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Gary Webb

Gary Stephen Webb (August 31, 1955 – December 10, 2004) was an American investigative journalist.

He began his career working for newspapers in Kentucky and Ohio, winning numerous awards, and building a reputation for investigative writing. Hired by the San Jose Mercury News, Webb contributed to the paper's Pulitzer Prize-winning coverage of the Loma Prieta earthquake.

Webb is best known for his "Dark Alliance" series, which appeared in The Mercury News in 1996. The series examined the origins of the crack cocaine trade in Los Angeles and claimed that members of the anti-communist Contra rebels in Nicaragua had played a major role in creating the trade, using cocaine profits to finance their fight against the government in Nicaragua. It also stated that the Contras may have acted with the knowledge and protection of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The series provoked outrage, particularly in the Los Angeles African-American community, and led to four major investigations of its charges.

The Los Angeles Times and other major papers published articles suggesting the "Dark Alliance" claims were overstated and, in November 1996, Jerome Ceppos, the executive editor at Mercury News, wrote about being "in the eye of the storm". In May 1997, after an internal review, Ceppos stated that, although the story was correct on many important points, there were shortcomings in the writing, editing, and production of the series. He wrote that the series likely "oversimplified" the crack epidemic in America and the supposed "critical role" the dealers written about in the series played in it. Webb disagreed with this conclusion.

Webb resigned from The Mercury News in December 1997. He became an investigator for the California State Legislature, published a book based on the "Dark Alliance" series in 1998, and did freelance investigative reporting. He died by suicide on December 10, 2004.

The "Dark Alliance" series remains controversial. Critics view the series' claims as inaccurate or overstated, while supporters point to the results of a later CIA investigation as vindicating the series. The follow-up reporting in the Los Angeles Times and other papers has been criticised for focusing on problems in the series rather than re-examining the earlier CIA-Contra claims.

Early life and education
Webb was born in Corona, California. His father was a Marine sergeant, and the family moved frequently, as his career took him to new assignments. When Webb's father retired from the Marines, the family settled in a suburb of Indianapolis, where Webb and his brother attended high school.

After high school, Webb attended a community college in Indianapolis on a scholarship until his family moved to Cincinnati, when he then transferred to nearby Northern Kentucky University.

Webb first began writing for the student newspaper at his college in Indianapolis. After transferring to Northern Kentucky, he entered its journalism program and wrote for the school paper, The Northerner. Although he attended Northern Kentucky for four years, he did not finish his degree. Instead, he found work in 1978 as a reporter at the Kentucky Post, a local paper affiliated with the larger Cincinnati Post. In 1979, Webb married Susan Bell; the couple went on to have three children.

Career
Webb's first major investigative work appeared in 1980, when The Cincinnati Post published "The Coal Connection," a seventeen-part series by Webb and Post reporter Thomas Scheffey. The series, which examined the murder of a coal company president with ties to organized crime, won the national Investigative Reporters and Editors Award for reporting from a small newspaper.

In 1983, Webb moved to the Cleveland Plain Dealer, where he continued doing investigative work. A 1985 series, "Doctoring the Truth," uncovered problems in the State Medical Board and led to an Ohio House investigation which resulted in major revisions to the state Medical Practice Act. Webb then moved to the paper's statehouse bureau, where he covered statewide issues and won numerous regional journalism awards. In 1984, Webb wrote a story titled “Driving Off With Profits” which claimed that the promoters of a race in Cleveland paid themselves nearly a million dollars from funds that should have gone to the city of Cleveland. The article resulted in a lawsuit against Webb's paper which the plaintiffs won. A jury awarded the plaintiffs over 13 million dollars and the case was later settled. In 1986, Webb wrote an article saying that the Chief Justice of the Ohio Supreme Court, Frank D. Celebrezze accepted contributions from groups with organized crime connections. Celebrezze eventually sued the Plain Dealer and won an undisclosed out of court settlement.

In 1988, Webb was recruited by the San Jose Mercury News, which was looking for an investigative reporter. He was assigned to its Sacramento bureau, where he was allowed to choose most of his own stories. As part of The Mercury News team that covered the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake, Webb and his colleague Pete Carey wrote a story examining the causes of the collapse of the Cypress Street Viaduct. The Mercury News's coverage of the earthquake won its staff the Pulitzer Prize for General News Reporting in 1990.

Dark Alliance series
Webb began researching "Dark Alliance" in July 1995. The series was published in The Mercury News in three parts, from Sunday, 18 August 1996 to 20 August 1996, with a first long article and one or two shorter articles appearing each day. It was also posted on The Mercury News website with additional information, including documents cited in the series and audio recordings of people quoted in the articles. The website artwork showed the silhouette of a man smoking a crack pipe superimposed over the CIA seal. This artwork proved controversial, and The Mercury News later removed it.

The lede of the first article set out the series' basic claims: "For the better part of a decade, a San Francisco Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to the Crips and Bloods street gangs of Los Angeles and funneled millions in drug profits to a Latin American guerrilla army run by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency." This drug ring "opened the first pipeline between Colombia's cocaine cartels and the black neighborhoods of Los Angeles" and, as a result, "The cocaine that flooded in helped spark a crack explosion in urban America."

To show this, the series focused on three men: Freeway Ricky Ross, Oscar Danilo Blandón, and Norwin Meneses. Ross was a major drug dealer in Los Angeles. Blandón and Meneses were Nicaraguans who smuggled drugs into the U.S. and supplied dealers like Ross. After introducing the three, the first article discussed primarily Blandón and Meneses, and their relationship with the Contras and the CIA. Much of the article highlighted the failure of law enforcement agencies to successfully prosecute them and stated that this was largely due to their Contra and CIA connections.

The second article described Blandón's background and how he began smuggling cocaine to support the Contras. Meneses, an established smuggler and a Contra supporter as well, taught Blandón how to smuggle and provided him with cocaine. When Ross discovered the market for crack in Los Angeles, he began buying cocaine from Blandón. Blandón and Meneses' high-volume supply of low-priced high-purity cocaine "allowed Ross to sew up the Los Angeles market and move on. In city after city, local dealers either bought from Ross or got left behind."

The third article discussed the social effects of the crack trade, noting that it had a disparate effect on African-Americans. Asking why crack became so prevalent in the Black community of Los Angeles, the article credited Blandón, referring to him as "the Johnny Appleseed of crack in California." It also found disparities in the treatment of Black and White traffickers in the justice system, contrasting the treatment of Blandón and Ross after their arrests for drug trafficking. Because Blandón cooperated with the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), he spent only 28 months in prison, became a paid government informant, and received permanent resident status. Ross was also released early after cooperating in an investigation of police corruption, but was rearrested a few months later in a sting operation arranged with Blandón's help. The article suggested this was in retribution for Ross' testimony in the corruption case.

Response to the series
After the publication of "Dark Alliance," The Mercury News continued to pursue the story, publishing follow-ups to the original series for the next three months. Other papers were slow to pick up the story, but African Americans quickly took note, especially in South Central Los Angeles where the dealers discussed in the series had been active. They were outraged by the series's charges.

California senators Barbara Boxer and Dianne Feinstein also took note and wrote to CIA director John Deutch and U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno, asking for investigations into the articles' allegations. Maxine Waters, the representative for California's 35th district, which includes South Central Los Angeles, was also outraged by the articles and became one of Webb's strongest supporters. Waters urged the CIA, the U.S. Department of Justice, and the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence to investigate.

By the end of September, three federal investigations had been announced: an investigation into the CIA allegations conducted by CIA Inspector-General Frederick Hitz, an investigation into the law enforcement allegations by Justice Department Inspector-General Michael Bromwich, and a second investigation into the CIA by the House Intelligence Committee.

Webb's continuing reporting also triggered a fourth investigation. The first article in "Dark Alliance" that discussed the failure of law enforcement agencies to prosecute Blandón and Meneses had mentioned several cases. One of these was a 1986 raid on Blandón's drug organization by the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department, which the article suggested had produced evidence of CIA ties to drug smuggling that was later suppressed. When Webb wrote another story on the raid evidence in early October, it received wide attention in Los Angeles. The Los Angeles Sheriff's Department began its own investigation into the "Dark Alliance" claims.

Coverage in other papers
After the announcement of federal investigations into the claims made in the series, other newspapers began investigating, and several papers published articles suggesting the series' claims were overstated.

The first detailed article on the series's claims appeared in The Washington Post in early October. In their front-page article, reporters Roberto Suro and Walter Pincus wrote that "available information" did not support the series' claims and that "the rise of crack" was "a broad-based phenomenon" driven in numerous places by diverse players. The article discussed Webb's contacts with Ross's attorney and prosecution complaints of how Ross's defense had used Webb's series.

The New York Times published two articles on the series in mid-October, both written by reporter Tim Golden. One article, dealing mostly with the response of the Los Angeles Black community to the stories, described the series' evidence as "thin". Golden also referred to the controversy over Webb's contacts with Ross's lawyer. The other article, citing interviews with current and former intelligence and law-enforcement officials, questioned the importance of the drug dealers discussed in the series, both in the crack cocaine trade and in supporting the Nicaraguan Contras' fight against the Sandinista government in Nicaragua.

The Los Angeles Times devoted the most space to the story, publishing a three-part series called "The Cocaine Trail." The series ran from October 20–22, 1996, and was researched by a team of 17 reporters. The three articles in the series were written by four reporters: Jesse Katz, Doyle McManus, John Mitchell and Sam Fulwood. The first article, by Katz, developed a different picture of the origins of the crack trade than "Dark Alliance" had described, with more gangs and smugglers participating. The second article, by McManus, was the longest of the series and dealt with the role of the Contras in the drug trade and CIA knowledge of drug activities by the Contras. McManus wrote that Blandón's and Meneses's contributions to Contra organizations were significantly less than the "millions" claimed in the series, and stated there was no evidence that the CIA had tried to protect them. The third article, by Mitchell and Fulwood, covered the effects of crack on African-Americans and how it affected their reaction to some of the rumors that arose after the "Dark Alliance" series.

In 2013, Jesse Katz, a former Los Angeles Times reporter, said of the newspaper's coverage "As an L.A. Times reporter, we saw this series in the San Jose Mercury News and kind of wonder[ed] how legit it was and kind of put it under a microscope, and we did it in a way that most of us who were involved in it, I think, would look back on that and say it was overkill. We had this huge team of people at the L.A. Times and kind of piled on to one lone muckraker up in Northern California." And "we really didn't do anything to advance his work or illuminate much to the story, and it was a really kind of tawdry exercise. ... And it ruined that reporter's career."

The Mercury News's response
Surprised by The Washington Post article, The Mercury News's executive editor Jerome Ceppos wrote to the Post defending the series. The Post refused to print his letter. Ceppos also asked reporter Pete Carey to write a critique of the series for publication in The Mercury News, and had the controversial website artwork changed. Carey's critique appeared in mid-October and went through several of the Post's criticisms of the series, including the importance of Blandón's drug ring in spreading crack, questions about Blandón's testimony in court, and how specific series allegations about CIA involvement had been, giving Webb's responses.

When the Los Angeles Times series appeared, Ceppos again wrote to defend the original series. He also defended the series in interviews with all three papers. The extent of the criticism, however, convinced Ceppos that The Mercury News had to acknowledge to its readers that the series had been subjected to strong criticism. He did this in a column that appeared on November 3, defending the series, but also committing the paper to a review of major criticisms.

Ceppos' column drew editorial responses from both The New York Times and The Washington Post. An editorial in the Times, while criticizing the series for making "unsubstantiated charges", conceded that it did find "drug-smuggling and dealing by Nicaraguans with at least tentative connections to the Contras" and called for further investigation.

The Post's response came from the paper's ombudsman, Geneva Overholser. Overholser was harshly critical of the series, "reported by a seemingly hotheaded fellow willing to have people leap to conclusions his reporting couldn't back up." But while calling the flaws in the series "unforgivably careless journalism," Overholser also criticized the Post's refusal to print Ceppos' letter defending the series and sharply criticized the Post's coverage of the story. Calling the Post's overall focus "misplaced", Overholser expressed regret that the paper had not taken the opportunity to re-examine whether the CIA had overlooked Contra involvement in drug smuggling, "a subject The Post and the public had given short shrift."

In contrast, the series received support from Steve Weinberg, a former executive director of Investigative Reporters and Editors. In a long review of the series' claims in The Baltimore Sun, Weinberg said "I think the critics have been far too harsh. Despite some hyped phrasing, "Dark Alliance" appears to be praiseworthy investigative reporting."

After the series's publication, the Northern California branch of the national Society of Professional Journalists voted Webb "Journalist of the Year" for 1996. Despite the controversy that soon overtook the series, and the request of one board member to reconsider, the branch's board went ahead with the award in November.

End of the series
After Ceppos' column, The Mercury News spent the next several months conducting an internal review of the story. The review was conducted primarily by editor Jonathan Krim and reporter Pete Carey, who had written the paper's first published analysis of the series. Carey ultimately decided that there were problems with several parts of the story and wrote a draft article incorporating his findings.

The paper also gave Webb permission to visit Central America again to get more evidence supporting the story. By January, Webb filed drafts of four more articles based on his trip, but his editors concluded that the new articles would not help shore up the original series's claims.

The editors met with Webb several times in February to discuss the results of the paper's internal review and eventually decided to print neither Carey's draft article nor the articles Webb had filed. Webb was allowed to keep working on the story and made one more trip to Nicaragua in March. At the end of March, Ceppos told Webb that he was going to present the internal review findings in a column. After discussions with Webb, the column was published on May 11, 1997.

In the column, Ceppos defended parts of the article, writing that the series had "solidly documented" that the drug ring described in the series did have connections with the Contras and did sell large quantities of cocaine in inner-city Los Angeles.

But, Ceppos wrote, the series "did not meet our standards" in four areas. 1) It presented only one interpretation of conflicting evidence and in one case "did not include information that contradicted a central assertion of the series." 2) The series's estimate of the money involved was presented as fact instead of as an estimate. 3) The series oversimplified how the crack epidemic grew. 4) The series "created impressions that were open to misinterpretation" through "imprecise language and graphics."

Ceppos noted that Webb did not agree with these conclusions. He concluded, "How did these shortcomings occur? ... I believe that we fell short at every step of our process: in the writing, editing and production of our work. Several people here share that burden ... But ultimately, the responsibility was, and is, mine."

Resignation
Webb disagreed with Ceppos's column and, in interviews, was critical of the paper's handling of the story. Editors at the paper, on the other hand, felt that Webb had failed to tell them about information that contradicted the series's claims and that he "responded to concerns not with reasoned argument, but with accusations of us selling him out." In June 1997, The Mercury News told Webb it was transferring him from the paper's Sacramento bureau and offered him a choice between working at the main offices in San Jose under closer editorial supervision, or spot reporting in Cupertino; both locations were long commutes from his home in Sacramento. Webb eventually chose Cupertino, but was unhappy with the routine stories he was reporting there and the long commute.

He resigned from the paper in November 1997.

Federal investigation results
The reports of the three federal investigations into the claims of "Dark Alliance" were not released until over a year after the series' publication. The reports rejected the series' main claims but were critical of some CIA and law enforcement actions.

Justice Department report
The Department of Justice Inspector-General's report was released on July 23, 1998. According to the report's "Epilogue," the report was completed in December 1997 but was not released because the DEA was still attempting to use Danilo Blandón in an investigation of international drug dealers and was concerned that the report would affect the viability of the investigation. When Attorney General Janet Reno determined that a delay was no longer necessary, the report was released unaltered.

The report covered actions by Department of Justice employees in the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the DEA, the Immigration and Naturalization Service, and U.S. Attorneys' Offices. It found that "the allegations contained in the original Mercury News articles were exaggerations of the actual facts." After examining the investigations and prosecutions of the main figures in the series, Blandón, Meneses and Ross, it concluded that "Although the investigations suffered from various problems of communication and coordination, their successes and failures were determined by the normal dynamics that affect the success of scores of investigations of high-level drug traffickers … These factors, rather than anything as spectacular as a systematic effort by the CIA or any other intelligence agency to protect the drug trafficking activities of Contra supporters, determined what occurred in the cases we examined."

It also concluded that "the claims that Blandón and Meneses were responsible for introducing crack cocaine into South Central Los Angeles and spreading the crack epidemic throughout the country were unsupported." Although it did find that both men were major drug dealers, "guilty of enriching themselves at the expense of countless drug users," and that they had contributed money to the Contra cause, "we did not find that their activities were responsible for the crack cocaine epidemic in South Central Los Angeles, much less the rise of crack throughout the nation, or that they were a significant source of support for the Contras."

The report called several of its findings "troubling." It found that Blandón received permanent resident status "in a wholly improper manner" and that for some time the Department "was not certain whether to prosecute Meneses, or use him as a cooperating witness." Regarding issues raised in the series's shorter sidebar stories, it found that some in the government were "not eager" to have DEA agent Celerino Castillo "openly probe" activities at Ilopango Airport in El Salvador, where covert operations in support of the Contras were undertaken, and that the CIA had indeed intervened in a case involving smuggler Julio Zavala. It concluded, however, that these problems were "a far cry from the type of broad manipulation and corruption of the federal criminal justice system suggested by the original allegations."

CIA report
The CIA Inspector-General's report was issued in two volumes. The first one, "The California Story," was issued in a classified version on December 17, 1997, and in an unclassified version on January 29, 1998. The second volume, "The Contra Story," was issued in a classified version on April 27, 1998, and in an unclassified version on October 8, 1998.

According to the report, the Inspector-General's office (OIG) examined all information the agency had "relating to CIA knowledge of drug trafficking allegations in regard to any person directly or indirectly involved in Contra activities." It also examined "how CIA handled and responded to information regarding allegations of drug trafficking" by people involved in Contra activities or support.

The first volume of the report found no evidence that "any past or present employee of CIA, or anyone acting on behalf of CIA, had any direct or indirect dealing" with Ross, Blandón, or Meneses or that any of the other figures mentioned in "Dark Alliance" were ever employed by or associated with or contacted by the agency.

It found nothing to support the claim that "the drug trafficking activities of Blandón and Meneses were motivated by any commitment to support the Contra cause or Contra activities undertaken by CIA." It noted that Blandón and Meneses claimed to have donated money to Contra sympathizers in Los Angeles, but found no information to confirm that it was true or that the agency had heard of it.

It found no information to support the claim that the agency interfered with law enforcement actions against Ross, Blandón or Meneses.

House committee report
The House Intelligence Committee issued its report in February 2000. According to the report, it used Webb's reporting and writing as "key resources in focusing and refining the investigation." Like the CIA and Justice Department reports, it also found that neither Blandón, Meneses, nor Ross were associated with the CIA.

Examining the support that Meneses and Blandón gave to the local Contra organization in San Francisco, the report concluded that it was "not sufficient to finance the organization" and did not consist of "millions," contrary to the claims of the "Dark Alliance" series. This support "was not directed by anyone within the Contra movement who had an association with the CIA," and the Committee found "no evidence that the CIA or the Intelligence Community was aware of these individuals’ support." It also found no evidence to support Webb's suggestion that several other drug smugglers mentioned in the series were associated with the CIA, or that anyone associated with the CIA or other intelligence agencies was involved in supplying or selling drugs in Los Angeles.

Dark Alliance book
After his resignation from The Mercury News, Webb expanded the "Dark Alliance" series into a book that responded to the criticism of the series and described his experiences writing the story and dealing with the controversy. It was published in 1998 as Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion. A revised version was published in 1999 that incorporated Webb's response to the CIA and Justice Department reports. The February 2000 report by the House Intelligence Committee in turn considered the book's claims as well as the series' claims.

Dark Alliance was a 1998 Pen/Newman's Own First Amendment Award Finalist, 1998 San Francisco Chronicle bestseller, 1999 Bay Area Book Reviewers Award Finalist, and 1999 Firecracker Alternative Book Award-winner in the Politics category.

Webb's later views
In interviews after leaving The Mercury News, Webb described the 1997 controversy as media manipulation. "The government side of the story is coming through the Los Angeles Times, The New York Times, The Washington Post", he stated. "They use the giant corporate press rather than saying anything directly. If you work through friendly reporters on major newspapers, it comes off as The New York Times saying it and not a mouthpiece of the CIA." Webb's longest response to the controversy was in "The Mighty Wurlitzer Plays On," a chapter he contributed to an anthology of press criticism: "If we had met five years ago, you wouldn't have found a more staunch defender of the newspaper industry than me ... And then I wrote some stories that made me realize how sadly misplaced my bliss had been. The reason I'd enjoyed such smooth sailing for so long hadn't been, as I'd assumed, because I was careful and diligent and good at my job ... The truth was that, in all those years, I hadn't written anything important enough to suppress."

Within "The Mighty Wurlitzer Plays On" essay Webb stated he believed there was an active "collusion between the press and the powerful" to report freely on inconsequential matters, "but when it comes to the real down and dirty stuff... We begin to see the limits of our freedoms". He also stated "the series presented dangerous ideas" by suggesting "crimes of state had been committed" (i.e. that the "federal government bore some responsibility, however indirect, for the flood of crack that coursed through black neighborhoods in the 1980s").

Webb wrote later that he "never believed, and never wrote, that there was a grand CIA conspiracy behind the crack plague . . . The CIA couldn’t even mine a harbor without getting its trench coat stuck in its fly".

Later career
After leaving The Mercury News, Webb worked as an investigator for the California State Legislature. His assignments included investigating racial profiling by the California Highway Patrol and charges that the Oracle Corporation had received a no-bid contract award of $95 million in 2001. While working at the legislature, Webb continued to do freelance investigative reporting, sometimes based on his investigative work. For instance, he wrote an article regarding racial profiling in traffic stops which appeared in the April 1999 edition of Esquire magazine.

Webb later moved to the State Assembly's Office of Majority Services. He was laid off in February 2004 when Assembly Member Fabian Núñez was elected Speaker.

In August 2004, Webb joined the Sacramento News & Review, an alternative weekly newspaper, where he continued doing investigative writing. One of his last articles examined America's Army, a video game designed by the U.S. Army.

Death
Webb was found dead in his Carmichael home on December 10, 2004, with two gunshot wounds to the head. His death was ruled a suicide by the Sacramento County coroner's office. According to a description of Webb's injuries in the Los Angeles Times, he shot himself with a .38 revolver, which he placed near his right ear. The first shot went through his face, and exited at his left cheek. The coroner's staff concluded that the second shot hit an artery.

After a local newspaper reported that Webb had died from multiple gunshots, the coroner's office received so many calls asking about Webb's death that Sacramento County Coroner Robert Lyons issued a statement confirming Webb had died by suicide. When asked by local reporters about the possibility of two gunshots being a suicide, Lyons replied: "It's unusual in a suicide case to have two shots, but it has been done in the past, and it is in fact a distinct possibility." There were widespread Internet rumors at the time that Webb had been killed as retribution for his "Dark Alliance" series, published eight years before.

Webb's ex-wife, Susan Bell, told reporters that she believed Webb had died by suicide. "The way he was acting it would be hard for me to believe it was anything but suicide," she said. According to Bell, Webb had been unhappy for some time over his inability to get a job at another major newspaper. He had sold his house the week before his death because he was unable to afford the mortgage.

After Webb's death, a collection of his stories from before and after the "Dark Alliance" series was published. The collection, The Killing Game: Selected Stories from the Author of Dark Alliance, was edited by Webb's son, Eric.

Views on Webb's journalism
Views on Webb's journalism have been polarized. During and immediately after the controversy over "Dark Alliance," Webb's earlier writing was examined closely. A January 1997 article in American Journalism Review noted that a 1994 series Webb wrote had also been the subject of a Mercury News internal review that criticized Webb's reporting. A New York Times profile of Webb in June 1997 noted that two of his series written for the Cleveland Plain Dealer had resulted in lawsuits that the paper had settled.

On the other hand, many of the writers and editors who worked with him have had high praise for him. Walter Bogdanich, a Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter who worked with Webb on The Plain Dealer, told American Journalism Review editor Susan Paterno "He was brilliant; he knew more about public records than anybody I've ever known." Mary Anne Sharkey, Webb's editor at The Plain Dealer, told writer Alicia Shepard in 1997 that Webb was known as 'the carpenter' "because he had everything nailed down. Gary's documentation is awesome and his work ethic is unbelievable." California Representative Maxine Waters, who was Webb's strongest supporter in Congress after the "Dark Alliance" controversy broke, issued a statement after Webb's death calling him "one of the finest investigative journalists that our country has ever seen."

Jonathan Krim, The Mercury News editor who recruited Webb from The Plain Dealer and who supervised The Mercury News internal review of "Dark Alliance," told AJR editor Paterno that Webb "had all the qualities you'd want in a reporter: curious, dogged, a very high sense of wanting to expose wrongdoing and to hold private and public officials accountable." But as Krim told Webb's biographer Nick Schou, "The zeal that helped make Gary a relentless reporter was coupled with an inability to question himself, to entertain the notion that he might have erred." Scott Herhold, Webb's first editor at The Mercury-News, wrote in a 2013 column that "Gary Webb was a journalist of outsized talent. Few reporters I've known could match his nose for an investigative story. When he was engaged, he worked hard. He wrote well. But Webb had one huge blind side: He was fundamentally a man of passion, not of fairness. When facts didn't fit his theory, he tended to shove them to the sidelines."

Views on "Dark Alliance" series
The claim in the "Dark Alliance" series that the drug ring of Meneses-Blandón-Ross sparked the "crack explosion" has been criticized. Nick Schou, a journalist who wrote a 2006 biography of Webb, has claimed that this was the most important error in the series. Writing on the Los Angeles Times opinion page, Schou said, "Webb asserted, improbably, that the Blandón-Meneses-Ross drug ring opened 'the first pipeline between Colombia's cocaine cartels and the black neighborhoods of Los Angeles,' helping to 'spark a crack explosion in urban America.' The story offered no evidence to support such sweeping conclusions, a fatal error that would ultimately destroy Webb, if not his editors."

While finding this part of the series unsupported, Schou said that some of the series's claims on CIA involvement are supported, writing that "The CIA conducted an internal investigation that acknowledged in March 1998 that the agency had covered up Contra drug trafficking for more than a decade." According to Schou, the investigation "confirmed key chunks of Webb's allegations." In a 2013 article in the LA Weekly, Schou wrote that Webb was "vindicated by a 1998 CIA Inspector General report, which revealed that for more than a decade the agency had covered up a business relationship it had with Nicaraguan drug dealers like Blandón."

Writing after Webb's death in 2005, The Nation magazine's former Washington Editor David Corn said that Webb "was on to something but botched part of how he handled it." According to Corn, Webb "was wrong on some important details, but he was, in a way, closer to the truth than many of his establishment media critics who neglected the story of the real CIA-contra-cocaine connection." Like Schou, Corn cites the inspector general's report, which he says "acknowledged that the CIA had indeed worked with suspected drugrunners (sic) while supporting the contras."

Not all writers agree that the inspector general's report supported the series's claims. Jeff Leen, assistant managing editor for investigative reporting at The Washington Post, wrote in a 2014 opinion page article that "the report found no CIA relationship with the drug ring Webb had written about." Leen, who covered the cocaine trade for the Miami Herald in the 1980s, rejects the claim that "because [the report] uncovered an agency mindset of indifference to drug-smuggling allegations", it vindicated Webb's reporting.

Peter Kornbluh, a researcher at George Washington University's National Security Archives, also does not agree that the report vindicated the series. Noting that most of the activities discussed in the report had nothing to do with the people Webb reported on, Kornbluh told Schou, "I can't say it's a vindication. It was good that his story forced those reports to come out, but part of what made that happen was based on misleading information."

Films
Kill the Messenger (2014) is based on Webb's book Dark Alliance and Nick Schou's biography of Webb. Actor Jeremy Renner portrays Webb.

TV
Snowfall is an American crime drama television series set in Los Angeles in 1983. The series revolves around the first crack epidemic and its impact on the culture of the city. The series follows the stories of several characters whose lives are fated to intersect including CIA operative Teddy McDonald who helps to secure guns for the Contras.

title: Gary Webb


text:
APRS

APRS may refer to:

 * Association of Professional Recording Services
 * Automatic Packet Reporting System, amateur radio instant messaging and telemetry protocol
 * Annual percentage rates (APRs)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: APRS


text:
Category:X window managers

In the field of computing, an X window manager is software that manages windows on a screen under the X Window System, the standard windowing system on OpenVMS and Unix-like operating systems.

title: Category:X window managers


text:
Talk:Pedal curve

Epicycloids
Hm. Contrary to its pedal curve page, this mathworld page says the epicycloid does not give a rose. But hypo and epicycloids are such close cousins they should both or neither. I'll check carefully. 142.177.20.80 01:08, 2 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * The page is mistaken. Working in the complex plane and starting with $$P=0$$ and $$z=k{\rm cis}(t)+{\rm cis}(kt)$$ (epicycloids have $$k>0$$, hypocycloids $$k<0$$) we get
 * $$z'=ik\left({\rm cis}(t)+{\rm cis}(kt)\right)$$
 * $$|z'|^2=z'\bar z'=2k^2\left(1+\cos(kt-t)\right)$$
 * $$\langle z',P-z\rangle=-\Re(z'\bar z)=k(k-1)\sin(kt-t)$$
 * $${\langle z',P-z\rangle\over|z'|^2}={k-1\over2k}\tan\left({k-1\over2}t\right)={k-1\over2ik}{{\rm cis}(kt)-{\rm cis}(t)\over{\rm cis}(kt)+{\rm cis}(t)}$$
 * and, finally, the pedal curve is
 * $$w=z+z'{\langle z',P-z\rangle\over|z'|^2}={k+1\over2}\left({\rm cis}(t) + {\rm cis}(kt)\right)$$
 * Noting $${\rm cis}A+{\rm cis}B=2\cos{A-B\over2}{\rm cis}{A+B\over2}$$ and letting $$t=2\theta/(k+1)$$
 * $$w=(1+k)\cos\left({1-k\over 1+k}\theta\right){\rm cis}(\theta)$$
 * which is obviously a rose. 142.177.126.230 16:25, 2 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Mathworld's been corrected =) 142.177.126.230 23:07, 5 Aug 2004 (UTC)

Contrapedals
More work needed on contrapedal curve; mainly, what's done in higher spaces? While one could sensibly use the curvature vector, one could also use the perpendicular subspace...and somehow the latter is more appealing. Kwantus 18:53, 2 Aug 2004 (UTC)

Merge with Orthotomic
The orthotomic is simply the pedal magnified by a factor of 2. The current orthotomic article is just a stub, so the merge should be easy and it seems silly (not to mention a content fork) to have two articles about essentially the same curve.--RDBury (talk) 23:09, 9 October 2009 (UTC)
 * The merge is done.--RDBury (talk) 13:57, 12 October 2009 (UTC)

A little history would be nice
It would be nice to know why on earth this construction is a thing, and why it's called a "pedal" curve. Something to do with feet or walking? 203.13.3.94 (talk) 23:56, 30 August 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Pedal curve


text:
ATG

ATG may refer to:

Companies

 * ATG Stores, an e-tail site
 * Advanced Technology Group (Apple), a former division of Apple Computer
 * Advanced Technology Group (Novell), a former division of Novell
 * Aviation Technology Group, the defunct developer of the Javelin Very Light Jet (VLJ)
 * Auction Technology Group, a digital marketplace company formerly known as ATG Media

Military

 * Alaska Territorial Guard, a military reserve force in World War II
 * Anti-tank gun, a mobile weapon used in Anti-tank warfare

Organizations

 * Alternative Tourism Group, a Palestinian NGO
 * Ambassador Theatre Group, a theatre group in the UK

Science

 * ATG, a three-base sequence of DNA in the genetic code representing a start codon and/or methionine
 * Anti-thymocyte globulin, antibodies to prevent and treat transplant rejection
 * ATG is short for "autophagy-related", which can apply to either genes or proteins

Other uses

 * Ankara Tren Garı, a mixed use building in Ankara, Turkey
 * Anti Tank Guitar, a string instrument
 * Art Technology Group, a software developer
 * Art Theatre Guild, a Japanese film production company
 * Auto-gating, in night vision devices
 * The ISO 3166 code for Antigua and Barbuda, a country in the east Caribbean Sea

title: ATG


text:
Nicaraguan Democratic Force

The Nicaraguan Democratic Force (Fuerza Democrática Nicaragüense, or FDN) was one of the earliest Contra groups, formed on August 11, 1981 in Guatemala City. It was formed to oppose Nicaragua's revolutionary Sandinista government following the 1979 overthrow of Anastasio Somoza Debayle. It merged the 15th of September Legion, which comprised mostly former members of Somoza's National Guard, with the Nicaraguan Democratic Union, an organization of émigrés from the business and professional classes. The new FDN also began assimilating the MILPAS movement, bands led by disenchanted former MAP-ML guerrillas. The FDN military was under the command of former National Guard colonel Enrique Bermúdez. The FDN was heavily backed by the Central Intelligence Agency and the Reagan administration. The FDN was also alleged to be engaged in drug trafficking in order to finance its war against the Sandinista government.

Commanders
Some of the FDN's most notable commanders include:
 * Suicida – Pedro Pablo Ortiz Centeno. Former Guard sergeant, operated in the Jalapa area. Legendary for his eagerness for battle, but never fully adjusted from conventional to guerrilla warfare. Went into virtual mutiny in the fall of 1983, and was executed for committing atrocities.
 * Franklin [Franklyn] – Israel Galeano Cornejo. Regional commander of Jorge Salazar II, considered perhaps the FDN's best commander. Supporter of Tigrillo's pre-FDN band. Helped to lead the late 1989 ouster of Bermúdez and the political leadership. Forged alliances with brother Commandos from ARDE Frente Sur leading to significant battlefield victories. Died in a suspicious automobile accident in 1992 in Northern Nicaragua.
 * Toño – Walter Saúl Calderón López. Former Guard lieutenant, first commander of the Jorge Salazar, later led the Tactical Operations Command. Expelled after supporting a bid to oust Enrique Bermúdez in 1988.
 * Mike Lima – Luis Alfonso Moreno Payan. Ex-Guard lieutenant, commander of the Diriangén. Known for the capture of Pantasma in 1983. Left field command for staff duties after crippling wounds.
 * Tigrillo – Encarnación Valdivia [Baldivia] Chavarría. Ex-Sandinista, already leading a ragged MILPAS guerrilla band before joining the FDN. Commander of the Rafaela Herrera, roaming Jinotega Department. A charismatic leader, credited with recruiting thousands into the FDN. Chronically resentful of Bermúdez's favoritism for ex-Guardsmen, he backed the 1988 mutiny.
 * Mack – José Benito Bravo Centeno. Former Guardsman, commander of the Nicarao Regional Commando, operating in the Ocotal area. Gained a reputation for abuses, coupled with a lukewarm will to fight.
 * Rubén – Oscar Manuel Sobalvarro García. Surviving member of the MILPAS movement. Originally took the nom de guerre "Culebra" (Snake), but changed it due to the CIA's public relations concerns. Led the Salvador Perez Regional Commando in lower Jinotega, and became head of the council of field commanders following the late 1989 reorganization.
 * Jhonson – Luis Adán Fley González. Former Sandinista and early member of Tigrillo's band. After serving in the Special Operations Command, he founded the 15th of September Regional Commando, in Matagalpa Department's Pancasán region.
 * Quiché – Juan Ramón Rivas Romero. Former Guard sergeant, Toño's deputy commander in Task Force Jorge Salazar. He assumed command after Toño left, leading it as it grew into the FDN's largest force, with five regional commandos. In 1988, Bermúdez selected him to become chief of staff.
 * Rigoberto – Tirso Ramón Moreno Aguilar. Cattle merchant from Jinotega, and member of Dimas' MILPAS band. Regional commander of Jorge Salazar I, expelled for supporting the anti-Bermúdez movement in 1988.
 * Moisés – José Efrén Martínez Mondragón. Guard sergeant who led the FDN's first major strike, the demolition of the Somotillo bridge on March 14, 1982. Made task force commander of the José Dolores Estrada. In 1985, Mondragón sought exile in Mexico, where he was sent back to Nicaragua. Under duress, he urged his former comrades to accept amnesty, but was arrested and murdered in March 1988 after making overtures to return to the rebels.
 * Fernando – Diógenes Hernández Membreño. Regional commander of Jorge Salazar III; an evangelical pastor who joined the rebels due to Sandinista persecution of his congregation. After being promoted to the general staff, he became disenchanted with Bermúdez, and was ousted after participating in the 1988 mutiny.

title: Nicaraguan Democratic Force


text:
Baffin Region

The Baffin Region was a region of the Northwest Territories, in use as an administrative and statistical division until the creation of Nunavut in 1999. In 1967, it was created as the Baffin Region, Northwest Territories. The large majority of the Baffin Region fell on the Nunavut side of the boundary and was reconstituted within the new territory as the Qikiqtaaluk Region (also referred to as Baffin Region in some contexts). Several of the islands on the region's west side that remained in the NWT, including Eglinton Island, Prince Patrick Island and parts of Melville Island, were transferred to the Inuvik Region.

title: Baffin Region


text:
Edward Guinness, 1st Earl of Iveagh

Edward Cecil Guinness, 1st Earl of Iveagh, (10 November 1847 – 7 October 1927) was an Anglo-Irish businessman and philanthropist. A member of the prominent Guinness family, he was the head of the family's eponymous brewing business, making him the richest man in Ireland. A prominent philanthropist, he is best remembered for his provision of affordable housing in London and Dublin through charitable trusts.

Public life
Born at St. Anne's in Clontarf, Dublin, Guinness was the third son of Sir Benjamin Guinness, 1st Baronet, and younger brother of Arthur Guinness, 1st Baron Ardilaun. He was educated by private tutor before entering Trinity College Dublin, where he graduated with BA in 1870 and MA in 1872. He was High Sheriff of Dublin City in 1876 and of the county in 1885. That same year, he was created a baronet of Castleknock, County Dublin, for helping with the visit of the then Prince of Wales to Ireland. In 1891, Guinness was created Baron Iveagh, of Iveagh in County Down. He was appointed a Knight of St Patrick (KP) in 1895, and ten years later was advanced in the Peerage of the United Kingdom to Viscount Iveagh. He was appointed Honorary Colonel of the Dublin City Artillery Militia in 1899. Elected to the Royal Society in 1906, he was two years later elected nineteenth Chancellor of the University of Dublin in 1908–1927, he served as a vice-president of the Royal Dublin Society from 1906 to 1927. In 1910 he was appointed GCVO. In 1919, he was created Earl of Iveagh and Viscount Elveden, of Elveden in the County of Suffolk.

Business
Lord Iveagh was managing director of the Guinness partnership and company, from his father's death in 1868 until 1889, running the largest brewery in the world - it spanned 64 acre. He later became chairman of the board for life.

By the age of 29 he had taken over sole ownership of the Dublin brewery after buying out the half-share of his older brother Lord Ardilaun for £600,000 in 1876. Over the next 10 years, Guinness brought unprecedented success to St James's Gate, multiplying the value of his brewery enormously. By 1879 he was brewing 565,000 hogsheads of stout. Seven years later, in 1886, he was selling 635,000 hogsheads in Ireland, 212,000 in Britain, and 60,000 elsewhere, a total of 907,000 hogsheads.

He then became the richest man in Ireland after floating two-thirds of the company in 1886 on the London Stock Exchange for £6 million before retiring a multi-millionaire at the age of 40. He remained chairman of the new public company Guinness, and was its largest shareholder, retaining about 35% of the stock. The amount can be compared to the 1886 GDP of the UK, which was £116 million. By 1914 the brewery's output had doubled again from the 1886 level, to 1,877,000 hogsheads.

In 1902 he commissioned the Guinness Storehouse, that is today one of Ireland's main tourist attractions.

Public housing
Like his father and brother, Lord Iveagh was a generous philanthropist and contributed almost £1 million to slum clearance and housing projects, among other causes. In London this was the 'Guinness Trust', founded in 1890, that at present manages "over 66,000 homes". Most of his aesthetic and philanthropic legacy to Dublin is still intact. The Dublin branch of the Guinness Trust became the Iveagh Trust in 1903, by a private Act of Parliament, which funded the largest area of urban renewal in Edwardian Dublin, and still provides over 10% of the social housing in central Dublin. In 1908 he gave the large back garden of his house at 80 Stephens Green in central Dublin, known as the "Iveagh Gardens", to the new University College Dublin, which is now a public park. Previously he had bought and cleared some slums on the north side of St Patrick's Cathedral and in 1901 he created the public gardens known as "St. Patrick's Park". In nearby Francis Street he built the Iveagh Market to enable street traders to sell produce out of the rain.

Iveagh was portrayed as "Guinness Trust" in a "Spy" cartoon in July 1891.

Medical and scientific research
Iveagh also donated £250,000 to the Lister Institute in 1898, the first medical research charity in the United Kingdom (to be modelled on the Pasteur Institute, studying infectious diseases). In 1908, he co-funded the Radium Institute in London. He also sponsored new physics and botany buildings in Trinity College Dublin in 1903, and part-funded the students' residence at Trinity Hall, Dartry, in 1908.

Iveagh helped finance the British Antarctic Expedition (1907–09) and Mount Iveagh, a mountain in the Supporters Range in Antarctica, is named for him.

Art collector
Interested in fine art all his life, from the 1870s Guinness amassed a distinguished collection of Old Master paintings, antique furniture and historic textiles. In the late 1880s he was a client of Joe Duveen buying screens and furniture; Duveen realised that he was spending much more on fine art at Agnews, and refocused his own business on art sales. He later recalled Guinness as a: "stocky gentleman with a marked Irish brogue".

While he was furnishing his London home at Hyde Park Corner, after he had retired, he began building his art collection in earnest. Much of his collection of paintings was donated to the nation after his death in 1927 and is housed at the Iveagh Bequest at Kenwood, Hampstead, north London. While this lays claim to much of his collection of paintings, it is Farmleigh that best displays his taste in architecture as well as his tastes in antique furniture and textiles. Iveagh was also a patron of then-current artists such as the British portraitist Henry Keyworth Raine

Political life
Iveagh's father had sat as a Conservative MP for Dublin in the 1860s, as did his brother Arthur in the 1870s. Iveagh limited his involvement to acting as High Sheriff of County Dublin in 1885, mindful of the growing movement towards Irish Home Rule in the 1880s and the growth of the electorate under the 1884 Act. He did however stand as a Conservative for the seat of Dublin St Stephen's Green in the 1885 general election, losing to the Irish Parliamentary Party candidate.

Given his wealth he preferred to effect social improvements himself, and preferred a seat in the House of Lords, which he achieved in 1891. He supported the Irish Unionist Alliance. In 1913 he refused to lock out his workforce during the Dublin Lockout. In 1917–18, he took part in the ill-fated Irish Convention that attempted find a moderate solution to the Irish nationalists' demands. Though opposed to Sinn Féin, he had a personal friendship with W. T. Cosgrave who emerged as the first leader of the Irish Free State in 1922.

Like many others in the Irish business world, he had feared that Irish Home Rule would result in new taxes or customs duties between Dublin and Britain, his largest market. The existing free trade within the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland would likely turn protectionist, causing a loss of sales, employment and profits. In the event, the new Free State increased the tax on sales within Ireland, but not on exports.

Sporting interests
On land, Iveagh's favourite hobby was to drive a coach-and-four (horses), a very physical activity, occasionally driving from Dublin to the Punchestown Racecourse about 20 miles away, and back. He also was a keen yachtsman, and in 1897 he won a race between England and Kiel that was sponsored by Kaiser Wilhelm. A member of several clubs including the Royal St. George Yacht Club, his main boat was the 204-ton schooner "Cetonia" which he bought in 1880, making frequent appearances at Cowes Week until 1914.

Record estate
After his death in 1927 at Grosvenor Place, London, Iveagh was buried at Elveden, Suffolk. His estate was assessed for probate at £13,486,146 16s. 2d. (roughly equivalent to £0 in ). This remained a British record until the death of Sir John Ellerman in 1933. Although probate was sought in Britain, a part of the death duties was paid to the new Irish Free State. His will bequeathed Kenwood House in Hampstead to the nation as a museum for his art collection, known as the "Iveagh Bequest".

In 1936 his family installed the "Iveagh Window" in his memory, in the north transept of St Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin. The window was designed and made by Sir Frank Brangwyn.

In 1939 Iveagh's sons gave his Dublin home at 80 St. Stephen's Green to the Irish Free State, and it was renamed Iveagh House. Since then it has been the home of the Department of Foreign Affairs, and "Iveagh House" has become the metonym of the department.

Family

In 1873, Iveagh married his third cousin Adelaide Maria Guinness (1844–1916), nicknamed "Dodo". She was descended from the banking line of the Guinness family, and was the daughter of Richard Guinness, barrister and MP, and his wife Katherine, a daughter of Sir Charles Jenkinson, 10th Baronet.

Adelaide's most famous portrait was painted circa 1885 by George Elgar Hicks. They had three sons:
 * Rupert Edward Cecil Lee Guinness, 2nd Earl of Iveagh (1874–1967)
 * Hon. (Arthur) Ernest Guinness (1876–1949)
 * Walter Edward Guinness, 1st Baron Moyne (1880–1944)

title: Edward Guinness, 1st Earl of Iveagh


text:
AAH

AAH, Aah, Aaah, or Aaaah may refer to:

Acronyms and codes

 * AAH Action Against Hunger, an international aid effort aimed at alleviating malnutrition in children
 * Adopt-a-Highway, a common name for highway litter control programs
 * Advanced Attack Helicopter, a 1970s US Army program to develop a new attack helicopter
 * Aloha Airlines of the United States (ICAO code AAH)
 * Aquatic ape hypothesis, the idea that human ancestors at some point lived partially in water
 * Arlington Academy of Hope, a non-profit organization that helps Ugandan children reach their full potential
 * Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, an Iraqi Shi'a insurgent group
 * Association of Ancient Historians, learned society and publisher for ancient history
 * Association of Art Historians, learned society for art historical study in the UK
 * Australian Academy of the Humanities, an institution dedicated towards advancing Australian scholarship in the humanities
 * Huron High School (Ann Arbor, Michigan)
 * Merzbrück Airport near Aachen, Germany
 * African Americans for Humanism, a program of the Council for Secular Humanism
 * Atypical adenomatous hyperplasia

Other uses

 * Aah (film), a 1953 Hindi film starring Raj Kapoor and Nargis
 * Aaaah (film), a 2014 Tamil horror film
 * Abu’ Arapesh language, a language of Papua New Guinea
 * Aah (god), Egyptian god also known as Iah

title: AAH


text:
FDN

FDN may refer to:

Organizations

 * Dolphin Air, a defunct Ermirati airline
 * Flying Doctors Nigeria, an air ambulance service
 * French Data Network, a French non-profit Internet service provider
 * Fruta del Norte mine, an Ecuadorian gold mine

Politics

 * National Democratic Front (Mexico) (Spanish: Frente Democrático Nacional), a defunct political coalition
 * National Democratic Front (Peru) (Spanish: Frente Democrático Nacional), a defunct political party
 * New Democratic Forces (French: Forces démocratiques nouvelles), a defunct political party in the Republic of the Congo
 * Nicaraguan Democratic Force (Spanish: Fuerza Democrática Nicaragüense), a Nicaraguan Contra group
 * Nigerien Democratic Front (French: Front démocratique nigérien), a defunct political party of Niger

Other uses

 * Fairbanks Daily News-Miner, a newspaper in Fairbanks, Alaska, US
 * Faridabad New Town railway station, in Haryana, India
 * Fixed Dialing Number, in telephony

title: FDN


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Genetic dissorders

This page is simply nonsense. It is a misspelling and contains only YOU ARE TEH GAYZ0r!!!!3 It's on speedy, also.
 * I've made it a redir to Genetic disorder (for typo protection and to reduce the chance of it being recreated), so I guess my vote is keep redir. Niteowlneils 02:39, 2 Aug 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep the redirect & kill this. Geogre 03:41, 2 Aug 2004 (UTC)


text:
Talk:Bar Kokhba revolt

Bar Kokhba and the Jewish students of Jesus
I removed the following unsourced dubious claim from the article. It requires clarification, citation, and discussion.

 * "At the time, Jewish Christians were still a minor sect of Judaism, and most historians believe that it was this messianic claim in favor of Bar Kokhba that alienated many of them, who believed that the true Messiah was Jesus, and sharply deepened the schism between Jews and messianic Jews.[dubious]"

The main problem is, the claim fails to distinguish between the Jewish students of Jesus via the Twelve Apostles (who Jesus commanded to obey the Pharisees) versus the Nonjewish students of Paul who styled himself as “the Apostle to the Nonjews”. These Jewish and Nonjewish movements remained separate movements, albeit seemed to have formally allied with each other at the socalled “Council of Jerusalem” (see Galatians). The Jewish students of Jesus remained full members of the Jewish community, in good standing.

The Bar Kokhba Revolt appears to have ended with the virtual extinction of the Jewish students of Jesus. The implication is these Jewish students supported the Bar Kokhba Revolt. At the very least, the Roman armies made no distinction and genocided the Jewish students of Jesus along with the rest of the Jews of Jerusalem.

After the Bar Kokhba Revolt, the Romans tried to make Jerusalem “Jew free”, enforcing the earlier attempt to redefine Jerusalem as the Roman colony Aelia Capitolina. At this point, the Jewish “bishops” in Jerusalem since the days of James the Just, ceased to exist. In their place, the Romans installed a Nonjewish bishop, in other words, a Nonjewish student of Paul.

The Nonjewish students of Paul never became Jews. The Jewish students of the Twelve Apostles never ceased to be Jews. And there never was a conflict between these two spiritual traditions.

When the Rabbinate declared the “Notsrim” a heresy, literally a different “kind” of spiritual tradition, they refer specifically to the Nonjewish students of Paul, who are, by definition, Nonjewish. Jews were forbidden to become Nonjewish students of Paul. This verdict has no impact on Jewish students who follow the Twelve Apostles - but this distinction becomes moot after the Bar Kokhba disaster when any surviving Jewish students seem to merge back into the wider Rabbinic Jewish community.

While ignoring any special personal status of Jesus, Rabbinic tradition defacto incorporates almost every halakhic position that Jesus himself taught. Including: leniencies to save life on Shabat, the “greatest” commandment being love God thus love neighbor, do whatever the Pharisees say, and so on.

In sum, the period between the Crucifixion and the Genocide of Jerusalem became an opportunity to introduce biblical spirituality to Nonjews in a new way, however the biblical tradition as Jews understand it continues to remain intact.

Hadrian anti-semitic?
(moved from Talk:History of anti-Semitism) (moved from Talk:Hadrian)
 * Hadrian [...] raises a new temple to Jupiter on the ruins of the Second Temple.

This is standard operating procedure in the Roman religion: you tear down opposing holy sites and build your own temple on top of their ruins. No evidence this was motivated by anti-Semitism, that I can see. Indeed, the whole section seems only partially related to anti-Semitism, falling into the more general category of "history of nasty stuff done to Jews". I'm less sure about this, but wasn't collective punishment such as decimation a standard Roman technique too? Our article on Hadrian doesn't suggest that he was anti-Semitic. Perhaps it should, if we're going to be making that accusation here. Martin 23:05, 7 Jan 2004 (UTC)

 * The only thing that suggests Hadrian was anti-Semitic is his ban on circumcision, enacted (I think) before the revolt, and its truth is debatable -- the only source that reports the ban is rather dubious. His actions after the revolt were unquestionably hostile towards Jews, but he had reasons other than a hatred of Jews qua Jews. (For reading on this, and ancient anti-Semitism in general, I recommend the essay "Anti-Semitism" in Antiquity: The Problem of Definition, by Shaye J. D. Cohen, in History and Hate: The Dimensions of Anti-Semitism (ed. David Berger).)

 * Err, and attacking Judaism as a religion could be seen as anti-Semitic, I suppose, but again the issue is cloudy; the Romans made conquered barbarians worship Roman gods as a standard practice of Romanization, and the vast majority of said barbarians, being polytheists, didn't object too loudly. --MIRV 23:58, 7 Jan 2004 (UTC)

 * AFAIK, circumcision (brit-milah) has utmost religious importance in Judaism. Hadrian loathed it, and forbade this mutilation (as he called it) on pain of death. I'm not sure how far his projects of pagan temple advanced _before_ the uprising, but that's secondary. For what he did before and for his inadequate response to the uprising, he well deserves a place in the roaster. Humus sapiens 08:09, 9 Jan 2004 (UTC)

 * brit milah is indeed an important Jewish ritual. However, one cannot presume that every person who dislikes circumcision is anti-Semitic. It may be that Hadrian loathed circumcision because it was a Jewish ritual because he loathed the Jews. However, he may have loathed circumcision for other reasons. Further, note that we're not even sure that Hadrian did ban circumcision, as MIRV states. Martin 19:27, 9 Jan 2004 (UTC)

Hadrian's dislike of circumcision (assuming that the Augustan History can be trusted -- Antoninus Pius did rescind a ban on the practice, but it's not clear that said ban was originally Hadrian's) may have been based on anti-Semitism, or it could have been part of a general Greco-Roman dislike for mutilation of the body (especially the male body) -- the ancient Greeks detested such mutilations, and Hadrian was strongly influenced by Greek thought and culture. --MIRV 19:44, 9 Jan 2004 (UTC)

 * I've moved the content from history of A-S here, and left a stub to point to this article. Feel free to improve it radically. I wasn't sure about the title - perhaps "Hadrian in Judea" would be better? Martin 23:55, 9 Jan 2004 (UTC)

"Judea deleda est" listed at Redirects for discussion
The redirect [//en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Judea_deleda_est&redirect=no Judea deleda est] has been listed at redirects for discussion to determine whether its use and function meets the redirect guidelines. Readers of this page are welcome to comment on this redirect at  until a consensus is reached. Utopes (talk / cont) 06:43, 22 September 2023 (UTC)

Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 25 January 2024
As per MOS:LEAD, the article's lead is oversized and incorrectly formatted. I would remove the out-of-place bold headers and revise it myself in accordance with the accepted summary format, but for ECP reasons this will have to be done by another user. TheGlaswegian (talk) 02:22, 25 January 2024 (UTC)

 * I disagree. I do agree that the lead is very large, but considering that
 * the revolt is the single-most important historic event that lead to the massive increase of the Jewish Diaspora and the final demise of the 2nd Jewish Commonwralth, and
 * the lead/introduction is well-structured and sums up the revolt's main, very diverse aspects and consequences, allowing the hurried users to get all they want w/o going through the very large article body,
 * I added the pseudo-headings to make it more user-friendly.
 * It's not a standard Wiki format, but so what? Thinking outside the box is considered as a quality in real life; bureaucratic, rigurous standards cannot be applied to everything while staying user-friendly.
 * The code writers at Wiki can add this option. In academia, having introductions structured into subsets is nothing new. As an option for massive topics, not for anything else - and yes, life as well as encyclopaedic work can be complex and require flexibility. Cheers, Arminden (talk) 13:40, 25 January 2024 (UTC)
 * "Jewish Commonwralth" What the heck is a commonwralth? Dimadick (talk) 15:13, 26 January 2024 (UTC)
 * It's a Jewish commonwealth + a tgpo. Arminden (talk) 15:35, 26 January 2024 (UTC)
 * I'm not disputing the importance of the article, but the format of the lead. Yes, it's important, but that doesn't change that the purpose of the lead is essentially to function as a brief summary of what the article will subsequently describe in detail.
 * In this case, the "bureaucratic, rigorous standards" exist exactly to keep things "user-friendly". To be terribly blunt, the lead as it stands is not user-friendly, effective, or even very pleasing aesthetically. It is awkward and out of place, and for an article as significant as you pointed this out to be it is below the desired standard. TheGlaswegian (talk) 20:45, 27 January 2024 (UTC)
 * I believe you are completely wrong. You are just playing with words.
 * There is a one-paragraph "lead" exactly to your taste. And then there are SEPARATE summaries to the main sections, easy to discern (headings, one-paragraph form), which anyone can either read or ignore. These offer the user the option to get the main info w/o reading through the entire, long article.
 * Theoretically one could either
 * place these 5 summaries at the head of each article section. But that would make it a) harder for the user to quickly check the info, and b) it would still not be Wiki standard and not to your liking;
 * Split the article into 4 or 5 articles, one each for background, revolt, consequences of several nature - a nonsensical move, I believe.
 * So this is a VERY reasonable and user-friendly solution, where the user can
 * read just the one-paragraph lead (fastest option),
 * also read the 5 short following summaries of the main related sub-topics and get all the major info incl. analysis in a nutshell; or
 * go read it all, or look up the details they came here for, in the detailed sections.
 * It can't get more user-friendly than this - not with such a massive topic. That's why Britannica has a Micropædia and a Macropædia; we only have one format for both. Arminden (talk) 09:16, 28 January 2024 (UTC)
 * Firstly, I am not "playing with words", and the hostility and condescension in your tone is not helpful.
 * Secondly, I am proposing that this article follow the same style and format as the MOS:LEAD that is used for many thousands, perhaps millions of articles across the site. You may believe you know better than the accepted format, but that does not mean your changes improve the article. Instead they are, as I said, not user-friendly, and are inconsistent with the rest of the site.
 * I know this is a "massive topic", but it is far from the largest on the site. However, larger pages than this have made accessable leads meeting the accepted style without issue. TheGlaswegian (talk) 16:29, 28 January 2024 (UTC)
 * I haven't written the lead; I've only added the pseudo-headings. I can't imagine you think they make life harder, rather than easier.
 * So I'm the wrong address. Continue if you wish with the editors who've actually written the text. I've made my point, from now on it's just about "talking words". Arminden (talk) 22:29, 28 January 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Bar Kokhba revolt


text:
Jango, Pakistan

Jango is a village in Lower Dir District of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. It is located at 34°43'45N 72°2'60E and lies on the main Chakdara-Asbanr road, it has a population of about 3000. This village has been gradually merging with another village named Tazagram which is located near it. Jango village is the part of Union Council Tazagram. The literacy ratio in this village has climbed high in recent years, as it has been located in Dir District, known as a backward area in Pakistan. The population under 30 and above 10 has a literacy rate of over 80% which is a significant improvement from the 5% recorded in the 1970s. The village has produced highly qualified professionals in fields of Education, Sciences, Law and Engineering. People of Jango also gives high place to religion and their beloved country Pakistan. Brave sons of this village have given sacrifices in Afghanistan and Kashmir for the noble cause of Islam and Pakistan.

The village inhabitants consist of several casts, mainly (1)Mulayan or Mulan (2)Syeds or Miyagan(3)Aba khel (4)Shargha Khel (5)Musa Khel (6)But Khel (7)Umer khel and a number of other casts which came to reside in the village.

The word "Jango" is derived from the word "Jang" which means war or battle, the name of "Jango" was given to this village after a war between the two sides of surrounding villages Tazagram and Shewa.

The founding people of the village are deemed to be the Mulayan or Mulan people who lived for the first time in the village, later on they were joined by the Syeds or Miyagan.

The forefather of Mulayan, namely Mulla Gut Baba and of Syeds, Syed Jalal Bukhari are buried in the village, the people of the village respect both the shrines very deeply.

title: Jango, Pakistan


text: User talk:203.63.234.130

title: User talk:203.63.234.130


text:
User:Hfs

Empty, for now.

title: User:Hfs


text:
Trás-os-Montes (disambiguation)

Trás-os-Montes is a geographical, historical and cultural region of Portugal

Trás-os-Montes may also refer to:

Cape Verde

 * Trás os Montes, Cape Verde, a village in the municipality of Tarrafal, on the island of Santiago

Portugal

 * Trás-os-Montes Province, the 15th century historical comarca, later province/prefecture, of Portugal
 * Trás-os-Montes e Alto Douro, based on Amorim Girão's published analysis, but modified by the 1936 Estado Novo government
 * Alto Trás-os-Montes, a former NUTS III subregion of Portugal
 * Terras de Trás-os-Montes, an intermunicipal community and NUTS III subregion of Portugal

Other

 * Trás-os-Montes, a steamship built in 1906 as Bülow, renamed Trás-os-Montes in 1916, and renamed Nyassa in 1924
 * Trás-os-Montes (film), a 1976 film by Portuguese directors António Reis and Margarida Cordeiro
 * Trás-os-Montes wine

title: Trás-os-Montes (disambiguation)


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Wanda Radio Station

Wanda Radio Station (Polish Radiostacja Wanda), was a Soviet Polish language propaganda broadcast station during World War II.

Created in 1944, the Wanda Radio Station was attached to the Red Army units fighting on the Eastern Front. It operated daily, broadcasting news, lectures, and recorded Polish songs.

Before the Warsaw Uprising the broadcasts vowed for an armed uprising to be started in Warsaw in order to ease the crossing of the Vistula river by the Red Army. However, after the Uprising did break out the station halted all broadcasts and started to play music only. After the capitulation of the uprising on September 2, 1944 the broadcasts were restarted. Soviet propaganda underlined that general Tadeusz Bór-Komorowski was a traitor and that the Home Army started the uprising with no coordination with the Soviets.

There was also a German-controlled Wanda Radio Station in Rome during World War II. It was created in late 1943 and its main purpose was to encourage Polish troops fighting in Italy to desert.

title: Wanda Radio Station


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Nicky Hopkins

Nicholas Christian Hopkins (24 February 1944 – 6 September 1994) was an English pianist and organist. He performed on many popular and enduring British and American rock music recordings from the 1960s to the 1990s, most notably on songs recorded by the Rolling Stones, the Kinks, the Who, the Beatles, the Steve Miller Band, Jefferson Airplane, Rod Stewart, George Harrison, John Lennon, Paul McCartney, Ringo Starr, The Hollies, Cat Stevens, Carly Simon, Harry Nilsson, Joe Walsh, Peter Frampton, Jerry Garcia, Jeff Beck, Joe Cocker, Art Garfunkel, Badfinger, Graham Parker, Gary Moore, Quicksilver Messenger Service and Donovan. He is widely considered to be one of the greatest studio pianists in the history of popular rock music.

Early life
Nicholas Christian Hopkins was born in Perivale, Middlesex, England, on 24 February 1944. He began playing the piano at the age of three. He attended Sudbury Primary School in Perrin Road and Wembley County Grammar School, which now forms part of Alperton Community School, and was initially tutored by a local piano teacher; in his teens he won a scholarship to the Royal Academy of Music in London. He suffered from Crohn's disease for most of his life.

His poor health and repeated surgery later made it difficult for him to tour, and he worked mainly as a session musician for most of his career. Hopkins's studies were interrupted in 1960 when he left school at 16 to become the pianist with Screaming Lord Sutch's Savages until, two years later, he and fellow Savages Bernie Watson, Rick Brown (aka Ricky Fenson) and Carlo Little joined the renowned blues harmonica player Cyril Davies, who had just left Blues Incorporated, and became the Cyril Davies (R&B) All-Stars. Hopkins played piano on their first single, Davies's much-admired theme tune "Country Line Special".

Hopkins was forced to leave the All Stars in May 1963 for a series of operations that almost cost him his life and he was bed-ridden for 19 months in his late teenage years. During his convalescence, Davies died of leukemia and the All Stars disbanded. Hopkins's frail health led him to concentrate on working as a session musician instead of joining bands, although he left his mark performing with a wide variety of famous bands. He quickly became one of London's most in-demand session pianists and performed on many hit recordings from this period.

With the Rolling Stones
Hopkins played with the Rolling Stones on all their studio albums from Their Satanic Majesties Request in 1967 through until Tattoo You in 1981, except for Some Girls (1978). Hopkins first session with a member of the Rolling Stones was on the A Degree of Murder soundtrack, with Brian Jones, in February 1967. Hopkins' first sessions with the Rolling Stones as a band were also in 1967, from May 17 to 22, where he contributed prominent piano parts on "We Love You" and "She's a Rainbow". Hopkins added further significant piano parts to "Sympathy for the Devil", "No Expectations", and "Salt of the Earth" (1968), "Gimme Shelter" and "Monkey Man" (1969), "Sway" (1971), "Loving Cup" and "Ventilator Blues" (1972), "Coming Down Again", "Angie", and "Winter" (1973), "Time Waits for No One" (1974), "Fool to Cry" (1976), and "Waiting on a Friend" (recorded 1972, released in 1981). When working with the band during their critical and commercial zenith in the late 1960s and early 1970s, Hopkins tended to be employed on a wide range of songs, including ballads, up-tempo rockers and acoustic material; conversely, longtime de facto Stones keyboardist Ian Stewart only played on traditional major key blues rock numbers of his choice, while Billy Preston often featured on soul- and funk-influenced tunes. Hopkins's work with the Rolling Stones is perhaps most prominent on their 1972 studio album, Exile on Main St., where he contributed a variety of musical styles, often playing the main melodic part. Hopkins plays on 14 of the album's 18 tracks, giving him a greater presence than full time Rolling Stone Bill Wyman, who only contributed to nine of the songs.

Along with Ry Cooder, Mick Jagger, Bill Wyman and Charlie Watts, Hopkins released the 1972 album Jamming with Edward! It was recorded in 1969, during the Stones' Let It Bleed sessions, when guitarist Keith Richards was not present in the studio. The eponymous "Edward" was an alias of Nicky Hopkins derived from studio banter with Brian Jones. It was also incorporated into the title of Hopkins's instrumental song "Edward, the Mad Shirt Grinder", recorded with Quicksilver Messenger Service and released on Shady Grove in December 1969. Hopkins also contributed to the Jamming With Edward! cover art.

Hopkins' prodigious talents were well known among his fellow keyboard players and were frequently on display. Small Faces keyboard player Ian McLagan recounted the story of Ian Stewart playing McLagan the album The Original Delaney & Bonnie & Friends, and in particular the track "Ghetto". Both were astonished by the piano work performed by session pianist Leon Russell. Stewart then told McLagan he had played it to Hopkins once, who then promptly sat at the piano and played the entire song perfectly. Stewart's half-serious comment was "that's what I hate about him". McLagan further elaborated "I understood his frustration, as neither of us could compete with Nicky as a piano player. Our talents are our own, but we couldn't just play something that brilliant after hearing it for the first time. He really was annoyingly, incredibly talented".

Hopkins was added to the Rolling Stones touring line-up for the 1971 Good-Bye Britain Tour, as well as the 1972 North American tour and the 1973 Pacific tour. Audio recordings of those tours reveal the band reaching an incredible live peak, with Hopkins’s dazzling piano work meshing perfectly with the twin guitars of Taylor and Richards.

He contemplated forming his own band with multi-instrumentalist Pete Sears and drummer Prairie Prince around this time but decided against it after the Stones tour. Hopkins failed to make the Rolling Stones' 1973 European tour, possibly due to ill health. For the 1989 Steel Wheels tour Hopkins was considered but the band settled for Chuck Leavell and Matt Clifford instead, according to Hopkins this was due to insecurities regarding his frail health. After this, aside from a guest appearance in 1978, Hopkins did not play live on stage with the Stones again.

With the Kinks
Hopkins was invited in 1965 by producer Shel Talmy to record with the Kinks. He played on four of the group's studio albums: The Kink Kontroversy (1965), Face to Face (1966), Something Else by The Kinks (1967) and The Kinks Are the Village Green Preservation Society (1968).

The relationship between Hopkins and the Kinks deteriorated after the release of The Kinks Are the Village Green Preservation Society. Hopkins maintained that "about seventy percent" of the keyboard work on the album was his, and was incensed when Ray Davies apparently credited himself with most of the keyboard playing. He was also angered that he was not paid for his session work with the group.

Despite Hopkins's grudge against him, Davies spoke positively of his contributions in a New York Times interview in 1995, a few months after Hopkins' death:

Nicky, unlike lesser musicians, didn't try to show off; he would only play when necessary. But he had the ability to turn an ordinary track into a gem – slotting in the right chord at the right time or dropping a set of triplets around the back beat, just enough to make you want to dance. On a ballad, he could sense which notes to wrap around the song without being obtrusive. He managed to give "Days," for instance, a mysterious religious quality without being sentimental or pious.

Nicky and I were hardly bosom buddies. We socialized only on coffee breaks and in between takes. In many ways, I was still in awe of the man who in 1963 had played with the Cyril Davies All Stars on the classic British R & B record, "Country Line Special." I was surprised to learn that Nicky came from Wembley, just outside of London. With his style, he should have been from New Orleans, or Memphis.

... His best work in his short spell with the Kinks was on the album Face to Face. I had written a song called "Session Man," inspired partly by Nicky. Shel Talmy asked Nicky to throw in "something classy" at the beginning of the track. Nicky responded by playing a classical-style harpsichord part. When we recorded "Sunny Afternoon," Shel insisted that Nicky copy my plodding piano style. Other musicians would have been insulted but Nicky seemed to get inside my style and he played exactly as I would have. No ego. Perhaps that was his secret.

With the Who
Hopkins was first invited to join the Who by Shel Talmy in 1965, while recording their debut album My Generation. His trademark licks and fills bounced effortlessly off the rest of the band and he received a rare songwriting co-credit for the riotous instrumental "The Ox". Due to the band breaking ties with Shel Talmy, he didn't record again with the band until the quirky single "Dogs" in 1968. However he was front and centre for the Who's Next album in 1971, contributing massively to "Song is Over" and "Getting in Tune". In addition, during those sessions he played on the single "Let's See Action" as well as "Too Much of Anything". His worth and repute among fellow musicians was such that Pete Townshend offered him a full-time role in the band, adding "if you would ever like to join a band, we'd love to be considered first".

Hopkins missed the Quadrophenia album, before making a full return in 1975 on The Who by Numbers. He was also a key instrumentalist on the soundtrack for Ken Russell's 1975 film Tommy. Hopkins played piano on several tracks and is acknowledged in the album's liner notes for his work on arrangements for most of the songs.

In later years Hopkins always maintained a soft spot for the band, stating they were probably his favourite act to work with.

Solo albums and soundtrack work
In 1966, Hopkins released The Revolutionary Piano of Nicky Hopkins, produced by Shel Talmy. His next solo project released was The Tin Man Was a Dreamer in 1973, under the aegis of producer David Briggs, best known for his work with Neil Young and Spirit. Other musicians appearing on the album include George Harrison (credited as "George O'Hara"), Mick Taylor of the Rolling Stones, and Prairie Prince. Re-released by Columbia in 2004, the album features rare Hopkins vocal performances.

His next solo album, entitled No More Changes, was released in 1975. Appearing on the album are Hopkins (lead vocals and all keyboards), David Tedstone (guitars), Michael Kennedy (guitars), Rick Wills (bass), and Eric Dillon (drums and percussion), with back-up vocals from Kathi McDonald, Lea Santo-Robertie, Doug Duffey and Dolly. A third album, Long Journey Home, has remained unreleased. He also released three soundtrack albums in Japan between 1992 and 1993, The Fugitive, Patio and Namiki Family.

Other groups
In 1967, he joined the Jeff Beck Group. Intended as a vehicle for former Yardbirds guitarist Jeff Beck, the band also included vocalist Rod Stewart, bassist Ronnie Wood and drummer Micky Waller. He remained with the ensemble through its dissolution in August 1969, performing on Truth (1968) and Beck-Ola (1969). He also began to record for several San Franciscan groups, including the New Riders of the Purple Sage, the Steve Miller Band and Jefferson Airplane, with whom he recorded the album Volunteers and also performed at the Woodstock festival. From 1969 to 1970, Hopkins was a full member of Quicksilver Messenger Service, appearing on Shady Grove (1969), Just for Love (1970) and What About Me (1970). In 1975, he contributed to the Solid Silver reunion album as a session musician.

By this point Hopkins was one of Britain's best-known session players, particularly through his work with the Rolling Stones and after playing electric piano on the Beatles' "Revolution". Further raising his profile, he contributed to the Harry Nilsson album Son of Schmilsson, and recordings by Donovan. In 1969, Hopkins was a member of the short-lived Sweet Thursday, a quintet comprising Hopkins, Alun Davies (who worked with Cat Stevens), Jon Mark, Harvey Burns and Brian Odgers. The band completed their eponymous debut album; however, the project was doomed from the start. Their American record label, Tetragrammaton Records, abruptly declared bankruptcy (by legend, the same day the album was released) with promotion and a possible tour never happening.

In August 1975, he joined the Jerry Garcia Band, envisaged as a major creative vehicle for the guitarist during the mid-seventies hiatus of the Grateful Dead. His increasing use of alcohol precipitated several erratic live performances, resulting in him leaving the group by mutual agreement after a 31 December appearance. During 1979–1989, he was playing and touring with Los Angeles-based Night, who had a hit with a cover of Walter Egan's "Hot Summer Nights". In addition to recording with the Beatles in 1968, Hopkins worked with each of the four when they went solo. Between 1970 and 1975, he appeared on many projects by John Lennon, George Harrison and Ringo Starr, making key contributions to their critically acclaimed respective solo albums Imagine, Living in the Material World and Ringo. He worked only once with Paul McCartney, on the latter's 1989 album Flowers in the Dirt.

Hopkins also performed with Graham Parker's backing band the Rumour after their keyboardist Bob Andrews left the band.

Later life
Hopkins lived in Mill Valley, California, for several years. During this time he worked with several local bands and continued to record in San Francisco. One of his complaints throughout his career was that he did not receive royalties from any of his recording sessions, because of his status at the time as merely a "hired hand", as opposed to pop stars with agents. He received songwriting credit for his work with the Jeff Beck Group, including an instrumental, "Girl From Mill Valley", on the 1969 album Beck-Ola.

His precarious health, a consequence of Crohn's disease and its complications, made touring very difficult, limiting him largely to studio work. Only Quicksilver Messenger Service, through its manager Ron Polte, who went to great lengths to treat his musicians fairly, as well as with assent of the band's members, included Hopkins in an ownership stake. Towards the end of his life Hopkins worked as a composer and orchestrator of film scores, with considerable success in Japan.

In the early 1980s, Hopkins credited the Church of Scientology-affiliated Narconon rehabilitation program with curing his drug and alcohol addiction so he ultimately remained a Scientologist for the rest of his life. As a result of his religious affiliation, he contributed to several of L. Ron Hubbard's musical recordings.

In 1993, Hopkins, Joe Walsh, Terry Reid, Rick Rosas, and Phil Jones put together an informal group called The Flew. They played one show at The Coach House in San Juan Capistrano. This was Hopkins's last public performance before his death.

Death
Hopkins died on 6 September 1994, at the age of 50, in Nashville, Tennessee, from complications resulting from intestinal surgery related to his lifelong battle with Crohn's disease. At the time of his death, he was working on his autobiography with Ray Coleman.

Legacy and recognition
Songwriter and musician Julian Dawson collaborated with Hopkins on one recording, the pianist's last, in spring 1994, a few months before his death. After Ray Coleman's death, the connection led to Dawson working on a definitive biography of Hopkins, first published by Random House in German in 2010, followed in 2011 by the English-language version with the title And on Piano ... Nicky Hopkins (a hardback in the UK via Desert Hearts, and a paperback in North America via Backstage Books/Plus One Press).

On 8 September 2018, the Nicky Hopkins "piano" park bench memorial, crowdfunded through PledgeMusic, was unveiled in Perivale Park near Hopkins' birthplace.

The campaign offered the opportunity for pledgers to have their name inscribed on the bench and contribute towards funding a music scholarship at London's Royal Academy of Music, where Hopkins himself won a scholarship in the 1950s. Names that have pledged in the campaign include Mick Jagger, Keith Richards, Charlie Watts, Ronnie Wood, Bill Wyman, Yoko Ono Lennon, Roger Daltrey, Jimmy Page, Hossam Ramzy, Johnnie Walker and Kenney Jones. A quote about Hopkins by Bob Harris appears on the bench.

On what would have been Hopkins' 75th birthday (24 February 2019), the Nicky Hopkins Scholarship at the Royal Academy of Music was created, and on 19 October 2019, a commemorative plaque on his childhood home, 38 Jordan Road, Perivale, donated by the Ealing Council and Ealing Civic Society, was unveiled.

The Session Man documentary
In 2021, it was announced that a documentary about Nicky's life, called The Session Man, was in production. The film's world premiere opened Doc'n Roll Film Festival 2023 at The Barbican Centre on 26 October 2023 for which it was nominated for a Doc’n Roll Jury Award – Best Music Doc of 2023. The film was also screened at the Berlin Independent Film Festival 2024 where it won a |Best Low Budget Feature award.

Solo albums

 * The Revolutionary Piano of Nicky Hopkins (1966)
 * The Tin Man Was a Dreamer (1973)
 * No More Changes (1975)

Soundtracks

 * The Fugitive (1992)
 * Patio (1992)
 * Namiki Family (1993)

Selected performances and collaborations

 * with the Rolling Stones
 * "We Love You" and "She's a Rainbow" from Their Satanic Majesties Request album (1967)
 * "Sympathy for the Devil" and "Street Fighting Man" from Beggars Banquet album (1968)
 * "Gimme Shelter" (1969)
 * "Monkey Man" (1969)
 * "Sway" (1971)
 * Exile on Main St. album (1972)
 * "Angie" and others from Goats Head Soup album (1973)
 * It's Only Rock 'n Roll album (1974)
 * "Fool to Cry" (1976)
 * "Waiting on a Friend" (recorded 1972, released 1981)

 * with the Who
 * My Generation (1965)
 * "The Song Is Over" and "Getting in Tune" on Who's Next (1971)
 * "Let's See Action" (1971)
 * The Who by Numbers (1975)

 * with Jeff Beck
 * "Morning Dew" (1967)
 * Truth (1967)
 * "Girl From Mill Valley" on Beck-Ola (1969)

 * with Joe Cocker
 * I Can Stand a Little Rain (1974)
 * "You Are So Beautiful" (1974)
 * Jamaica Say You Will (1975)

 * with Art Garfunkel
 * Breakaway (1975)
 * Lefty (1988)

 * with George Harrison
 * Living in the Material World (1973)
 * Dark Horse (1974)
 * Extra Texture (Read All About It) (1975)

 * with Jefferson Airplane
 * Volunteers (1969)
 * "Wooden Ships" (1969)
 * "Eskimo Blue Day" (1969)
 * "Hey Fredrick" (1969)
 * Woodstock Festival set.

 * with the Kinks
 * The Kink Kontroversy (1965)
 * Face to Face (1966)
 * Something Else by the Kinks (1967)
 * The Kinks Are the Village Green Preservation Society (1968)

 * with John Lennon
 * Imagine (1971)
 * "Happy Xmas (War Is Over)" (1971)
 * Walls and Bridges (1974)

 * with Quicksilver Messenger Service
 * Shady Grove (composer of "Edward, the Mad Shirt Grinder") (1969)
 * Just for Love (1970)
 * What About Me (composer of "Spindrifter") (1970)

 * with Ringo Starr
 * Ringo (1973)
 * Goodnight Vienna (1974)

 * with Rod Stewart
 * Foot Loose & Fancy Free (1977)
 * Blondes Have More Fun (1978)
 * Every Beat of My Heart (1986)

 * with others
 * Gene Clark – various recordings
 * Amory Kane – various recordings
 * Cat Stevens – "Matthew and Son" on Matthew and Son (1967)
 * The Creation – We Are Paintermen (1967)
 * The Easybeats – "Heaven & Hell" and an unreleased album titled Good Times (1967)
 * The Beatles – "Revolution" (single version) (1968)
 * The Move – "Hey Grandma", "Mist on a Monday Morning" and "Wild Tiger Woman" on Move (1968)
 * The Raisins – "Sahara", "Under the Plump Pears" (1968)
 * Paul Jones – "And the Sun Will Shine"
 * Brewer & Shipley – Weeds (1969)
 * Steve Miller Band – "Kow Kow" on Brave New World (1969); "Baby's House" (which Hopkins co-wrote with Miller) on Your Saving Grace (1969)
 * Jackie Lomax – Is This What You Want? (1969)
 * P. J. Proby – "Reflections (Of Your Face)" on Three Week Hero (1969)
 * The Iveys – "See-Saw Granpa" on Maybe Tomorrow (1969)
 * Donovan – "Barabajagal" on Barabajagal (1969); Essence to Essence (1973)
 * Jamming with Edward, jam session with Ry Cooder, Mick Jagger, Bill Wyman and Charlie Watts (recorded 1969, released 1972)
 * The Jayhawks – "Two Angels" and "Martin's Song" on Hollywood Town Hall (1992)
 * Carly Simon – No Secrets (1972)
 * New Riders of the Purple Sage – Powerglide (1972)
 * Harry Nilsson – Son of Schmilsson (1972)
 * Marc Bolan – "Jasper C. Debussy" (recorded 1966–67, released 1972)
 * Martha Reeves – Martha Reeves (1974)
 * Peter Frampton – Somethin's Happening (1974)
 * Jerry Garcia Band – Let It Rock: The Jerry Garcia Collection, Vol. 2 (1975); Garcia Live Volume Five (1975)
 * Art Garfunkel – Breakaway (1975)
 * Jerry Garcia – Reflections (1976)
 * Bill Wyman – Stone Alone (1976)
 * Carole Bayer Sager – Carole Bayer Sager (1977)
 * Jennifer Warnes – Jennifer Warnes (1977)
 * Badfinger – Airwaves (1979)
 * Meat Loaf – "More Than You Deserve" on Dead Ringer (1981)
 * Ron Wood – 1234 (1981)
 * Graham Parker – Another Grey Area (1982)
 * Dusty Springfield – White Heat (1982)
 * Buzzy Linhart – The Four Sides of Buzzy Linhart (1982, EP)
 * Carl Wilson – Youngblood (1983)
 * Belinda Carlisle – Belinda (1986)
 * Paul McCartney – Flowers in the Dirt (1989)
 * The Dogs D'Amour – Errol Flynn (1989)
 * Adam Bomb – New York Times (recorded in 1990, released in 2001)
 * Spinal Tap – "Rainy Day Sun" on Break Like the Wind (1991)
 * Izzy Stradlin – Izzy Stradlin and the Ju Ju Hounds (1992)
 * Matthew Sweet – Altered Beast (1993)
 * Joe Walsh – "Guilty of the Crime" on A Future to This Life: Robocop – The Series Soundtrack (1994)

title: Nicky Hopkins


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Oscar Danilo Blandón

Oscar Danilo Blandón Reyes (born July 29, 1951 ) is a Nicaraguan born drug trafficker who is best known as one of the main subjects of the 1996 newspaper series "Dark Alliance" by reporter Gary Webb.

Blandón was originally a director of agricultural markets in Nicaragua during the government of Anastasio Somoza. When the Somoza regime was overthrown in 1979, Blandón fled to the United States, and then raised money for the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN), a Contra group. As part of his fundraising activities Blandón began selling cocaine. Eventually Blandón became a major cocaine trafficker in the Los Angeles area.

In May 1992, Blandón was arrested in San Diego on the federal charge of "conspiracy to possess cocaine with intent to distribute." In prison awaiting trial, Blandón began cooperating with the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) in a number of drug cases. In a plea agreement, Blandón agreed to continue cooperating with the government in exchange for a substantial sentence reduction. Eventually Blandón was sentenced to 48 months. In order to facilitate Blandón's work as an informant, the government further requested a reduction in Blandón's sentence to time served. Following his imprisonment, Blandón worked for the DEA as a confidential informant. He worked for the DEA to take down drug kingpin Rick Ross in a sting operation, for which Ross was convicted in 1997.

In the 2014 film Kill the Messenger, Blandón was portrayed by actor Yul Vazquez.

title: Oscar Danilo Blandón


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Talk:H dōjin

VfD discussion page?
I can't find the VfD discussion page? It's not in July 2004, or the older archive from May-June.

If it's not there, shouldn't the VfD banner be removed? --132.205.15.4 21:31, 1 Aug 2004 (UTC) (signature added by Benc)
 * I can't find it either. I removed the VfD banner. --Benc 01:46, 2 Aug 2004 (UTC)

title: Talk:H dōjin


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John Woodward Philip

John Woodward Philip (26 August 1840 – 30 June 1900) was an officer in the United States Navy during the Civil War and Spanish–American War.

Biography
Born in Kinderhook, Columbia County, New York, Philip was appointed midshipman on 20 September 1856 and graduated from the Naval Academy on 1 June 1861.

Civil War
During the Civil War, he served on the USS Santee (1855), USS Marion (1839) and USS Sonoma (1862) until September 1862 when he was ordered to USS Chippewa (1861), attached to the South Atlantic Blockading Squadron. While serving in Chippewa, he was wounded during operations against Charleston, South Carolina, in July 1863. Philip served as executive officer of the steam sloop USS Wachusett (1861) under Commander Robert Townsend and assumed command upon Townsend's death from heat stroke in China on 15 August 1866. In 1877, he made a tour of the world in command of the Woodruff Scientific Expedition. Later he commanded the battleship USS Texas (1892) from 18 October 1897 to 29 August 1898.

Spanish–American War
During the Spanish–American War, his ship, with the cruiser USS Marblehead (C-11), led the attack and silenced the fort on Cayo del Toro, Guantanamo Bay, on 15 June 1898. On 3 July 1898, in command of Texas, he participated in the Battle of Santiago de Cuba, in which Pascual Cervera y Topete's Spanish Fleet was destroyed off Santiago de Cuba. During the battle, upon watching the burning of the SPANISH CRUISER Vizcaya, he famously told his men "Don't cheer, boys. The poor devils are dying." He was advanced five numbers in grade on 10 August 1898 for eminent and conspicuous service in battle. From 3 September 1898 until 28 December 1898, he served as Commander of the 2nd Squadron, North Atlantic Fleet, flying his broad pennant in the armored cruiser USS New York (CA-2).

Later career and death
Commencing 14 January 1899, he was in command of the New York Navy Yard and Naval Station, and was promoted to rear admiral on 3 March 1899. While serving in this duty, Admiral Philip died suddenly on 30 June 1900.

Namesake
Two destroyers have been named USS Philip in his honor.

title: John Woodward Philip