term.
 * 1992

In 1994, he switched parties and ran in North Carolina's 3rd congressional district, which had absorbed a large chunk of his father's former territory. His race against incumbent Democrat Martin Lancaster was initially very close until Jones released a picture of Lancaster jogging with President Bill Clinton, whose socially liberal stances (especially on gays in the military) angered many voters in the district. Although Democrats had a large advantage in registered voters, the 3rd district had a very strong social conservative tint. Jesse Helms in particular had a large base of support there. As part of the 1994 Republican takeover of Congress, Jones defeated Lancaster 53–47%. With his victory, Jones became the first Republican to represent a significant portion of Eastern North Carolina in the House since Reconstruction. From 1994 on Jones won re-election with at least 61% in every general election. His most serious general election challenge came in 2000, when his opponent spent well in excess of $1.4 million in attempting to unseat him. Jones garnered 61% of the vote in that contest, largely helped by George W. Bush, winning the 3rd with his highest victory margin in the state.
 * 1994
 * 1996–2004

 * 2006

He was easily re-elected to a 7th term in 2006, receiving 69% of the vote despite a very bad national result for Republicans overall.

 * 2008

Jones' change of heart on the Iraq War (see below) resulted in him facing serious primary opposition for the first time since his initial run for Congress. He was challenged by Onslow County Commissioner Joe McLaughlin. Jones defeated the poorly funded McLaughlin 59–41%. In the general election, Jones defeated Craig Weber 66–34%.

 * 2010

In the general election, he defeated Johnny Rouse with 73% of the vote.

 * 2012

He faced Frank Palombo, a former New Bern police chief in the Republican primary on May 8 and won. He won against Marine Corps Veteran Erik Anderson in the general election.

 * 2014

He faced Taylor Griffin, a former aide to President George W. Bush, who was heavily supported by outside money, and won the Republican Party primary on May 6.

 * 2016

He defeated Democrat Ernest Reeves by 67–32%.

 * 2018

Jones was re-elected to his final term in November 2018 unopposed.

Tenure
Jones had a lifetime rating of 84.69 from the American Conservative Union. However, his voting record had become somewhat more moderate in the years prior to his death, according to the group's ranking. In recent years, he had received some of the lowest ACU ratings of any Republican from the South. In 2006, he received a 79, in 2007 he received a 71, in 2008 he received a 58, in 2009 he received an 83, in 2010 he received a 65, and in 2011 he received a 60. The former five ratings were the lowest recorded in those years for a Republican from North Carolina.

Jones was ranked as the 37th most bipartisan member of the U.S. House of Representatives during the 114th United States Congress (and the most bipartisan member of the U.S. House of Representatives from North Carolina) in the Bipartisan Index created by The Lugar Center and the McCourt School of Public Policy that ranks members of the United States Congress by their degree of bipartisanship (by measuring the frequency each member's bills attract co-sponsors from the opposite party and each member's co-sponsorship of bills by members of the opposite party).

Jones said that his father was able to vote his conscience until he became a member of the House Democratic leadership, at which time he had to vote with the party line. For instance, his father voted for the 1975 federal bailout of a bankrupt New York City even though he personally opposed it. Jones said of that vote, "He had to vote it that way. I would rather do what I think is right than to sell my political soul." Jones drifted towards the libertarian spectrum when he changed his positions on foreign policy including the Iraq War.

Jones opposed pork barrel spending projects and was a staunch advocate of federal prohibition of online poker. In 2006, he cosponsored H.R. 4777, the Internet Gambling Prohibition Act and voted for H.R. 4411, the Goodlatte-Leach Internet Gambling Prohibition Act.

Jones sided with the Democrats on economic issues such as raising the minimum wage. He was an animal lover and said he would like a memorial created on the National Mall for war dogs. Jones endorsed Ron Paul in the 2008 race for president of the United States. In an annual survey conducted by Washingtonian magazine, congressional staffers voted Jones the kindest member of the House.

In 2007, Jones cosponsored legislation with fellow North Carolina congressman Heath Shuler to require airlines to have sections of the aircraft where large movie screens were not visible. This was to avoid the situation where children could potentially watch films found objectionable by their parents. He also was the only Republican co-sponsor of legislation to challenge Tom DeLay's proposed changes to House ethics rules.

On February 14, 2008, Jones was one of only three Republicans (along with Ron Paul and Wayne Gilchrest) to vote to hold George W. Bush confidantes Joshua Bolten and Harriet Miers in contempt of Congress for failing to testify and provide documents relevant to the firing of federal prosecutors. On September 15, 2009, Jones was one of only seven Republicans to vote for a resolution of disapproval of fellow Representative Joe Wilson for his actions during President Obama's address to a Joint Session of Congress on September 9, 2009.

Jones presented the Walter B. Jones Campus Defender of Freedom Award to a North Carolina activist selected by a committee at Duke University, including the Duke College Republicans; in 2009, Jones presented the award to B.J. Lawson. At the 2009 ceremony, Jones said that "The Republican Party needs to have a face that can be seen and identified with by people of all races. The future of the Republican Party lies in being able to relate to the average working family." He also spoke in favor of making Duke's endowment more transparent, saying that he is in favor of more openness on the part of institutions: "To me, sunshine is the answer."

In 2010, congressional aides on Capitol Hill ranked Jones as the second nicest in the U.S. House of Representatives and the second least partisan member of the House.

On April 15, 2011, Jones was one of four Republican members of Congress to vote against The Path to Prosperity. In December 2012, Jones was one of four House Republicans removed from their committees by Speaker of the House John Boehner and Majority Leader Eric Cantor for defying party leadership. Jones was removed from the Financial Services Committee, a plum seat for fundraising, ostensibly as reprisal for not raising money for the Republican Party. However, it was speculated that Jones, who was popular in the caucus, was only removed to give "cover" for the removals of Justin Amash of Michigan, Tim Huelskamp of Kansas and David Schweikert of Arizona who lost their own plum committee assignments, characterized as a result of them being "assholes". Representative Lynn Westmoreland concluded, "some people ... just don't want to work within the system." Jones maintained his seat on the Armed Services Committee.

He is the author of Corolla Wild Horses Protection Act (H.R. 126;113th Congress).

In February 2017, Jones signed a letter to urge Congress to request President Donald Trump's tax returns so that they can be reviewed in a closed session of Congress and determined whether the returns can be released to the public.

On March 28, 2017, Jones became the first Republican Congressman to call for Representative Devin Nunes to recuse himself as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, and for the establishment of an independent commission to investigate Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election. He cited the alleged impropriety of Congressman Nunes' meeting at the White House the previous week as the reason for breaking with his party on the issue.

Foreign wars
Jones was initially a strong supporter of the conflict in Iraq, but then became one of the leading Republicans opposed to continued involvement in Iraq. Jones became well known for leading the effort, along with GOP Rep. Bob Ney, to have French fries renamed "freedom fries" on House cafeteria menus as a protest against French opposition to the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Jones later modified his stance on the war to a considerable extent. In 2005, he stated that he had come to believe that there had been little reason to go to war, despite his earlier support, which had been based upon selective intelligence supplied to Congress. He said of his previous position on the fries, "I wish it had never happened." In July 2006, the names were quietly changed back.

On March 17, 2005, he sponsored a bill endorsing the conduct of his Camp Lejeune constituent, controversial Marine Corps Lieutenant Ilario Pantano, who faced charges (subsequently dropped) for having shot two Iraqis (allegedly unarmed civilians) on April 15, 2004.

Jones called on President George W. Bush to apologize for misinforming Congress to win authorization for the war. Jones said, "If I had known then what I know today, I wouldn't have voted for that resolution."

Jones contended that the United States went to war "with no justification." On the subject, he said, "I just feel that the reason of going in for weapons of mass destruction, the ability of the Iraqis to make a nuclear weapon, that's all been proven that it was never there." He added that his change of opinion came about from attending the funeral of a sergeant killed in Iraq, when his last letter to his family was being read out. On June 16, 2005, he joined with three other members of Congress (Neil Abercrombie, Dennis Kucinich and Ron Paul) in introducing a resolution calling for the start of a withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq to begin by October 2006. Jones covered the hallway outside his office with photographs of soldiers who had died in Iraq. He said, "If we were given misinformation intentionally by people in this administration, to commit the authority to send boys, and in some instances girls, to go into Iraq, that is wrong. Congress must be told the truth."

In 2007, he and Rep. William Delahunt (D–MA) introduced the Constitutional War Powers Resolution, which sought to "prohibit the president from ordering military action without congressional approval, except when the United States or U.S. troops were attacked or when U.S. citizens needed to be evacuated."

On January 12, 2007, he introduced H. J. Res. 14: Concerning the use of military force by the United States against Iran in the 110th congress. According to Jones on his web site, the resolution requires that – absent a national emergency created by an attack, or a demonstrably imminent attack, by Iran upon the United States or its armed forces – the President must consult with Congress and receive specific authorization prior to initiating any use of military force against Iran. This resolution was removed from a military spending bill for the war in Iraq by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D–CA) on March 13, 2007.

On March 23, 2007, Jones was one of two Republicans to vote for a bill that would have required President George W. Bush to bring combat troops home from Iraq by September 1, 2008. The other Republican was Wayne Gilchrest of Maryland's 1st congressional district.

Jones' views on the war in Iraq did not ingratiate him to Bush or to the Republican leadership, which prevented him from succeeding the late Jo Ann Davis as ranking Republican on the Readiness Subcommittee of the Armed Forces Committee. He was passed over for Randy Forbes when the 110th Congress convened because the full committee's ranking member, Duncan Hunter of California, did not agree with Jones' change of heart on the war. He had been approached by some Democrats about bolting the GOP and either becoming an independent caucusing with the Democrats or switching back to the Democratic Party outright. Additionally, Jones' changed views on the war and other issues angered many Republicans in his district, which has the largest military presence of any in North Carolina.

On March 7, 2012, Jones introduced House Concurrent Resolution 107, proposing that Congress should consider waging wars without an Act of Congress as grounds for impeachment of the President for High Crimes and Misdemeanors according to the Constitution of the United States of America.

In April 2017, Jones criticized U.S. involvement in Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen, highlighting that Al-Qaeda in Yemen "has emerged as a de facto ally of the Saudi-led militaries with whom [Trump] administration aims to partner more closely."

In the wake of the 2016 Orlando nightclub shooting, Jones put out a press release calling it "horrific and senseless." He expressed that he was mourning the loss of Shane Evan Tomlinson, a graduate from East Carolina University.

Jones co-sponsored the No More Presidential Wars Act with Democrat Tulsi Gabbard in 2017.

Committee assignments (115th Congress)

 * Committee on Armed Services
 * Subcommittee on Tactical Air and Land Forces
 * Subcommittee on Military Personnel

Caucus memberships
Jones served on the Liberty Caucus (sometimes called the Liberty Committee), a group of libertarian-minded Republican congressional representatives. Congressman Ron Paul originally hosted a luncheon for the Liberty Caucus every Thursday. The caucus was subsequently hosted and chaired by Congressman Justin Amash. Other members included Jim Duncan of Tennessee, Roscoe Bartlett of Maryland, and Jeff Flake of Arizona.

Jones was a member of the Congressional NextGen 9-1-1 Caucus and the Veterinary Medicine Caucus.

Political positions
Jones co-sponsored four cannabis bills, including supporting veterans' access to medical cannabis and hemp farming. He voted against the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 due to the anticipated $2 trillion that would be added to the national debt. "I'm all for tax reform, but it must grow the economy, not the debt," he stated. He also voted against it due to concerns that his constituents would pay more taxes. "That is the last thing struggling families need," he stated in wake of the vote. Jones agreed with Michael Mullen and James Mattis that the national debt is the "biggest threat" to national security.

Personal life
Jones was raised a Southern Baptist, but was a Roman Catholic convert when he died. He married Joe Anne Whitehurst in 1966, and the two had one child, a daughter, Ashley.

Illness and death
In July 2018, Jones began to miss votes due to illness; in December of that year, the House granted him a leave of absence for the remainder of the session by unanimous consent. As he was temporarily unable to travel, he was sworn in as a member of the 116th Congress from his home in Farmville. In January 2019, he broke his hip. On January 26, 2019, his wife said that he had been admitted to hospice care.

Jones died on February 10, 2019, in Greenville, North Carolina, on his 76th birthday. After Jones's funeral, it was revealed that he had been diagnosed with amyotrophic lateral sclerosis two months prior to his death. Members of Congress paid tribute to him in a special session on March 5, 2019.

title: Walter B. Jones Jr.