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Al-Ta'i'

Abu Bakr ʿAbd al-Karīm ibn al-Faḍl (أبو بكر عبد الكريم بن الفضل; 932 – 3 August 1003), better known by his regnal name al-Ṭāʾiʿ liʾllāh/biʾllāh (الطائع لله\بالله), was the Abbasid caliph of Baghdad from 974 to his deposition in 991. He was in office during the domination of Iraq by the Shi'a Buyid dynasty, and as a result is generally considered a powerless figurehead under the thumb of the Buyid emirs. His tenure was also marked by strife between rival Buyid rulers and the frequent change of hands of Baghdad: al-Ta'i' himself was raised to the throne by a rebel Turkic general, Sabuktakin, who deposed al-Ta'i's father, al-Muti'. During periods of such strife, al-Ta'i' was able to exert some measure of political independence, but under stronger rulers he was sidelined, and was obliged to marry the daughters of the emirs Izz al-Dawla and Adud al-Dawla. Al-Ta'i's status suffered under Adud al-Dawla in particular, who turned to pre-Islamic Persian models for legitimacy, and relegated Iraq to the status of a simple province ruled from Fars. Al-Ta'i' was deposed on 22 November 991 by Baha al-Dawla, and replaced with his cousin, al-Qadir. He spent the rest of his days, until his death in 1003, confined to the caliphal palace.

Origin and early life
Abd al-Karim, the future al-Ta'i', was born in Baghdad in 929 as the son of the Abbasid prince al-Fadl, son of Caliph al-Muqtadir, and a concubine of Greek origin, called Utb. As an adult, al-Ta'i's face was marked by smallpox, and he had a prominent nose, which became the object of satire by contemporaries.

His father came to the throne as caliph al-Muti' in 946, following the capture of Baghdad by the Buyid dynasty. While themselves espousing Shi'a beliefs, the Buyids nevertheless decided to retain the Abbasid caliphs out of expediency, and to provide them legitimacy in the eyes of the other Muslim rulers. In practice, however, al-Muti' was a puppet of the ruling Buyid emir of Iraq. A positive corollary of this subservience was that it brought stability to the caliphal throne: al-Muti' reigned as caliph for 29 Hijri years and four months, in stark contrast to his short-lived predecessors, and unlike them had to contend with remarkably few rival pretenders to the caliphate.

Rise to the throne
On 1 August 974, the Turkic general Sabuktakin seized control of Baghdad from the Buyid ruler Izz al-Dawla. When the coup happened, al-Muti' left Baghdad along with the expelled members of the Buyid clan, but Sabuktakin forced him back and confined him to his palace. Al-Muti' was induced to abdicate with his health as a pretext, and was replaced by his oldest son, Abu Bakr Abd al-Karim, as Caliph al-Ta'i' li'llah on 5 August 974 (13 Dhu'l-Qa'dah 363 AH). This was the first father-to-son succession of the caliphate since al-Muktafi in 902.

Like his father, al-Ta'i' is considered by medieval and modern historians alike to have been a powerless figurehead, limited to appending his name to certificates of appointment and official correspondence, with others holding the real power. He played no role even in the numerous religious controversies of his day, and little is known about his activities other than his often conducting the Friday prayer at the Kadhimayn mosque, and his rebuilding the, one of the principal gates to the caliphal palace complex. The historian Heribert Busse however points out that al-Ta'i' managed to maintain his office for sixteen years in a very turbulent time, involving no fewer than six regime changes in Baghdad, and credits him with political acumen and flexibility.

The new caliph promptly named Sabuktakin as the chief emir, with the honorific title. Before long, Sabuktakin, accompanied by al-Ta'i' and al-Muti', marched on Wasit, where the Buyid forces under Izz al-Dawla and his cousin, Adud al-Dawla, the ruler of Fars, gathered. Sabuktakin died on the way, and was succeeded by another Turkic, Alptakin. The Turks were defeated in January 975 near the Diyala River, and withdrew north to Tikrit, before they fled to Syria, while the Buyids entered Baghdad. Al-Ta'i's position under the Turks is unclear. He sent letters to Izz al-Dawla berating him of his errors and omissions as governor, but in later public letters he cursed them and claimed that he had been using dissimulation in apparently siding with them. Thus historian John Donohue writes of the "brief six months of independence that the caliphate enjoyed under the Turk rebels", while Heribert Busse writes of the caliph as being virtually the prisoner of the Turks.

At any rate, al-Ta'i' was soon able to recover his position at least somewhat, making use of the Buyids' quarrels and their need for legitimacy: in Baghdad, Adud al-Dawla deposed his cousin and assumed rule of the city. Leaving Tikrit, al-Ta'i' returned to Baghdad, where Adud al-Dawla received him with respect and restored to him his domains, that had apparently been confiscated (it is unclear by whom, likely by Izz al-Dawla). There are indications that he consulted with al-Ta'i' for a formal investment as emir, and his name was included in the Friday prayer before that of Izz al-Dawla. In the event, Adud al-Dawla bowed to pressure by his father, the senior Buyid emir Rukn al-Dawla, to withdraw and allow Iraq to remain a separate emirate under Izz al-Dawla.

Under Izz al-Dawla
Following Adud al-Dawla's departure, Izz al-Dawla tried to consolidate his regime and gather allies against his cousin's hegemonic ambitions. This effort was also in al-Ta'i's interests, and included the awarding by the caliph of several honorific titles with the suffix to regional potentates, as well as Izz al-Dawla's vizier, Ibn Baqiyya.

When Rukn al-Dawla died in September 976, Adud al-Dawla seized control of the eastern half of the Buyid realm, while Izz al-Dawla in Iraq made himself de facto independent. Al-Ta'i' seized the opportunity to deepen the rift between the two cousins by conceding to the ambitious Izz al-Dawla high privileges that made him the co-equal of Adud al-Dawla: Ibn Baqiyya was named joint vizier of Izz al-Dawla and the caliph, Izz al-Dawla's titles were extended, and finally, the caliph himself married a daughter of the Buyid emir. Offended and challenged in his authority as successor of Rukn al-Dawla, Adud al-Dawla moved against his cousin. After a suitable delay likely meant to demonstrate his independence, al-Ta'i' joined Izz al-Dawla at his camp at Khuzistan, and sent a letter proposing peace to Adud al-Dawla. When this was rejected and Adud al-Dawla marched on his cousin, in a symbolic assertion of his independence, the caliph left the camp and returned to Baghdad. Adud al-Dawla defeated Izz al-Dawla in July 977, entering Baghdad on 23 December.

Under Adud al-Dawla
In a formal ceremony, Adud al-Dawla was invested as by al-Ta'i', with extensive new honours: he was awarded a crown and jewel-studded necklace, given the honorific  ('Crown of the Muslim Community'), as well as a banner for himself and his heir, something hitherto reserved for the designated heirs of the caliphs. Adud al-Dawla also requested two special privileges: allowing him to enter the caliphal audience chamber on horseback, and the erection of a curtain so that when he prostrated himself in front of the caliph, this gesture of submission would not be seen by his companions. The caliph pointedly refused these demands, and even had a barrier built in front of the audience chamber, so that the Buyid ruler had no choice but dismount and enter on foot. Al-Ta'i' did, however, agree to the addition of some details to the ceremony that hearkened back to ancient Persian protocol, and that made it appear to the Buyid's companions as if Adud al-Dawla had been crowned king by the caliph. It is unclear whether al-Ta'i' was aware of the significance of these changes. Al-Ta'i' also agreed to accompany Adud al-Dawla in his campaign that defeated the remnants of Izz al-Dawla's forces at Samarra in May 978, whereupon he returned to Baghdad.

As the coronation episode reveals, Adud al-Dawla, and the Buyids generally, relied increasingly on pre-Islamic Persian traditions, ceremonies, and titles to bolster their position and claim an independent source of legitimacy. According to C. E. Bosworth, the Buyid ruler aimed at "a division of power between the caliphate and the monarchy, equivalent to the mediaeval European theories of church and empire", a conception entirely alien to al-Ta'i's worldview. Perhaps obliged to acquiesce to caliphal slights in order to secure recognition of his rule over Iraq, Adud al-Dawla initially treated al-Ta'i' with deference, restoring him all his privileges and paying for the renovation of the caliphal palace.

As soon as Izz al-Dawla and his Hamdanid allies in Upper Mesopotamia were defeated though, Adud al-Dawla launched a purge against the caliph's immediate environment, imprisoning the vizier Ibrahim al-Sabi, the chief Ibn Ma'ruf, and other senior members of the Baghdad court. The dismissal of Ibn Ma'ruf in particular was a violation of the main remaining prerogative of the caliph under Buyid rule, namely the appointment of the chief of Baghdad and Iraq. The posts of both the vizier and the chief of Iraq were left vacant, and substituted by those for the Buyid capital province of Fars. Iraq was thus effectively reduced to a regular province of the Buyid empire, governed from a new imperial centre. Adud al-Dawla even usurped the last remaining, symbolic aspects of the caliph's office, namely the nomination of officials and governors in his name.

When Adud al-Dawla returned to Baghdad in 980, following his eastern campaigns, al-Ta'i' in person led the Buyid emir into the city; an unprecedented event, but, as Bosworth comments, "once again the caliph seems to have failed to appreciate the significance of the ceremony in which he was taking part". In a further move to bind the caliph closer to himself, in the second half of 980, Adud al-Dawla arranged for the marriage of one of his daughters with al-Ta'i'. If Adud al-Dawla may have hoped, as the contemporary historian Miskawayh has it, that the offspring of this union would one day unite the Abbasid caliphate with the Buyid kingship, it was not to be. Al-Ta'i' saw this marriage at worst as forced upon him, and at best as a token of distinction and condescension towards the Buyid emir, and resolutely refused to consummate it. This led to the final breach between al-Ta'i' and Adud al-Dawla, who introduced the provocative, Persian-derived and entirely un-Islamic title of ('King of Kings') into his coinage even in Iraq.

Under Adud al-Dawla's successors
Adud al-Dawla died on 26 March 983 at the age of 49, leaving behind a large but unconsolidated empire, and an unregulated succession. Initially, the Buyid commanders gave the oath of allegiance to Adud al-Dawla's second son, Marzuban, under the name of Samsam al-Dawla. Al-Ta'i' recognized the succession, investing Samsam al-Dawla with the title of Shams al-Milla. Adud al-Dawla's oldest son, Shirdil, known as Sharaf al-Dawla, refused to accept this and seized Fars, thus limiting Samsam al-Dawla to Iraq, but even there the latter faced challengers: Upper Mesopotamia was lost to the Kurd Badh, while two younger sons of Adud al-Dawla held Khuzistan and Basra. In the eastern territories of the Buyid empire, at the same time, their uncle Fakhr al-Dawla laid claim to Adud al-Dawla's succession, claiming the tile of for himself.

The Buyid quarrels offered opportunities for al-Ta'i': the officials ousted by Adud al-Dawla were reinstated, and the danger of Iraq's permanent relegation to a province ruled from elsewhere was ended for now, as it once again became a separate political unit under one of the Buyid emirs. Samsam al-Dawla reverted, at least formally, to making all appointments 'on the command of the Commander of the Faithful', and the disunity of the Buyids would allow the caliph to play a political role as arbiter between the quarreling emirs. In c. 985, he granted a subsidy to the Samanids towards the protection of the frontiers of Islam, and mediated a peace agreement between Samsam al-Dawla and Sharaf al-Dawla, after the latter occupied Khuzistan and Basra. In the treaty, concluded in June 986, Sharaf al-Dawla was recognized as the chief emir, and his name included in the Friday prayers in Baghdad. Both parties explicitly placed themselves under the caliph's formal authority. In the event, Sharaf al-Dawla quickly reneged on the agreement: using clashes between Daylamites and Turks in Baghdad as a pretext, he marched on the city, captured and imprisoned his brother in January 987, and was invested by the caliph as chief emir in May 987.

Sharaf al-Dawla's ascendancy was brief, as he died at Baghdad on 7 September 988. As his two sons were underage, he was succeeded by his younger brother Abu Nasr Firuz, with the regnal name of Baha al-Dawla. Al-Ta'i' recognized the succession, and invested Baha al-Dawla with the title of Diya al-Milla. Baha al-Dawla was quickly attacked by Fakhr al-Dawla, but the two Buyid emirs quickly came to terms—again with the caliph as arbiter—recognizing each other as rulers over their respective realms.

Deposition and succession
Bereft of money with which to pay his army, the Buyid emir followed the advice of the powerful head of the chancery, Abu'l-Hasan ibn al-Mu'allim, to depose al-Ta'i' in order to seize the caliphal treasury. On 22 November 991 (12 Ramadan 381 AH), under the pretext of an audience, Baha al-Dawla's men seized the caliph. While the caliphal palace was plundered, the caliph was wrapped in a robe and brought to the emir's residence, where he was placed under arrest. He was succeeded by his cousin Abu'l-Abbas Ahmad, who took the throne as al-Qadir.

Al-Ta'i' had had strained relations with his cousin: in 988, the latter's half-sister, apparently motivated by an inheritance dispute, reported him as seeking to replace al-Ta'i' as caliph. To escape capture, Ahmad went into hiding for a while, before seeking refuge with the governor of the swamps of Bathihah near Basra, Muhadhdhib al-Dawla, for about three years. From there, Ahmad plotted against al-Ta'i', harping on his own loyalty to the Buyids, and drawing contrast to the fact that al-Ta'i' had been installed by a Turk.

Al-Ta'i' remained under arrest until September 992, when he was allowed to move to the caliphal palace. Despite their previous differences, al-Qadir treated him well. Al-Ta'i' was not blinded, as had been the case for previous deposed caliphs, and he was accorded treatment due to a reigning caliph. Al-Ta'i' died at the palace on 3 August 1003, and was buried in Rusafa, at a mausoleum he had erected across from the tombs of his father, al-Muti', and of his great-grandmother, the mother of al-Muqtadir, Shaghab.

Al-Ta'i's deposition had a long denouement: considering al-Qadir a puppet of the Buyids, the eastern dynasties of the Samanids and Ghaznavids refused to recognize the succession until 999/1000, continuing to use al-Ta'i's name in the Friday prayer and on coins until then. Furthermore, a relative of the deposed caliph, Abdallah ibn Ja'far, managed to escape custody in Baghdad and fled to Gilan, where he persuaded the local ruler that he was indeed al-Ta'i'. Only after Baghdad found out about this pretender was his true identity revealed.

title: Al-Ta'i'


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Talk:Miss Australia

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 * Can link beauty contest: ...le for the winner of the Miss Australia beauty contest, which was run for the Spastic Society ...
 * done. --Hemanshu 06:50, 25 Nov 2004 (UTC)

 * Can link Miss Universe: ...ralia competition, which is part of the Miss Universe beauty contest, and like its world coun...
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Miss Australia today
It should be made clear exactly what the post-2000 Miss Australia list of names is refereing to. For example, Australia's Miss Universe entry in 2003 was Ashlea Talbot, not the listed Wagon Pattivina, yet Australia's 2004 entry was Jennifer Hawkins, who is listed.

 * Yes, exactly. Who are these "representatives", and why are they still being chosen in 2010 when the Miss Australia quest supposedly (according to the lede section) came to an end 10 years ago in 2000?  It doesn't make any sense to me.  --   Jack of Oz    ... speak! ...   05:33, 7 November 2010 (UTC)

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Al-Qadir

Abu'l-Abbas Ahmad ibn Ishaq (أبو العباس أحمد بن إسحاق; 28 September 947 – 29 November 1031), better known by his regnal name al-Qadir (القادر بالله, al-Qādir bi’llāh, ), was the Abbasid caliph in Baghdad from 991 to 1031.

Born as an Abbasid prince outside the main line of succession, al-Qadir received a good education, including in the tenets of the Shafi'i school of Islamic jurisprudence. He rose to the throne after his cousin, at-Ta'i, was deposed by the Buyid ruler of Iraq, Baha al-Dawla. Although still under Buyid tutelage and with limited real power even in Baghdad, al-Qadir was able to gradually increase the authority of his office over time, exploiting the rivalries of the Buyid emirs and the caliphate's role as a fount of legitimacy and religious guidance. Al-Qadir was able to nominate his own heirs without interference by the Buyids, and was instrumental in securing control of Baghdad for the Buyid emir Jalal al-Dawla. At the same time, he sought champions further afield, notably in the person of Mahmud of Ghazni, who sought caliphal recognition for his conquests, providing funds in return. In the religious sphere, al-Qadir placed himself as the champion of Sunni Islam against Shi'a Islam, represented by the Buyids as well as by the Fatimid Caliphate of Cairo. He denounced the Fatimids in the Baghdad Manifesto of 1011, and issued proclamations that for the first time codified Sunni doctrine in the so-called 'Qadiri Creed', taking the side of the traditionalist Hanbali school against the rationalist Mu'tazilites. Al-Qadir's religious policies cemented the Sunni–Shi'a split, as the followers of divergent doctrines were denounced as infidels and made licit to be killed as a result. His reign heralded the re-emergence of the Abbasid caliphate as an independent political actor, and presaged the so-called 'Sunni Revival' later in the century.

Early life
Abu'l-Abbas Ahmad, the future al-Qadir, was born on 28 September 947 in Baghdad. His father Ishaq was a son of caliph al-Muqtadir ((r. 908 – 932)), and his mother Tammani or Dimna was a slave concubine.

Shortly before his birth, in December 945, Baghdad and the rest of Iraq had been taken over by the Buyids. Although the Buyids were pro-Shi'a, they had retained the Abbasid caliphate for reasons of legitimacy. The Buyids ruled Iraq ostensibly as caliphal commander-in-chiefs (amīr al-umarāʾ), but in practice they had reduced the Abbasid caliphs to puppet rulers, confined to their palaces. Like many Abbasid princes of the time, Ahmad lived in the Tahirid Palace of Baghdad.

As an Abbasid prince, Ahmad received a good education. When his father Ishaq died in March 988, Ahmad quarreled with his half-sister, Amina, over the inheritance. She reported him to their cousin, Caliph al-Ta'i ((r. 974 – 991)), as plotting to replace him as caliph. To escape capture, Ahmad went into hiding for a while, before seeking refuge with the governor of the swamps of Bathihah near Basra, Muhadhdhib al-Dawla, for about three years. From there, Ahmad plotted against al-Ta'i, harping on his own loyalty to the Buyids, whereas al-Ta'i had been installed by a Turkic general, Sabuktakin.

Caliphate
In 991, the Buyid ruler of Iraq, Baha al-Dawla ((r. 988 – 1012)), deposed al-Ta'i, because the latter had been showing signs of independence. In his stead, Baha al-Dawla appointed al-Qadir to the caliphate on 22 November 991 (12 Ramadan 381 AH). The deposed al-Ta'i was kept in captivity until his death twelve years later. Despite their previous differences, al-Qadir treated his predecessor well: al-Ta'i was not blinded, as had been the case for previous deposed caliphs, and he was accorded the treatment due to a reigning caliph.

Early years
The accession of the new caliph was not without its troubles: on his way from Bathihah he was held up by Turkic soldiery who extracted promises of a donative payment, and the first solemn Friday sermon (khuṭba) in his name was likewise delayed by Turkic and Daylamite troops clamouring for money. At 45 years, al-Qadir was the oldest Abbasid caliph to ascend the throne; and it was expected that he would be a pliant figurehead. At first, al-Qadir indeed seemed to bear out this image, approving Baha al-Dawla's nominations of officials and supporting his policies. New titles were conferred on Baha al-Dawla, and al-Qadir even agreed to marry the Buyid's daughter, although in the event she died just before the wedding was to take place. Seeing him as a Buyid puppet, the dynasts of the eastern Islamic world delayed recognition, and it was not until 1000 that the Samanids and Ghaznavids recognized al-Qadir's caliphate. Even the Buyid emir Fakhr al-Dawla, who ruled large parts of central and northern Iran until his death in 997, refused to recognize al-Qadir, continuing to mint coins in al-Ta'i's name. The only independent actions taken during the first decade of his caliphate were the completion in 993/4 of a Friday mosque in the Harbiyya quarter of Baghdad, begun by his uncle al-Muti' ((r. 946 – 974)), and the public proclamation of his son Muhammad, then just eight or nine years old, as heir apparent, with the title of al-Ghalib Bi'llah, in 1001.

Al-Qadir faced two usurpation attempts during this time. About 998, a certain Abdallah ibn Ja'far, a close relative of the deposed al-Ta'i, pretended to be the escaped caliph in Gilan and even gained the backing of the local ruler for a time, before he was discovered. At about the same time, in Transoxiana, another distant cousin, Abdallah ibn Uthman, a descendant of the 9th-century caliph al-Wathiq, pretended to be al-Qadir's designated heir and won the support of the local Karakhanid ruler. Al-Qadir used the event as an excuse to publicly proclaim his son as heir, bypassing the need to seek Buyid approval. The Karakhanids soon recognized the Abbasid caliph's suzerainty for the first time, and dropped their support of the pretender. The pretender then arrived in Baghdad, where he secretly gathered support, before moving again to the east via Basra, Kufa, and Kirman. He was finally arrested by the Ghaznavids on al-Qadir's orders, and died in captivity.

Relations with the Buyids
Ambitious to subdue the Buyid emirates to the east under his own rule, Baha al-Dawla forced al-Qadir to finance the military preparations to that effect, which progressively emptied the caliphal coffers. Nevertheless, Baha al-Dawla's successes also had positive corollary: following his conquest of western Iran in 998, the Buyid moved his residence to Shiraz. This effectively downgraded Baghdad and Iraq to a mere province, but also left al-Qadir more room for independent activity, which he used to strengthen his authority. While Baha al-Dawla had previously imposed his own candidates even as members of the caliphal court, al-Qadir was now able to establish his own chancery and nominate his own officials, often from among officials who had served under al-Ta'i. Al-Qadir is also recorded as having a separate postal and information service, which he may have (re-)established. The appointment of a vizier on the other hand had to wait the next reign; al-Qadir's chief ministers had to content themselves with the title of 'secretary' (kātib). For most of al-Qadir's caliphate, this post was held by al-Hajib al-Nu'man, who served from 992 until his death in 1030, with a brief interruption in 998.

Baha al-Dawla died in 1012, and was succeeded by his son, Sultan al-Dawla ((r. 1012 – 1024)). The succession did nothing to halt the decline of the Buyid power in Iraq, or the mounting Sunni–Shi'a tensions. The Buyid emirs that followed Baha al-Dawla were also increasingly engaged in an unrestrained competition for supremacy amongst themselves, in which control of Baghdad and of the caliph, who could dispense titles and tokens of legitimacy, was of central importance. This in turn gave al-Qadir greater freedom of action, and placed him on much better and more equal footing with Baha al-Dawla's successors, who were careful to maintain good relations with the caliph. Sultan al-Dawla did not come to Iraq for his investiture ceremony as amīr al-umarāʾ, which was carried out in absentia. In contrast to previous occasions, the gifts sent to the caliphal court were modest, while the poverty of al-Qadir had reached such extent that the palace had to be decorated for the occasion with rugs and drapes provided by the governor of Baghdad.

In 1021, Sultan al-Dawla ceded rule over Iraq to his younger brother, Musharrif al-Dawla ((r. 1021 – 1025)). The latter came to Baghdad in March 1023, and ordered al-Qadir to come to him. Al-Qadir complied, but when Musharrif al-Dawla went on to renew the oath of allegiance of the Turkic military officers without asking for the Caliph's permission, al-Qadir protested, and in return secured a pledge of fidelity from Musharrif al-Dawla. When the latter died in 1025, Musharrif al-Dawla's brother Jalal al-Dawla ((r. 1027 – 1044)) and his nephew, Abu Kalijar, clashed over his inheritance. The latter was proclaimed as amīr al-umarāʾ by the soldiery, and initially recognized as such by the Caliph, but he was toppled when the troops eventually defected to Jalal al-Dawla. The caliph played a central role in these events, mediating with the Turkic soldiery in favour of Jalal al-Dawla, so that, according to the historian Heribert Busse, "the installation of Jalal al-Dawla was the achievement of al-Qadir". Jalal al-Dawla entered Baghdad in 1026 and began curtailing the caliph's powers, but his rule was short-lived, as once again the troops turned against him. Al-Qadir sent a delegation to inform him that he must leave the capital, and prohibited him from returning for several years.

Al-Qadir's efforts to re-establish his authority against the Buyids were aided by the broad popular support he could count on among the Sunni population of Baghdad, the decline of Buyid power, and the emergence of Mahmud of Ghazni ((r. 998 – 1030)) in the east, who was not only a political opponent of the Buyids, but also a champion of Sunni orthodoxy. The recognition of Mahmud by al-Qadir took place indepepntetly of the Buyids, while conversely Mahmud's recognition of his suzerainty was a boost to the caliph's position. The Ghaznavid ruler regularly kept al-Qadir informed of his campaigns, requesting caliphal confirmation for his rule over the countries he had conquered. Al-Qadir had reports of Mahmud's victories read publicly in the mosques, a gesture that historian Tayeb El-Hibri describes as a barely veiled gibe against the Buyids, and in turn rewarded Mahmud with lofty titles, walī amīr al-muʾminīn ('friend of the commander of the faithful') and yamīn al-dawla wa amīn al-milla ('right hand of the state and trustee of the community'). As the historian Michael Brett explains, this arrangement suited both men: for al-Qadir, nominating a powerful prince as his surrogate was a substitute for real power; while for Mahmud, caliphal recognition legitimized his position and his plans for conquests against diverse 'infidels', primarily India to the south, but also the Buyids to the west. Mahmud's lavish gifts also helped alleviate somewhat the poverty of the caliph as a result of Buyid exactions; nevertheless, at his death, al-Qadir left an empty treasury.

Championing of Sunnism
Although al-Qadir held no temporal political power, he nevertheless managed to exploit the opportunities he was presented with to greatly restore the moral and religious authority of the caliphate. In this, he made good use of his own education in Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), which gave him an authority to speak as a member of the emerging class of religious scholars (ʿulamāʾ). The Abbasids had traditionally been followers of the Hanafi school of jurisprudence, but this association was broken in the Buyid period, in favour of the Shafi'i school. The Shafi'is were supported by the Buyids, in large part due to the convergence between Shafi'i and Shi'a doctrines. As a young prince, al-Qadir was thus taught by the Shafi'i scholar Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Harawi, and his credentials in fiqh were enough for the 14th-century Shafi'i scholar Taqi al-Din al-Subki to count among the prominent scholars belonging to his school. As caliph, however, al-Qadir was to hew closer to the doctrines of the conservative traditionalist Hanbali school.

The first major clash with the Buyids over religious issues came with the appointment by Baha al-Dawla of the prominent pro-Shi'a Alid and dean of the Alids (naqīb al-ashrāf), Abu Ahmad al-Husayn ibn Musa, as the chief qāḍī (judge) at Baghdad in 1003/4. Seeing in this an attempt to impose Twelver jurisprudence against Sunni practices, al-Qadir put himself at the head of a popular Sunni reaction, and succeeded in reverting the nomination. From this point on, the caliph identified himself with a broad Sunni backlash against the Shi'a, both of the Twelver variant espoused by the Buyids, as well as the Isma'ili branch that was led by the rival Fatimid Caliphate. In this cause he succeeded in restoring the Sunni and Abbasid form of the khuṭba in Yamamah and Bahrayn. In 1006, a violent controversy broke out over a recension (muṣḥaf) of the Quran claimed to have belonged to Ibn Mas'ud, which was espoused by Shi'a scholars against the canonical version, but firmly rejected by the Sunnis. Al-Qadir summoned a commission of scholars that condemned the recension in April 1006, and ordered the execution of a Shi'a partisan who anathematized those who burned it. It was only the intervention of Baha al-Dawla that calmed matters and prevented the disorders from spreading. To further lend authority to the canonical version of the Quran, in 1010 al-Qadir assisted at public readings from it during the Friday prayers, wearing the Mantle of Muhammad.

The affair had also highlighted another threat, namely the inroads of Fatimid propaganda in Baghdad, where the name of the Fatimid caliph, al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah ((r. 996 – 1021)) was hailed during the riots over Ibn Mas'ud's recension. This was a development that threatened the Sunni Abbasids and the Twelver Buyids alike. The Fatimid threat became especially apparent in August 1010, when Qirwash ibn al-Muqallad, the Uqaylid emir of Upper Mesopotamia, whose power stretched to the outskirts of Baghdad, recognized the suzerainty of the Fatimid caliph. Al-Qadir responded by sending an embassy to Baha al-Dawla that succeeded in getting the Buyid ruler to apply pressure on the Uqaylid emir, who soon returned to Abbasid allegiance. The Emirs of Mecca also recognized Fatimid suzerainty, and for many years, Hajj pilgrims from Iraq were unable to visit the city as the security of their passage could not be guaranteed. Al-Qadir tried to secure the protection of the pilgrim caravans from being attacked and extorted by Bedouin tribes by giving rule over the Yamamah in central Arabia to the Bedouin chieftain Usayfir, but this had little success. Throughout the period, the safe passage of the caravans had to be purchased, often with donations provided by Islamic princes such as Mahmud of Ghazni for the purpose. Al-Qadir also tried to make the Emir of Mecca, Abu'l-Futuh, abandon the Fatimids and return to Abbasid allegiance, but without success.

As a further reaction against the Fatimids, in November 1011 al-Qadir issued the Baghdad Manifesto, signed by both Sunni and Twelver scholars. The document not only condemned the Fatimid Isma'ili doctrine as false, but denounced the Fatimid dynasty's claims to descent from Ali as fraudulent, and their followers as enemies of Islam. Singling out the Fatimids as the first target of his active involvement in public affairs was a clever move, as the Buyids not only tolerated it but regarded it as useful for their own purposes, and an attack on the rival Shi'a sect gathered support even from Twelver notables. This also left room for the Twelvers to reach an accommodation with the Abbasid caliphate; stories circulated that Ali himself, the fourth caliph and first Shi'a imam, had appeared in a dream prophesying his ascent to the throne. Twelver Alids continued to play an important role in Baghdad and Iraqi politics of the time, most prominently the brothers al-Sharif al-Radi and al-Sharif al-Murtada, sons of Abu Ahmad al-Husayn, who maintained close relations with the caliphal court and succeeded their father as naqīb al-ashrāf.

Al-Qadir's next target was the rationalist Mu'tazilite school, which had enjoyed the protection of the Buyids and whose members had often held the post of chief qāḍī in Baghdad under Buyid rule. Mu'tazilism had in the past been supported by Abbasid caliphs, most notably al-Ma'mun ((r. 813 – 833)), who even instituted the Inquisition-like mihna to persecute the traditionalists who refused to accept the Mu'tazilite doctrine of Quranic createdness. In the event, the persecution not only failed, but backfired: the mihna was suspended, and the traditionalist Hanbali school emerged with its prestige strengthened and its doctrines more influential than before. In 1017, al-Qadir unequivocally sided with his predecessors' opponents: he condemned Mu'tazilite as well as Shi'a doctrines, prohibited the teaching of Mu'tazilite doctrines or theological debate (kalām), and ordered those Hanafi jurists who had shown Mu'tazilite tendencies to do penance, on pain of corporal punishment and exile. Shortly after, on 27 January 1019, inspired by Hanbali ideas, the caliph issued a decree, the Risāla al-Qādiriyya ('Epistle of al-Qadir'), which for the first time explicitly formulated Sunni doctrine. The decree condemned Shi'a, Mu'tazilite, and even Ash'arite doctrines, and affirmed the veneration of the first four caliphs (the 'Rashidun') and of the Companions of Muhammad, as an obligation for all Muslims, against Shi'a beliefs that the first three caliphs had been illegitimate, as they had deprived Ali (the fourth caliph) of his rightful inheritance. All speculative theological debate was prohibited, along with the denigration of any of the Companions or even examination of the disputes in which they had been involved, and which had given rise to the first schisms in Islam. Quranic createdness was again singled out as heresy, its supporters branded as infidels "whose blood may legitimately be shed".

In 1029, al-Qadir reiterated and reinforced his theological doctrines; In three sessions on 2 September, 2 October, and 11 November, each more lengthy and elaborate than the previous one and held before an assembly of Alids, jurists, and other notables, the caliph once again denounced Mu'tazilism, condemned the doctrine of Quranic createdness, and reaffirmed the special status of the Rashidun caliphs and the need of "enjoining good and forbidding wrong". This coincided with the campaigns of Mahmud of Ghazni against the Shi'a, the Buyids (Ray was captured in 1029 and Kirman attacked two years later), and the Ghaznavid expansion into India, but also with the presence of Jalal al-Dawla on the Buyid throne, who was dependent on the caliph's goodwill. Thus al-Qadir was able to secure the dismissal of pro-Alid preachers, and the protection by armed escort of Sunni ones that were threatened by Shi'a partisans.

Death and succession
As al-Ghalib had died in January 1019, in 1030 al-Qadir named his younger son Abu Ja'far, the future al-Qa'im, as his heir, a decision also taken completely independently of the Buyid rulers. Al-Qadir died after an illness on 29 November 1031. Initially he was buried in the caliphal palace, but in the next year he was ceremonially moved to al-Rusafa, to a family mausoleum that may have been the same one as constructed by his father, al-Ta'i, where al-Qadir's parents were also buried. The succession of al-Qa'im was smooth and uncontested.

Legacy
Medieval sources generally give a favourable view of al-Qadir as a mild-mannered and gentle person. He went out in disguise among the people, gave alms to the poor, and regularly attended public sessions where the commoners could voice their complaints (maẓālim). The renowned 12th-century Muslim religious scholar Ibn al-Jawzi lauded al-Qadir's personal religious devotion and piety, and held him to have been "one of the best Abbasid caliphs"; his personal austerity was such that the late 11th-century vizier and historian, Abu Shuja al-Rudhrawari, called him "the monk of the Abbasids". Both Ibn al-Jawzi and the slightly later historian Ibn al-Athir stress that during al-Qadir's reign, the Abbasid dynasty and the office of the caliphate began to recover their previous prestige and authority.

Al-Qadir's reign was an important turning point in the history of the Abbasid caliphate and Sunni Islam. Previous Abbasid caliphs had sympathized with rationalist schools like the Mu'tazilites, and been opposed by the conservative traditionalist Sunni scholars. One of the most notable Sunni scholars, Ahmad ibn Hanbal, founder of the Hanbali school, had been persecuted by the Inquisition-like miḥna, founded by Caliph al-Ma'mun ((r. 813 – 833)). Al-Qadir on the other hand succeeded in repositioning the caliphate as the champion of conservative Sunnism, specifically of the Hanbali branch. Apart from the decrees issued in his own name, he commissioned works by theologians and jurists. Al-Mawardi's al-Iqna or even his famous al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya, the Mukhtasars of al-Quduri and Abd al-Wahhab al-Maliki, as well as a refutation of bāṭinī doctrines by Ali ibn Sa'id al-Istakhri, are said to have been composed on his request.

Al-Qadir's edicts do not survive in full in the sources, but a consolidated 'Qadiri Creed' (al-Iʿtiqād al-Qādirī), that has come down to the present day, was current by the reign of al-Qa'im. The establishment of such a creed a seminal moment in the history of Sunni Islam. Until then, the Sunnis had defined themselves mostly in opposition to the Shi'a, but, as the historian Hugh Kennedy put it, "now there was a body of positive belief which had to be accepted by anyone claiming to be a Sunni". Al-Qadir's statement of faith provided a definition of belief, and, conversely, of unbelief; giving Sunni jurists a template by which to issue rulings (fatwā). The condemnation of Shi'a practices further created a sharp distinction between Sunni and Shi'a, that had not hitherto been the case. The effect was, according to Kennedy, that "it was no longer possible to be simply a Muslim, one was either a Sunni or a Shi'a". Al-Qadir thus laid the ideological foundations for what has been termed the 'Sunni Revival' of the 11th century, which culminated with the destruction of the Buyids by the Seljuk Turks, a new steppe power who saw themselves as champions of Sunnism and of the Abbasid caliph.

Al-Qadir's forty-year rule, followed by a similarly long reign under al-Qa'im (1031–1075) that was in many ways a continuation of his own, restored stability to the Abbasid caliphate, and marked the re-emergence of the Abbasid caliphs as independent political actors. Although their direct authority was limited to Baghdad and its environs, the Abbasids wielded considerable influence across the wider Muslim world as sources of political legitimacy, and in the 12th century even managed to re-establish enough independent military power to secure rule of Iraq under their direct control.

title: Al-Qadir


text:
Al-Qa'im (Abbasid caliph at Baghdad)

Abū Ja'far Abdallah ibn Aḥmad al-Qādir (أبو جعفر عبد الله بن أحمد القادر), better known by his regnal name al-Qā'im bi-amri 'llāh (القائم بأمر الله) or simply as al-Qā'im; 8 November 1001 – 3 April 1075), was the Abbasid caliph in Baghdad from 1031 to 1075. He was the son of the previous caliph, al-Qadir. Al-Qa'im's reign coincided with the end of the Buyid dynasty's dominance of the caliphate and the rise of the Seljuk dynasty.

Early life
Al-Qa'im was born on 8 November 1001. He was the son of Abbasid caliph al-Qadir (r. 991–1031) and his concubine named Qatr al-Nada (died 1060), an Armenian or Greek, also known as Alam.

His father, Al-Qadir had publicly proclaimed his just nine-year-old son Muhammad (elder brother of Al-Qa'im) as heir apparent, with the title of al-Ghalib Bi'llah, in 1001. However, Muhammad died before his father and never ascended to the throne.

In 1030, al-Qadir named his son Abu Ja'far, the future Al-Qa'im, as his heir, a decision taken completely independently of the Buyid emirs. Al-Qadir died after an illness on 29 November 1031. Initially he was buried in the caliphal palace, but in the next year he was ceremonially moved to al-Rusafa. Al-Qa'im, meanwhile, received "the usual oath of allegiance" on 12 December 1031.

Reign
During the first half of al-Qa'im's long reign, hardly a day passed in the capital without turmoil. Frequently the city was left without a ruler; the Buwayhid Emir was often forced to flee the capital.

At this point, the caliph had "very limited personal resources at his command", but he had recovered a bit of power from earlier periods and was able to arbitrate between the Buyid emirs Jalal al-Dawla and Abu Kalijar. In 1032, al-Qa'im sent the jurist al-Mawardi to meet with Abu Kalijar in secret; he was to refuse to grant him any title but "Malik al-Dawla".

While the Seljuk dynasty's influence grew, Chaghri Beg married his daughter, Khadija Arslan Khatun, to Al-Qa'im in 1056.

The Seljuk ruler Tughril overran Syria and Armenia. He then cast an eye upon Baghdad. It was at a moment when the city was in the last agony of violence and fanaticism. Toghrül, under cover of intended pilgrimage to Mecca, entered Iraq with a heavy force, and assuring the Caliph of pacific views and subservience to his authority, begged permission to visit the capital. The Turks and Buwayhids were unfavorable, but Tughril was acknowledged as Sultan by the Caliph in the public prayers. A few days after, Tughril himself — having sworn to be true not only to the Caliph, but also to the Buwayhid amir, al-Malik al-Rahim, made his entry into the capital, where he was well received both by chiefs and people.

The Turkic general Arslan al-Basasiri revolted in 1058 and successfully took Baghdad while Tughril was occupied with his brother's revolt in Iran. Al-Qa'im originally stayed in Baghdad during these events but was later exiled to Anah on al-Basasiri's orders. For about a year, al-Basasiri kept al-Qa'im as his hostage in Anah, as a bargaining chip in negotiations with Tughril. Tughril ended up securing al-Qa'im's freedom by going directly to the amir guarding him, bypassing negotiations with al-Basasiri altogether.

After al-Basasiri died and his revolt came to an end, the Seljuks were left as the single dominant power over al-Qa'im's caliphate. They were similar to the Buyids in this regard, although the Sunni Seljuks were more closely aligned with al-Qa'im in religious matters. Sectarian conflict was a prominent issue during this part of al-Qa'im's reign. A notable incident concerned the opening of the Nizamiyya of Baghdad, a madrasa affiliated with the Shafi'i legal school, in 1067; its opening inflamed tensions with the Hanbalis. Al-Qa'im was reluctant to act without first consulting with the Seljuk sultan and was ultimately unable to control the situation.

Fakhr ad-Dawla Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Jahir was appointed as vizier by al-Qa'im in 1062. Fakhr ad-Dawla arrived and was "showered with gifts, robes of honor, and the title Fakhr ad-Dawla ('glory of the dynasty')." According to Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, he was also given the additional title Sharaf al-wuzarā'.

Fakhr ad-Dawla's first tenure lasted until 1068, when he was dismissed for a series of "infractions" (dhunūb) he had committed. The reasons included "his presence in the Bāb al-Hujra (Privy Chamber) without permission, and his wearing of 'Adud ad-Dawla's ceremonial robes." In other words, he had been acting above his station. According to the diary of Abu Ali ibn al-Banna, the dismissal was on Tuesday, 9 September 1068. Fakhr ad-Dawla was "despondent and apologetic" and "acquiesced in tears". He was escorted out of Baghdad on Thursday night (11 September) and ended up traveling to the court of the Banu Mazyad ruler Nur ad-Dawla Dubays. His belongings were later sent to him.

The competition to replace Fakhr ad-Dawla as vizier was fierce. Three different candidates were seriously considered, but none of them successfully took office as vizier. The caliph's initial choice was Abu Ya'la, father of Abu Shuja al-Rudhrawari, but he died on 11 September - before Fakhr ad-Dawla had even left Baghdad. Another early front-runner was the za'im Ibn Abd ar-Rahim, who was sent a letter to inform him of his selection to the vizierate before someone brought his sordid past to the caliph's attention: he had been part of al-Basasiri's entourage during his rebellion in 1058, and he had taken part in looting the caliph's palace and "attacking" the women of the harem. His name was immediately removed from contention. At this point, around mid-late November, Ibn al-Banna wrote that a rumor had started to go around that al-Qa'im would reinstate Fakhr ad-Dawla as vizier. At some point, another candidate, a Hanbali named Abu'l-'Ala', was considered, but he never took office.

Meanwhile, Nur ad-Dawla Dubays had been making "entreaties to the caliph" on Fakhr ad-Dawla's behalf. Eventually, Fakhr ad-Dawla was brought back to serve as vizier. A group of administrative officials went out to meet with him on Sunday, 7 December, in advance of his return to Baghdad. Ibn al-Banna's diary gives the date of his reentry to Baghdad as Wednesday, 10 December 1068. Crowds came to watch and he was "met by the troops, the courtiers, and the leading figures". Vizieral robes of honor were made ready for him on 29 December, and they were bestowed upon him on Wednesday, 31 December. People went to congratulate him the next day. Then on Friday, 2 January 1069, he went on horseback to the Jami al-Mansur in the robes of honor; again, crowds gathered to see him, and in some places they "sprinkled" coins on him.

Al-Qa'im does not seem to have held a grudge against Fakhr ad-Dawla and entrusted him and his son Amid ad-Dawla with a wide range of duties. Sometime around 1071, there was a "diplomatic fracas" between Fakhr ad-Dawla and the Seljuk administration involving a delay in exchanging robes of honor. When Alp Arslan died in 1072, the Banu Jahir were tasked with overseeing the official mourning as well as the ceremonial exchange of loyalty and robes of honor between al-Qa'im and the new Seljuk sultan Malik-Shah I. On 26 September 1073, Fakhr ad-Dawla oversaw the signing of the controversial Hanbali scholar Ibn Aqil's public recantation of his beliefs at the caliphal chancery. This document of retraction is the only one of its kind to survive in full from the middle ages to the present day; the episode marked the ascendancy of traditionalism in Baghdad in the 11th century.

During this and the previous caliphs' period, literature, especially Persian literature, flourished under the patronage of the Buwayhids. The famous philosopher al-Farabi died in 950; al-Mutanabbi, acknowledged in the East as the greatest of Arabic poets, and himself an Arab, in 965; and the Persian Abu Ali Husayn ibn Abdallah ibn Sina (Avicenna) in 1037.

In 1058 in Bahrain, a dispute over the reading of the khutba in Al-Qa'im's name between members of the Abd al-Qays tribe and the millenarian Ismaili Qarmatian state prompted a revolt led by Abu al-Bahlul al-Awwam that threw off Qarmatian rule and led to the unravelling of the Qarmatian state which finally collapsed in al-Hasa in 1067.

Family
One of Al-Qa'im's wives was the sister of Abu Nasr bin Buwayh also known as Malik Rahim. She died in 1049–50. Another wife was Chaghri Beg's daughter Khadija Arslan Khatun. She had been betrothed to his only son Dhakhirat al-Mulk Abu'al-Abbas Muhammad. However, Muhammad died, and Khadija Arslan married Al-Qa'im in 1056. After Al-Qa'im's death in 1075, she married Ali ibn Faramurz. One of Al-Qa'im's concubines was Al-Jiha al- Qa'mya, an Armenian.

His son Muhammad had a son, Al-Muqtadi, who succeeded his grandfather, born to an Armenian concubine named Urjuwan also known as Qurrut al-Ayn.

Al-Qa'im had a daughter named Sayyida. In 1061, Seljuk Sultan Tughril I sent the qadi of Ray to Baghdad, to ask her hand in marriage to him. The marriage contract was concluded in August–September 1062 outside Tabriz, with a marriage proportion of one hundred thousand dinars. She was brought to the Sultan's palace in March–April 1063. After Tughril's death, his successor Sultan Alp Arslan sent her back to Baghdad in 1064. In 1094, Caliph Al-Mustazhir compelled her to remain in her house lest she should intrigue for his overthrow. She died on 20 October 1102.

Death
When al-Qa'im was on his deathbed in 1075, Fakhr ad-Dawla took charge of his personal care - al-Qa'im did not want bloodletting but Fakhr ad-Dawla had it done anyway. Before he died, al-Qa'im advised his grandson and successor al-Muqtadi to keep the Banu Jahir in their position: "I have not seen better persons for the dawla than Ibn Jahir and his son; do not turn away from them."

Al-Qa'im died on 3 April 1074 at the age of 73. He was succeeded by his grandson Al-Muqtadi as the twenty-seventh Abbasid Caliph.

title: Al-Qa'im (Abbasid caliph at Baghdad)


text:
Talk:Killing of Muhammad al-Durrah

Wording of the third paragraph
Some of the wording in the third paragraph is a bit off. "Over the months and years that followed, commentators questioned the accuracy of France 2's report." Doesn't this kind of sound like a trend? Like a lot of people didn't question it at first but then started questioning it, and that opinions decidedly changed after this? Especially as the first sentence of the lead's longest paragraph, this sets the tone. "French journalists who saw the raw footage confirmed that France 2 had cut a final few seconds in which Muhammad appeared to lift his hand from his face; they acknowledged that he had died, but said the footage alone did not show it. France 2's news editor said in 2005 that no one could be sure who fired the shots." I don't understand how this could be taken from the source provided. That article is about how frustrated people from Channel 2 were that every time they address a rumor or accusation and disprove it, another one pops up. The full quote is this: "Every time we address one question, then another question surfaces. It's very difficult to fight a rumor. The point is that four years later, no one can say for certain who killed him, Palestinians or Israelis." In context, this specific part of the quote is more ambiguous than it would be on its own and should probably not be attributed to them in a way that makes it sound official or "Channel 2's view". In any case, while it is still not agreed upon what killed him, the "staged" argument is pretty groundless. In light of the circumstances it should really be handled more carefully than it is now. It reeks of those reports about people saying Sandy Hook was "staged" and the kids are still alive. Since there's no way to disprove such rumours, don't expect these theories to ever be refuted. Media reported on it as they do with many fringe theories without necessarily endorsing them, but that doesn't mean it should be featured in the lead along with the main view. By the way: "Postage stamps in the Middle East carried the images; one of the images was visible in the background when Daniel Pearl, a Jewish-American journalist, was beheaded by al-Qaeda in 2002." Unless it's just me who can't find any prominent media attention for this... notability? Prinsgezinde (talk) 00:39, 28 January 2018 (UTC)

Requested move 2 October 2020

 * The following is a closed discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review after discussing it on the closer's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

The result of the move request was: Page moved. (non-admin closure)  Lugnuts  Fire Walk with Me 12:27, 23 October 2020 (UTC)

Muhammad al-Durrah incident → Killing of Muhammad al-Durrah – Since the boy was killed, this is the proper title. Im The IP (talk) 02:35, 2 October 2020 (UTC) —Relisting. ItsPugle (please ping on reply) 11:55, 9 October 2020 (UTC)
 * Neutral on moving the article's main title header to Killing of Muhammad al-Durrah, but would support move to Shooting of Muhammad al-Durrah. This article appears under Category:Filmed killings by law enforcement, where the majority of entries use the form "Shooting of..." Even if there is no consensus that Muhammad al-Durrah was killed by shots fired by members of law enforcement, there is agreement that his death was caused by gunfire. —Roman Spinner (talk • contribs) 03:33, 2 October 2020 (UTC)
 * I'm fine with that. Other voters: feel free to indicate whether you prefer killing of or shooting of. Im The IP  (talk) 11:36, 2 October 2020 (UTC)

 * Support move to Shooting of Muhammad al-Durrah, a more typical formulation that has less of an implication of intent. —BarrelProof (talk) 22:43, 2 October 2020 (UTC)
 * Support this request, YES, the boy was killed by the Israeli Occupation Forces.--Imad_J (talk) 18:41, 4 October 2020 (UTC)
 * Strong oppose per WP:COMMONNAME. The event is most commonly known as "Muhammad al-Durrah incident" and the article should stay at that title. (t · c)  buidhe  01:37, 9 October 2020 (UTC)
 * Support - I would prefer this page just be titled "Muhammad al-Durrah", but the proposed "Killing of Muhammad al-Durrah" is better than the current "Muhammad al-Durrah incident". Looking at Google books, ngrams, scholar, news, and web, I cannot find evidence that "Muhammad al-Durrah incident" is the common name, or even a common name, for this. I can find almost no examples in RSes, and those that I can find seem to be the product of WP:CITOGENESIS originating in this article. "Killing of Muhammad al-Durrah" seems equally as prevalent, and I think it's a better choice than "incident", based on other "Killing of..." article titles for articles about homicides. "Incident" obscures what it is, and is euphemistic. However, I'm persuadable if there is evidence of common name. I notified WP:Palestine and WP:Israel of this RM. I oppose "Shooting of" for reasons detailed at the concurrent discussion at WT:AT (from whence I came). Lev!vich 05:01, 15 October 2020 (UTC)
 * Support – No evidence the current title is the clear COMMONNAME. Looking through GBooks, it appears both "Death of ..." and "Killing of ..." are more prevalent. I can't tell which of the two is more common. As an apparent homicide with video footage to confirm, this is should be titled as Killing of Muhammad al-Durrah. --- C & C (Coffeeandcrumbs) 17:04, 15 October 2020 (UTC)

 * The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

"may not have been shot at all"
Does anyone else feel the utter absurdity of the Israeli government conclusion that Muhammad al-Durrah may not have been shot, despite images of his corpse, his funeral, and examination of his corpse by doctors? I find his father's reaction is quite apt: "Israel says my son isn't dead. He's not dead? Then bring him to me."VR (Please ping on reply) 20:48, 19 May 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Killing of Muhammad al-Durrah


text: Category:Generals by nationality

title: Category:Generals by nationality


text:
Al-Muqtadi

Abū'l-Qasim ʿAbd Allāh ibn Muhammad ibn al-Qa'im (Arabic: أبو القاسم عبد الله بن محمد بن القائم) better known by his regnal name al-Muqtadi (Arabic: المقتدي 'the follower'; 1056 – February 1094) was the Abbasid caliph in Baghdad from 1075 to 1094. He succeeded his grandfather caliph al-Qa'im in 1075 as the twenty-seventh Abbasid caliph.

Biography
He was born to Muhammad Dhakirat, the son of caliph Al-Qa'im, and an Armenian slave girl named Urjuman. His full name was ʿAbd Allāh ibn Muhammad ibn al-Qa'im and his Kunya was Abū'l-Qasim. He was born in 24 July 1056.

When al-Qa'im was on his deathbed in 1075, Fakhr ad-Dawla took charge of his personal care - al-Qa'im did not want bloodletting but Fakhr ad-Dawla had it done anyway. Before he died, al-Qa'im advised his grandson and successor al-Muqtadi to keep the Banu Jahir in their position: "I have not seen better persons for the dawla than Ibn Jahir and his son; do not turn away from them." Al-Muqtadi ascended to the throne on 2 April 1075.

In 1077, deadly riots broke out in Baghdad between the city's Hanbali and Ash'ari factions when Abu Nasr ibn al-Ustadh Abi al-Qasim al-Qushayri arrived in town to become lecturer at the city's nizamiyya. During the riots, Nizam al-Mulk's son Mu'ayyad al-Mulk's life was endangered. Nizam al-Mulk blamed Fakhr ad-Dawla for the whole affair and in 1078 sent his representative Gohar-A'in to the caliph to demand Fakhr ad-Dawla's removal and to have the Banu Jahir's followers arrested. Gohar-A'in arrived on 23 July and was granted an audience on Tuesday, 14 August, during which he handed over a letter requesting Fakhr ad-Dawla's removal. Al-Muqtadi initially balked at the demand, but by 27 August Gohar-A'in was threatening to attack the palace unless he complied. At that point, al-Muqtadi had no choice – the Abbasids lacked a military of their own and were powerless to resist Seljuk interference. Fakhr ad-Dawla apparently resigned (instead of being fired) and al-Muqtadi had him placed under house arrest.

Meanwhile, Amid ad-Dawla had left for Isfahan once he heard of Nizam al-Mulk's plans. He took a circuitous route through the mountains to avoid running into Gohar-A'in on the way, and he reached Isfahan on 23 July – the same day that Gohar A'in reached Baghdad. Amid ad-Dawla met with Nizam al-Mulk and the two parties eventually reconciled, which they sealed with a marriage contract between Nizam al-Mulk's granddaughter and Amid ad-Dawla. Al-Muqtadi did not initially rehire the Banu Jahir and instead kept them under house arrest, but Nizam al-Mulk later intervened and got them rehired.

Also during Ramadan of 1078 (March–April), Fakhr ad-Dawla had had a minbar (pulpit) made at his expense and bearing the titles of al-Muqtadi. It later ended up broken up and burned down.

In 1081, the caliph sent Fakhr ad-Dawla to Isfahan, laden with gifts and over 20,000 dinars, to negotiate marriage with Malik-Shah's daughter. Malik-Shah was grieving the death of his son Da'ud and did not take part i; the negotiations; rather, Fakhr ad-Dawla went to Nizam al-Mulk. The two worked together this time; they went to the princess's foster mother, Turkan Khatun, to make their request. She was disinterested at first because the Ghaznavid ruler had made a better offer: 100,000 dinars. Khadija Arslan Khatun, who had been married to al-Qa'im, told her that a marriage with the caliph would be more prestigious, and that she should not be asking the caliph for more money.

Eventually, Turkan Khatun agreed to the marriage, but with heavy conditions imposed on al-Muqtadi: in return for marrying the Seljuk princess, al-Muqtadi would pay 50,000 dinars plus an additional 100,000 dinars as mahr (bridal gift), give up his current wives and concubines, and agree to not have sexual relations with any other woman. This was an especially heavy significant burden on the Abbasid caliph, since the Abbasids had been tightly controlling their "reproductive politics", with all their heirs being born to umm walads and therefore unrelated to any rival dynasties. By agreeing to Turkan Khatun's terms, Fakhr ad-Dawla was putting al-Muqtadi at a severe disadvantage while also benefitting the Seljuks considerably.

In 1083, al-Muqtadi removed the Banu Jahir from office by decree. The circumstances of their removal from office are somewhat unclear - historians gave varying accounts. In Sibt ibn al-Jawzi's version, al-Muqtadi had become suspicious of the Banu Jahir, prompting them to leave for Khorasan without requesting official permission; this further aroused al-Muqtadi's suspicions and he retroactively fired them after they had left. He then wrote to the Seljuks, telling them not to employ the Banu Jahir in their administration. In Ibn al-Athir's version, the Seljuks at some point approached al-Muqtadi and asked to employ the Banu Jahir themselves, and al-Muqtadi agreed. Al-Bundari offers no details about the firing itself but wrote instead that the Seljuks sent representatives to meet the Banu Jahir in Baghdad (rather than in Khorasan).

According to Ibn al-Athir's account, the Banu Jahir left Baghdad on Saturday, 22 July 1083. They were succeeded as viziers by Abu'l-Fath al-Muzaffar, son of the ra'is al-ru'asa', who had previously been "in charge of the palace buildings".

Al-Muqtadi was honored by the Seljuk sultan Malik-Shah I, during whose reign the Caliphate was recognized throughout the extending range of Seljuk conquest. Arabia, with the Holy Cities, now recovered from the Fatimids, acknowledged again the spiritual jurisdiction of the Abbasids.

Malik-Shah I arranged a marriage between his daughter and al-Muqtadi, possibly planning on the birth of a son who could serve as both caliph and sultan. Though the couple had a son, the mother left with her infant to the court of Isfahan. Following the failure of the marriage, the Sultan grew critical of the Caliph's interference in affairs of state, and sent an order for him to retire to Basra. The death of Malik-Shah I shortly after, however, made the command inoperative.

In 1092, when Malik Shah I was assassinated shortly after Nizam al-Mulk, Taj al-Mulk nominated Mahmud as Sultan and set out for Isfahan. Mahmud was a child, and his mother Terken Khatun wished to seize power in his stead. To accomplish this, she entered negotiations with the Caliph al-Muqtadi to secure her rule. The Caliph opposed both a child and a woman as ruler, and could not be persuaded to allow the khutba, the sign of the sovereign, to be proclaimed in the name of a woman. Eventually, however, the Caliph agreed to let her govern if the khutba was said in the name of her son, and if she did so assisted by a vizier he appointed for her, a condition she saw herself forced to accept.

Family
Al-Muqtadi's first wife was Sifri Khatun. She was the daughter of Sultan Alp Arslan. In 1071–72, his father Al-Qa'im sent his wazir Ibn Al-Jahir to ask her hand in marriage, to which demand the Sultan agreed. His second wife was Mah-i Mulk Khatun, daughter of Sultan Malik-Shah I. In March 1082, Al-Muqtadi sent Abu Nasr ibn Jahir to Malik Shah in Isfahan to ask for her hand in marriage. Her father gave his consent and the marriage contract was concluded. She arrived Baghdad in March 1087. The marriage was consummated in May 1087. She gave birth to Prince Ja'far on 31 January 1088. But then Al-Muqtadi began to avoid her and she asked permission to return home. She left Baghdad for Khurasan on 29 May 1089, accompanied by her son. Subsequently, news of her death reached Baghdad. Her ailing father, brought her son back to Baghdad in October 1092. Prince Ja'far was taken back to the Caliphal Palace, where he remained until his death on 21 June 1093. He was buried near the caliphal tombs in the Rusafah Cemetery. One of Al-Muqtadi's concubines was Kalbahaar or Jalb'har, also known as Tayf al-Khayal. She was a Turkish and was the mother of caliph Al-Mustazhir.

Succession
Al-Muqtadi died in 1094 at the age of 37–38. He was succeeded by his 16-year-old son Ahmad al-Mustazhir as Caliph.

title: Al-Muqtadi


text:
Talk:Toussaint Charbonneau

Untitled
there needs to be more info for kids who have dar but otherwise there is a lot, there just needs to be dates there...

there needs to be prounounciation guides too!

Métis people (Canada)
Was he Métis? The Métis people (Canada) article says he was. Badagnani (talk) 22:47, 4 April 2008 (UTC)

I too wonder why it is said he was Metis. his son was Metis, but I can find no reference to him being Metis on the PBS site. In fact the geneaological records on Rootsweb indicate he was 100% French-Canadian. 69.157.135.125 (talk) 02:42, 30 January 2009 (UTC)

 * If you have info on this, please add references, as basically the entire article is uncited. Gaijin42 (talk) 19:38, 26 August 2011 (UTC)

ᾬTossaintᾬᾤὪὢᾪᾪ is a fartdʒɪɪʊʌɜræ — Preceding unsigned comment added by 74.103.216.237 (talk) 19:37, 18 February 2016 (UTC)

Family history
from the article: "His paternal great grandmother Marguerite de Noyon was the sister of Jacques de Noyon, who had explored the region around Kaministiquia, present day Thunder Bay, Ontario, in 1788."

so that guy who was born in 1767 had a great-granduncle Jacque de Noyon, how explored something other than his grave in 1788? that doesn't sound right. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2A02:AA13:B141:C800:B4D8:1F51:AF7B:431F (talk) 12:19, 18 February 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:Toussaint Charbonneau


text:
De La Rue

De La Rue plc is a British company headquartered in Basingstoke, England, that produces secure digital and physical protections for goods, trade, and identities in 140 countries. It sells to governments, central banks, and businesses. Its authentication division provides government revenue technology, brand protection, and ID security, such as polycarbonate data pages for passports. Its Currency division designs and produces banknotes, secure polymer substrate and banknote security features. This includes security holograms, security threads and security printed products for central banks and currency issuing authorities. It is listed on the London Stock Exchange. It is the world's largest commercial printer of banknotes.

History
The company was founded by Thomas de la Rue, who moved from Guernsey to London in 1821 and set up in business as a 'Leghorn' straw hat maker, then as a stationer and printer. In 1831 he secured a Royal Warrant for his business to produce playing cards. In 1855 it started printing postage stamps and in 1860 banknotes. The company's first banknotes were made for Mauritius. In 1896, the family partnership was converted into a private company.

In 1921, the de la Rue family sold their interests. The company was first listed on the London Stock Exchange in 1947. Then called Thomas De La Rue & Company, Limited, it changed its name in 1958 to The De La Rue Company Limited. A takeover bid for De La Rue was made by the Rank Organisation in 1968, but this was rejected by the Monopolies commission as being against the public interest. In 1991 the company's name was changed again – this time to De La Rue plc.

In 1965 De La Rue established a joint venture with the Italian printer and inventor Gualtiero Giori called De La Rue Giori. Based in Switzerland, the company specialized in building banknote printing equipment. The company printed banknotes for the Central Bank of Iran during the 1960s.

In 1995, the company acquired Portals Limited which had been listed on the London stock market since 1904. For almost 300 years Portals had been one of the leading banknote paper manufacturers in the world, having manufactured banknote paper for the Bank of England since 1724.

In 1997, De La Rue acquired Harrison and Sons, the stamp and banknote printers based in High Wycombe. The factory closed permanently in 2003.

In early 2002, De La Rue purchased Sequoia Voting Systems, a California based company that was a large provider of electronic voting systems in the United States, from Jefferson Smurfit plc for $23 million.

Following the Panama Papers leak, it was revealed that from 2002 until 2010, De La Rue had secretly contracted New Delhi businessman Somendra Khosla to obtain contracts in exchange for a 15% commission.

In 2003, the company acquired the Debden based banknote printing operations of the Bank of England. In 2003 and 2004 the company supplied banknotes to Iraq.

The company was recognised by Hermann Simon as a role model for other small- to medium-sized businesses in his book Hidden Champions.

The Highest Perfection, a history of De La Rue was published in 2011. Written by Peter Pugh for De La Rue, it covered the years 1712–2003.

In August 2014, the company announced the appointment of Martin Sutherland (formerly of BAE Systems Applied Intelligence) as chief executive officer.

In 2016, the Cash Handling division (Cash Processing Systems) was sold to Privet Capital. In December 2016, the company announced it had purchased the DuPont Authentication division.

In March 2018, the company sold the paper business. De La Rue retained a 10% share in the new business, Portals International Limited. In April 2018, the company decided to appeal against the decision of the British government to manufacture passports in France. It subsequently decided against appealing.

In October 2019 the company sold its Identity Solutions business to HID Global for £42m.

On 26 July 2019, the Serious Fraud Office opened an investigation into De La Rue plc for suspected corruption in South Sudan. They later decided to close the case.

In April 2023, it was announced that chairman Kevin Loosemore was stepping down in May 2023 to "draw a line under recent speculation surrounding the leadership of the company". Following the launch of a fast-track search for a replacement, the company appointed Clive Wiley in May 2023.

In February 2024, it was announced that the company had been contracted, alongside the Bank of England, to design new bank notes carrying King Charles III's portrait.

Banknotes
De La Rue sells high-security fully finished banknotes, polymer substrate and security features for over 69 national currencies.

Security printing and papermaking
De La Rue also produces other secure documents, including Tax stamps.

Corporate affairs
The company's board is chaired by Clive Wiley. Its non-executive board members are Nick Bray, Mark Hoad and Brian Small.

Playing cards
In 1843, De La Rue's designs for playing cards are the basis for the modern standard design. The playing card business was sold to John Waddington in 1969.

Postage stamps
The company has also printed postage stamps for the United Kingdom and some of its colonies, for Italy and for the Confederate States of America. The Cape of Good Hope triangulars were also printed by De La Rue & Co.

Writing instruments
De La Rue developed the first practical fountain pen in 1881. Products were marketed under the "Onoto" brand. Production of fountain pens by De La Rue ceased in Britain in 1958 but continued for a few more years in Australia.

Board games
During the 1930s De La Rue created a number of board games. These included a cricket game, Stumpz, which was produced in a number of different editions, and Round The Horn, a game which re-created the then annual race of grain-laden, square-rigged sailing cargo ships from Australia to London.

Christmas cards
During the First World War, De La Rue made the Christmas Card included in the Princess Mary Christmas gift box.

title: De La Rue


text:
Al-Mustazhir

Abu'l-Abbas Ahmad ibn Abdallah al-Muqtadi (أبو العباس أحمد بن عبد الله المقتدي) usually known simply by his regnal name Al-Mustazhir billah (المستظهر بالله) (b. April/May 1078 – 6 August 1118 d.) was the Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad from 1094 to 1118. He succeeded his father al-Muqtadi as the Caliph. The main and important events during his reign are; appearance of the First Crusade in Western Syria, Muslim protest in Baghdad against crusaders, his efforts to help Mawdud to organize several expeditions to reconquer lands from the Crusaders.

Biography
Al-Mustazhir's father was caliph Al-Muqtadi. His mother was Tayf al-Khayal, a Turkish concubine. He was born in 1078 (the 5th Islamic century). Al-Mustazhir's full name was Ahmad ibn Abdallah al-Muqtadi and his kunya was Abu'l-Abbas.

When his father died on 3 February 1094 at the age of 37 – 38. Al-Mustazhir succeeded him. At the time of accession to the throne, he was just sixteen years old.

Amid ad-Dawla would remain Abbasid vizier until 1099 or 1100, when he was removed from office and imprisoned by the Seljuk sultan Berkyaruq. There are different accounts for Amid ad-Dawla's downfall – in one, Mu'ayyad al-Mulk, who had succeeded his father Nizam al-Mulk as Seljuk vizier, had offered the Abbasid vizierate to al-A'azz, and the two collaborated to remove him from office without input from Barkyaruq. In another, Barkyaruq himself fired Amid ad-Dawla and fined him "an enormous sum" for misappropriating government funds before imprisoning him. In any case, Amid ad-Dawla died in prison shortly after, in 1100.

After Amid ad-Dawla's downfall, his brother al-Kafi served as vizier to the Abbasid caliph al-Mustazhir from 1102/3 until 1106/7 and then again from 1108/9 until 1113/4.

During Al-Mustazhir's twenty-four year incumbency he was politically irrelevant, despite the civil strife at home and the appearance of the First Crusade in Syria. An attempt was even made by crusader Raymond IV of Toulouse to attack Baghdad, but he was defeated near Mersivan during the Crusade of 1101. The global Muslim population had climbed to about 5 per cent as against the Christian population of 11 per cent by 1100.

In the year 492 AH (AD 1099), Jerusalem was captured by the crusaders and its inhabitants were massacred. Preachers travelled throughout the caliphate proclaiming the tragedy and rousing men to recover from infidel hands Al-Aqsa, the scene of the Prophet's heavenly flight. But whatever the success elsewhere, the mission failed in the eastern provinces, which were occupied with their own troubles, and moreover cared little for the Holy Land, dominated as it then was by the Fatimid faith. Crowds of exiles, seeking refuge in Baghdad, joined there with the populace in crying out for war against the Franks (the name used by Muslims for the crusaders). For two Fridays in 1111 the insurgents, incited by Ibn al-Khashshab, the qadi of Aleppo, stormed the Great Mosque, broke the pulpit and throne of the caliph in pieces, and shouted down the service, but neither the sultan nor the caliph were interested in sending an army west.

Family
One of Al-Mustazhir's wives was Ismah Khatun. She was the daughter of Seljuk Sultan Malik-Shah I. Al-Mustazhir married her in Isfahan in 1108–9. She later came to Baghdad and took up residence in the Caliphal Palace. On 3 February 1112, she gave birth to Abu Ishaq Ibrahim, who died of smallpox in October 1114, and was buried in the mausoleum of al-Muqtadir in Rusafah Cemetery, beside his uncle Ja'far, son of the caliph al-Muqtadi. Upon the death of Al-Mustazhir, Ismah returned to Isfahan, where she died, and was buried within the law college that she had founded there on Barracks Market Street. She died in 1141–42. One of his concubines was Lubanah. She was from Baghdad, and was the mother of the future Caliph Al-Mustarshid. She died in 1133–34. Another concubine was Ashin. She was from Syria, and was the mother of the future Caliph Al-Muqtafi. Some other concubines were Nzhh, an Ethiopian, Aqblan, a Turkish and Razin. Another son was Amir Abu'l-Hasan Ali. He died in June 1131.

Succession
Al-Mustazhir died in the year 1118 at the age of 40. He was succeeded by his son Al-Mustarshid as the 29th Abbasid Caliph.

title: Al-Mustazhir


text:
Talk:Peter Reith

Productivity improvements?
There's no way Peter Reith is "best known" for productivity improvements! He may well be responsible for them and they may be his greatest achievement but he is far more notorious for the tactics used and allegations of "conspiracy" aired in the High Court during the waterfront dispute. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 202.159.133.162 (talk) 23:18, 31 December 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:Peter Reith


text:
Al-Mustarshid

Abu Mansur al-Faḍl ibn Ahmad al-Mustazhir (أبو منصور الفضل بن أحمد المستظهر; 1092 – 29 August 1135) better known by his regnal name Al-Mustarshid Billah (المسترشد بالله) was the Abbasid caliph in Baghdad from 1118 to 1135. He was son of his predecessor, caliph al-Mustazhir. He succeeded his father in the year 1118 as the Abbasid caliph.

Biography
Al-Mustarshid was born in 1092. He was son of Caliph Al-Mustazhir. His mother was a Slavic concubine named Lubanah. She was from Baghdad. His was named Al-Fadl by his father. His full name was Al-Fadl ibn Ahmad al-Mustazhir and his Kunya was Abu Mansur. After the death of his father in 1118, he succeeded him as Caliph. He achieved more independence as a ruler while the Seljuk sultan Mahmud II was engaged in war in the East.

In 1122, al-Mustarshid deposed and imprisoned his vizier Amid al-dawla Jalal al-Din Hasan ibn Ali. Mahmud II then imposed Ahmad ibn Nizam al-Mulk as al-Mustarshid's vizier. Ahmad later fought against the Mazyadid chief Dubays ibn Sadaqa. Ahmad also fortified the walls around Baghdad.

One year later, Mahmud II removed Shams al-Mulk Uthman as his vizier, and had him executed. The Abbasid caliph then used this opportunity to get rid of Ahmad as his vizier. Ahmad then retired to a school in Baghdad which was founded by his father, the Nezamiyeh, where he lived the last 25 years of his life, dying in 1149/1150.

In 1123, Banu Mazyad chieftain Dubais ibn Sadaqah tried to take advantage of the momentary lack of power and, after plundering Bosra, attacked Baghdad together with a young brother of the sultan, Ghiyath ad-Din Mas’ud (known as Mas'ud) He was however crushed by an army under Zengi and Ahmad ibn Nizam al-Mulk. During the same year, al-Mustarshid removed Ahmad ibn Nizam al-Mulk as his vizier. In 1125, it was the time of al-Mustarshid to rebel. He sent an army to take Wasit but was defeated near Baghdad and imprisoned in his palace the next year.

After the death of Mahmud II, a civil war broke out in the Seljuk western territories. Zengi was recalled to the east by certain rebel members, stimulated by the caliph and Dubais. Zengi was beaten and fled. The caliph pursued him to Mosul, and besieged him there but without success for three months. It was nonetheless a milestone in the revival of the military power of the caliphate.

Zengi now resumed operations in Syria and, in 1134, laid siege to Damascus, but was induced, partly by the bravery of the enemy, partly at the instance of the caliph, to whom Zengi had made some concession in the public prayers, to relinquish the attempt. Recalled again by troubles in the east, he was unable to do much against the Crusaders till after al-Mustarshid's death. Not long after the siege of Damascus, al-Mustarshid launched a military campaign against Seljuk sultan Mas'ud, who had obtained the title in Baghdad in January 1133 by the caliph himself. The rival armies met near Hamadan. The caliph, deserted by his troops, was taken prisoner, and pardoned on the promising not to quit his palace. Left in the caliphal tent, however, in the sultan's absence, he was found murdered while reading the Quran, as is supposed, by an emissary of the Assassins, who had no love for the caliph. Modern historians have suspected that Mas'ud instigated the murder although the two most important historians of the period Ibn al-Athir and Ibn al-Jawzi did not speculate on this matter.

Physically, al-Mustarshid was a red-haired man with blue eyes and freckles. He was succeeded by his son al-Rashid.

Family
Al-Mustarshid's only wife was Amira Khatun, the daughter of Seljuk sultan Ahmad Sanjar. They married in 1124. One of his concubines was Khushf. She was from Iraq, and was the mother of his son, the future Caliph Al-Rashid Billah. He had another son who died of small pox in 1131 aged twenty one.

Succession
He was succeeded by his son al-Rashid Billah in the year 1135. He ruled for just one year from 1135 up to his deposition on 17 August 1136. When the populace of Baghdad rose in revolt against him. His son was succeeded by his half-brother al-Muqtafi on 17 September 1136.

Al-Muqtafi was the son of al-Mustazhir from his concubine named Ashin. She was from Syria.

title: Al-Mustarshid