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Sacred grove

Sacred groves or sacred woods are groves of trees that have special religious importance within a particular culture. Sacred groves feature in various cultures throughout the world.

They were important features of the mythological landscape and cult practice of Celtic, Estonian, Baltic, Germanic, ancient Greek, Near Eastern, Roman, and Slavic polytheism; they also occur in locations such as India, Japan (sacred shrine forests ), and West Africa and Ethiopia (church forests ). Examples of sacred groves include the Greco-Roman temenos, various Germanic words for sacred groves, and the Celtic nemeton, which was largely but not exclusively associated with Druidic practice.

During the Northern Crusades of the Middle Ages, conquering Christians commonly built churches on the sites of sacred groves. The Lakota and various other North American tribes regard particular forests or other natural landmarks as sacred places. Singular trees which a community deems to hold religious significance are known as sacred trees.

Ancient Greece and Rome
The most famous sacred grove in mainland Greece was the oak grove at Dodona. Outside the walls of Athens, the site of the Platonic Academy was a sacred grove of olive trees, still recalled in the phrase "the groves of Academe".

In central Italy, the town of Nemi recalls the Latin nemus Aricinum, or "grove of Ariccia", a small town a quarter of the way around the lake. In antiquity, the area had no town, but the grove was the site of one of the most famous of Roman cults and temples: that of Diana Nemorensis, a study of which served as the seed for Sir James Frazer's seminal work on the anthropology of religion, The Golden Bough.

A sacred grove behind the House of the Vestal Virgins on the edge of the Roman Forum lingered until its last vestiges were burnt in the Great Fire of Rome in 64 CE.

In the town of Spoleto, Umbria, two stones from the late third century BCE, inscribed in archaic Latin, that established punishments for the profanation of the woods dedicated to Jupiter (Lex Luci Spoletina) have survived; they are preserved in the National Archeological Museum of Spoleto.

The Bosco Sacro (literally sacred grove) in the garden of Bomarzo, Italy, lends its associations to the uncanny atmosphere.

Lucus Pisaurensis, the Sacred Grove of Pesaro, Italy was discovered by Patrician Annibale degli Abati Olivieri in 1737 on property he owned along the 'Forbidden Road' (Collina di Calibano), just outside Pesaro. This sacred grove is the site of the Votive Stones of Pesaro and was dedicated to Salus, the ancient Roman demi-goddess of well-being.

The city of Massilia, a Greek colony, had a sacred grove so close by it that Julius Caesar had it cut down to facilitate his siege. In Pharsalia, the poet Lucan dramatized it as a place where sunlight could not reach through the branches, where no animal or bird lived, where the wind did not blow, but branches moved on their own, where human sacrifice was practiced, in a clear attempt to dramatize the situation and distract from the sacrilege entailed in its destruction.

Ancient Near East

There are two mentions on this tradition in the Bible:

And Abraham planted a grove in Beersheba, and called there on the name of God.
 * —Genesis 21:33

and

where the women wove hangings for the grove.
 * —II Kings 23:7

Excavations at Labraunda have revealed a large shrine assumed to be that of Zeus Stratios mentioned by Herodotus as a large sacred grove of plane trees sacred to Carians. In Syria, there was a grove sacred to Adonis at Afqa.

Baltic polytheism
A sacred grove is known as alka(s) in Lithuanian and elks in Latvian, however, the terms are also sometimes used to refer to natural holy places in general.

The first mention of Baltic sacred groves dates back to 1075 when Adam of Bremen noted Baltic Prussian sacred groves and springs whose sacredness was believed to be polluted by the entry of Christians (solus prohibetur accessus lucorum et fontium, quos autumant pollui christianorum accessu). A few sacred groves in Sambian Peninsula are mentioned in the 14th-century documents of the Teutonic Order ( sacra sylva, que Scayte vulgariter nominatur..., silva, quae dicitur Heyligewalt... ). A religious centre of intertribal significance was Romuva (Romow) in Nadruvia, Prussia, as described by Peter of Dusburg in 1326.

For Curonians sacred groves were closely associated with the cult of the dead. By the early 15th century, with the disappearance of cremation traditions among the Curonians the sacred groves of Courland had lost their crematory function but remained as an inviolable place reserved for the dead. The role of the sacred forests in the 16th-century traditions of Curonian Kings is described in a travel description by Königsberg apothecary Reinhold Lubenau:

I first reached Mummel and then passed through Courland, reaching the Curonian king, where we had to watch his pagan superstitions. Since Christmas was approaching, they went hunting in their holy forest, where they do no hunting and do not cut a single rod throughout the rest of the year. All that they now hunted there: roe deer, red deer and hares, they skinned, cooked and placed on a long table. They fastened a large number of wax candles to the table, for the souls of their parents, children and relatives. After this, standing and walking to and fro, they ate and drank, and forced us to do likewise. Later, they brought an empty beer keg and beat on it with two sticks, and the men and women, as well as the children, danced around the table, something that continued for the whole night. When they went to bed one after another, they invited us to eat and take with us what we would, since they would not eat what was left over, but would give it to the dogs. Neither did they want to take any payment from us for what we had eaten.

Celtic polytheism
The Celts used sacred groves, called nemeton in Gaulish, for performing rituals, based on Celtic mythology. The deity involved was usually Nemetona – a Celtic goddess. Druids oversaw such rituals. Existence of such groves have been found in Germany, Switzerland, Czech Republic and Hungary in Central Europe, in many sites of ancient Gaul in France, as well as England and Northern Ireland. Sacred groves had been plentiful up until the 1st century BC, when the Romans attacked and conquered Gaul. One of the best known nemeton sites is that in the Nevet forest near Locronan in Brittany, France. Gournay-sur-Aronde (Gournay-on-Aronde), a village in the Oise department of France, also houses the remains of a nemeton.

Nemetons were often fenced off by enclosures, as indicated by the German term Viereckschanze – meaning a quadrangular space surrounded by a ditch enclosed by wooden palisades.

Many of these groves, like the sacred grove at Didyma, Turkey are thought to be nemetons, sacred groves protected by druids based on Celtic mythology. In fact, according to Strabo, the central shrine at Galatia was called Drunemeton. Some of these were also sacred groves in Greek times (as in the case of Didyma), but were based on a different or slightly changed mythology.

Germanic paganism
Trees hold a particular role in Germanic paganism and Germanic mythology, both as individuals (sacred trees) and in groups (sacred groves). The central role of trees in Germanic religion is noted in the earliest written reports about the Germanic peoples, with the Roman historian Tacitus stating that Germanic cult practices took place exclusively in groves rather than temples. Scholars consider that reverence for and rites performed at individual trees are derived from the mythological role of the world tree, Yggdrasil; onomastic and some historical evidence also connects individual deities to both groves and individual trees. After Christianization, trees continue to play a significant role in the folk beliefs of the Germanic peoples.

Benin and Togo
Across Benin and Togo (Dahomey Gap, West Africa), sacred forests form islands of biodiversity in the middle of overgrazed, woody, semiarid savannahs and croplands. Due to their tendency to be maintained over long periods of time, the sacred forests contain valuable remnants of ecological communities from the once extensive forests. Soils in these forests store significant amounts soil carbon as both soil organic carbon (SOC) and soil inorganic carbon (SIC). Soil inorganic carbon is an important carbon sink because it preserved over a longer time frame than the soil organic carbon. There is a high potential for development of the soils for potential carbon sequestration.

Ghana
Sacred groves are also present in Ghana. One of Ghana's most famous sacred groves – the Buoyem Sacred Grove – and numerous other sacred groves are present in the Techiman Municipal District and nearby districts of the Brong Ahafo Region. They provide a refuge for wildlife which has been exterminated in nearby areas, and one grove most notably houses 20,000 fruit bats in caves. The capital of the historical Ghana Empire, contained a sacred grove called al-gâba (Ar. "the forest") for performing religious rites of the Soninke people. Other sacred groves in Ghana include sacred groves along the coastal savannahs of Ghana. Many sacred groves in Ghana are now under federal protection – like the Anweam Sacred Grove in the Esukawkaw Forest Reserve Other well-known sacred groves in present-day Ghana include the Malshegu Sacred Grove in Northern Ghana – one of the last remaining closed-canopy forests in the savannah regions, and the Jachie sacred grove.

The Tanoboase Sacred Grove and Shrine is located near the village of Tanoboase in the Techiman, Brong Ahafo region of Ghana. The site is home of the Bono people.

Kenya
There are many groups of trees and groves that remain sacred to local indigenous populations, such as the Kikuyu, the Maasai, and the Mbeere tribe of central Kenya. In 2008, the Kaya forests, a group of 10 forest sites spread over 200 km (124 mi), were made a World Heritage Site by UNESCO. They are a series of forests located along the coast of Kenya, accompanied by fortified villages known as kayas. These kayas were originally built in the 16th century but have uninhabited since the 1940s. They are now regarded as sacred sites. Mount Kenya is a mountain of volcanic origin that stands 5,199 metres (17,057 feet) tall. It has a unique forest and plant ecosystem that holds significant biological and cultural importance, and is home to over 882 plant species. In 1949, it was designated a national park, and in 1978, the UNESCO Man and the Biosphere Programme named it a Biosphere Reserve. It is considered a sacred site by the Kikuyu, who believed that the top of the mountain was the ‘house’ of God.

Ramogi hill is located in the Siaya County of western Kenya. The hill and forest cover a distance of 283 hectares (699 acres) and is home to rich flora including trees, shrubs, flowers, over 100 plant species in total. It is an important historical site for the Luo people of western Kenya, and is said to be the first site they established after migrating from South Sudan. The hill is named after Ramogi, a notable Luo leader. The hill and forests are considered holy and sacred, and the Luo people use the hill for cultural and religious practices, including as a source of herbal medicine and a place of meditation. According to the Luo people, the medicinal plants that grow in the forests of Ramogi hill are considered to have strong healing powers.

Nigeria
The concept of sacred groves is present in Nigerian mythology as well. The Osun-Osogbo Sacred Grove, containing dense forests, is located just outside the city of Osogbo, and is regarded as one of the last virgin high forests in Nigeria. It is dedicated to the fertility goddess in Yoruba mythology, and is dotted with shrines and sculptures. Oloye Susanne Wenger, an Austrian artist, helped revive the grove. The grove was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2005.

India

In India, sacred groves are scattered all over the country, and do enjoy protection. Prior to 2002, these forest regions were not recognized under any of the existing laws. But in 2002 an amendment was brought in Wildlife Protection Act, 1972 to include Sacred Groves under the act. In 2016, a framework was published by the intergovernmental organization ICIMOD to help assess the present day significance of sacred natural sites, including sacred groves in all Himalayan countries to enable better policy uptake of these sites. Some NGOs work with local villagers to protect such groves. Each grove is associated with a presiding deity, and the groves are referred to by different names in different parts of India. They were maintained by local communities with hunting and logging strictly prohibited within these patches. While most of these sacred deities are associated with local Hindu gods, sacred groves of Islamic and Buddhist origins are also known. Sacred groves occur in a variety of places – from scrub forests in the Thar Desert of Rajasthan maintained by the Bishnois, to rain forests in the Kerala Western Ghats. Himachal Pradesh in the North and Kerala in the South are specifically known for their large numbers of sacred groves. The Kodavas of Karnataka maintained over 1000 sacred groves in Kodagu alone.

The district of Uttara Kannada in Karnataka also harbours a large number of sacred groves.

Around 14,000 sacred groves have been reported from all over India, which act as reservoirs of rare fauna, and more often rare flora, amid rural and even urban settings. Experts believe that the total number of sacred groves could be as high as 100,000. Threats to the groves include urbanization, and over-exploitation of resources. While many of the groves are looked upon as abode of Hindu gods, in the recent past a number of them have been partially cleared for construction of shrines and temples.

Ritualistic dances and dramatizations based on the local deities that protect the groves are called Theyyam in Kerala and Nagmandalam, among other names, in Karnataka. There are sacred groves in Ernakulam region in a place named Mangatoor in Kerala. Sacred groves are being destroyed as a part of urbanization. The family "Nalukettil Puthenpurayil" still protects sacred groves.

Japan
Sacred groves in Japan are typically associated with Shinto shrines and are located all over Japan. They have existed since ancient times and shrines are often built in the midst of preexisting groves. The Cryptomeria tree is venerated in Shinto practice, and considered sacred.

Among the sacred groves associated with such jinjas or Shinto shrines is the 20-hectare wooded area associated with Atsuta Shrine (熱田神宮) at Atsuta-ku, Nagoya. The 1500-hectare forest associated with Kashima Shrine was declared a "protected area" in 1953. Today it is part of the Kashima Wildlife Preservation Area. The woods include over 800 kinds of trees and varied animal and plant life.

Tadasu no Mori (糺の森) is a general term for a wooded area associated with the Kamo Shrine, which is a Shinto sanctuary near the banks of the Kamo River in northeast Kyoto. The ambit of today's forest encompasses approximately 12.4 hectares, which are preserved as a national historic site (国の史跡). The Kamigamo Shrine and the Shimogamo Shrine, along with other Historic Monuments of Ancient Kyoto (Kyoto, Uji and Otsu Cities), have been designated World Heritage Sites since 1994.

Okinawa
The Utaki sacred sites (often with associated burial grounds) on Okinawa are based on Ryukyuan religion, and usually are associated with toun or kami-asagi – regions dedicated to the gods where people are forbidden to go. Sacred groves are often present in such places, as also in Gusukus – fortified areas which contain sacred sites within them. The Seifa-utaki was designated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site designated in 2003. It consists of a triangular cavern formed by gigantic rocks, and contains a sacred grove with rare, indigenous trees like the Kubanoki (a kind of palm) and the yabunikkei or Cinnamomum japonicum (a form of wild cinnamon). Direct access to the grove is forbidden.

Malaysia
Much of the ways of the ancient inhabitants of Malaysia have largely been forgotten, mostly due to the taboos among the local populace on putting certain esoteric knowledge down in ink, thus only passed down through examples and word of mouth from mother to daughter and father to son. However, much can be observed by the ways and habits of the natives of Malaysia which include 18 tribes of Orang Asli (Malay for Natural People) and the Malays, who are often regarded as the 19th tribe.

There is a practice of tree planting around houses to the extent that the walls and wooden structures are allowed to give way to the roots of creeping plants, purposely sown at the bases of these structures. With increased migration towards the larger cities, these houses are abandoned and allowed to return to nature. As most traditional Orang Asli and Malay houses are made of only wood, bamboo, rattan and woven palm leaves (being built without using a single nail), the remains of those houses crumble easily into its surrounding.

Besides that, a practice of creating arches of vine and creeping flowering plants so that each time one were to enter the gates of the house, one has to bow, as if implying or imitating respect upon entry to a sacred grove which were practiced by their ancestors. Such practices are even performed by those who have migrated into the cities who prefer to live in houses on the ground, rather than in high rise apartments. A garden of fruit trees surrounded by larger trees are planted around the houses to provide shade and an illusion of being at 'home' as well as to provide sustenance (in the form of fruits and seeds) to squirrels, foxes, insects and birds. Commonly, a cat, or in most instances, many cats are kept to patrol the gardens and guard from harmful spirits as well as against rats which were believed to carry unclean spirits and diseases.

However, one of the most striking examples of the tree reverence among them can be seen in the graveyards which are considered as holy ground, on which no stone structure can be built upon. The whole area are covered by large and tall trees, so much foliage that the scorching tropical sun is reduced to a dim shadow as temperatures drop to a comfortable cool. Malay folklore relates that the trees whisper prayers to the creator in absolution of the past transgression of the ground's once human inhabitants. The trees are also allowed to take root into the graves where the grave keepers (penjaga kubur in Malay) slowly remove gravestones (which used to be made from wood) as they are ejected from the grounds onto the surface. There is also a ritual of planting small tree sapling on fresh graves by family members who will then water it and tend to it periodically. Petals from fresh red and pink roses are also brought upon visitation to be scattered on the graves and a ritual of pouring rose water upon the soils are also performed.

The Malays regard visiting the graves from between sunset to sunrise as a taboo as it is believed that as sunrise is the beginning of the day to mankind, sunset is perceived as the beginning of day to those who dwell in the grave area. Burials are almost always postponed until the next day except in certain cases where it is allowed, provided that additional rules are observed, such as, women and children are not allowed at the night time burial ceremony.

An ancient ritual of renaming the deceased as she or he is laid into the earth is also practiced. The Orang Asli and Malay (see Malaysian names) naming system has a living name and a spirit name, which is given during the ritual of burial. This name is known as nama arwah (spirit name). The living name is usually the given name plus the word 'anak' which means 'son/daughter of' or 'bin' and 'binti' which mean 'son of' or 'daughter of' respectively; followed by the name of the father. When a person dies, the father's name is replaced with his or her mother's name and this is made known during the reading of burial sentences.

Nepal
Granted World Heritage status by UNESCO in 1997, Lumbini Grove is a Buddhist pilgrimage site in the Rupandehi District of Nepal. It is the place where, according to Buddhist tradition, Queen Mayadevi gave birth to Siddhartha Gautama in 623 BCE. Gautama, who achieved nirvana some time around 543 BCE, became the Lord Gautama Buddha and founded Buddhism after achieving Enlightenment. The Mayadevi Temple is located at Lumbini.

Philippines

In the animistic native Filipino religion called Bathala, the worshiping anito spirits, balete trees (Ficus spp.), also known as nonok or nunuk, are regarded as abodes of spirits or gateways to the spirit world. Cutting them down was taboo, a superstition that is still followed today. Outdoor shrines or altars known as dambana, latangan, and tambara among other names were often built near the trees during shaman rituals. Aside from individual trees, natural formations, bodies of water, rocks, groves, and even entire forests also commonly became sacred places to various communities.

Thailand
Sacred groves, mostly connected to Thai folk belief, are known to have existed in Thailand since medieval times. Recently, new areas are being marked off as sacred as an environmental movement.

Estonia
Based on historical data, it is estimated that there are around 2500 sacred natural sites in Estonia, the largest of them covering up to 100 hectares. Although rather exceptional among most of the technologically developed countries, in Estonia both the sacred natural sites and indigenous customs connected to them are still in use. Therefore, the heritage that is connected to sacred natural sites has great importance to the national identity and environment of Estonians.

In a collaboration between followers of Estonian native religion (Maausk) and governmental ministries, a national plan was prepared in 2008: "Sacred Natural Sites in Estonia: Study and Conservation 2008–2012" which includes about 550 sacred groves (hiis). The National Plan on Sacred Natural Sites consists of a historical overview of sacred natural sites in Estonia, a current situation analysis, and several concrete conservation measures and instructions on how to apply them. The coordinating steering committee of the Conservation Plan consists of Environment, Agriculture, Internal Affairs and Education and Research ministries, National Heritage Board and MK. The University of Tartu is the implementing agency. Measures of the Conservation Plan are designed to handle natural sanctuaries and values connected to them in all aspects.

The Conservation Plan foresees creating a database which supports researching and managing natural sanctuaries. The database would consist of folkloric, archaeological, natural, historical and other data on sacred natural sites and provide information on the exact location, condition and form of ownership of each site. In 2011 a scandal occurred when a company started clearcutting Rebala's sacred grove nearby Maardu manor due to a misunderstanding between the Environmental Board and the National Heritage Board.

Russia
Both the prechristian Slavic pagans and some Siberian pagans of the modern era considered trees or forests themselves sacred. Throughout the boreal forests of siberia, there are upwards of 600 known sacred groves and over twice that number are estimated to exist. These are most prominent in Komi, Buryatia, Irktusk, and the Sakha Republic.

Finland
Finnish hiisi sites are locations where the dead and spirits of ancestors are worshipped and respected. While the exact definition of the word hiisi is still unclear, they are often describes as situated on the top of stony mountains or hills and are often close to water. Hiisi sites are considered holy groves. In 1967, the linguist Mauno Koski produced a list of hiisi sites in his doctoral thesis. In list, he mentions 14 possible hiisi sites, mostly from the provinces of Southwest Finland, Satakunta, and Häme. The word hiisi is used in archaeological literature as denoting a pre-Christian burial site or sacred grove, and the negative connotations of the word (devil, demon) probably developed during Christian times.

Latvia
There are three known sacred groves associated with the seven Curonian King villages in Turlava parish, Courland. The most famous one of them is the Ķoniņi Elka Grove (Ķoniņu Elka birzs) or simply Elka that today covers around one hectare of land and is protected as an archaeological monument of national importance. Folklore researcher Sandis Laime has suggested that the sacred grove might have been a religious centre and probably covered a more extensive area in the past. He points to the toponym Elka Meadow (Elku pļava) localized approximately 1.5 kilometres from the remaining grove and speculates that the meadow could have retained its original name even after the part of the sacred grove on it was cut down. Nowadays a strong oral tradition persists among the Turlava area residents regarding the prohibition of certain actions in the grove and the misfortune that may follow if the prohibitions are not abided.

Lithuania
There are around 40 known sacred groves and forests in Lithuania. Lithuanian archaeologist Vykintas Vaitkevičius has grouped some of the sacred forests and groves according to the components šventas (13), alka (11) and gojus (more than 520) in their name.

Poland
Kleczanów Forest is a sacred forest in the vicinity of Kleczanów village in Sandomierz County, Poland. It features an ancient site of 37 Slavic kurgans (burial mounds) 4–10 metres high.

United States
The Lakota and various other North American tribes consider particular forests or other natural landmarks to be sacred. This is one of the reasons that there has been recent dispute over the nullification of acknowledgment of Native American reservation land by the US government and an attempt to compensate Native Americans for the reacquisition of this sacred space.

Ecology
Sacred groves have been found to harbor more biodiversity than surrounding areas.

In fiction

 * J. R. R. Tolkien included many magical trees and woods in his fictional writings which he based on English and Norse mythology.
 * George R. R. Martin's A Song of Ice and Fire features "godswoods", sacred groves containing sacred trees, notably "weirwood" trees but also oaks, et al.
 * In The Legend of Zelda video game series there is a location called the Sacred Grove in Hyrule, usually depicted as a gateway to the Temple of Time and thus the Sacred Realm, one of the most important locations in the series' backstory.
 * In MTV's Teen Wolf, a sacred tree known as a nemeton serves as a beacon for supernatural creatures and retained some of its power even after being cut down.
 * In the Hayao Miyazaki animated film My Neighbor Totoro the large tree in which the Totoros live is modeled after a 2000-year-old sacred camphor tree in Japan.
 * James Cameron's Avatar, the natives of Pandora, the Na'vi, live in a massive tree called Hometree and at the center of their sacred grove is the Tree of Souls.

title: Sacred grove


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Jimmy Kudo

Shinichi Kudo (工藤 新一), known in some major English adaptations as Jimmy Kudo, is a fictional character and the main protagonist of the manga series Case Closed, created by Gosho Aoyama. A high school detective, he is forced to ingest the lethal poison after an encounter with Gin and Vodka, agents of the mysterious Black Organization, while they were having a secret deal in an amusement park. Due to a rare side effect, the poison did not kill him. Instead, it shrinks his body into that of an elementary school-age child and forces him to adopt the pseudonym to hide from those who poisoned him. He lives with his childhood friend Ran Mouri and her father Kogoro Mouri as he awaits the day he can take down the Black Organization and regain his original size.

Creation and conception
The idea that Shinichi Kudo would be turned into a child stemmed from the idea of a Tortoiseshell cat Sherlock Holmes as a protagonist. Gosho Aoyama's idea was the cat would indicate the crucial evidence needed to solve the case; a performance the child-turned Shinichi does to help those around with the investigation. Shinichi was inspired by the fictional private eye Shunsaku Kudo. Aoyama revealed that his editor was against the name Conan due to the protagonist from the anime series Future Boy Conan sharing the same name and had suggested to name him Doyle instead. The author stuck with the name Conan believing it would overtake the Future Boy series. According to Aoyama, Shinichi's catch phrase, "There is always only one truth!" (真実はいつもひとつ!), was thought of by the anime adaptation's script writer and written into chapter 95 of the manga at the same time. In the English localizations, the catch phrase is translated as "One Truth Prevails".

Aoyama said that Conan's hair was similar to the character in his previous manga work Yaiba, and that the cowlick was inspired by Kabu from Sally the Witch. His outfit is inspired from what boys wear for the Shichi-Go-San festivals; having worn such things himself when he was a kid. Conan's glasses were based on Clark Kent and were discussed in series with Anita in volume 24. Jimmy's manner of speech is inspired from Joe Yabuki from Ashita no Joe.

In Case Closed
Shinichi appears at the beginning of the series as a gifted 16-year-old student at Teitan High School in Tokyo. He was already well known as a brilliant young detective who had closed many difficult cases that the professionals could not. He is also secretly in love with his childhood best friend Ran Mouri (Rachel Moore), but refuses to admit his feelings due to both stubbornness and shyness. Later while on a date with Ran to a theme park, Shinichi leaves Ran and follows two suspicious characters, Gin and Vodka, suspecting they are criminals. Gin ends up attacking Shinichi and forces him to drink an experimental poison APTX (Apotoxin) which is supposed to kill him, and then leaves him for dead. However, instead of killing Shinichi, a rare side-effect occurs, causing his age to regress, and he shrinks into the form of a young child. With advice from Dr. Hiroshi Agasa, Shinichi adopts the identity of Conan Edogawa, devised from the names of Arthur Conan Doyle and Edogawa Rampo to prevent Gin, Vodka, and their syndicate, the Black Organization, from returning to kill him and those around him. For this reason, he chooses not to reveal his true identity to anyone else, to keep them safe.

Shinichi pretends to be a distant relative of Dr. Agasa's and is placed in the care of Ran and her father, Kogoro Mouri (Richard Moore), who owns a detective agency. Shinichi and Dr. Agasa feel that some clues regarding the Black Organization may possibly filter through the agency, allowing Shinichi to learn more about them to ultimately bring them down. As for Shinichi's disappearance, Conan has to constantly find creative ways to fool Ran into believing he is off solving a very difficult case and will return once the investigation is concluded. This becomes increasingly difficult as she begins to suspect who he really is.

As a child, Conan must attend Teitan Elementary, where he inadvertently forms a detective club called the Detective Boys (Junior Detective League) with friends he makes at the school. Conan is forced to adapt to his new daily life and becomes accustomed to attending elementary school while secretly helping Richard solve crimes with the use of his gadgets invented by Dr. Agasa. The most prominent of these are: his voice-changing bowtie, allowing him to impersonate anyone's voice; his customized glasses which allow him to track and listen through his covert listening devices; his super sneakers which multiply his kicking force; his wrist watch stun gun, which allows him to tranquilize Richard or a criminal; his Solar Powered skateboard as well as a soccer ball dispenser belt, super strong/elastic suspenders, among others.

Conan eventually meets Heiji Hattori (Harley Hartwell), a detective from Osaka who is seeking to challenge Shinichi in a deductive battle. After drinking baijiu while sick with a cold, Conan reverts to a teenager and rectifies a deduction made by Heiji. In their second encounter, Heiji is able to deduce Conan's identity as Shinichi Kudo and confronts him about it. The two later become good friends.

As the series progresses, Conan befriends biochemist Shiho Miyano, a former member of the Black Organization and inventor of the APTX-4869 drug. She and her sister had grown up within the organization, as their scientist parents had been members too, before their deaths. After her sister was killed by Gin, she took the poison to commit suicide. However, like Shinichi, her age regressed and she shrank back to a small child's size. She then escapes and adopts the pseudonym Ai Haibara (Anita Hailey). Dr. Agasa ends up taking her in, and she vows to help Conan take down the Black Organization. She later invents a prototype antidote to the APTX-4869 allowing Conan to temporarily become Shinichi again, which Conan uses on occasion to fool Ran when she suspects his true identity. During the events of Holmes' Revelation, Shinichi, while in his original form, confesses his feelings to Ran in London. In The Scarlet School Trip, Ran returns those feelings by giving Shinichi a kiss on the cheek.

Conan's investigation of the Black Organization leads him to discover the American FBI's existence in Japan, as they are also investigating the syndicate. The head of the syndicate, often referred to as 'that person' and 'boss' by syndicate members, who is at least one-hundred and thirty, is Renya Karasuma. However, the FBI and Conan are currently unaware of this. His collaboration with FBI agents Jodie Starling and Shuichi Akai allows them to capture organization member Kir. They discover she is really an undercover CIA agent and return her to the organization to continue to spy from within.

In other media
Shinichi Kudo has appeared in all of the feature films of the series, both the original video animation series (Shōnen Sunday Original animations and the Magic Files), the two-hour cross-over television special Lupin the 3rd vs Detective Conan, and is the protagonist in all Case Closed-related video games. He is the protagonist in the novels of the series. In the 2006–2007 live-action series, he is portrayed by Shun Oguri as a teenager and Nao Fujisaki in child form. In the 2011 live-action movie and TV drama series, Junpei Mizobata portrays the teenage Shinichi.

In 2006, the Japanese government used Conan in campaigns to help promote crime awareness among children. Targeting the same audience, Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs used Conan and his friends in two pamphlets: one to promote the ministry's mission, the other to introduce the 34th G8 summit held in the country in 2010. Conan and his friends were also featured in the sixth installment of the Anime, Heroes and Heroines commemorative stamp series issued by Japan Post in 2006.

Reception
In the survey "friendship" developed by rankingjapan.com in which people had to choose what anime character they would like to have as a friend, Shinichi ranked third. In Newtype magazine Shinichi ranked fourth and ninth in the 2001 and 2010 polls for most popular male anime character, respectively. In the Animage's Anime Grand Prix awards from 1998, Shinichi was voted as the tenth most popular male anime character. Mania Entertainment rated Conan as the third greatest anime detective. Shinichi Kudo and Conan Edogawa were the second and third most popular characters in the series defined by a poll on ebooksjapan.jp. Jian DeLeon of Complex magazine named him eighteenth on a list of "The 25 Most Stylish Anime Characters." Additionally, in 2017 Charapedia poll, Kudo ranked as the 5th most ideal Prime Minister in anime series. Conan won the "clever" award in the Animedia's magazine "Animedia Character Awards 2019" for standout anime characters chosen by the readers. In Japanese, Danganronpa 2: Goodbye Despair protagonist Hajime Hinata was voiced by Takayama. Due to Kudo's popularity, the game staff developed a snowboarding minigame as Kudo often surfs a turbo skateboard. In a Japanese poll from AnimeAnime, Kudo was voted as the best character voiced by Takayama.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Jimmy Kudo


text:
Wikipedia:Categories for deletion/Galaxies by Constellation and subcategories

Galaxies by Constellation and subcategories

 * Category:Galaxies by constellation
 * Category:Galaxies in the Sagittarius constellation

(some) Galaxies already appear in their constellation categories, and it doesn't appear as if anyone's doing anywork toward any recategorization here. It's useless. 132.205.15.4 05:32, 3 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Keep these perfectly good, albeit empty categories, and work on them. see discussion in next section. there's much work needed, but then, they said we couldn't write an encyclopedia at all using volunteer effort.Pedant 01:40, 2004 Nov 9 (UTC) Delete all galaxies that are categorized in their contellation are in that constellation's category, thus, this sub-category will remain empty. And Sagittarius constellation already has a category, and that's where its galaxies are. Uber nemo 23:34, July 26, 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep. Now if this cant be considered encyclopaedic what can, I ask you? Dracula the bat 15:51, 15 Nov 2004 (UTC)


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Gateway STEM High School

Gateway STEM High School (formerly known as Gateway Institute of Technology) is a public magnet high school in St. Louis, Missouri, United States.

History
Gateway opened as John O'Fallon Technical High School in 1956, named in honor of John O'Fallon. Under its former name it opened in August 1992, in response to a court order mandating the establishment of a high technology magnet school. The school integrates a strong academic curriculum emphasizing mathematics and science with career preparation in highly technical fields. Accelerated and advanced placement courses are available for students. Inquiry, innovation, creativity and exploration are encouraged throughout the school. In June 2012 The School was renamed as Gateway STEM High School or Gateway Science Technology Engineering and Mathematics High School.

Gateway was one of ten schools recognized as a New American High School by the United States Department of Education in 1996. Gateway serves as a model school and is visited regularly by educators from the U.S. and elsewhere. The school also has the long time Music and Band instructor Steven Hill who has been at the school since its opening in 1992.

Student body
The school has 970 students, who are accepted on a lottery basis. Approximately 200 of the students have disabilities, including severe orthopedic disabilities, learning disabilities, and behavior challenges. Gateway accepts gifted students.

Academics
At the ninth and tenth grade level students are in 'houses' of 85 to 100 students supported by four teachers (covering English, social studies, math, and science, respectively) and a counselor. The school is designed to integrate academic and technological education in career clusters that require students to have a strong background in mathematics and science. All the students take a broad mathematics curriculum, biology, chemistry, and physics.

Going into their junior year, students pick a career strand, or 'major', within one of four specialty areas:
 * Agricultural, Biological, and Health Sciences.
 * Applied Physical Sciences.
 * Computer Science and Mathematics.
 * Engineering Technology, which can include an Aviation Maintenance Program that lasts five years and is certified by the Federal Aviation Administration.

Partnerships with businesses
The school has partnerships with local businesses. Monsanto Company and two medical schools in St. Louis provide assistance and internships in the area of agricultural, health and biological sciences; Mallinckrodt Chemical, in physical sciences; McDonnell-Douglas, in engineering technology; and Lucent Technologies Bell Labs, as well as the computer divisions of Monsanto, Mallinckrodt Chemical, and McDonnell-Douglas, in computer science and mathematics. Lucent Technologies staff also help the students.

Alumni

 * Sheldon Richardson - Minnesota Vikings (defensive tackle).
 * Sam Scarber - San Diego Chargers (running back)

title: Gateway STEM High School


text: User talk:209.6.127.13

title: User talk:209.6.127.13


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Basters

The Basters (also known as Baasters, Rehobothers, or Rehoboth Basters) are a Southern African ethnic group descended from Cape Coloureds and Nama of Khoisan origin. Since the second half of the 19th century, the Rehoboth Baster community has been concentrated in central Namibia, in and around the town of Rehoboth. Basters are closely related to Afrikaners, Cape Coloureds, and Griquas of South Africa and Namibia, with whom they share a largely Afrikaner-influenced culture and Afrikaans language. Other groups of similar mixed ethnic origin, living chiefly in the Northern Cape, also refer to themselves as Basters.

The name Baster is derived from "bastaard", the Dutch word for "bastard" or "mongrel". While some people consider this term demeaning, the Basters reappropriated as an ethnonym, in spite of the negative connotation. Their 7th Kaptein is Jacky Britz, elected in 2021; he has no official status under the Namibian constitution. The Chief's Council of Rehoboth was replaced with a local town council under the new government.

The estimates as to the numbers of self-declared Basters remain unclear; figures between 35,000 and 40,000 are estimated. Survival of the Baster culture and identity have been called into question in modern Namibia. Modern Namibia's politics and public life are largely dominated by the ethnic Ovambo and their culture. Baster politicians and activists have called Ovambo policies oppressive towards their community.

Origins

Basters were mainly persons of mixed-race descent who at one time would have been absorbed in the white community. This term came to refer to an economic and cultural group, and it included the most economically advanced non-white population at the Cape, who had higher status than the natives. Some of the Basters acted as supervisors of other servants and were the confidential employees of their white masters. Sometimes, these were treated almost as members of the white family. Many were descended from white men, if not directly from men in the families for whom they worked.

The group also included Khoi, Free Negro, and persons of mixed-race descent who had succeeded in acquiring property and establishing themselves as farmers in their own right. The term Orlam (Oorlam) was sometimes applied to persons who could also be known as Baster. Orlams were the Khoi and Coloured (mixed-race) people who spoke Dutch and practised a largely European way of life. Some Basters distinguished themselves from the Coloured, whom they described as descendants of Europeans and Malay or Indonesian slaves brought to South Africa.

In the early 18th century, Basters often owned farms in the colony, but with growing competition for land and the pressure of race discrimination, they were oppressed by their white neighbours and the government. Some became absorbed into the Coloured servant class, but those seeking to maintain independence moved to the fringes of settlement. From about 1750, the Kamiesberge in the extreme north-west of the colony became the main area of settlement of independent Baster farmers, some of whom had substantial followings of servants and clients.

After about 1780, increasing competition and oppression from whites in this area resulted in the majority of the Baster families moving to the frontier of the interior. They settled in the middle valley of the Orange River, where they settled near De Tuin. Basters of the middle Orange were subsequently persuaded by London Missionary Society missionaries to adopt the name Griqua. Some sources say they chose the name themselves in honour of an early leader.

Move to central Namibia

Basters announced their intention to leave the Cape Colony in 1868 to search for land in the interior north. About 90 families of 100 left the region, the first 30 in 1869, with others following. They settled in Rehoboth in what is now central Namibia, on a high plateau between the Namib and Kalahari deserts. There they continued an economy based on managing herds of cattle, sheep, and goats. They were followed by Johann Christian Friedrich Heidmann, a missionary of the Rhenish Mission, who served them from 1871 until his retirement in 1907. By 1872, Basters numbered 333 in Rehoboth. They founded the Free Republic of Rehoboth (Rehoboth Gebiet) and designed a German-influenced national flag. They adopted a constitution known as the Paternal Laws (original title in Vaderlike Wette). It continues to govern the internal affairs of the Baster community into the 21st century. The original document survived and is stored at the National Archives of Namibia in Windhoek.

Basters established a community based on birth. Under these laws, a citizen is a child of a Rehoboth citizen, or a person otherwise accepted as a citizen by its rules. Families continued to join them from the Cape Colony, and the community reached about 800 by 1876, when 80 to 90 families had settled there. The area was also occupied by native Damara people, but Basters did not include them in population reports.

While Basters remained predominantly based around Rehoboth, some Basters continued to trek northward, settling in the southern Angolan city of Lubango. There they became known as the Ouivamo. They had a similar culture based on maintaining herds of livestock.

Through the 1870s, Basters of Rehoboth suffered frequent losses from their herds, with livestock raided and stolen by the much larger groups of surrounding Nama and Herero peoples, who were themselves in competition. In 1880, Jan Afrikaner gathered 600 men against the Herero, and different Nama groups mustered about 1,000 warriors, with the Herero fielding about the same number. Basters tried to make alliances to survive, as they were outnumbered by both sides. The wars continued until about 1884, and, while suffering losses, Basters continued.

Through the 1880s, the community at Rehoboth were joined by other Baster families from Grootfontein (South) (whom missionary Heidmann had earlier tried to recruit), Okahandja, and Otjimbingwe. While based on descent within the families, they also accepted both blacks and whites who applied to join the community.

German South West Africa
In the process of the German annexation of South West Africa, Baster Kaptein Hermanus van Wyk signed a 'Treaty of Protection and Friendship' with the German Empire on 11 October 1884. It was the first of its kind between any native-descended peoples in the territory and the Germans (Basters were considered native because of their partial African descent). Other sources date this treaty 15 September 1885, Under this, "the independent executive powers of the Kaptein and Baster Council, especially for "foreign policy", were significantly curtailed."

In 1893, the Germans established the territory of the Basters, known as the Rehoboth Gebiet, which the settlers tried to expand through negotiation. In this area, the Paternal Laws were recognised. In addition, the German colony had an administrative district known as Rehoboth, which was larger than the Baster-governed area, with the outside areas under German (white) colonial law. Most of the land was developed as farms owned by European, especially German whites.

A second Treaty concerning National Service of the Rehoboth Basters of 1895 established a small armed contingent among the Basters, which fought alongside German colonists and forces in a number of battles and skirmishes against indigenous peoples. When the German colonists encountered a new wave of conflicts with native peoples, Basters fought with them in quelling the uprisings of the OvaHerero (1896), the Swartbooi Nama (1897), and the Bondelswarts (1903). They also participated in the German colonial war and widespread genocide against the OvaHerero and Nama in the Herero Wars of 1904–1907.

German census reporting on Basters noted their high mobility. The numbers they recorded for the people changed as the Germans changed their racial classifications. Rather than using people's citizenship (as in the community of Basters), they began to classify people according to appearance, as was done in South Africa. A comparison of records suggests that, in 1912, there were about 3,000 Basters in the Rehoboth District. Most Basters were concentrated in the Rehoboth Gebiet, where they lived under their own law.

Relations between Rehoboth and Germany remained close for more than 20 years until 1914, following the outbreak of World War I. The German Schutztruppe ordered all Baster able-bodied men into military service, which they resisted. Believing that the German Schutztruppe had little chance against the superior South African forces (allied with the British), Basters tried to maintain neutrality towards both, but feared losing their limited autonomy.

The Baster Council believed they reached agreement with Governor Theodor Seitz of South-West Africa that their men would only be used behind the lines. They did not want to participate in a war between whites. They disapproved of their men being issued German uniforms, fearing they would be considered regular soldiers. Despite their protests, Baster soldiers were assigned to duties far from the Gebiet. When Basters were assigned to guard South African prisoners of war in February 1915 at a camp at Uitdraii, they protested because nearly 50 of their men were connected to the people through historic kinship and language. Some aided escape by prisoners, and the Germans limited the number of bullets they issued to the Basters. The South Africans in turn protested being guarded by men they considered as Coloured (according to their racial classifications).

General Louis Botha had earlier written to Lieutenant Colonel Franke against using armed non-whites in service, as he was aware of both Cameroons and Basters serving under arms. Botha said he was ensuring that non-whites were not armed; Franke said that he was using the Cameroon and Baster companies only to police non-white communities.

Cornelius van Wyk, second Kaptein of the Rehoboth Basters, arranged to secretly meet with South African General Louis Botha on 1 April in Walvis Bay to assure him of the Basters' neutrality. No record was made of the meeting so it is unclear exactly what was promised. Van Wyk was hoping for assurances to have Baster territory and rights acknowledged if South Africa took over the German colony. Botha advised him to stay out of the war.

Due to South African successes, the German officers advised the Baster Council that they were moving the prisoners of war and Baster guards to the north. At a meeting, they said Basters had three days to decide whether to comply; the latter feared that having their men in the north would mean they would be considered true combatants against South Africa, endangering their own position. Learning of the planned deployment, the Baster guards advised the Council they would not go. Although negotiations were in process, they learned the trains were due to leave the next day, and the night of 18 April, numerous Basters defected from German service, taking arms with them that they intended to turn in at Rehoboth. About 300 men set up defences in two laagers. Learning of this, the Germans disarmed other Baster soldiers in other posts; in the process, one unarmed Baster was killed. Rehoboth was in an uproar, although leaders tried to meet with the Germans to resolve the issues.

In the meantime, Basters and Nama policemen worked to disarm German officers within the Rehoboth Gebiet, but wounded one fatally and killed another outright. An armed contingent including Nama policemen killed several German citizens, including all of the Karl Bauer family. With that, negotiations were over.

On 22 April 1915, Lieutenant Colonel Bethe informed the Basters in writing that they had violated the protection treaty and their acts were considered hostile by the Germans. Governor Theodor Seitz cancelled the protection treaty with the Basters, intending to attack Rehoboth. Van Wyk informed General Botha, who advised him to try to get the Basters out of the area. They started moving by wagons and taking large herds of livestock, with many Basters trying to reach the mountains. German attacks against Basters took place around the region.

According to Baster history, a 14-year-old Baster girl, who worked for the Germans in a camp, overheard a drunken conversation about their planned attack against the Basters. She took the word to the Kaptein, and around 700 Basters retreated to Sam Khubis 80 km south-east of Rehoboth in the mountains, to prepare for German attack. This group included women and children. Van Wyk had hidden his wife and children at farm Garies, along with the wives and children of Stoffel and Willem van Wyk. Stoffel's wife, two children, an adult daughter of Cornelius van Wyk, and his 18-year-old son, were all killed there. The others, including van Wyk's wife Sara, were taken to Leutwein station and released on 13 May.

On 8 May 1915, the Germans attacked in the Battle of Sam Khubis, where the stronghold was defended by 700 to 800 Basters. Despite repeated attacks and the use of two cannons and three Maxim machine-guns, the Germans were unable to destroy the Basters' position. They ended the attack at sunset. At the end of the day, Basters had all but run out of ammunition and expected defeat. That night they appealed to God, pledging to commemorate the day forever should they be spared.

Their prayer is engraved on a memorial plaque they later installed at Sam Khubis and reads:

God van ons vaderen / sterke en machtige God / heilig is Uw naam op die ganse aarde / Uw die de hemelen geschapen heft / neigt Uw oor tot ons / luister na die smekingen van Uwe kinderen / de dood staart ons in het gesicht / die kinderen der bose zoeken onze levens / Red ons uit die hand van onze vijanden / en beskermt onze vrouen en kinderen / En dit zult vier ons en onze nacheschlacht zijn een dag als een Zondag / waarop wij Uw naam prijzen en Uw goedertierenheid tot in euwigheid niet vergeten

"God our father / strong and powerful / holy be Thy name all over the earth / Thou that made heaven / bow Thou down to us / listen to the cries of Thy children / death stares us in the face / the children of evil seek our lives / Save us from the hand of our enemies / and protect our wives and children / and this shall be for us and our kin a day like a Sunday / on which we shall praise Thy name / and Thy gratitude shall not be forgotten in eternity."

The Germans had received orders to retreat, which they did the next morning. Rehoboth's Baster community survived. This day is celebrated annually by Basters as integral to their history and fortitude. Both units of the Germans were ordered to retreat in order to mobilise against advancing South African troops which reached Rehoboth.

As Basters returned to Rehoboth, some killed Germans on their farms. The Germans posted some forces for protection, but withdrew them on 23 May as the South Africans approached. Basters took German livestock and plundered their farms, also attacking the two missionaries' houses. The bloodshed on both sides left long resentment after the war.

South African mandate rule (1915–1966)
South Africa defeated the Germans, concluding the Peace of Khorab on 9 July 1915. It formally took over administration of South-West Africa and established martial law. Colonel H. Mentz advised the Baster leaders to avoid all confrontation with the Germans, in an effort to defuse tensions, and to report livestock losses or other problems to his administration at Windhoek. He also said that South African patrols would regularly be sent to the Rehoboth area to keep the peace.

After the conclusion of the Great War, Basters applied to have their native land become a British Protectorate like Basutoland, but were turned down by South Africa. All special rights as granted to Basters by the Germans were revoked under the South African mandate to govern South-West Africa. South Africa conducted regular censuses of the Basters from 1921 to 1991; the records reflect their ideas about racial classifications.

Some Basters continued to push for the legitimacy of the 'Free Republic of Rehoboth.' Claiming that the republic had been recognised by the League of Nations, they said international law supported their desire for self-determination, which the League used as a principle in the organisation of new nations after the Great War. They asserted that the Republic should have the status of a sovereign nation. In 1952, Basters presented a petition to the United Nations (the successor to the League of Nations) to this effect, with no result. But they had some practical autonomy under South Africa.

During this period, some Baster leaders founded new political parties and were active in various movements in South-West Africa, also known as Namibia. By the early 1960s, they were among the first to petition the United Nations for international intervention to end the South African control of Namibia. The Owambo and other indigenous peoples also agitated for an end to South African colonialism, especially as that state had established apartheid with severe legal racial discrimination against the African peoples. South Africa passed the 'Rehoboth Self-government Act' of 1976, providing a kind of autonomy for the Basters. They settled for a semi-autonomous Baster Homeland (known as Baster Gebiet) based around Rehoboth, similar in status to the South African bantustans.

This was established in 1976, and an election was held for Kaptein. In 1979, Johannes "Hans" Diergaardt won a court challenge to the disputed election, in which incumbent Ben Africa had placed first. Diergaardt was installed as the 5th Kaptein of the Basters in accordance with the regulations of the 1976 Rehoboth Self-Determination Act and the Basters' Paternal Laws.

In 1981, South West Africa had a population of one million, divided into more than a dozen ethnic and tribal groups, and 39 political parties. With not more than 35,000 people at the time, Basters had become one of the smaller minority groups in the country of over one million.

In the 1980s, Basters still controlled about 1.4 million hectares of farmland in this territory. In earlier times, requirements for farms were thought to be about 7,000 ha, but Basters claimed they could also survive with farms of 4,000 ha. Nonetheless, even by the 1930s they were having to find alternative forms of employment to support their population. In 1981, the Baster population was estimated to at about 25,181 by Hartmut Lang, according to his 1998 article on the Baster group. Requirements for viable farms suggest that Namibia could not achieve self-sufficiency for its expanding population through farming; land redistribution could not yield enough area for viable farms.

Independence
The Baster Gebiet operated until 29 July 1989 and the imminent independence of Namibia. Upon assuming power in 1990, Namibia's new ruling party, the South West African People's Organisation (SWAPO) announced it would not recognise any special legal status for the Baster community. Many Basters felt that while SWAPO claimed it spoke for the whole country, it too strongly promoted the interests of its own political base in Ovamboland.

The Kaptein's Council sought compensation for Rehoboth lands that it claimed had been confiscated by the government, with much sold to non-Basters. The council was given locus standi (the right of a party to appear and be heard before a court), but "in 1995, a High Court verdict declared that Rehoboth lands were voluntarily handed over by the Rehoboth Baster community to the then new Namibian government."

In 1998, Kaptein Hans Diergaardt, elected in 1979 when Rehoboth had autonomous status under South Africa, filed an official complaint with the United Nations Human Rights Committee, charging Namibia with violations of minority rights of Basters. In Diergaardt v. Namibia (2000) the committee ruled that there was evidence of linguistic discrimination, as Namibia refused to use Afrikaans in dealing with Basters.

In 1999, following the death of Diergaardt, Basters elected John McNab as the 6th Kaptein of their community. He has no official status under the Namibian government. He has protested against the government's management of former Baster land and says his farmers were forced to buy it back at high prices. Much of it has been sold to others since independence.

As preparations were underway for Sam Khubis Day in 2006, a respected social worker, Hettie Rose-Junius, asked the organising committee to "consider inviting a delegation from the Nama-speaking people to this year’s festivities and in future." The chairperson rejected the suggestion by saying that historically the Nama had a separate fight with the Germans and were not involved with the Basters. Activities on this day include a re-enactment of the attack on the Basters in 1915, a flag raising, wreath laying and a church service.

In February 2007, the Kapteins Council has represented the Basters at the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO), an international pro-democracy organisation founded in 1991. Operating in The Hague, it works to "facilitate the voices of unrepresented and marginalised nations and peoples worldwide, helping minorities to gain self-determination." Since November 2012, the UNPO has called on the Namibian government to recognise Basters as a 'traditional authority' in their historic territory, as it has for some other ethnic groups in the country.

Paternal Laws
The first Kaptein's Council established the Vaderlike Wette (Paternal Laws), established as a constitution of Baster people in the Free Republic of Rehoboth. These have influenced the actions of the Baster community into the 21st century, although they no longer have the force of law.

Basters have a long democratic tradition of electing their leadership. According to the Paternal Laws of 1872, a Kaptein is elected for life. This Kaptein was granted the powers to appoint members of a Council, and together they formed the Executive government of Rehoboth. The Paternal Laws also provided for a Peoples Council (Volksraad) which was elected every five years; it formed the Legislature of the Rehoboth government.

The Basters have had seven Kapteins since the Paternal Laws were enacted:
 * 1872–1905: Hermanus van Wyk
 * 1905–1914: Germans suspended the Kapteinship position and instead established a Basterrat (Council of Basters)
 * 1914–1924: Cornelius van Wyk
 * 1924–1925: Albert Mouton
 * 1925–1975: The South African administration transferred all power from the Raad and the Kaptein to the Rehoboth Magistrate
 * 1977–1979: Ben Africa
 * 1979–1998: Hans Diergaardt
 * 1999–2020: John McNab
 * since 2021: Jacky Britz

Every male burger (citizen) of Rehoboth had the right to apply for a free piece of land at the age of 18. Although the size of this erf was decreased from 1300 sqm to about 300 sqm, due to land shortage and servicing costs, Basters continued to honour this provision until 21 March 1990, when the new socialist government took over the lands. The newly independent Namibian government passed legislation about land use and title that took precedence over Baster traditions. Basters can no longer allocate land to their young men. The land is controlled by the local town council, which replaced the Chief's Council.

Religion
Basters from Mainline churches are mostly Calvinist. They sing traditional hymns almost identical to those of the 17th-century Netherlands; these songs were preserved in the colony and their group during a period when the Netherlands churches were absorbing new music.

Traditional leadership
Largely through missionary work during the 19th century, they coalesced into fiercely independent, autonomous communities that maintained their identities even after being incorporated into the Cape Colony. Others moved farther north into what is now Namibia in the late 1860s because of pressure from Boer settlers and eventually established a settlement that became known as Rehoboth.

The first Kaptein was Hermanus van Wyk, the 'Moses' of the Baster nation, who led the community to Rehoboth from South Africa. He served as Kaptein until his death in 1905. After his death, the German colonial government established a separate council. The Rehoboth Basters did not elect another Kaptein until the United Kingdom took over the territory as a British Protectorate in 1914 during World War I. Basters elected Cornelius van Wyk as Kaptein. He was not officially recognised by the South African authorities, which administered the territory from 1915 to Namibian independence in 1990.

Other Baster communities
Similar terms are used for unrelated mixed-race Dutch and native communities in South Africa and elsewhere. For instance, a mixed-race community in the Richtersveld in South Africa are known as the 'Boslys Basters.'

In Indonesia, the people of mixed Dutch and Indonesian descent are called Blaster(an).

title: Basters


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Saber-toothed predator

A saber-tooth (alternatively spelled sabre-tooth) is any member of various extinct groups of predatory therapsids, predominantly carnivoran mammals, that are characterized by long, curved saber-shaped canine teeth which protruded from the mouth when closed. Saber-toothed mammals have been found almost worldwide from the Eocene epoch to the end of the Pleistocene epoch (42 million years ago – 11,000 years ago). One of the best-known genera is the machairodont or "saber-toothed cat" Smilodon, the species of which, especially S. fatalis, are popularly referred to as "saber-toothed tigers", although they are not closely related to tigers (Panthera). Despite some similarities, not all saber-tooths are closely related to saber-toothed cats or felids in-general. Instead, many members are classified into different families of Feliformia, such as Barbourofelidae and Nimravidae; the oxyaenid "creodont" genera Machaeroides and Apataelurus; and two extinct lineages of metatherian mammals, the thylacosmilids of Sparassodonta, and deltatheroideans, which are more closely related to marsupials. In this regard, these saber-toothed mammals can be viewed as examples of convergent evolution. This convergence is remarkable due not only to the development of elongated canines, but also a suite of other characteristics, such as a wide gape and bulky forelimbs, which is so consistent that it has been termed the "saber-tooth suite."

Of the feliform lineages, the family Nimravidae is the oldest, entering the landscape around 42 mya and becoming extinct by 7.2 mya. Barbourofelidae entered around 16.9 mya and were extinct by 9 mya. These two would have shared some habitats.

Morphology
The different groups of saber-toothed predators evolved their saber-toothed characteristics entirely independently. They are most known for having maxillary canines which extended down from the mouth when the mouth was closed. Saber-toothed cats were generally more robust than today's cats and were quite bear-like in build. They are believed to have been excellent hunters, taking animals such as sloths, mammoths, and other large prey. Evidence from the numbers found at the La Brea Tar Pits suggests that Smilodon, like modern lions, was a social carnivore.

The first saber-tooths to appear were non-mammalian synapsids, such as the gorgonopsids; they were one of the first groups of animals within Synapsida to experience the specialization of saber teeth, and many had long canines. Some had two pairs of upper canines with two jutting down from each side, but most had one pair of upper extreme canines. Because of their primitiveness, they are extremely easy to tell from machairodonts. Several defining characteristics are a lack of a coronoid process, many sharp "premolars" more akin to pegs than scissors, and very long skulls. Despite their large canines, however, most gorgonopsians probably lacked the other specializations found in true saber-toothed predator ecomorphs. Two gorgonopsians, Smilesaurus and Inostrancevia, had exceptionally large canines and may have been closer functional analogues to later sabertooths.

The second appearance is in Deltatheroida, a lineage of Cretaceous metatherians. At least one genus, Lotheridium, possessed long canines, and given both the predatory habits of the clade as well as the generally incomplete material, this may have been a more widespread adaptation. The third appearance of long canines is Thylacosmilus, which is the most distinctive of the saber-tooth mammals and is also easy to tell apart. It differs from machairodonts in possessing a very prominent flange and a tooth that is triangular in cross section. The root of the canines is more prominent than in machairodonts and a true sagittal crest is absent.

The fourth instance of saber-teeth is from the clade Oxyaenidae. The small and slender Machaeroides bore canines that were thinner than in the average machairodont. Its muzzle was longer and narrower.

The fifth saber-tooth appearance is the ancient feliform (carnivoran) family Nimravidae. Both groups have short skulls with tall sagittal crests, and their general skull shape is very similar. Some have distinctive flanges, and some have none at all, so this confuses the matter further. Machairodonts were almost always bigger, though, and their canines were longer and more stout for the most part, but exceptions do appear.

The sixth appearance is the barbourofelids. These feliform carnivorans are very closely related to actual cats. The best-known barbourofelid is the eponymous Barbourofelis, which differs from most machairodonts by having a much heavier and more stout mandible, smaller orbits, massive and almost knobby flanges, and canines that are farther back. The average machairodont had well-developed incisors, but barbourofelids' were more extreme.

The seventh and last saber-toothed group to evolve were the machairodonts themselves.

Diet
The evolution of enlarged canines in Tertiary carnivores was a result of large mammals being the source of prey for saber-toothed predators. The development of the saber-toothed condition appears to represent a shift in function and killing behavior, rather than one in predator-prey relations. Many hypotheses exist concerning saber-tooth killing methods, some of which include attacking soft tissue such as the belly and throat, where biting deep was essential to generate killing blows. The elongated teeth also aided with strikes reaching major blood vessels in these large mammals. However, the precise functional advantage of the saber-tooth's bite, particularly in relation to prey size, is a mystery. A new point-to-point bite model is introduced in the article by Andersson et al., showing that for saber-tooth cats, the depth of the killing bite decreases dramatically with increasing prey size. The extended gape of saber-toothed cats results in a considerable increase in bite depth when biting into prey with a radius of less than 10 cm. For the saber-tooth, this size-reversed functional advantage suggests predation on species within a similar size range to those attacked by present-day carnivorans, rather than "megaherbivores" as previously believed.

A disputing view of the cat's hunting technique and ability is presented by C. K. Brain in The Hunters or the Hunted?, in which he attributes the cat's prey-killing abilities to its large neck muscles rather than its jaws. Large cats use both the upper and lower jaw to bite down and bring down the prey. The strong bite of the jaw is accredited to the strong temporalis muscle that attach from the skull to the coronoid process of the jaw. The larger the coronoid process, the larger the muscle that attaches there, so the stronger the bite. As C.K. Brain points out, the saber-toothed cats had a greatly reduced coronoid process and therefore a disadvantageously weak bite. The cat did, however, have an enlarged mastoid process, a muscle attachment at the base of the skull, which attaches to neck muscles. According to C.K. Brain, the saber-tooth would use a "downward thrust of the head, powered by the neck muscles" to drive the large upper canines into the prey. This technique was "more efficient than those of true cats".

Biology
The similarity in all these unrelated families involves the convergent evolution of the saber-like canines as a hunting adaptation. Meehan et al. note that it took around 8 million years for a new type of saber-toothed cat to fill the niche of an extinct predecessor in a similar ecological role; this has happened at least four times with different families of animals developing this adaptation. Although the adaptation of the saber-like canines made these creatures successful, it seems that the shift to obligate carnivorism, along with co-evolution with large prey animals, led the saber-toothed cats of each time period to extinction. As per Van Valkenburgh, the adaptations that made saber-toothed cats successful also made the creatures vulnerable to extinction. In her example, trends toward an increase in size, along with greater specialization, acted as a "macro-evolutionary ratchet": when large prey became scarce or extinct, these creatures would be unable to adapt to smaller prey or consume other sources of food, and would be unable to reduce their size so as to need less food.

More recently, it has been suggested that Thylacosmilus differed radically from its placental counterparts in possessing differently shaped canines and lacking incisors. This suggests that it was not ecologically analogous to other saber-teeth and possibly an entrail specialist. Another study has found that other saber toothed species similarly had diverse lifestyles and that superficial anatomical similarities obscure them.

Phylogeny of feliform saber-tooths
The following cladogram shows the relationships between the feliform saber-tooths, including the Nimravidae, Barbourofelidae and Machairodontinae. Saber-toothed groups are marked with background colors.

Saber-tooth taxonomy
All saber-toothed mammals lived between 33.7 million and 9,000 years ago, but the evolutionary lines that led to the various saber-tooth genera started to diverge much earlier. It is thus a polyphyletic grouping.

The lineage that led to Thylacosmilus was the first to split off, in the late Cretaceous. It is a metatherian, and thus more closely related to kangaroos and opossums than the felines. The hyaenodonts diverged next, possibly before Laurasiatheria, then the oxyaenids, and then the nimravids, before the diversification of the truly feline saber-tooths.
 * Class: Mammalia
 * Clade: Metatheria (diverged ?, in the Cretaceous)
 * Order: †Deltatheroida (an extinct group of metatherian carnivores)
 * Family: †Deltatheridiidae
 * †Lotheridium
 * Order: †Sparassodonta (an extinct group of metatherian carnivores)
 * Family: †Thylacosmilidae
 * †Patagosmilus
 * †Anachlysictis
 * †Thylacosmilus
 * Subclass: Placentalia
 * Order: †Hyaenodonta
 * †Boualitomus
 * Family: †Sinopidae
 * Genus: †Sinopa
 * Superfamily: †Hyaenodontoidea
 * Family: †Hyaenodontidae
 * Subfamily: †Hyaenodontinae
 * Tribe: †Hyaenodontini
 * Genus: †Hyaenodon
 * Family: †Proviverridae
 * †Parvagula
 * Superfamily: †Hyainailouroidea
 * Family: †Hyainailouridae (paraphyletic family)
 * Subfamily: †Hyainailourinae (paraphyletic subfamily)
 * Tribe: †Leakitheriini
 * Genus: †Leakitherium
 * Tribe: †Metapterodontini
 * Genus: †Metapterodon
 * Order: †Oxyaenodonta
 * Family: †Oxyaenidae
 * Subfamily: †Machaeroidinae
 * Genus: †Apataelurus
 * Genus: †Machaeroides
 * Order Carnivora
 * Family †Nimravidae (diverged from the feliforms 48–55 Ma BP, in the late Eocene)
 * Subfamily †Nimravinae (Dinictis)
 * Subfamily †Hoplophoninae
 * Suborder Feliformia ('cat-like' carnivores)
 * Family †Barbourofelidae (sister taxa to Felidae)
 * Family Felidae (true cats)
 * Subfamily †Machairodontinae (diverged ?, in the ?)
 * Tribe †Homotherini
 * †Homotherium
 * †Machairodus
 * †Xenosmilus
 * Tribe †Metailurini
 * †Dinofelis
 * †Metailurus
 * Tribe †Smilodontini
 * †Megantereon
 * †Paramachairodus
 * †Smilodon

title: Saber-toothed predator


text:
American Soccer League

American Soccer League may refer to:
 * American Soccer League (1921–1933), from 1921 to 1933
 * American Soccer League (1933–1983), from 1933 to 1983
 * American Soccer League (1988–1989), from 1988 to 1989
 * American Soccer League (2014–2017), from 2014 to 2017

title: American Soccer League


text:
Philadelphia Field Club

Philadelphia Field Club is a name used by four soccer teams based in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. All four versions of Philadelphia F.C. competed in the first American Soccer League, but none were in any way related to the other three teams which shared its name.

Philadelphia F.C.
Philadelphia F.C. was an inaugural club of the American Soccer League based in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Before the season, the owners of the powerful Bethlehem Steel F.C. decided to disband the club and form Philadelphia F.C. The club re-signed most of the top players from Bethlehem and players from elsewhere. Not surprisingly the team won the first ASL championship. After the season, the management broke up the team selling many of its top players due to financial trouble and lack of support. The team then returned to Bethlehem.

Philadelphia F.C./Celtic
After the first Philadelphia F.C. returned to Bethlehem, a new team also called Philadelphia F.C. joined the American Soccer League for its second season. The new team was the polar opposite of the powerful Bethlehem languishing at the bottom of the table

After the 1926/27 season, the team was bought by new management who bought top talent from Ireland and renamed the club Philadelphia Celtic. The spending spree left the owners in financial straits and the club went bankrupt and were suspended by the league after playing only 10 games in the first half of the 1927/28 season.

Philadelphia F.C. III
A third Philadelphia F.C. joined the American Soccer League the season after the Philadelphia Celtic was suspended. The team played a limited schedule and folded after its only season.

Bridgeport Bears/Philadelphia F.C.
The Bridgeport Bears joined the American Soccer League in the fall of 1929. After only six games the team moved to Philadelphia to become another Philadelphia Field Club. They played eight more games before the season was suspended due to the merger of the ASL and the Eastern Soccer League.

title: Philadelphia Field Club