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Mayak

The Mayak Production Association (Производственное объединение «Маяк», Proizvodstvennoye ob′yedineniye "Mayak", from Маяк 'lighthouse') is one of the largest nuclear facilities in the Russian Federation, housing a reprocessing plant. The closest settlements are Ozyorsk to the northwest and Novogornyi to the south.

Lavrentiy Beria led the Soviet atomic bomb project. He directed the construction of the Mayak Plutonium plant in the Southern Urals between 1945 and 1948, in a great hurry and secrecy as part of the Soviet Union's atomic bomb project. Over 40,000 Gulag prisoners and POWs built the factory and the closed nuclear city of Ozyorsk, called at the time by its classified postal code "Forty". Five (today closed) nuclear reactors were built to produce plutonium which was refined and machined for weapons. Later the plant came to specialise in reprocessing spent nuclear fuel from nuclear reactors and plutonium from decommissioned weapons.

Once production began, engineers quickly ran out of underground space to store high-level radioactive waste. Rather than cease production of plutonium until new underground waste storage tanks could be built, between 1949 and 1951, Soviet managers dumped 76 e6m3 of toxic chemicals, including 3.2 million curies of high-level radioactive waste into the Techa River, a slow-moving hydraulic system that bogs down in swamps and lakes.

As many as 40 villages, with a combined population of about 28,000, lined the river at the time. For 24 of them, the Techa was a major source of water; 23 of them were eventually evacuated. In the 45 years afterwards, about half a million people in the region have been irradiated in one or more of the incidents, exposing them to up to 20 times the radiation suffered by the Chernobyl disaster victims outside of the plant itself.

Investigators in 1951 found communities along the river highly contaminated. On discovery, soldiers immediately evacuated the first downriver village of Metlino, population 1,200, where radiation levels measured 3.5–5 rads/hr (35–50 mGy/hr or 10–14 μGy/s). At that rate, people would get the equivalent of a lifetime exposure to radiation in less than a week. During the following decade, ten additional communities were resettled from the river, but the largest community, Muslumovo, remained. Researchers investigated residents of Muslumovo annually in what has become a four-generation living experiment of people living among chronic, low doses of radioactivity. Blood samples showed its villagers took in caesium-137, ruthenium-106, strontium-90, and iodine-131, internally and externally. These isotopes had deposited in organs, flesh and bone marrow. Villagers complained of various illnesses and symptoms—chronic fatigue, sleep and fertility problems, weight loss, and increased hypertension. The frequency of congenital disabilities and complications at birth was three times greater than normal. In 1953, doctors examined 587 of 28,000 exposed people and found that 200 had clear cases of radiation poisoning.

In 1957 Mayak was the site of the Kyshtym disaster, which at the time was the worst nuclear accident in history. During this catastrophe, a poorly maintained storage tank exploded, releasing 20 million curies (740 PBq) in the form of 50–100 tons of high-level radioactive waste. The resulting radioactive cloud contaminated an expansive territory of more than 750 km2 (a nine-mile radius) in the eastern Urals, causing sickness and death from radiation poisoning.

The Soviet government kept this accident secret for about 30 years. It is rated at 6 on the seven-level INES scale. It is third in severity, surpassed only by Chernobyl in Ukraine and Fukushima in Japan.

Mayak is still active, and it serves as a reprocessing site for spent nuclear fuel. Today the plant makes tritium and radioisotopes, not plutonium. In recent years, proposals that the plant reprocess waste from foreign nuclear reactors have given rise to controversy.

An incompletely reported accident appears to have occurred in September 2017; see Airborne radioactivity increase in Europe in autumn 2017.

Location
The nuclear complex is 150 km south of Ekaterinburg, between the towns of Kasli and Tatysh, and 100 km northwest of Chelyabinsk. The closest city, Ozyorsk, is the central administrative territorial district. As part of the Russian (formerly Soviet) nuclear weapons program, Mayak was formerly known as Chelyabinsk-40 and later as Chelyabinsk-65, referring to the postal codes of the site.

Design and structure
Mayak's nuclear facility plant covers about 90 km2. The site borders Ozyorsk, in which a majority of the staff of Mayak live. Mayak itself was not shown on Soviet public maps. The location of the site together with the plant city was chosen to minimise the effects that harmful emissions could potentially have on populated areas. Mayak is surrounded by a ~250 km2 exclusion zone. Nearby is the site of the South Urals nuclear power plant.

History
Built in total secrecy between 1945 and 1948, the Mayak plant was the first reactor used to create plutonium for the Soviet atomic bomb project. In accordance with Stalinist procedure and supervised by NKVD Chief Lavrentiy Beria, it was the utmost priority to produce enough weapons-grade material to match the U.S. nuclear superiority following the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Little to no consideration was paid to worker safety or responsible disposal of waste materials, and the reactors were all optimised for plutonium production, producing many tons of contaminated materials and utilising primitive open-cycle cooling systems which directly contaminated the thousands of gallons of cooling water the reactors used every day.

Lake Kyzyltash was the largest natural lake capable of providing cooling water to the reactors; it was rapidly contaminated via the open-cycle system. The closer Lake Karachay, too small to provide sufficient cooling water, was used as a dumping ground for large quantities of high-level radioactive waste too "hot" to store in the facility's underground storage vats. The original plan was to use the lake to store highly radioactive material until it could be returned to the Mayak facility's underground concrete storage vats, but this proved impossible due to the lethal levels of radioactivity (see Pollution of Lake Karachay). The lake was used for this purpose until the Kyshtym Disaster in 1957, in which the underground vats exploded due to a faulty cooling system. This incident caused widespread contamination of the entire Mayak area (as well as a large swath of territory to the northeast). This led to greater caution among the administration, fearing international attention, and caused the dumping grounds to be spread out over a variety of areas (including several lakes and the Techa River, along which many villages lay).

Kyshtym disaster
Working conditions at Mayak resulted in severe health hazards and many accidents. The most notable accident occurred on 29 September 1957, when the failure of the cooling system for a tank storing tens of thousands of tons of dissolved nuclear waste resulted in a chemical (non-nuclear) explosion having an energy estimated at 75 tons of TNT (310 gigajoules). This released 740 PBq (20 MCi) of fission products, of which 74 PBq (2 MCi) drifted off the site, creating a contaminated region of 15,000 – called the East Urals Radioactive trace. Subsequently, an estimated 49 to 55 people died of radiation-induced cancer, 66 were diagnosed with chronic radiation syndrome, 10,000 people were evacuated from their homes, and 470,000 people were exposed to radiation.

The Soviet Union did not release news of the accident and denied it happened for nearly 30 years. Residents of Chelyabinsk district in the Southern Urals reported observing "polar-lights" in the sky near the plant, and American aerial spy photos had documented the destruction caused by the disaster by 1960. This nuclear accident, the Soviet Union's worst before the Chernobyl disaster, is categorised as a Level 6 "Serious Accident" on the 0–7 International Nuclear Events Scale.

When Zhores Medvedev exposed the disaster in a 1976 article in New Scientist, some exaggerated claims circulated in the absence of any verifiable information from the Soviet Union. People "grew hysterical with fear with the incidence of unknown 'mysterious' diseases breaking out. Victims were seen with skin 'sloughing off' their faces, hands and other exposed parts of their bodies." As Zhores wrote, "Hundreds of square miles were left barren and unusable for decades and maybe centuries. Hundreds of people died, thousands were injured and surrounding areas were evacuated." Professor Leo Tumerman, former head of the Biophysics Laboratory at the Institute of Molecular Biology in Moscow, disclosed what he knew of the accident around the same time. Russian documents gradually declassified from 1989 onward show the true events were less severe than rumoured.

According to Gyorgy, who invoked the Freedom of Information Act to open up the relevant Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) files, the CIA knew of the 1957 Mayak accident, but kept it secret to prevent adverse consequences for the fledgling US nuclear industry. "Ralph Nader surmised that the information had not been released because of the reluctance of the CIA to highlight a nuclear accident in the USSR, that could cause concern among people living near nuclear facilities in the USA." Only in 1992, shortly after the fall of the USSR, did the Russians officially acknowledge the accident.

1968 Criticality Incident
In December 1968, the facility was experimenting with plutonium purification techniques. Two operators were using an "unfavourable geometry vessel in an improvised and unapproved operation as a temporary vessel for storing plutonium organic solution." "Unfavourable geometry" means that the vessel was too compact, reducing the amount of plutonium needed to achieve a critical mass to less than the amount present. After most of the solution had been poured out, there was a flash of light and heat. After the complex had been evacuated, the shift supervisor and radiation control supervisor re-entered the building. The shift supervisor then entered the room of the incident, caused another, larger nuclear reaction and irradiated himself with a deadly dose of radiation.

2017 radiation release
Abnormally high levels of radiation were reported in the area of the facility in November 2017. Simultaneously, traces of radioactive manmade isotope Ruthenium-106 spread across Europe in September and October. Such a release had not been seen on a continental scale since the Chernobyl accident. In January 2018, the French Institute of Radioprotection and Nuclear Security (IRSN) reported that the source of the contamination is located in the Volga – Southern Ural region between 25 and 28 September for a duration of less than 24 hours. The report excludes the possibility of an accidental release from a nuclear reactor, stating that it seems related with irradiated fuels processing or the production of sources from fission products solution. It may point to Mayak's aborted attempt to manufacture a capsule of highly radioactive component cerium-144, for the SOX project in Italy. Both the Russian government and Rosatom denied at the time that another accidental leak took place at Mayak. The release of a cloud of ruthenium-106 is similar to the B205 reprocessing accident in Britain in 1973.

Environmental impact
In the early years of its operation, the Mayak plant directly discharged high-level nuclear waste into several small lakes near the plant, and into the Techa River, whose waters ultimately flow into the Ob River. Mayak continues to dump low-level radioactive waste directly into the Techa River today. Medium level waste is discharged into the Karachay Lake. According to the data of the Department of Natural Resources in the Ural Region, in the year 2000, more than 250 e6m3 of water containing thousands of curies of tritium, strontium, and cesium-137 were discharged into the Techa River. The tritium concentration alone in the river near the village of Muslyumovo exceeds the permissible limit by 30 times.

Rosatom, a state-owned nuclear operations corporation, began to resettle residents of Muslyumovo in 2006. However, only half of the residents of the village were moved. People continue to live in the immediate area of the plant, including Ozyorsk and other downstream areas. Residents report no problems with their health and the health of Mayak plant workers. However, these claims lack verification, and many who worked at the plant in 1950s and 1960s subsequently died from the effects of radiation. The administration of the Mayak plant has been repeatedly criticized in recent years by Greenpeace and other environmental advocates for environmentally unsound practices.

List of accidents

The Mayak plant is associated with two other major nuclear accidents. The first occurred as a result of heavy rains causing Lake Karachay, a dried-up radioactively polluted lake (used as a dumping basin for Mayak's radioactive waste since 1951), to release radioactive material into surrounding waters. The second occurred in 1967 when wind spread dust from the bottom of Lake Karachay over parts of Ozyorsk; over 400,000 people were irradiated..

Major accidents at Mayak, 1953–1998
Source:
 * 15 March 1953 – Criticality accident. Contamination of plant personnel occurred.
 * 13 October 1955 – Rupture of process equipment and the destruction of a process building.
 * 21 April 1957 – Criticality accident. One operator died from receiving over 3000 rad. Five others received doses of 300 to 1,000 rem and temporarily became sick with radiation poisoning.
 * 29 September 1957 – Kyshtym disaster.
 * 2 January 1958 – Criticality accident in SCR plant. Plant workers conducted experiments to determine the critical mass of enriched uranium in a cylindrical container with different concentrations of uranium in solution. Personnel received doses from 7600 to 13,000 rem, resulting in three deaths and one case of blindness caused by radiation sickness.
 * 12 May 1960 – Criticality accident. Five people were contaminated.
 * 26 February 1962 – Destruction of equipment. An explosion occurred in the absorption column.
 * 9 July 1962 – Criticality accident.
 * 16 December 1965 – Criticality accident. Seventeen individuals received exposure to small amounts of radiation over a period of 14 hours.
 * 10 December 1968 – Criticality accident. Plutonium solution was poured into a cylindrical container with dangerous geometry. One person died, another took a high dose of radiation and radiation sickness, after which he had both legs and his right arm amputated.
 * 11 February 1976 – Unsafe actions of staff development at the radiochemical plant caused an autocatalytic reaction of concentrated nitric acid and organic liquid complex composition. The device exploded, contaminating the repair zone and areas around the plant. The incident merited an International Nuclear Event Scale rating of 3.
 * 10 February 1984 – Explosion.
 * 16 November 1990 – Explosion. Two people received burns and one was killed.
 * 17 July 1993 – Accident at radioisotope plant, resulting in the destruction of the absorption column and release into the environment of a small amount of α-aerosols. Radiation emission was localised at the manufacturing facility of the shop.
 * 8 February 1993 – Depressurisation of a pipeline caused 2 m3 of radioactive slurry (about 100 m2 of contaminated surface) to leak to the surface of the pulp radioactive activity of about 0.3 Ci. Radioactive trace was localised, contaminated soil removed.
 * 27 December 1993 – Incident at radioisotope plant where the replacement of a filter resulted in the release into the atmosphere of radioactive aerosols. Emissions were on the α-activity of 0.033 Ci, and β-activity of 0.36 mCi.
 * 4 February 1994 – Recorded increased release of radioactive aerosols: the β-activity of 2-day levels of Cs-137 subsistence levels, the total activity of 7.15 mCi.
 * 30 March 1994 – Recorded excess daily release of Cs-137 in 3, β-activity – 1,7, α-activity – by 1.9 times. In May 1994 the ventilation system of the building of the plant spewed activity 10.4 mCi β-aerosols. Emission of Cs-137 was 83% of the control level.
 * 7 July 1994 – The control plant detected a radioactive spot area of several square decimetres. Exposure dose was 500 millirems per second. The spot was formed by leaking sewage.
 * 31 August 1994 – Registered an increased release of radionuclides to the atmospheric pipe building reprocessing plant (238.8 mCi, with the share of Cs-137 was 4.36% of the annual emission limit of this radionuclide). The reason for the release of radionuclides was depressurisation of VVER-440 fuel elements during the operation segments idle all SFA (spent fuel assemblies) as a result of an uncontrollable arc.
 * 24 March 1995 – Recorded excess of 19% of normal loading apparatus plutonium, which can be regarded as a dangerous nuclear incident.
 * 15 September 1995 – High-level liquid radioactive waste (LRW) was found in flow of cooling water. Operation of a furnace into the regulatory regime has been discontinued.
 * 21 December 1995 – Cutting of a thermometric channel exposed four workers (1.69, 0.59, 0.45, 0.34 rem) when operators violated process procedures.
 * 24 July 1995 – Cs-137 aerosols released, the value of which amounted to 0.27% of the annual value of MPE for the enterprise.
 * 14 September 1995 – Replacement covers and lubrication step manipulators registered a sharp increase in airborne α-nuclides.
 * 22 October 1996 – Depressurisation occurred in a coil while channeling cooling water from one storage tanks of high-level waste. The result was contaminated pipe cooling system repositories. As a result of this incident, 10 people were exposed to radiation dose of 2.23 to 48 milli-Sieverts.
 * 20 November 1996 – A chemical-metallurgical plant in the works on the electrical exhaust fan caused aerosol release of radionuclides into the atmosphere, which made up 10% of the allowed annual emissions of the plant.
 * 27 August 1997 – In building RT-1 in one of the rooms was found to be contaminated floor area of 1 to 2 m2, the dose rate of gamma radiation from the spot was between 40 and 200 mR / s.
 * 6 October 1997 – Recorded increasing radioactivity in the assembly building, the RT-1. Measurement of the exposure dose indicated up to 300 mR / s.
 * 23 September 1998 – While increasing power output of reactor P-2 ("Lyudmila") after engaging automatic protection allowable power level was exceeded by 10%. As a result, the three channels of the fuel rod seal failed, resulting in the contamination of equipment and pipelines of the first circuit.

More recent major accidents

 * In 2003, the plant's operating licence was revoked temporarily due to liquid radioactive waste handling procedures resulting in waste being disposed into open water.
 * In June 2007, an accident involving a radioactive pulp occurred over a two-day period.
 * In October 2007, a valve failure during transport of a radioactive liquid resulted in spilling of a radioactive material.
 * In 2008, a repair worker was injured during a "pneumatic" incident, involving a quantity of alpha emitter release. The worker's hand was injured and the wound contaminated. The worker's finger was amputated in an attempt to minimize spread of alpha-particle emitters throughout his body and subsequent radiological consequences.
 * In September 2017, possible association with the airborne radioactivity increase in Europe in autumn 2017. Russia confirms 'extremely high' readings of radioactive pollution in Argayash, a village in the Chelyabinsk region of the southern Urals. Argayash is located 10 miles south of the Mayak plant. In January 2018, the French Institute of Radioprotection and Nuclear Security (IRSN) reported that Mayak could be the cause of the contamination. The radioactivity was due to Ru-106 indicating release from a late stage in the reprocessing (i.e. after the Ru-106 had been separated from other isotopes).

title: Mayak


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Traian Băsescu

Traian Băsescu (born 4 November 1951) is a Romanian conservative politician who served as President of Romania from 2004 to 2014. Prior to his presidency, Băsescu served as Romanian Minister of Transport on multiple occasions between 1991 and 2000, and as Mayor of Bucharest from 2000 to 2004. Additionally, he was elected as leader of the Democratic Party (PD) in 2001.

During his term as leader of the PD, the party formed the Justice and Truth Alliance (DA) with the National Liberal Party (PNL). Following Theodor Stolojan's withdrawal from the presidential elections in 2004, Băsescu entered the presidential race on behalf of the alliance. After being elected president, he suspended his PD membership; Romanian law does not permit the incumbent president to be a member of a political party. He was subsequently re-elected in 2009.

In 2007, during his presidency, Romania acceded to the European Union (EU). He is the only president of Romania to have been suspended by the parliament twice, in 2007 and 2012. A former member of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR), he has promoted social conservative, neoliberal   and populist policies during his administration.

After ending his presidential term, in 2015, Băsescu joined the People's Movement Party (PMP), of which he became president in 2016, subsequently resigning in 2018. He currently serves as Member of the European Parliament for Romania (since 2019).

Early life
Traian Băsescu was born in Basarabi (renamed Murfatlar in 2007), near the port city of Constanța, the largest Romanian port on the Black Sea. Băsescu's father, Dumitru (d. 2002), was an army officer. His brother, Mircea (born 1953), was charged with influence peddling (in exchange for €250,000 he promised freedom to his godson Florin Anghel, an underworld member). He was sentenced to four years in prison only after his brother's mandate ended. Băsescu and his wife Maria have two daughters: Ioana (born 1977), a notary, and Elena (born 1980), a Romanian former MEP.

Professional career
Băsescu graduated from the Naval Institute of Constanța in 1976 and became a merchant marine deck officer at Navrom, the Romanian state-owned shipping company. Between 1981 and 1987, he served as captain on Romanian commercial ships. Throughout his career, questions have been raised about Băsescu's links to the Securitate, the security services of the communist leader Nicolae Ceaușescu. However, Băsescu has claimed that his links with the former Securitate were minimal, though some contact was obligatory at the time for somebody working abroad in a senior position. In 1984, he was promoted to Captain of the oil tanker Biruința, the largest ship of the then Romanian commercial fleet. In 1989, Băsescu moved to Belgium to head the Navrom Agency in Antwerp.

The most controversial episode of his professional career began on 10 September 1981 in the French port Rouen, when a fire started around the Romanian tanker Argeș, then under the command of Traian Băsescu, affecting a large portion of the River Seine. The fire destroyed two tugs and six barges, and major disaster was avoided when 70 French firemen from Rouen, Gran-Couronne, Grand-Quevily, Canteleu and Moulineaux prevented the fire from reaching the nearby Shell refinery. According to an interview given by Traian Băsescu to the Romanian TV channel Prima TV on 23 June 1998 (and quoted by Magazin Nautic, the official publication of the Romanian Nautical Club), Băsescu admitted to having made alterations to the ship's installation before the French investigators were allowed to come on board, a thing that — in Băsescu's own words — made it impossible for the investigators to link the cause of the disaster to the Romanian ship.

Earlier political career
Băsescu was a member of the Communist Party before 1989. After the downfall of Communism, he claimed that he joined the PCR to promote his career in the merchant marines. In a letter published in Romanian newspapers, former president Emil Constantinescu alleged that Băsescu was in the second tier of the Communist Party leadership during the regime of former communist leader Nicolae Ceaușescu, but had managed to portray himself as anti-communist. During an interview Traian Băsescu admitted that before 1989 he smuggled jeans and other goods. A former communist official, a director of a firm that was receiving the goods transported by Traian Băsescu by ship, said on Antena 3 TV that without payment of a bribe Traian Băsescu refused to bring the goods in the country.

Băsescu entered politics after the 1989 Romanian Revolution, as a member of the large National Salvation Front (FSN) party.

Minister of Transport
In April 1991, he became Minister of Transport in Petre Roman's Cabinet, and continued to hold this position during Theodor Stolojan's "Cabinet of technocrats" between September 1991 – November 1992. In 1992, after the FSN split into two factions—the Social Democratic Party of Romania (PDSR, later PSD), led by Ion Iliescu, and the Democratic Party (PD), led by Petre Roman, Băsescu joined the PD faction. In 1992, he was elected to the lower house of the Romanian Parliament, the Chamber of Deputies, then re-elected for the 1996–2000 term.

Concurrently with his second term in Parliament, from November 1996 to June 2000, Băsescu also served as Minister of Transport in the center-right governments of Victor Ciorbea, Radu Vasile, and Mugur Isărescu.

In December 1997, he gave an interview to Claudiu Săftoiu of the newspaper Evenimentul Zilei, in which he accused Prime Minister Victor Ciorbea of not implementing enough reforms, although Ciorbea was accused by the Socialist opposition of being excessively reformist. This became the first episode in an open dispute within the ruling center-right coalition, a dispute that eventually led to Democratic Party ministers, including Băsescu, resigning from the cabinet, which, in turn, led to Ciorbea's resignation. Subsequently, in 1998, Băsescu resumed his previous ministerial position in the new cabinet headed by Radu Vasile.

During his tenure as Minister of Transportation, Băsescu oversaw the privatization of Romania's merchant fleet. While some argued that the aging ships at the time were of minimal value, many Romanians believed the compensation received for the ships was artificially low. The "scandal" of the fleet sale became known in Romania as The Fleet File (Dosarul Flota) Affair. Prosecutors brought charges against Băsescu, but it was not proven that he was involved in any malfeasance. In 1996, Băsescu was the first Romanian parliamentarian to renounce his parliamentary immunity, in order to allow judicial procedures related to the Fleet File Affair to continue against him. (Romanian MPs were, by default, granted immunity from prosecution of any kind.) Although the case against him was closed at the time for lack of evidence, it was reopened in early 2004, in what some considered a political maneuver against him sponsored by the then PSD government. In 2004, the case was brought before the High Court of Cassation and Justice, however, the judges decided to send it back to the Prosecutor's Office citing procedural errors (the signature of a prosecutor was missing). In December 2007, the Romanian National Anti-corruption Directorate (Direcția Națională Anticorupție), a subdivision of the General Prosecutor Office, decided to end the investigation, based on the opinion of financial expertise that there was no prejudicial dealing by the Romanian association NM Petromin SA Constanța with the Norwegian Torvald Klaveness Group between April 1991 and August 2000. However, the case is still open as this is only the latest published opinion, and the only one that serves as evidence in favor of Băsescu. Some have seen this as a political maneuver destined to prove his innocence. In total 136 people were investigated. 80, including Băsescu, were retained for the investigation of this case, while the facts pertaining to 51 others were separated for independent investigations.

Mayor of Bucharest
In 2000, Băsescu was elected mayor of Bucharest, winning the run-off against Social Democratic Party (PDSR) candidate Sorin Oprescu by a slim margin (50.69% to 49.31%), despite trailing him by 24% in the first round.

As mayor, he was credited with a reduction in the number of stray dogs roaming freely through the streets of the city from approximately 300,000 in 2000 to 25,000 in 2004, and thus reducing the number of dog bite injuries from 1,500 a month to under 200 a month. This campaign was controversial, as many opposed large-scale dog euthanasia. On the other hand, there were also numerous cases of people asking the authorities to take the stray dogs away, but after this was done, neighbors, who had been feeding the dogs, would show up at the shelter to take them back to their neighborhoods. The campaign resulted in nearly 48,000 dogs being put down in 2001, with reduced numbers in the following years. In 2004, Băsescu called the campaign a success.

Băsescu also claimed success in improvements to the city's water and lighting systems, which were in a very bad state, as well as modernizing the city's public transportation system.

However, his tenure was marked by constant conflicts with the governing Social Democratic Party (PSD)-controlled institutions. Citing the need for decentralization, the central government led by Adrian Năstase passed several ordinances transferring powers from the city mayor to mayors of the city's six sectors, and to the city council. Băsescu accused council members of corruption and obstruction; he also successfully challenged several council resolutions in Administrative Courts. As a consequence, on 10 January 2002, the central government decided to dissolve the council, yet it later annulled that decision. These conflicts led to the blocking or delay of several infrastructure loans, financed by the European Investment Bank (BEI) for municipal heating and road networks, and to the blocking the city's ability to borrow and finance reconstruction.

In February 2003, Băsescu bought a 369 m² apartment from the state in a nationalized house downtown Bucharest for the equivalent of US$19,000. A scandal followed, as the request to buy the house was approved by the Mayor's Office, at a time when Băsescu was mayor. He explained that he had filed an application in October 2002 with the specialized state agency (not to the Mayor's office, which was not the owner of the building) for the apartment to be sold to him on the basis of the Romanian Law 10 of 2001, which he claimed "gives priority to existing tenants to buy previously nationalized houses, no matter whether they already owned other houses," and that the price was calculated based on a 1995 law. However, the press noted that, according to the contract, the sale was based on Law 112 of 1995, and that Law 10/2001 had no provisions about selling anything. The 1995 law prevents, with the provisions of Art. 9, sale to tenants who already owned or sold a house after 1 January 1990. Băsescu already bought a villa near Bucharest in October 2002, which he donated to his daughter shortly after. Furthermore, the same law only gave the right to buy the nationalized houses to those who were tenants at the time of it came into force (i.e. the second half of 1996), while Băsescu had only lived in that house since August 2002. According to the press, these facts made it impossible for Băsescu to legally buy the apartment. When the scandal broke again in early 2005, Băsescu first stated that he would give up the apartment, but later changed his mind announcing that he would give it up only if the Prosecutor's Office decided he had broken the law. The prosecutors investigating the matter concluded that, according to the provisions of the law, Băsescu did not breach it when he bought the apartment.

Leader of Justice and Truth Alliance (D.A.)
In 2001, Băsescu was elected chairman of the Democratic Party (PD), defeating Petre Roman, who had previously led the party for nine years, after Roman only managed to get 3% of the vote at the 2000 presidential elections. At the time, the PD had a social-democrat ideology. That same year, Băsescu's party and Iliescu's PDSR both attempted to join the Socialist International. Băsescu tried to present his party as more democratically oriented, stating that the "PDSR is far from modern social-democracy". He also negotiated a merger with Virgil Măgureanu's PNR, a party that had many former Securitate employees.

In 2003, Băsescu negotiated an electoral alliance for the PD with the PNL in order to create a cohesive opposition against the then-ruling PSD. The new pact, called the Justice and Truth Alliance (Alianța Dreptate și Adevăr), ran common candidates in local and national elections, and agreed to vote as a bloc in Parliament. As chairman of PD, he became a co-chairman of the Justice and Truth Alliance alongside the then PNL chairman Theodor Stolojan. In 2003, Stolojan, who was the Justice and Truth candidate for president of Romania in 2004, stepped down as PNL chairman and Justice and Truth co-chairman, and was replaced in these positions by Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu. Although it was announced that Stolojan had withdrawn because of health concerns, Băsescu claimed to the press that the reason behind this decision was blackmail by political opponents (Stolojan did not confirm this). This sudden change in leadership of the DA alliance transformed the 2004 presidential election to a race between two leaders of parties affiliated with the Socialist International. Editorialist Dan Pavel decried the development as a "marginalization of the right," and the presidential race as a choice between two former "FSN cadres". Nevertheless, there were significant differences in the economic programs of the DA alliance and the PSD in 2004. The DA alliance leaned towards economic liberalism, with the introduction of a 16% flat tax that replaced the progressive personal income tax of up to 40%, and the 25% corporate tax. In January 2005, the Financial Times described the DA alliance as "centrist".

Băsescu's party would not officially abandon social-democrat ideals until 2005, after PD's leadership was unhappy with the support given by the Socialist International to the PDSR during the 2004 elections, and by the fact that the Socialist International admitted the PDSR's successor, PSD, with full membership rights, while the PD remained only an associate member. In a 2006 interview, Băsescu stated that his party's exit from the Socialist International was a "huge concession" he made to PNL after discussions of a merger of PD and PNL began in 2004. A change in the leadership of PNL prevented the merger; according to Băsescu, most of the PNL leaders who negotiated the joint governance with Băsescu in 2004 had been marginalized by 2006, making collaboration difficult. In December 2006, those members of the PNL who favored closer ties with Băsescu formed their own party, the Liberal Democratic Party (PLD), which eventually merged with the PD in January 2008. After December 2006, the remainder of the PNL became hostile to Băsescu and formed a minority government supported by the PSD, effectively marking the end of the DA alliance. (See Conflict with Prime Minister Tăriceanu below for further details.)

2004 Presidential campaign
Following Theodor Stolojan's surprise withdrawal from the 2004 presidential elections, Băsescu entered the presidential race on behalf of the Justice and Truth Alliance. His main opponent was then Prime Minister and PSD president Adrian Năstase. Like Băsescu, Năstase was a former Communist Party member. Although Năstase came out ahead in the first round by 7%, Băsescu achieved a surprise comeback, and won the 12 December run-off election by a 2.46% margin, receiving 51.23% of the vote. Băsescu won the presidential election by using anti-communist and anti-corruption rhetoric. In the live TV debate with Adrian Năstase before the 2004 run-off presidential election, Băsescu caught his opponent off-guard with a rhetorical remark: "You know what Romania's greatest curse is right now? It's that Romanians have to choose between two former Communist Party members."

During the 2004 presidential campaign, before a TV interview with Adrian Năstase, Băsescu gave him a paper and told him: "Put it in your pocket and read it when you are away!" Similarly, in June 2006, at the oath-taking ceremony of Radu Stroe as the new secretary general of the Government, Băsescu gave him a sheet of paper as a "gift". After seeing it, Stroe went pale and refused to make its contents public. When asked, Băsescu said its contents were not classified. Both Adrian Năstase and Radu Stroe were previously involved in corruption scandals.

2009 Presidential campaign
Băsescu ran for a second term in the 2009 presidential elections. Incumbent Băsescu and his Social-Democrat opponent Mircea Geoană offered different ways to tackle the economic crisis. Băsescu pledged to cut public spending and promised "more equity" to people living in the countryside.

Băsescu tried to portray himself as the champion of the people against what he called the "corrupt political elite". A widely used election poster carried the text: "They cannot avoid what they are afraid of." Băsescu's opponents countered that he is part of that elite, simply with different backers. In a Cluj-Napoca meeting with his supporters he claimed that he "was the one to stop doubtful privatisations," implicitly accusing rival Social-Democrats of underhand practices while in power. He vowed to fight against the Parliament, which blocked his bid to install the Croitoru cabinet, and the "media moguls". In the campaign for the first round, his favourite campaign theme was reducing the number of lawmakers. This theme proved popular, with the majority of the electorate voting for the reduction of the number of lawmakers from a current 471 to a maximum of 300, and in favour of a transition from the current bicameral Parliament to a unicameral one in a referendum held simultaneously with the first round of elections.

In the first round, held on 22 November, Băsescu came first with 32.44% of the votes, and Geoană second with 31.15%. Although Băsescu claimed the results of the first round as "a significant vote for the right" because he and Crin Antonescu together received over 50% of the vote, the next day Antonescu refused to back Băsescu in the runoff, and shortly thereafter announced an alliance with Geoană. Subsequently, Băsescu reproached Antonescu for having "thrown himself in the arms of the Social-Democrat party, a party opposed to reforms," and added "This alliance will bring us back to 20 years ago when the PSD was controlling all state institutions." Antonescu in turn called Băsescu "a demagogue and a populist," and vowed to support Geoană as "the lesser of two evils".

On 26 November 2009, footage from the 2004 election campaign showing Băsescu apparently hitting or pushing a 10-year-old boy at a campaign rally was broadcast. The press, unfavorable to Băsescu, interpreted the footage as "hitting with his fist," whereas the press favorable to him either interpreted it as a push, or called the footage fake. Asked in a talk show about the incident, the president stated that he did not recall it, but did not outright deny it either, saying that perhaps the child uttered profanity. Later, he made a public declaration that "never in his life has he hit a child," but he refused to comment on whether the footage was manipulated video or not. PDL member Roberta Anastase, who had accompanied Băsescu during the rally, declared the child uttered profanity, and that Băsescu pushed the child aside. The footage was released within 24 hours of a declaration by Dinu Patriciu, also present at the rally, who claimed that he saw Băsescu hitting a child in 2004. The boy has been identified, and was interviewed later that night. He acknowledged that Băsescu had hit him after he chanted a slogan favourable to Ion Iliescu and Adrian Năstase, but said he was not physically hurt. He also said that for the moment he was happy that Băsescu had paid attention to him, and they smiled at each other, but later he felt disappointed. He added "it was a hit as if he wanted to say: go away!" On 27 November Băsescu told a Mediafax journalist that he saw the footage "de-mounted on computer," suggesting it was manipulated. Cecilia Gheorghe, the boy's aunt, declared that the child now refuses to give further details because he is now "afraid for his life and that of his mother".

In the second round of the presidential election Băsescu won against Geoana by 50.3% to 49.7%. The opposition's legal objection to their narrow defeat was dismissed.

Presidency (2004–2014)
Running on a strong reform and anti-corruption platform, Băsescu's victory was characterized in the media as Romania's "Orange Revolution", in reference to the reformists' perceived victory in neighbouring Ukraine during the same period, and in reference to the orange colour used by the winning Justice and Truth Alliance (DA). Upon taking office, he suspended his PD membership; the Constitution does not allow the president to be a formal member of a political party during his tenure.

In line with an agreement between the PD and PNL, he appointed PNL leader Popescu-Tăriceanu as prime minister. In order to form a majority, PNL and PD formed a coalition with the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania and the Humanist Party, which later changed its name to the Conservative Party (PC). While the platform of the former has been generally in line with that of the Justice and Truth Alliance, the latter (PC) was needed in the coalition in order to obtain more than 50% of the seats in Parliament, because, apart from the opposition Social-Democrat Party, many seats were held by the ultra-nationalist Greater Romania Party (PRM).

In late 2006, the PC withdrew from the cabinet, a move at least partially related to conflicts between Băsescu and PC leader Dan Voiculescu. The withdrawal of the PC left the coalition without a majority in the Parliament.

Domestic policy
In domestic politics, Băsescu has often claimed he fights against high-level corruption. In spring 2005, Romania resolved a hostage crisis in Iraq involving three Romanian journalists and their guide.

In 2005, he also focused on pressing the government to provide relief to thousands of Romanians left homeless by widespread flooding throughout the spring and summer.

On 18 December 2006, Băsescu delivered a speech to Parliament (broadcast live on TV) in which he condemned Romania's pre-1989 communist regime. Some members of the opposition, mainly of the ultra-nationalist PRM, and some members of the mainstream Social Democratic Party, tried to disturb the speech. Particularly vocal was the ultra-nationalist PRM leader Corneliu Vadim Tudor, who walked with posters on the floor of Parliament, whistled and interrupted Băsescu's speech several times.

Foreign policy
Băsescu repeatedly stated that Romania's accession to the European Union remained a top priority, and he was president when the country acceded on 1 January 2007. Both the president and the government of Prime Minister Popescu-Tăriceanu focused on Romania's planned accession to the EU, which remained a central component in Romania's foreign policy.

In addition, Băsescu has focused on a strong strategic partnership with the United States, a relationship which, during the 2004 presidential campaign, he called the "Bucharest-London-Washington axis". In real terms, this meant a continued commitment to maintain Romanian troops in Afghanistan and a smaller contingent in Iraq, and an agreement signed in December 2005 between Romania and the U.S. to allow U.S. troops to use a Romanian military facility (Mihail Kogălniceanu International Airport). Băsescu is singled out in a report by Dick Marty, an investigator of the Council of Europe, on illegal activities of the US CIA in Europe, as one of the persons who authorized, or at least knew about, and must stand accountable for the black site at the Mihail Kogălniceanu military base from 2003 to 2005. Băsescu made strong ties with the President of the United States, who in return called him a friend: "The President and I are friends. Romania and the United States are friends, and we're allies."

In June 2006, Băsescu came into open conflict with Popescu-Tăriceanu after the prime minister and the defence minister announced that they and the PNL sought to withdraw Romania's troops from Iraq. However, the troops remained in Iraq after Băsescu called a meeting of the Supreme Defense Council, which voted for the troops to stay.

In July 2006, Băsescu voiced concern over the 2006 Lebanon War. Băsescu said in a press conference that: "We recognize Israel’s right to security but it has generated a humanitarian crisis". Băsescu has been vocal in calling for a regional approach to security in the Black Sea basin, which he noted remained susceptible to trans-border security threats such as drug and human trafficking. Băsescu alleged "that Russia might have been involved in his suspension," citing his pro-Western foreign policy as a reason.

Băsescu has tried to improve Romania's relations with Moldova. Furthermore, he has expressed his belief several times in the future unification of the two countries, either politically or in the framework of the European Union. His attitude has brought some practical success, but also led to an increase in anti-Romanian rhetoric from the Communist government of Moldova, under Vladimir Voronin. A divisive issue that remains to this day is the opening of two Romanian consulates outside the capital of Moldova, as well as 900,000 Moldovans applying for Romanian citizenship. In both cases, Băsescu strongly supported moves to strengthen relations with Moldova, while the Moldovan Communist leadership sought to cool Băsescu's enthusiasm.

In June 2016, Moldovan President Nicolae Timofti signed a decree granting Băsescu and his wife Maria citizenship. The following January, Timofti's successor Igor Dodon signed a decree that withdrawed Băsescu's citizenship.

Băsescu stated that Romania regards Kosovo as an integral part of Serbia, as an outcome of the Kosovo status process, and that Romania will not recognize any unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovo.

Romania formally terminated its mission in Iraq on 4 June 2009, and pulled out its troops. On 23 July the last Romanian soldiers left Iraq. Three Romanian soldiers had been killed during the mission, and at least eight were wounded.

Conflict with Prime Minister Tăriceanu

Băsescu continued to be rather popular due to his open style and hands-on approach. In his electoral campaign, he promised to be a președinte jucător, "player-president", in contrast to a more withdrawn president who would be just a mediator among political forces (thus creating in the eyes of some a juridical conflict of a constitutional nature). After he became president, as legally required, he resigned from the Democratic Party (PD). However, he remained very involved in day-to-day politics of Romania, often being accused by other political leaders of overstepping constitutional boundaries on the role of the president. During the course of his presidency, his relations with Popescu-Tăriceanu gradually soured, particularly following the Prime Minister's reversal of course in July 2005 after Tăriceanu initially announced he would resign causing early parliamentary elections, which some hoped would have resulted in the Justice and Truth Alliance governing alone. The ensuing poor relations between the President and the Prime Minister have become one of the primary themes of Romanian post-2004 politics, with many unrelated disputes converging towards this dichotomy. Under the Romanian Constitution, the president appoints the prime minister, but does not have the authority to dismiss him.

On 11 January 2007, Băsescu presided over the first half of the meeting of the Consiliul Suprem al Magistraturii (CSM; Superior Council of the Magistracy) at which the election of its new president took place. Before the candidacies were announced, Băsescu publicly said to judge Anton Pandrea: "I heard you have announced your candidacy, Mr. Pandrea. I wish you great success." His former counselor Renate Weber later claimed that if Băsescu had not said those words, Pandrea might not have been elected: "If the President hadn’t said that, it would have been another candidacy, if not another President." When asked by the press, Băsescu responded to this criticism with: "I made a mistake, I made a mistake."

A public scandal broke out when Elena Udrea, a presidential adviser, revealed to the press that then-Prime Minister Tăriceanu passed to Băsescu a "scandalous" written note. When the matter became public debate, Băsescu stated about the note: "The Prime Minister proposed to me a partnership, one, unfortunately, with our oligarchies." The note, written by the hand of the Prime Minister, was attached on top of a report from the Petromidia company, then under investigation by Prosecutors, and asked the President to "talk about it" during a scheduled visit at the Prosecutor's Office. Băsescu stated: "Such type of partnership was unacceptable to me ... it would have meant that nothing had changed in Romania after the elections." On the subsequent reaction of the Prime Minister, Băsescu said: "The Prime Minister was consequent. and absolutely not naïve." According to Băsescu, Tăriceanu phoned the Prosecutor General of Romania, then tried to put further pressure through a specially dedicated speech to the Parliament on 8 November 2006, and tried "the same thing" with Justice Minister Monica Macovei, arranging a meeting with a businessman at the Government Palace.

In response, the Prime Minister declared that the matter was just an attempt to hide "what is going on at Cotroceni and around it," and publicly accused Băsescu of facilitating contracts to companies "close to him". According to the Prime Minister, the newly appointed PD Transportation Minister told a businessman: "The President sent me to take care of you." He also stated that Băsescu wanted to put the Department for Administration of State Heritage and Protocol under the control of the family of Elena Udrea. Băsescu immediately asked Tăriceanu to produce evidence to support his claims, to send it to the Prosecutor's Office, and to remove the ministers allegedly involved. "If the Prime Minister does not produce such proof, the President considers that these statements are without substance and are of such a nature as to distract the public attention from his own deed," a presidential communiqué stated.

Dinu Patriciu, an influential businessman and PNL member, stated on a public TV station that, in his opinion, Tăriceanu's note was a "friendly gesture, a sign of normality". Patriciu also said that in a discussion with Băsescu in October 2005, he was advised to invest in any country in the Black Sea basin except Russia. According to Patriciu, Băsescu said " ... because we must do so that Russians invest in Romania, in order to have them hostages, because we certainly will have a conflict with Russia".

Furthermore, Dan Voiculescu, a member of the opposition, accused the president of influence peddling, producing a note by Băsescu to a minister, which, as Voiculescu claimed, was a request to support selling cheap energy to the ALRO company, in which PDL leader Theodor Stolojan was a stockholder. The note said: "Minister Seres, I ask you to analyze this letter and take measures according to Government’s interests and, if possible, with the interest of national economy in mind."

The daily newspaper Adevărul published another note, in which the President requested the PD Transport Minister to analyze and find a "legal solution" to a petition from a company close to Băsescu. The newspaper claimed that this was outside the legal prerogatives of the president, and accused Băsescu of sending the note directly to the Minister instead of following the usual administrative procedures, and furthermore noted that the matter was a commercial dispute that neither the President nor the Transport Minister had the legal means to solve.

In the spring of 2007, when Foreign Minister Mihai-Răzvan Ungureanu resigned, Băsescu refused to accept Prime-Minister Tăriceanu's nomination of Adrian Cioroianu as the country's new Minister of Foreign Affairs, claiming that Cioroianu did not have enough experience. On 5 April 2007, the Constitutional Court decided that "The Romanian President doesn't have veto power, but, if he observes that the proposed person does not correspond to the legal conditions required to be a member of Government, he can ask the Prime Minister to renounce his proposal." On the same day (two months after Ungureanu announced his resignation and 17 days after Ungureanu's resignation was accepted by the President), Băsescu accepted Cioroianu and the latter assumed office at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Impeachment vote by the Parliament
In early 2007, Băsescu was proposed for impeachment by the members of the opposition parties for alleged unconstitutional conduct. Allegedly, one of the major issues in the confrontation was the activity of Justice Minister Monica Macovei, who supported prosecutor's efforts to follow up on cases of corruption, especially those involving politically connected individuals. Among the main reasons given in the proposal to suspend Băsescu were:
 * infringing upon and "substituting the authority" of the Government, the judicial system and the Parliament.
 * committing acts of "political partisanship" with direct reference to the Democratic Party, abuse of power and acting more like a "judge of the other public authorities" than a "collaborator", thus "abandoning his role of impartial mediator required by the Romanian Constitution".
 * manipulating and "instigating public opinion against other state institutions" such as the Parliament and the Government.

Băsescu and his supporters denied the accusations, stating that his actions and statements were ways of fighting against corruption in the political and judicial systems, and against "circles of business interests" with unlawful purposes.

The Constitutional Court of Romania found no clear evidence of his breach of the Constitution in the sense required by the fundamental law. However, the court ruling was only consultative, and the two chambers of the Romanian Parliament voted in favor of Băsescu's impeachment on 19 April 2007, with 322 votes for the impeachment proposal, 108 against, and 8 abstentions (the minimum number of votes needed was 233). Băsescu contested the decision, but the Constitutional Court rejected his appeal as inadmissible, and upheld the vote.

In the meantime, the independent Macovei and the PD ministers had been dismissed by Prime Minister Popescu-Tăriceanu, while the European election had been postponed to the fall of 2007. Pro-Băsescu politicians have characterized the anti-Băsescu coalition that formed as "the black alliance," as it contained a broad spectrum of political parties and interests: Social-Democrats favoring heavy state involvement in the economy, National-Liberals and Conservatives favoring business interests, Hungarian minority MPs, and anti-Hungarian ultra-nationalists.

In 2007, when Traian Băsescu was temporarily suspended from the Presidency, he said in a meeting: "It seems [former] President Ion Iliescu turned to more modern means [of removing political opponents], this time without calling the miners to 'defend the country', but used 322 Members of Parliament for my impeachment."

2007 Impeachment referendum
As a result of the impeachment vote by the Parliament, Băsescu was suspended from his function as president on 19 April 2007, and a national referendum was held on 19 May 2007 to decide by popular vote whether to dismiss him. According to the electoral law (article 5(2) of the Referendum Law), an absolute majority of all Romanians with the right to vote is required for a positive result in a dismissal referendum, which means that almost 9 million people would have had to vote against Băsescu. After the impeachment vote, several public rallies to support Băsescu in the referendum, and protest against his suspension, were organized by PD and PLD both in Romania (Bucharest, Iaşi, etc.), as well as abroad (e.g. in Madrid).

On 17 April Băsescu stated that if Parliament voted for his impeachment, he would resign "five minutes" after the vote, avoiding a referendum for dismissal and triggering early presidential elections. However, on 20 April he decided not to resign, claiming he wished to limit the period of political instability.

Băsescu and his supporters in the Democratic Party also suggested that his political opponents would try to modify the electoral law in order to prohibit a previously suspended president from running in the elections again, following a Rolandas Paksas scenario.

On 25 April the Constitutional Court approved the modifications brought by parliament to the Referendum Law. The new article 10 (regarding the presidential impeachment process) considers that the impeachment process "will be approved through the majority of votes for the participants at the referendum, and article 5(2) does not apply to this type of referendum". Therefore, the 19 May referendum remained valid, despite the participation of less than 40% of eligible Romanians. However, since only a 25% minority of voters voted in the affirmative, and a 75% majority in the negative, Băsescu regained full prerogatives on 24 May after the referendum results were confirmed.

PDL-PSD coalition government
In December 2008, in the aftermath of legislative elections which gave PDL and PSD similar scores, the two joined forces to form a coalition, under a PDL Prime Minister. After one of its ministers was expelled from the government by the prime minister against the will of the party, the PSD decided to leave the government in early October. Soon afterwards, the government fell following the adoption of a motion of no confidence in Parliament. Băsescu nominated Lucian Croitoru as the new prime minister, against the will of the parliamentary majority, which supported Klaus Iohannis. After Croitoru was voted down, Băsescu nominated PDL member Liviu Negoiță as prime minister, again ignoring the proposal of the parliamentary majority. A caretaker government remained in office. The ongoing political crisis prevented Romania from getting two instalments of a 20-billion-euro loan from the International Monetary Fund and the European Union.

2012 Impeachment referendum

Băsescu was suspended by the Parliament a second time on 6 July 2012, with a referendum on his impeachment being held on 29 July 2012. After initially calling on the population to vote, PDL called for a boycott, accusing the majority party USL of attempted fraud. Băsescu, however, declared that he would still vote, albeit not voting after all. An overwhelming 88.7% of people who went to vote rejected his leadership. However, the turnout at the referendum was estimated at 46%, which was less than the 50% + 1 required for it to be validated.

The Romanian Constitutional Court subsequently invalidated the referendum by a vote of 6–3, which reinstated Băsescu as president of Romania. In June 2015 The Attorney General of Romania started investigating illegalities committed by certain members of the Constitutional Court in order to save the embattled president. The US envoy Philip Gordon visited Romania supporting Băsescu, accused the president opposition of massive fraud, angering the 8.4 million voters, per Romania TV. Of the thousands of people investigated of election fraud only one received the guilty verdict in Court, a saving face verdict for the errors committed by the US envoy, as per DC News. Băsescu said that now is the time to leave old conflicts aside in order to solve Romania's problems, and to "restore a functioning democratic Romania, and restore our credibility." On the other hand, Crin Antonescu, who has served as acting president during this entire process, claims Băsescu is an "illegitimate" leader as he was suspended by Parliament and dismissed by the people.

Following his return to Cotroceni, Băsescu maintained a low profile until the regular parliamentary elections. On 9 December 2012, the elections produced a new parliamentary configuration, with an overwhelming USL majority dominating the other parties by a 70% margin. The "presidential party", PDL, only attained 16% of the total votes, failing to win all but one electoral circumscription while former presidential adviser Eugen Tomac won the second external circumscription, including the Republic of Moldova. The landslide victory of the former opposition coalition marginalized Băsescu and drastically reduced his possibilities to negotiate a new PDL-based coalition, thus being left with no other viable alternative than to nominate PSD president Victor Ponta to form the new government.

Băsescu and Ponta signed a framework treaty, intended to smoothen the future institutional collaboration between the Presidency and the Government. But soon afterwards, first tensions started to creep in, as Ponta depicted the EU-Budget negotiations outcome for Romania as a political defeat for Băsescu.

Post-presidency (2014–present)
On 9 October 2015, Băsescu joined the People's Movement Party (PMP). PMP's fourth congress was held on 24 October, with Băsescu being elected president of the party.

In the light of the local elections of 2016, Băsescu expressed his intentions to run for a new term as mayor of Bucharest. However, following an accusation of money laundering, Băsescu retired and PMP subsequently nominated journalist Robert Turcescu as their official candidate.

In the 2016 legislative elections, Băsescu won a seat as senator of Bucharest on PMP's list, as the party placed sixth in the elections, with 5.35% of the vote. He resigned from PMP leadership in 2018, and was elected honorary president of the party at the congress in June 2018.

Involvement in Moldovan politics
Along with the granting of Moldovan citizenship in June 2016 which was subsequently withdrawn on 25 June 2017, Băsescu was elected honorary president of the National Unity Party (PUN). Anatol Șalaru, the party founder, stated that the party leader's seat will remain vacant until Băsescu gets back his Moldovan citizenship.

2020 local elections
Băsescu ran for a new term as mayor of Bucharest at the 2020 local elections. Partial results have confirmed that he has secured third place with approximately 11% of the total cast votes.

Relationship with the press
Băsescu is a major target of criticism by the press, and in turn he used controversial language to describe some of the journalists who have been critical of him.

In October 2006, he referred to journalist Ovidiu Zara, of the Curentul newspaper, using the Romanian word "găozar" (roughly "faggot"). In 2009, the president's brother, Mircea Băsescu, also used the word găozar to refer to the Gândul newspaper journalist Robert Veress. In protest leading Romanian journalist Cristian Tudor Popescu, the editor in chief Gândul, appeared on his TV show Cap și Pajură holding a sign saying gazetar găozar (roughly "faggot journalist").

On 19 May 2007, the day of the suspension referendum, Băsescu took the mobile phone of Antena 1 journalist Andreea Pană, who was filming him while he was shopping with his wife, despite being asked to leave him alone. Forgetting to turn it off, he was recorded referring to Pană as a stinking gypsy during a conversation with his wife in his car. The recording was made public by the Antena 1 TV station after the phone was returned to Pană the next day. After public outcry, Băsescu's spokesman expressed regret over the fact that "an inappropriate expression in a private discussion became public". The president of the Commission for Human Rights, Cults and Minorities in the Chamber of Deputies, Nicolae Păun, who is himself part of the Roma community, stated that President Băsescu is not a racist, and cannot be condemned for a statement made in private. Romani CRISS, on the other hand, issued a letter of protest, saying "Romani Criss consider unacceptable for the Romanian President to use such language, sexist and racist alike." Other criticism came from the International Federation of Journalists, Agenţia de Monitorizare a Presei, and Clubul Român de Presă. Romania's National Council for Combating Discrimination decided that the expression "stinking gypsy" was discriminatory and sanctioned Traian Băsescu with a warning. In 2008, Băsescu referred to journalist Victor Ciutacu, the editor in chief of Jurnalul Național, which was highly critical of him, as "jukebox on euros" (Romanian: tonomat cu euro), a meme that Ciutacu later used repeatedly on his TV show Vorbe grele, even in the show's logo. During the 2009 presidential election, Băsescu released two video clips starring himself and actors who were parodying his Antena 3 critics: Mircea Badea, a TV host, well known for his critical stance on Băsescu, as well as Mihai Gâdea, the host, and Valentin Stan, a frequent guest on the TV political talk show Sinteza Zilei. Băsescu had a good relationship with journalists who praised him, in particular TV host Radu Moraru, of the B1 TV show Nașul, who described Băsescu as "the greatest president of Romania in the last 20 years" in the opening of an interview with him.

Corruption scandals
In the summer of 2009, Băsescu was criticized in an editorial in the Gândul newspaper for remaining silent for a long time regarding the corruption scandal surrounding Monica Iacob Ridzi, the PD-L Youth Minister, in contrast to the harsh criticism he had expressed against ministers from other parties when they were accused of corruption (Tudor Chiuariu, Codruț Șereș). Similarly, Tom Gallagher, a Romania specialist at Bradford University, wrote that Băsescu's public image suffered after his daughter, Elena Băsescu, became an MEP through "purely byzantine maneuvers" with the help of Ridzi, and after Băsescu "appeared to express solidarity" with Ridzi against the media that was reporting on the scandal. At Monica Ridzi's trial it was said that the beneficiary of the illegal financial activities was Traian Băsescu's daughter. In 2015 Mircea Băsescu, the ex-president's brother was accused and jailed for receiving money with the promise to save an imprisoned criminal. Other family members, his son-in-law and a nephew, have been accused of selling justice and producing false documents. There was evidence presented at Antena 3, Romania TV and Realitatea TV that Mircea Băsescu said that his brother knew of the illegal dealings.

On 20 April 2016 the General Prosecutor's Office announced that they decided to prosecute Traian Băsescu for money laundering in a criminal case concerning the sale of land in Bucharest's northern neighbourhood of Băneasa to the businessman. This prompted Băsescu to drop his bid for Bucharest's mayoral office in the upcoming local elections.

Controversy with Azerbaijan
According to Civic Solidarity platform's report “European values bought and sold” Traian Băsescu is one of the most prominent lobbyists for the Azerbaijani regime in Romania. For years he has been a valuable asset for the Azerbaijani ruling party in their efforts to buying influence in the country. During his Precedency the ties between the countries became unprecedently close. It is reported to be connected to Romania's interest in the Azerbaijani gas, which was agreed to be transported to Romania according to the AGRI deal. The International consortium of investigative journalists, the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) has discovered criminal connections behind the real estate where the Heydar Aliyev foundation was located in Bucharest. The foundation, named after the father of the current President Aliyev was inaugurated in 2007, during the presidency of Traian Băsescu. In Bucharest, President Băsescu personally opened a memorial park for Heydar Aliyev. The current President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev was twice decorated by the Romanian Presidents. Despite his close ties with Azerbaijani government, Traian Băsescu became one of co-authors of the controversial statement on Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, issued by European Parliament on 10 June 2020.

Comments regarding King Michael
In June 2011, during a televised talk-show, president Băsescu made a somewhat disputed remark about former King Michael of Romania saying that "he was a slave to the Russians" and calling his 1947 abdication "an act of treason". The president noted that King Michael was the official head of state at the time of the events in question—both during the alliance with Nazi Germany, and during the Soviet occupation. This triggered a wave of criticism, and some letters demanding he resign, from the opposition parties and their sympathizers, who expressed their disapproval of such an interpretation of Romanian history, and the perceived lack of respect towards the former king.

President Băsescu added that if he had been in Marshal Antonescu's place, he too would have ordered the Romanian troops to cross the Prut River and attack the USSR, with the purpose of regaining Bessarabia, lost in 1940. In response to this, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs released a press statement asking for the immediate response of "civilized Europe to this justification of Nazi aggression against USSR and dishonor to the memory of millions lost during World War II," and called Băsescu's declarations "shameless bravado". On 23 July he told the public he "deeply regrets" his comments about King Michael calling it a sensitive issue.

Collaboration with the Securitate
In June 2019, the National Council for the Study of the Securitate Archives (CNSAS) published documents provided by the Romanian Intelligence Service (SRI) and General Directorate for Defense Intelligence (DGIA), by which Traian Băsescu had been recruited by the Securitate as informant in 1972, under the code name "Petrov", and started to provide reports on his colleagues since his freshman year. According to the law 187/1999, the status of Securitate collaborator has to be confirmed by a Court of Appeal.

On 5 September 2019, in the first hearing before the Court of Appeal, Băsescu admitted writing the memos published by CNSAS, using the name "Petrov" at the request of Colonel Tudor from the military counterintelligence. However he denied having been an official collaborator of the Securitate (with a signed agreement), mentioning that he also filed other reports to his employer (the former Romanian shipping company "Navrom") under his real name.

On 20 September 2019 the Court of Appeal Bucharest ruled that Traian Băsescu officially collaborated with the Securitate. Băsescu stated he would appeal against the ruling. The appeal at the High Court of Cassation and Justice will start on 5 November 2021.

On 23 March 2022 the High Court of Cassation and Justice rejected Băsescu's appeal, thus confirming the Court of Appeal's ruling that he officially collaborated with the Securitate. Băsescu announced that he would take legal action with the European Court of Human Rights.

Comments regarding Romani people
Băsescu has been noted for his controversial remarks about Romani people, who are a large and disadvantaged community in Romania. During a television interview in 2010, he stated that Roma "avoid work and make a living by stealing", which led to a fine by the official anti-discrimination agency. He advocates using the exonym "gypsie", which is considered a racial slur by most Roma. In 2007, he insulted a journalist who was filming him as a "stinking gypsy".

Foreign honours

 * 🇦🇿 Azerbaijan: Recipient of the Heydar Aliyev Order (18 April 2011)
 * 🇪🇪 Estonia: Collar of the Order of the Cross of Terra Mariana (6 April 2011)
 * 🇫🇮 Finland: Grand Cross with Collar of the Order of the White Rose of Finland (2008)
 * 🇮🇹 Italy: Knight Grand Cross with Collar of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic (7 September 2011)
 * 🇱🇻 Latvia: Commander Grand Cross with Chain of the Order of the Three Stars (28 February 2011)
 * 🇲🇹 Malta: Honorary Companion of Honour with Collar National Order of Merit (7 October 2010)
 * 🇲🇩 Moldova:
 * Recipient of the Order of the Republic (27 January 2010)
 * Recipient of the Order of the Stephen the Great (2 April 2015)
 * 🇲🇨 Monaco: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Saint-Charles (16 April 2009)
 * 🇵🇱 Poland: Knight of the Order of the White Eagle (2009)
 * 🇷🇸 Serbia: Grand Cross of the Order of the Republic of Serbia (2013)
 * Sovereign Military Order of Malta: Collar of the Order pro Merito Melitensi (2008)
 * 🇪🇸 Spain: Knight of the Collar of the Order of Isabella the Catholic (16 November 2007)
 * 🇸🇪 Sweden: Knight of the Royal Order of the Seraphim (2008)

Other references

 * Asociatia Civic Media, May 2007 "Piata Universitatii respinge noul puci al Moscovei" ("Supporting Băsescu, Civic Net – University Square is opposing the new coup-de-etat of Moscow inspiration")
 * Cronica Română, 22 June 2006 "Constantinescu îl acuză pe Băsescu de colaborare cu Securitatea" ("Constantinescu accuses Băsescu of collaborating with the Securitate")
 * Evenimentul, 14 December 2005. "Emil Constantinescu a adus documente despre care spune că atestă colaborarea preşedintelui Traian Băsescu cu Securitatea" ("Emil Constantinescu brought documents of which he says that prove the collaboration of President Traian Băsescu with the Securitate")
 * Oana Stancu, Strada Mihăileanu – Băsescu vede legal ce e ilegal ("Mihăileanu Street – Băsescu sees as legal what is illegal"), Jurnalul Naţional, 25 November 2005
 * Andrei Tudor, Dosarul «Casa din Mihăileanu»: Băsescu a bătut şaua Morar şi a priceput iapa Botoş ("'House on Mihăileanu' file: Băsescu has beaten the Morar saddle so that the [Ilie] Botoş mare may understand" (reference to a traditional Romanian saying), Gardianul, 15 December 2005
 * Ramona Lică, NUP pentru Băsescu în dosarul „Casa din Mihăileanu" ("NUP (Neînceperea Urmăririi Penale – Decision of non-indictment) for Băsescu in 'House on Mihăileanu' file", Gândul, 11 January 2006
 * Maria Manoliu, Băsescu nu mai dă înapoi casa de pe Mihăileanu ("Băsescu no longer giving back the house on Mihăileanu", Adevărul, 18 February 2005, accessed on HotNews.ro. 24 March 2006.

 * Narcis Iordache Dosarul Flota reinviat pentru a fi ingropat ("The Fleet File resurrects in order to be buried again"), Evenimentul Zilei, 6 December 2005.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Traian Băsescu


text:
Michelle Sagara

Michelle Michiko Sagara (born May 5, 1963) is a Canadian author of fantasy literature, active since the early 1990s. She has published as Michelle Sagara, as Michelle West (using her husband's surname) and as Michelle Sagara West. Sagara has received two nominations for the John W. Campbell Award.

She lives in Toronto and is employed part-time at Bakka-Phoenix, a local bookstore.

Biography
Sagara is the eldest child of Japanese immigrants. As a child, Sagara loved reading Nancy Drew mysteries as well as the works of Enid Blyton and J. R. R. Tolkien. She studied physics, then English, at the University of Toronto before dropping out to pursue writing. After she married in 1990, she began publishing under Michelle West. Her debut book, Into the Dark Lands was published in 1991. She has said, in a 2008 interview: "I submitted the first novel to Del Rey books in 1987. It was rejected, but with a phone call, and in the end I revised the manuscript and sent it back. The revision was passed on to Lester del Rey, who was alive at the time. He rejected it with a four-page single space letter [that] had all the trademark curmudgeonliness for which he was famed. But buried in that four-page letter was a very definite 'This flashback of 94 pages needs to be its own damn book, and it should be book one.' So... I wrote that novel, and I submitted that novel, and that's the novel they bought."

The Sundered
(as Michelle Sagara/Michelle Sagara West)

A Tolkienesque tale of love, betrayal, and redemption. Previously out of print, the series was reissued by BenBella Books under the name Michelle Sagara West.

 * 1) Into the Dark Lands, 1991
 * 2) Children of the Blood, 1992
 * 3) Lady of Mercy, 1993
 * 4) Chains of Darkness, Chains of Light, 1994

The Sacred Hunt
(as Michelle West, DAW Books)

The Kingdom of Breodanir is facing a threat unlike any seen for centuries. An orphan boy and his adopted brother struggle against the ties that bind them together (and to their land) as they complete an impossible journey to save the world—at the risk of their own destruction. These are the first books set in the Essalieyan universe to be published.

 * 1) Hunter's Oath (October 1995)
 * 2) Hunter's Death (June 1996)

The Sun Sword
(as Michelle West, DAW Books)

Sixteen years after the events of The Sacred Hunt, the Empire of Essalieyan and the Dominion of Annagar are at war due to machinations of the Kialli. The resulting struggle for power will define the lives of those who would bring an end to the Kialli threat. Events laid out in The Sacred Hunt are referenced, but are not necessary to follow the story.

The House War series intersects The Sun Sword series in the Essalieyan universe. Michelle Sagara published a synopsis of The Sun Sword series to give necessary background to readers of The House War.

 * 1) The Broken Crown (July 1997)
 * 2) The Uncrowned King (September 1998)
 * 3) The Shining Court (August 1999)
 * 4) Sea of Sorrows (May 2001)
 * 5) The Riven Shield (July 2003)
 * 6) The Sun Sword (January 2004)

The House War
(as Michelle West, DAW Books)

Set in the Essalieyan universe, The House War chronicles the story of Jewel and her rise in House Terafin. The first three novels return to the origin of Jewel and the discovery of her den. They also revisit some of the narrative from Hunter's Death, though told from different (and complementary) character perspectives.

 * 1) The Hidden City: A Novel of the House War, Book 1 (March 2008)
 * 2) City of Night: A Novel of the House War, Book 2 (February 2010)
 * 3) House Name: A Novel of the House War, Book 3 (January 2011)

The concluding volumes, beginning with Skirmish, take place after events of The Sun Sword.

 * 1) Skirmish: A Novel of the House War, Book 4 (January 2012)
 * 2) Battle: A Novel of the House War, Book 5 (December 2012)
 * 3) Oracle: A Novel of the House War, Book 6 (May 2015)
 * 4) Firstborn: A Novel of the House War, Book 7 (Feb 2019)
 * 5) War: A Novel of the House War, Book 8 (June 2019)

The Burning Crown
(as Michelle West, self-published)

Set in the Essalieyan universe, The Burning Crown is the final arc in the overarching series.

 * 1) Hunter's Redoubt (October 2023)
 * 2) The Wild Road (forthcoming, 2025/2026)

Chronicles of Elantra
(as Michelle Sagara, Luna Books)

Kaylin is a young woman with a complicated history. Although taking place in a fantastical universe, this series has a strong tone of urban fantasy and a single character perspective. The books tend to be more procedural than the author's other novels, but with an underlying, driving plot.
 * 1) Cast in Shadow (August 2005)
 * 2) Cast in Courtlight (July 2006)
 * 3) Cast in Secret (August 2007)
 * 4) Cast in Fury (October 2008)
 * 5) Cast in Silence (August 2009)
 * 6) Cast in Chaos (August 2010)
 * 7) Cast in Ruin (October 2011)
 * 8) Cast in Peril (September 2012)
 * 9) Cast in Sorrow (October 2013)
 * 10) Cast in Flame (July 2014)
 * 11) Cast in Honor (November 2015)
 * 12) Cast in Flight (October 2016)
 * 13) Cast in Deception (January 2018)
 * 14) Cast in Oblivion (January 2019)
 * 15) Cast in Wisdom (January 2020)
 * 16) Cast in Conflict (June 2021)
 * 17) Cast in Eternity (November 2022)
 * 18) Shards of Glass (November 2023)
 * 19) Cast in Atonement (Forthcoming, August 2024)
 * 20) Heir of Light (Follow on to Shards of Glass, publication date not announced)
 * 21) Cast in Blood (Provisional title, publication date not announced)

Cast in Moonlight is a novella that describes Kaylin's introduction to the Hawks of Elantra. It was first published in Harvest Moon, a short story collection released by Luna Books in 2010, and later became available as a stand-alone work.

The Chronicles of Elantra have also been made available as audio books.

The Wolves of Elantra
(as Michelle Sagara, Mira Books)

Multiple races carefully navigate the City of Elantra under the Dragon Emperor's wing. His Imperial Wolves are executioners, the smallest group to serve in the Halls of Law. The populace calls them assassins. This series is the backstory of the character Severn Handred introduced in Sagara's Chronicles of Elantra series.

 * 1) The Emperor's Wolves (October 2020)
 * 2) Sword and Shadow (February 2022)

Queen of the Dead
(as Michelle Sagara, DAW Books)

Emma Hall is a high school student whose first (and only) boyfriend died in the summer in a car accident She spends far too much time in the cemetery at Nathan's grave and begins to see things she's never seen, and to hear things that no one else hears. Distinctly more "contemporary" urban fantasy than her other series.

 * 1) Silence (May 2012)
 * 2) Touch (January 2014)
 * 3) Grave (February 2017)

Short stories

 * "For Love of God" (1993) (in Mike Resnick's alternate history anthology Alternate Warriors)
 * "What She Won't Remember" (1994) (in Mike Resnick's alternate history anthology Alternate Outlaws)
 * "The Sword in the Stone" (1997) (in Mike Resnick's alternate history anthology Alternate Tyrants)
 * "Dust" (2000) (in How I Survived My Summer Vacation, a Buffy the Vampire Slayer anthology)
 * Speaking with Angels (as Michelle West) - a collection of short stories (2003)

Other short stories by Michelle Sagara West have appeared in magazines and anthologies under a variety of surnames.

The author has decided to release many, if not all, of her short stories as e-books, as her schedule permits. Additionally, the six stories specifically related to the Essalieyan novels are available together in a single-volume, on-demand print format titled Memory of Stone and other stories.

"Sigurne" is a short story created from material that was edited out of ORACLE. Michelle Sagara has made the short story available for free download in PDF format on her website.

Review columns and blog
Under the name Michelle West, Sagara writes a long running book review column, Musing on Books, for The Magazine of Fantasy & Science Fiction. As of the end of 2019, she has written 56 columns. On her own personal website, she writes a blog where she regularly gives updates on her writing and other events.

title: Michelle Sagara


text:
GAU-13

The General Electric GAU-13/A is a 30 mm electric Gatling-type rotary cannon derived from the GAU-8 Avenger cannon.

Description
The GAU-13 was developed in the late 1970s for use in gun pod applications for fighter aircraft and attack aircraft use, primarily for air-to-ground and anti-tank attacks.

The GAU-13/A is a four-barreled rotary cannon based on the mechanism of the larger GAU-8, sharing the same massive 30 mm ammunition. Like the Avenger, it has a double-ended feed system with reverse clearing to remove unfired rounds. Unlike the GAU-8, however, it is pneumatically driven, giving it a rate of fire of 2,400 rounds per minute. Minimum time between stoppages is estimated at 32,000 rounds, making it a very reliable weapon.

The GAU-13/A uses the same range of PGU-13 High Explosive Incendiary (HEI) and PGU-14 Armor-Piercing Incendiary (API) rounds (which contain a depleted uranium penetrator) as the Avenger. Despite its somewhat lower rate of fire compared to the seven-barreled Avenger, it is an immensely powerful weapon.

The principal application for the GAU-13/A was the GPU-5/A gun pod (originally marketed as the GEPOD 30). The pod is 4.3 m long and can be mounted on any standard NATO 762 mm suspension lugs. It holds 353 rounds of ammunition, enough for approximately nine seconds of continuous fire. The GPU-5/A weight is 600 kg empty and 841 kg fully loaded. The pod is completely self-contained.

The GPU-5/A was intended for carriage on a wide range of U.S. tactical aircraft, including the F-15 Eagle and F-16 Fighting Falcon. In the mid-1980s the USAF considered a specialized variant of the F-16 for the close air support (CAS) mission, using the GPU-5, as a substitute to or adjunct for the A-10 Thunderbolt II.

The GPU-5 pod, however, proved unsatisfactory in service. It was briefly tried on some Air National Guard F-16 Fighting Falcons during the 1991 Gulf War, but was removed from service after barely a day of combat use because of its very poor accuracy. Despite the cannon's impressive ballistic characteristics, the pylon mounting was not sufficiently rigid to prevent deflection, and the weapon's heavy recoil exacerbated the problem by causing pylon misalignment. Further, the GPU-5 was not integrated into the F-16's sighting system. The GPU-5 is no longer in U.S. service, although some Thai F-5E Tiger II aircraft still carry the weapon; it was also tested on the F-20 Tigershark.

In mid/late 1995, the U.S. Marine Corps conducted a trial of the GPU-5 on the LCAC-66, as a potential weapon to provide suppressive fire for landing forces. The pod was mounted on a standard MAU-12 bomb rack, itself mounted in a standard cargo container. It was believed that four such containers could then be carried on the LCAC. The resulting combination was referenced as the Gun Platform Air Cushion (GPAC). By 1997, the Marines had reportedly acquired the USAF's entire stock of GAU-13/A cannons and GPU-5 pods as surplus. Besides the GPAC, the GAU-13/A was also touted as possible armament on ships and ground vehicles such as the LAV-25.

title: GAU-13


text:
Talk:Placentophagy

Untitled
Hi there, I am a student editor on Wikipedia and will be working on this stub article for an assignment. I plan to develop the article by making it more structured- changing the lead to only summarize the article and adding more sections relevant to the topic. — Preceding unsigned comment added by K.white31 (talk • contribs) 18:39, 25 October 2019 (UTC)

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment, between 4 September 2019 and 27 November 2019. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): K.white31. Peer reviewers: SophiaGibbons.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 06:42, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

Accuracy Dispute
There is no evidence whatsoever presented of the practice of "human placentophagy". It is highly dubious. The author should cite his sources I think. ReithySockPuppet 20:23, 22 Oct 2004 (UTC)

You're troll, why do you just go after this page? why don't you go after the childbirth page too? I don't know why I even reply to you. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Chuck F (talk • contribs) 2004-10-23T00:29:04

When I came across this article, the quote from Maggie Blott was contradictory to what she said in the citation. I've corrected it. --Loupdebois 15:51, 9 September 2007 (UTC)

I removed "Placenta has also been used to mitigate fatigue and menopausal symptoms. A study tested the efficacy of this by injecting menopausal women with Human Placenta Extract, and found that both menopausal symptoms and fatigue were reduced as a result." Upon looking up the source I found that the study did not find sufficient evidence to prove the claims made by the person who cited it. Bradman3001 (talk) 14:50, 12 June 2010 (UTC) This article is based on pure speculation. Why not present reasons SOME mammals eat placentae and some do not. Some mammals also eat their young.. Are you advocating that as well? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 121.222.25.225 (talk) 22:06, 21 April 2012 (UTC)

Moved to talk, awaiting cites

 * ''In a few cultures it is custom for the mother to eat the Placenta after their newborn's birth. Thoese who advocate Placentophagy in humans believe that eating the placenta prevents postpartum depression and other pregnancy complications.

 * ''Human Placenta has also been the ingredient in some traditional Chinese medicines.

Since these claims have been disputed, please give cites to support them before putting them back in the article. -- The Anome 00:33, 23 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Everyone editing the page besides me and you is all the same user... There currently is an abritration case open again them... They use multiple accounts to make thier editrs seem like they have a concenus, and have been trolling me and every single Edit i make

 * Then the way to move forward is to provide cites for your statements; attempts to remove well-cited NPOV text without consensus on the talk page tends to be classed as vandalism, and they will either have to work with you according to the rules or be blocked from editing. However, first the onus is on you to provide the cites and put your text into the NPOV style. -- The Anome 00:49, 23 Oct 2004 (UTC)

it is in npov style... and why didn't he equally go after the childbirth article.. go edit it. Human placentophagy is a known fact.

Thanks for the cite. Ive also added one for the Chinese medicine bit. -- The Anome 01:16, 23 Oct 2004 (UTC) How many more cites are needed do you think? ReithySockPuppet 02:21, 23 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Why in the world does this page even need cites in the first place(within the article)? Childbirth has absoulty zero cites on it. Chuck F 07:26, 23 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * Read wikipedia rules, you need sources. Your own thoughts are not sufficient to constitute an encyclopedia entry. I have contributed some to assist the development of the article. Hope it helps. Reithy 09:30, 23 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Yes, I know that you need sources... but the sources don't have to be cited in the article, (that's why I put within the article in parantheses). no sources needed to be cited in the article.. and I'd say we're better off not.. unless it's controverstial

 * Well, it looks like adding cites is doing exactly what it was intended to do; defusing an edit war, and turning previous edit-combatants into edit-collaborators. My work here... is done. [flies off with whooshing noise] -- The Anome 18:05, 23 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Unsigned Talk
Very poor form to leave Talk unsigned, it isn't difficult to sign just do four of these: ~

Reithy 18:42, Oct 23, 2004 (UTC)

Copyright Violation?
Chuck_F asserts that a "friend" gave him permission to use their image and no further explanation is required. Wiki is not allowed to use copyright images without permission so he should disclose copyright owner and demonstrate permission. Reithy 01:09, Oct 24, 2004 (UTC)

How do you propose I do that? Upload some written contract saying premisson which you'll probly say I stole, and put it up as a copyright violation?

It's not up to me, but I do know they take copyright violations seriously around here. I would have thought something of the nature you've described should be acceptable according to wiki rules. I strongly suggest you keep the copyright warning up there while you do this. Reithy 04:34, Oct 24, 2004 (UTC)

 * Image:Rateatingplacenta.jpg is still tagged as possibly unfree. Please stop putting it in and taking it out over and over. Chuck F., if you can provide information as to the source, photographer, whatever of the image, please do so. If anyone else has any information suggesting that the image is copyrighted or that Chuck F.'s claim is inaccurate, please provide it. Thanks. -- Infrogmation 17:31, 25 Jan 2005 (UTC)

Oh, come on now. We have this lovely concept of fair use. Wikipedia gets lots of leeway here: Wikipedia is educational, Wikipedia is non-commercial, the image does not form the bulk of Wikipedia content, there is no evidence that the image has commercial use... Until somebody sends a DMCA takedown notice, I wouldn't worry. AlbertCahalan 16:15, 12 May 2005 (UTC)

Please respect the copyrights of the owner of "Rateatingplacenta.jpg". I have no doubt that this photo is the owner's cash cow, and we are costing him/her thousands of dollars in lost revenue every day by allowing it to continue to be posted on Wikipedia. Let's show some respect, people! Grammaticus Repairo 13:57, 25 August 2006 (UTC)

Help on source (placenta-eating)
I remember reading about this in one of the mainstream "you're about to have a baby books". I was looking through books for a friend. I don't remember which one it was, but it was one of the more popular mainstream ones. I don't think it was "What to Expect when you're Expecting". Might have been "The Baby Book : Everything You Need to Know About Your Baby From Birth to Age Two"... anyways it was a book along that purpose. I'm sorry I can't help more, but maybe this will jog another visitor's mind. -- geekyßroad . meow?'' 17:47, 27 February 2006 (UTC)

Tom Cruise and Scientology
Should mention of Tom Cruise's intent to eat his child's placenta be mentioned? —Preceding unsigned comment added by Monkeyduck (talk • contribs) 2006-04-19T02:45:22
 * No, it shouldn't. Already it's been added twice and deleted twice, presumably by Farkers; check the page history. Melchoir 02:49, 19 April 2006 (UTC)
 * In other news: Tom Cruise went to sleep. Tom Cruise wiped his ass. Tom Cruise drank a beer. Tom Cruise took a shower. Tom Cruise watched a sunset. Now we need to update all those articles. Sure. AlbertCahalan 04:36, 21 April 2006 (UTC)
 * On that note, Toilet paper is a much more detailed article than I was expecting... Melchoir 04:48, 21 April 2006 (UTC)
 * Yuck, just how the hell are you supposed to eat this shit!? You'll need to cover it up with a mountain of ketchup or something. -anonymous —Preceding unsigned comment added by 195.229.242.54 (talk • contribs) 2006-04-22T21:49:17

New: This might be able to provide some evidence: http://www.ebaumsworld.com/2006/07/placenta-snack.html —Preceding unsigned comment added by 24.110.177.201 (talk • contribs) 2006-12-31T04:23:06

Citing dictionaries
Building a logical argument with selective dictionary definitions is perhaps not in keeping with the best of academic standards. I feel that the two original dictionaries cited probably also list the definition I've just added, but having no access to them I've had to settle for different editions of similar texts. My main contention, though, is that it's too "soft" an argument to be made and we should do away with using dictionaries to argue this point at all. Shane Lin (talk) 23:28, 11 November 2009 (UTC)

Possible, but unlikely sources
The EL section isn't meant to hold sources, so I'm pasting them here. A variety are outright inappropriate for most uses (blogs and personal diaries). WLU (t) (c) Wikipedia's rules: simple/complex 14:41, 2 September 2010 (UTC)

 * , with quotes from Williams Obstetrics, 18th Edition, F. Gary Cunningham, M.D., Paul C. MacDonald, M.D., Norman F. Grant, M.D., Appleton & Lange, Publishers.
 * Cooking Up Placenta
 * Preparing and eating a vegan placenta casserole (words and pictures)
 * From The Straight Dope
 * One woman's account of her experiment with Placentophagy
 * Estudio Bromatologico de la Placenta Humana
 * Afterbirth: It's What's For Dinner (story with video) TIME (magazine) article by Joel Stein, 2009-07-03
 * Placenta Benefits.info - Resources and information regarding human maternal placentophagy for postpartum women
 * From Here to Maternity Week 8: Want a side of placenta with that?

 * Good call. I've copied the http://www.gynob.com/ URL into the ELs of Placenta.  The Time article may be useful on this article, however it seems like an op-ed, and I want to know who the 'Cassandra' is in the article. John Vandenberg (chat) 03:00, 3 September 2010 (UTC)

title: Talk:Placentophagy