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Abu Bakar of Johor

Sultan Sir Abu Bakar Al-Khalil Ibrahim Shah ibni Almarhum Temenggong Seri Maharaja Tun Daeng Ibrahim Al-Aydarus (Jawi: المرحوم سلطان سر أبو بكر الخليل إبراهيم شاه ابن المرحوم تمڠڬوڠ تون داءيڠ إبراهيم سري مهاراج جوهر; 3 February 1833 – 4 June 1895) was the Temenggong of Johor. He was the 1st Sultan of Modern Johor, the 21st Sultan of Johor and the first Maharaja of Johor from the House of Temenggong. He was also informally known as "The Father of Modern Johor", as many historians accredited Johor's development in the 19th century to Abu Bakar's leadership. He initiated policies and provided aids to ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs to stimulate the development of the state's agricultural economy which was founded by Chinese migrants from southern China in the 1840s. He also took charge of the development of Johor's infrastructure, administrative system, military and civil service, all of which were modelled closely along Western lines.

Abu Bakar was noted for his diplomatic skills, and both the British and Malay rulers had approached him for advice in making important decisions. He was also an avid traveller, and became the first Malay ruler to travel to Europe during his first visit to England in 1866. In particular, Abu Bakar became a lifetime friend of Queen Victoria in his later years. Abu Bakar's friendship with Queen Victoria played an important role in shaping Johor's relationships with Britain, and was the only state by the end of the 19th century in the Peninsular Malaya to maintain autonomy in its internal affairs as the British Colonial Government pushed for greater control over the Malay states by placing a British Resident in the states. He was also an Anglophile, and many of his personal habits and decisions were aligned to European ideas and tastes.

Abu Bakar became the sovereign ruler of Johor when his father, Temenggong Daeng Ibrahim died in 1862. Six years later, Abu Bakar changed his legal state title of "Temenggong" to "Maharaja". In 1885, Abu Bakar sought legal recognition from Britain for another change in his legal state title of "Maharaja" to a regal title of "Sultan", and was proclaimed the following year. In all, Abu Bakar's reign lasted for 32 years until his death in 1895.

Early years
Wan Abu Bakar was born on 3 February 1833 in the Istana Lama in Teluk Belanga, Singapore. He was the eldest son of Temenggong Daeng Ibrahim and a patrilineal descendant of Temenggong Abdul Rahman who was in turn a matrilineal descendant of Sultan Abdul Jalil Shah IV, the first Sultan of Johor's Bendahara dynasty. Abu Bakar spent his childhood years in his father's kampung in Teluk Blanga; at a young age he was tutored by local teachers on Islam and Adat (traditional Malay law), before he was sent to the Teluk Blanga Malay school, a mission school run by Reverend Benjamin Peach Keasberry. Under the guidance of the missionary teachers, Abu Bakar was observed to develop the manners of an English gentleman, and the ability to speak fluent English in addition to his native Malay.

In 1851, the Temenggong delegated Abu Bakar, then eighteen-years-old, to assist him in negotiation efforts against Sultan Ali Iskandar, who was making attempts to claim sovereignty rights over Johor. As the Temenggong aged, he gradually delegated his state administrative duties to Abu Bakar. During this period, several British officers praised of Abu Bakar's excellent diplomatic skills, as mentioned in William Napier's diaries, who was the senior law agent of Singapore. Napier had accompanied Abu Bakar to fetch Tengku Teh, the mother of the deposed Sultan of Lingga, Mahmud Muzaffar Shah, to Johor shortly after her son began to exert sovereignty claims over Pahang.

The outbreak of the Pahang Civil War the following year saw Abu Bakar befriending Tun Mutahir, to whom he provided support for his war efforts. Abu Bakar married Mutahir's daughter in 1860 during a visit in Pahang, and the following year he signed a treaty of friendship, alliance and a guarantee of mutual support with Mutahir. Meanwhile, Temenggong Ibrahim was already suffering from a prolonged period of ill health, and a bout of high fever resulted in his death on 31 January 1862.

Temenggong (1862–1868)
Abu Bakar assumed office as the Temenggong of Johor within three days of his father's death and moved his residence to Tyersall. At the time of his succession, Johor was facing a political threat from the deposed sultan, Mahmud Muzaffar Shah. The Sultan was pursuing his sovereignty claims over Johor and Pahang and aimed to overthrow the Sultan of Terengganu with the backing of Siam. Mahmud Muzaffar Shah established an alliance with Tun Ahmad, half-brother and rival of the Bendahara Tun Koris. The alliance caused Abu Bakar concern that the fall of Tun Koris in Pahang would threaten his own political position in Johor. Abu Bakar signed a treaty of friendship with Tun Koris in June 1862, and sent a small expeditionary force to Pahang to support Tun Koris when war broke out in August 1862.

During the first two years of his reign, Abu Bakar expanded the Kangchu system pioneered by Daeng Ibrahim. He issued Western-style contracts (termed as Surat Sungai in Malay, literally "River Documents") to the Kapitan Cina (Chinese leaders) who had established riverside plantations along the Johor River. Letters of authority (Surat Kuasa) were issued when the first Chinese leaders began settling in Johor during the 1850s. Abu Bakar quickly established good relations with the Kapitan Cina; a Malay administrator who could speak the Teochew Min (the language spoken by most Kapitan Cina) and read Chinese was employed for these purposes. He also employed the service of a Chinese contractor from Toisan, Wong Ah Fook, to oversee the construction of the Istana Besar.

Various Chinese dialect groups began to compete for commercial interests in the 1850s and 1860s. This led to communal violence. Abu Bakar and the Kapitan Cina in Johor (who were mainly migrants from Chaozhou) tried to assimilate Chinese entrepreneurs of non-Teochew origin. Abu Bakar gave official recognition and support for the Johor branch of the Ngee Ann Kongsi, which was seen as a secret society in Singapore at that time. As Johor prospered from the large revenue generated from the gambier and pepper plantations managed by the Kapitan Cina, Abu Bakar gave generous provisions to the Kapitan Cina in recognition for their contributions to Johor; among his beneficiaries was long-time family friend, Tan Hiok Nee, who was given a seat in the state council. The plantations operated relatively independently of Johor's government, and Abu Bakar was worried about the possible danger to the plantations in the event of an economic crisis. Shortly after a financial crisis broke out in Singapore in 1864, Abu Bakar imposed new regulations on these plantations, as many of them were owned by Chinese businessmen from Singapore. The Kapitan Cina and the Singapore Chamber of Commerce were particularly disturbed by the new regulations, and accused Abu Bakar of attempting to impose a trade monopoly over Johor. The British government pressured Abu Bakar to retract the regulations, which he did in January 1866. In addition, the Kapitan Cina also faced considerable difficulties in securing new agreements with Abu Bakar. The crisis was only resolved in 1866 after Abu Bakar designated five new ports for the registration of cargo, and the British softened their animosity against Abu Bakar.

Abu Bakar's relationship with the ruler of Muar, Sultan Ali Iskandar was strained. Soon after Abu Bakar succeeded his father, he sent a letter to Ali Iskandar asserting Johor's sovereignty over Segamat, which Ali Iskandar had hoped to exert political influence over. In addition, Ali Iskandar, who had borrowed a large sum from an Indian moneylender in 1860, became a source of irritation for Abu Bakar. Facing difficulties in repaying his debt, Ali Iskandar asked Abu Bakar to pay Ali's monthly pension to the moneylender; but he alternated asking for payment to himself and to the moneylender. In 1866, when the moneylender lodged a complaint with the British government, Ali Iskandar tried to borrow from Abu Bakar to repay his outstanding debts. As a result of these constant irritations, Abu Bakar persuaded the Straits Governor to sign an agreement to terminate Ali Iskandar's pension.

Abu Bakar made revisions to Johor's Islamic code in 1863, after the Sultan of Terengganu revised his state's Islamic judicial system to be more closely aligned with Sharia law. In a letter to the Straits Governor, Abu Bakar expressed hope that his revisions would suit more comfortably with European ideas. He founded an English school in Tanjung Puteri in 1864. Two years later, Abu Bakar moved the administrative headquarters to Tanjung Puteri, and officially renamed it as Johor Bahru. A new administration was set up, which was modelled after European styles and certain elements of traditional Malay government. He recruited some of his close relatives and his classmates from the Teluk Blanga Malay school into the bureaucracy, and also set up an advisory council which included two Chinese leaders. In the early 1870s, Straits Governor Sir Harry Ord said of Abu Bakar (who became a Maharaja in 1868) that he was the "only Raja in the whole peninsula or adjoining states who rules in accordance with the practice of civilized nations."

Maharaja (1868–1885)
During a state visit to England in 1866, Abu Bakar was commonly addressed as the "Maharaja" of Johor and led him to realise that the Malay title of Temenggong poorly known in the Western world. He contemplated changing his title, which led him to send his cousin, Ungku Haji Muhammad and the Dato Bentara, Dato Jaafar to meet the Bugis historian, Raja Ali Haji who was residing in Riau. Raja Ali supported Abu Bakar's cause, after they did a cross examination and concluded that the past office holders had wielded actual control over the affairs of Johor, rather than the Sultans of the Bendahara dynasty. In addition, questions pertaining to Abu Bakar's pursuits to clamour for recognition were also sidelined as he was able to trace his ancestry to the first Sultan of the Bendahara dynasty, Sultan Abdul Jalil Shah IV by his patrilineal ancestors. The Sultan of Lingga, gave his approval for a formal recognition of Abu Bakar as the Maharaja of Johor, after Ungku Haji and Dato Jaafar travelled to Lingga and presented their claims. Abu Bakar also secured approval from the Governor of the Straits Settlements for his change in title, and was officially proclaimed as the Maharaja of Johor on 30 June 1868.

Shortly after his proclamation as Maharaja, Abu Bakar laid plans for the construction of a wooden railway between Johor Bahru and Gunung Pulai after some Europeans had raised proposals to set up a retreat and sanatorium. Construction of the railway started in July 1869 and construction of the first phase was completed in 1874, which ran between Skudai and Johor Bahru. The construction project was later halted after an accident which saw a locomotive falling off the tracks as a result of termites in the wooden tracks within the Skudai portion and a shortage of funds.

In the mid-1870s, the Straits Governor, William Jervois contemplated making Maharaja Abu Bakar overlord of the chiefs in Negeri Sembilan after the British failed to quell the sectarian violence in Sungai Ujong. Abu Bakar's client, Tunku Antah was placed as the Yam Tuan of the Sri Menanti confederacy (comprising several small states within the region), and Abu Bakar was made the adviser of Negeri Sembilan (except Sungai Ujong) in 1878. Abu Bakar was believed to have had expansionist ambitions, which was suggested by his involvement in the Pahang Civil War between 1857 and 1864. A later governor, Frederick Weld, aspired for stronger British control over the Malay states and was weary of Abu Bakar's influence. The chiefs were lukewarm to the prospect of Johor's sphere of influence over Negeri Sembilan, and in 1881 Weld convinced the chiefs within the Sri Menanti confederacy to deal directly with Singapore rather than with Abu Bakar. British officers were also appointed to oversee the affairs in 1883 and 1887, and were gradually given the powers similar to that of a British Resident.

After Sultan Ali Iskandar's death in 1877, the Raja Temenggong of Muar and its village chieftains voted in favour of a merger of Muar with Johor following a succession dispute between two of Ali Iskandar sons. His oldest son, Tengku Alam Shah, disputed the legitimacy of the chieftains' wishes and staked his hereditary claims over Muar. Alam Shah instigated the 1879 Jementah Civil War in a bid to reclaim Muar, but was quickly crushed by the Maharaja's forces. During the 1880s, Abu Bakar actively encouraged the Chinese leaders to set up new gambier and pepper plantations in Muar.

Meanwhile, Weld's continued efforts to keep Abu Bakar's political influence in check and relations between Johor and Singapore became increasingly strained. Abu Bakar was reportedly said to be increasingly reluctant to accept advice from the British-appointed state lawyers, and increasingly turned to his private lawyers. Weld voiced his intent to place a Resident in Johor, which prompted Abu Bakar to make a trip to England in August 1884 to negotiate new terms with the British Colonial Office. The Assistant Under-Secretary of the Colonial Office, Robert Meade, conceded to Abu Bakar's request for an absence of a British Resident in Johor, although Abu Bakar gave an in-principle acceptance for a British adviser in Johor (though none was appointed until 1914). An agreement was drawn up, and Abu Bakar was promised control over internal affairs in exchange for British control over foreign affairs pertaining to the state.

Sultan (1885–1895)
The Bendahara of Pahang, Wan Ahmad, was proclaimed Sultan of Pahang in 1881. Abu Bakar, who was weary of the increasingly hostile political environment imposed by Weld, considered the importance of the superior moral authority that was accorded to a "Sultan" than to a "Maharaja". In 1885, Abu Bakar instituted the creation of a state postal and judiciary system modelled along British lines, as well as a military force, the Johor Military Forces (JMF, Askar Timbalan Setia) upon his return to Johor.

During his stay in London in late 1885, Abu Bakar expressed his desire to Meade for a formal recognition as the Sultan of Johor. He also met up with Queen Victoria, who had become a personal friend of his, within the same course of his visit. Queen Victoria consented to his wishes, and a treaty was signed on 11 December 1885 which formalised relations between Great Britain and Johor, was concluded between Abu Bakar and the Colonial Office. Abu Bakar also founded the state advisory board in London, which was intended to oversee state interests in London. Several retired officers from the Colonial Office, including William Fielding and Cecil Smith were personally appointed by Abu Bakar to oversee the board's administration.

The formal recognition of Abu Bakar by the British as the Sultan of Johor quickly drew criticisms among the Malays in Johor. A pantun circulated among the Malays in Johor, which made fun of Abu Bakar's background, became very popular. Many Malays were reluctant to accept Abu Bakar as their paramount ruler, as they were sceptical of Abu Bakar's Temenggong political origins and Buginese heritage. Furthermore, his affinity with Western culture did not go down well with the culturally-conservative Malays. A proclamation ceremony was held on 13 February 1886, where Abu Bakar made an official announcement on his adoption of the title "Sultan" in place of "Maharaja". In the same year on 31 July, Abu Bakar instituted the first state decorations, the Royal Family Order of Johor (Darjah Kerabat Yang Amat Dihormati) and the Order of the Crown of Johor (Seri Paduka Mahkota Johor).

Abu Bakar employed the service of a Chinese contractor and long-time acquaintance, Wong Ah Fook, to oversee the development of Johor Bahru. The Johor Archives showed that Wong was the largest building contractor at that time and had been involved in at least twenty public works projects between 1887 and 1895. In addition, Wong was contracted to oversee the construction of the state mosque and several palaces including the Istana Tyersall under the direction of Abu Bakar. As gratitude to Wong's contributions to the state, Abu Bakar granted him a plot of land in the heart of Johor Bahru in 1892. Wong then oversaw the construction of a village, Kampong Ah Fook, as well as a road, Jalan Wong Ah Fook on the land he was granted.

Abu Bakar created the Johor State Establishment Constitution (Malay: Undang-undang Tubuh Negeri Johor), drafted by Abdul Rahman Andak, on 14 April 1895. The state's constitution was seen as a turning point by many as a step in laying the groundwork for the administration of Johor. It was suggested that Abu Bakar, who was fearful of his possible imminent death in light of his failing health, created the state constitution with the intent of preserving the state's independence in the light of growing British political influence in the Malay states.

Great Britain
Abu Bakar made his inaugural state visit while he was still a Temenggong. He toured England in 1866 with Dato' Jaafar, and met with members of the English royalty, notably Queen Victoria and the Prince of Wales, Prince Edward. The Queen conferred Abu Bakar with the Knight Commander of the Order of the Star of India (KCSI), which he valued highly. The trip reportedly gave both Abu Bakar and Dato' Jaafar lasting memories of England, and inspired Abu Bakar to develop Johor along British lines. Nine years later, Abu Bakar travelled to Calcutta to meet up with Prince Edward who was then spending his time in the city. The following year, Prince Edward conferred Abu Bakar the Prince of Wales's Gold medal. He made another trip to London in 1878, where he was invited to attend the State Ball at Buckingham Palace. Abu Bakar's palaces were modelled closely along British lines; when Prince George and Prince Albert Victor visited Johor in the 1880s, they had commented that the huge drawing room of Abu Bakar's palace closely resembled the state-rooms found at Windsor Castle. He was also an avid polo player, and had raced with the princes during their state visits to Johor. The Duke of Sutherland also praised Abu Bakar's hospitality during his state visit after he became sultan, and had reportedly enjoyed the Malay cuisine which the Abu Bakar had served to him.

In particular, Queen Victoria became a close friend of Abu Bakar especially during his later years. During a visit to England in February 1891, Abu Bakar was personally received by the Queen, and was invited to dine and stay with the Queen at Windsor Castle. Queen Victoria held Abu Bakar in very high esteem, which she had signed herself off as an "affectionate friend" in a letter to Abu Bakar in March 1891. Reportedly, Queen Victoria was quoted to have highly valued the silver model Albert Memorial which Abu Bakar sent to her during her Golden Jubilee in 1887. Shortly before his death in May 1895, Queen Victoria sent her personal physician to attend to Abu Bakar's medical needs, who was by then very ill when he arrived in London.

Other countries
Abu Bakar visited Ottoman Turkey during his European tour in 1866, where he met Sultan Abdülaziz who presented him with Ruggyyah Hanum, a Circassian princess as a gift. Ruggyyah Hanum married Ungku Abdul Majid, Abu Bakar's brother after she arrived in Johor. After Ungku Majid's untimely death, Ruggyyah Hanum was later remarried to Dato Jaafar (who had accompanied Abu Bakar during his 1866 trip). During his second visit to England in August 1878, Abu Bakar wrote to Colonel Anson from South Kensington of his wishes to visit European royalty in Paris, Vienna and Italy. He managed to visit Paris and Vienna, and was even given a warm reception by Prince Henry of Liechtenstein before returning to Johor. Three years later, he visited Prussia, where he was conferred the Royal Prussian Order of the Crown. He made two separate European tours in 1891 and 1893 with a personal physician by his side, during which he met Emperor Francis Joseph, King Umberto, Pope Leo XIII and Sultan Abdul Hamid II, and was conferred the awards of Commander of the Cross of Italy, Imperial Order of the Osmans (Turkey) and the Commander of the Cross of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha.

In 1881, Abu Bakar also visited Java, which was under Dutch rule. In the same year, he received the visiting King Kalākaua during his tour around the world and was conferred the Grand Cross of the Order of Kalakaua I of Hawaii. and State Secretary, Muhammad Salleh. In 10 December 1892 at Istana Tyersall, Tyersall, Singapore, the Emperor of China, Guangxu, conveyed by the Consul General in Singapore, bestowed upon him the First Class of the First Grade Order of the Double Dragon for his just treatment of the Chinese in Johor, witnessed by a gathering of Chinese towkays (businesspeople).

Family

Abu Bakar married his first wife, Engku Chik during his stay in Pahang in 1857. Abu Bakar was related to Engku Chik by family ties; Engku Chik was the sister of Tun Koris, who was also a brother-in-law to Abu Bakar. Abu Bakar had a daughter with Engku Chik, Tunku Besar Putri. He also had a son, Tunku Ibrahim, and a daughter, Tunku Mariam with his second wife Cecilia Catherina Lange, who was the daughter of a Danish trader, Mads Johansen Lange and his Chinese wife Nonna Sangnio. Lange met Abu Bakar while she was in Singapore, and adopted the Muslim name of "Zubaidah" after her marriage to Abu Bakar in 1870. In 1885, Abu Bakar married a Chinese woman of Cantonese heritage, Wong Ah Gew, with whom he had a daughter, Tunku Azizah. Wong took on the Muslim name of "Fatimah" at her marriage to Abu Bakar, and was crowned the Sultanah in July 1886. Abu Bakar held Wong in very high esteem, who became Abu Bakar's confidant pertaining to his involvement in state affairs. Wong became a close friend of Abu Bakar's building contractor, Wong Ah Fook as they shared a common surname and dialect group. Wong died in 1891. During his state visit to the Ottoman Empire in September 1893, Abu Bakar married his fourth wife, Khadijah Khanum, who was of Circassian heritage. (Khadijah's sister, Rugayah, became the wife of Abu Bakar's brother and later the wife of the first Menteri Besar of Johor, Dato' Jaafar). He had a daughter, Tunku Fatimah with Khadijah the following February, who was later crowned as the Sultanah of Johor.

Death
In early May 1895, Abu Bakar travelled to London together with his son and successor, Tunku Ibrahim (later Sultan Ibrahim) with the hope to mustering support and recognition of his rule. He was by then already very ill and was already suffering from an inflammation of the kidneys for sometime and diagnosed with Bright's disease. At the onstart of the voyage in early May, he became very weak, and had to be carried aboard a ship in a wheelchair. He reached London on 10 May, and checked into Bailey's Hotel but was bedridden throughout his remaining days. He was not allowed to receive many visitors, though the Duke of Connaught and Strathearn, Prince Arthur paid two visits. Queen Victoria sent her personal physician, Douglas Powell to attend to his medical needs upon receiving news of his illness.

Abu Bakar contracted pneumonia during his stay in the hotel, which led to his death on the evening of 4 June 1895. His body was then brought back to Johor by an English man-of-war from Penang. A state funeral was given to Abu Bakar, and he was laid to rest at the royal mausoleum at Makam Mahmoodiah on 7 September 1895. His son, Tunku Ibrahim was later installed as the Sultan of Johor in November 1895.

Legacy
Abu Bakar was often credited as the "Founder of Modern Johor" (Bapa Pemodenan Johor). He established a Western-styled bureaucratic system and civil service, and consolidated the state's agricultural economy, which consisted of gambier and pepper plantations headed by Chinese leaders, known as "Kangchu" in Teochew Min. The gambier and pepper plantations were first introduced during the 1840s by Chinese immigrants. Often, Abu Bakar was called in by Malay rulers from neighbouring states to provide advice in the event when the rulers had to make important decisions. In particular, he became a close confidante of the Sultan of Pahang, Wan Ahmad in 1887, with whom Abu Bakar had persuaded Sultan Ahmad to accept a British consultant instead of a Resident. The Colonial Government at that time was seeking for greater control over the Malay States and was making aggressive attempts to impose British Residents into the Malay states. The Colonial Government also made a failed attempt to impose a British Resident in Johor in 1885; the state maintained its independence in its internal affairs until 1914.

Abu Bakar was also the first Malay ruler to visit Europe in 1866. He was an Anglophile, and mingled comfortably with the Europeans. The British governor, Sir Harry Ord had once written to the Secretary of State of Great Britain and described Abu Bakar as an "English gentleman" in his tastes and habits. Abu Bakar had gained his share of critics, especially among the more conservative Malay scholars who were critical of his Western tastes. Abu Bakar's penchant for an extravagant lifestyle and foreign travel resulted in a depleted state treasury at the time of his death in 1895. At least one scholar, Nesalmar Nadarajah, had suggested that Johor's loss of independence in the early 20th century was attributed to this depleted state treasury. In addition, Nadarajah also believed that the loss of Johor's independence was also attributed to Abu Bakar's failure of giving attention to his young son, Tunku Ibrahim, who lacked proper education and training in the art of state administration and diplomacy when he succeeded his father as the Sultan of Johor in his early twenties.

Many state's buildings which were constructed during Abu Bakar's reign were modelled after British Victorian and Moorish architectural styles. Abu Bakar placed the construction of these state buildings under close supervision, and was often called in to lay the foundation stones of these buildings personally. A few of these buildings were named after Abu Bakar himself, notably the Sultan Abu Bakar State Mosque (Masjid Negeri Sultan Abu Bakar), which was built between 1892 and 1900.

Honours of Johor

 * Most Esteemed Royal Family Order of Johor - ribbon bar.svg Founding Grand Master (1886) of the Royal Family Order of Johor
 * Order of the Crown of Johor ribbon bar.svg Founding Grand Master (1886) of the Order of the Crown of Johor

Foreign honours

 * Austria-Hungary :
 * Ord.Franz.Joseph-GC.png Grand Cross of the Order of Franz Joseph (1893)
 * Qing Dynasty :
 * Order of the Double Dragon (Empire of China).png Imperial Order of the Double Dragon, 1st Class, 1st Grade of the Chinese Empire (1892)
 * Kingdom of Hawaii :
 * The Royal Order of Kalakaua I Grand Cross.gif Grand Cross of the Royal Order of Kalākaua (1881)
 * British Raj :
 * ImperialOrderCrownIndiaRibbon.svg Knight Commander of the Order of the Star of India (KCSI) (17 September 1866)
 * 🇮🇹 Italy :
 * Commendatore OCI Kingdom BAR.svg Commander of the Order of the Crown of Italy (1891)
 * Ottoman Empire :
 * Order of the Osmanie lenta.png 1st Class of the Imperial Order of Osminieh (Nishan-e-Osmanieh) (1893)
 * EST Order of the Cross of Terra Mariana - 5th Class BAR.png 1st Class of the Order of the Crown (23 June 1880)
 * Ernestine Duchies of Saxe :
 * D-SAX Sachsen-Ernestinischer Hausorden BAR.svg Grand Cross of the Ducal Saxe-Ernestine House Order – 1893
 * 🇬🇧 United Kingdom :
 * Prince of Wales's Gold Medal – 1876
 * UK Order St-Michael St-George ribbon.svg Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG) - Sir (20 March 1876)
 * UK Order St-Michael St-George ribbon.svg Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG) - Sir (20 March 1876)

title: Abu Bakar of Johor


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Hulme

Hulme is an inner city area and electoral ward of Manchester, England, immediately south of Manchester city centre. It has a significant industrial heritage.

Historically in Lancashire, the name Hulme is derived from the Old Norse word for a small island, or land surrounded by water or marsh, indicating that it may have been first settled by Norse invaders in the period of the Danelaw.

Toponymy
Hulme derives its name from the Old Norse holmr, holmi, through Old Danish hulm or hulme meaning small islands or land surrounded by streams, fen or marsh. The area may have fitted this description at the time of the Scandinavian invasion and settlement as it is surrounded by water on three sides by the rivers Irwell, Medlock and Corn Brook. Ekwall suggested that the considerable number of Danish names to the south and south-west of Manchester, unparalleled in the rest of Lancashire, pointed to a Danish colony on the north bank of the Mersey.

Early history
Ouerholm and Noranholm were recorded in 1226 and Norholm in 1227. These are thought to be variations of Overhulm and Netherhulm, although recorded earlier.

The surname de Hulm is known from records of 1246, 1273, 1277, 1285, 1332 and 1339 and del Hulme from 1284. There are other early Hulm(e)s/Holm(e)s from which they might have received their surnames (by Warrington and Lancaster, for example).

In 1310 there is a mention of "the manor of Hulm with the appurtenances, near Mamcestre".

In 1322 in the records of rents of the lands of the recently executed enemy of the King and rebel Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, the following are mentioned as in the Wapentake of Salfordshire:

"Geoffrey de Hulme holds half a ploughland in Hulme and renders yearly 5s[hillings]." or, in an alternate version: "Geoffrey de Hulme holds one ploughland in Hulme by the service of 5s. yearly at the 4 terms for all." and "John le Ware holds one ploughland in Hulme by the service of 5s. yearly at the 4 terms." In 1324 there is a record of "... ; farm of the land of Geoffrey de Hulme in Hulme which Jordan the dean formerly held in Overhulm and Netherhulm 5s ; ..."

In 1440 there is a mention of the manor of Hulme and land exchanged for 200 pounds of silver: "Between William de Byrom, Henry de Par and John Hepe, late of Hulme, plaintiffs, and Ralph de Prestwich, deforciant of the manor of Hulme with the appurtenances, and of 9 messuages, 300 acres of land, 100 acres of meadow, 500 acres of pasture, and 100 acres of wood in Mamcestre, Crompton and Oldom. Hulme was evidenced as a separate community south of the River Medlock from Manchester in 15th century map prints. Christopher Saxton included Holme in his map of Lancashire of 1577 on the south banks of the Medlock and the Irwell where they joined. Trafford was placed on the south bank of the Irwell to the south-west, Wordsall across the Irwell to the north-west and Manchester across the Medlock to the north. Hulme Hall was close to the River Irwell on a site near where St George's Church was later built, and the Hulme Barracks were built in 1799.

Until the 18th century the area remained agricultural, and pictures from the time show an idyllic scene of crops, sunshine and country life. The area remained entirely rural until the Bridgewater Canal was cut and the Industrial Revolution swept economic change through the neighbouring district of Castlefield where the Duke of Bridgewater's canal terminated, and containerised transportation of coal and goods rose as an industry to support the growing textile industries of Manchester. It was this supply of cheap coal from the Duke's mines at Worsley that allowed the textile industry of Manchester to grow.

Industrial Revolution
The Industrial Revolution brought development to the area, and jobs to the poor, carrying coal from the 'starvationers' (very narrow canal boats), to be carted off along Deansgate.

Many cotton mills and railway links to Hulme soon followed, with the town served by the Mid-Cheshire line railway and the Manchester, South Junction and Altrincham Railway, as well as the Manchester Carriage and Tramways Company. Thousands of people came to work in the rapidly expanding mills in the city. The number of people living in Hulme multiplied 50-fold during the first half of the 19th century. Housing had to be built rapidly, and space was limited, which resulted in low-quality housing interspersed with the myriad smoking chimneys of the mills and the railway. Reports of the time suggest that at times the air quality became so poor that poisonous fumes and smoke literally "blocked out the sun" for long periods.

In the Irish Poor Report of 1836 the Deputy Constable of the Township of Manchester, Joseph Sadler Thomas, found that the Irish were so fiercely neighbourly in Little Ireland (located on the other side of the River Medlock, just north of Hulme Ward) and the larger Irish area of Angel Meadow (north-east of Victoria Station, on the other side of central Manchester from Hulme) that: "if a legal execution of any kind is to be made, either for rent or debt, or for taxes, the officer who serves the process almost always applies to me for assistance to protect him; and, in affording that protection, my officers are often maltreated by brickbats and other missiles".

Hulme Hall was demolished in 1840 with the construction of the Bridgewater Canal. By 1844, the situation had grown so serious that Manchester Borough Council had to pass a law banning further building. However, the thousands of "slum" homes that were already built continued to be lived in, and many were still in use into the first half of the 20th century.

Friedrich Engels was the heir of a German cotton manufacturer who had come to work for the Ermen & Engels factory in Weaste, Salford, three miles from Hulme though he worked in the firm's offices in Manchester. He made Little Ireland infamous throughout the world as a disastrous slum despite it being relatively short-lived (a little over 30 years) and other areas of Manchester having worse housing, poverty and disease. Little Ireland was a small slum between Oxford Road, the Medlock and the railway serving Oxford Road Station, mainly inhabited by Irish immigrant workers. Described at length by Engels, he estimated that there was one inaccessible privy for every 120 residents. "The cottages are old, dirty and of the smallest sort, the streets uneven, fallen into ruts and in part without drains or pavement; masses of refuse, offal and sickening filth lie among standing pools in all directions; the atmosphere is poisoned by the effluvia from these, and laden and darkened by the smoke of a dozen tall factory chimneys. A horde of ragged women and children swarm about here, as filthy as the swine that thrive upon the garbage heaps and in the puddles." Reinforcement of the Medlock to protect the factories raised the level of the river above the surrounding residential hovels leading to frequent flooding with filthy river water. Hulme was also described by Engels: "the more thickly built-up regions chiefly bad and approaching ruin, the less populous of more modern structure, but generally sunk in filth."

Large numbers of Irish immigrants settled in Hulme, and in various other districts of Manchester.

The Tithe award for Hulme was made in 1854. In 1863 members of the Hulme Athenaeum club for working men established an association football club, believed to be the earliest example in the city and in the county of Lancashire. Records of association games in the 1860s and 1870s exist with the club surviving into the early 1870s.

In the 1860s, as Hulme became more established, new facilities sprang up. Municipal buildings were developed on Stretford Road, including the Town Hall, baths and public library, and Chorlton Union Workhouse on Leaf Street. The former Turville Public House, on the corner of Ellesmere Street, dates from c1870.

The foundation stone of the first school erected by the Manchester School Board was laid in Vine Street, Hulme, on 11 June 1874 by Herbert Birley, chairman of the board, and the school was opened on 9 August 1875. Other board schools in Hulme were at Hamer Street (1872), Zion Chapel (1875), Lloyd Street (1878), Mulberry Street (1881), Upper Jackson Street (1883), Bangor Street (1886) and Duke Street (1890).

In 1913 it was said "It is probable that in no northern city is the divergence between classes so marked as it is becoming in Manchester. Among the 80,000 inhabitants, for example, of Hulme, the poorest and most neglected district of the city, is to be found only a tiny minority of persons of much education and refinement, these being with rare exceptions doctors, or ministers of the various religious denominations, and their wives"

In the early 20th century transport in Hulme was improved when the existing horse bus services were replaced by electric trams. These services connected Hulme with the suburbs further south, Moss Side, Whalley Range and Chorlton-cum-Hardy. Boston Street and Preston Street carried complementary single lines of track southwards from Jackson Street. From 1949 the tram services were withdrawn and replaced by the motorbuses of Manchester Corporation Transport.

Hulme Hippodrome (1901), The Playhouse (1902)
Two existing conjoined theatres were built in Hulme, the Hulme Hippodrome and The Playhouse, opening in 1901 and 1902 respectively. The Playhouse was later used as a BBC studio for 30 years (1955-1986) and for a short time opened as the Nia Centre (1991-1997) but closed due to financial problems. It currently is run by Niamos CIC. Hulme Hippodrome was a variety theatre until 1960, then as a bingo hall followed by being a social club and snooker hall until 1988. After being dark for 15 years it was purchased by the controversial religious charity, Gilbert Deya Ministries in 2003. It was sold to a property developer in November 2020 and is currently shuttered and in poor repair. A campaign group exists, Save Hulme Hippodrome. Both theatres are Grade 2 listed buildings. Recent research in the BBC written files archives has shown Hulme Hippodrome was hired as a venue in 1950-1955 on Sunday afternoons to record around 20 radio show titles, including Morecambe & Wise's first series, You're Only Young Once.

Post War Housing
Hulme had been heavily bombed during World War II and the majority of its housing was privately owned Victorian terraces, most of which were declared unfit and demolished during a rapid slum clearance policy, in Hulme there was resistance to building tower blocks and this led to the building of the mid-rise deck access flats of a "modular" living design. Hulme in the 1960s was an era of "socialist, post-war spirit - reflected across health, education and worker rights". The modernist and brutalist architectural style of the period, as well as practicalities of speed and cost of construction led to building what became known as the "cities in the sky".

In Hulme, a new and (at the time) innovative design for deck access and tower living was attempted with four blocks, designed for families. This consisted of curved rows of low-rise flats with deck access far above the streets, known as the Hulme Crescents, designed to house 13,000. In this arrangement, vehicles remained on ground level with pedestrians on concrete walkways overhead, above the smoke and fumes of the street. People living in the new post war council homes were, within a decade treated as second class citizens.

High-density housing was balanced with large green spaces and trees below, and the pedestrian had priority on the ground over cars. The 1960s redevelopment of Hulme split the area's new council housing into a number of sections. Hulme 2 was the area between Jackson Crescent and Royce Road. Hulme 3 was between Princess Road and Boundary Road based along the pedestrianised Epping Walk, Hulme 4 was between Princess Road and Royce Road and Hulme 5 - the "Crescents" themselves were between Royce Road and Rolls Crescent. The names of the "Crescents" harked back to the Georgian era, being named after architects of that time: Robert Adam Crescent, Charles Barry Crescent, William Kent Crescent and John Nash Crescent, together with Hawksmoor Close (a small straight block of similar design attached to Charles Barry Crescent). At the time, the "Crescents" won several design awards. They were also popular because they were some of the first council homes in Manchester to have central heating. The development even had some notable first occupants, such as Nico and Alain Delon.

However, what eventually turned out to be recognised as poor design, workmanship and maintenance meant that the crescents introduced their own problems. Design flaws and unreliable 'system build' construction methods, as well as the 1970s oil crisis meant that heating the poorly insulated homes became too expensive for their low income residents, and the crescents soon became notorious for being cold, damp and riddled with cockroaches and other vermin. Crime and drug abuse became significant problems in Hulme, as police did not patrol the long, often dark decks, due to the fact that they were not officially considered streets. The decks made muggings and burglary relatively easy, as any crime could be carried out in almost total privacy, with no hope for quick assistance from police below.

The crescents became troublesome very shortly after their construction—within a decade, they were declared 'unfit for purpose', and several plans were drawn up that suggested various differing types of renovation and renewal for the blocks, including splitting the buildings into smaller, more manageable structures by removing sections. By 1984 the City Council, then landlord abandoned the Crescents entirely after which they became notorious. In the 1980s and 1990s many of these vacant deck-access flats were squatted and the area acquired a 'bohemian' reputation for its many punks, artists and musicians.

During the late 1980s Viraj Mendis, an asylum seeker from Sri Lanka, sought the right of sanctuary in the Church of the Ascension in Hulme and remained there until arrested in January 1989. (For further information, see below, Religion; Church of England)

Hulme in the 1990s and after
The decision was made in the early 1990s to demolish Hulme's crescent blocks and replace them with low-rise flats and houses. The total amount of public and private money spent on improving Hulme and neighbouring Moss Side between 1990 and 2002 has exceeded £400 million. The area by then had become popular and desirable, containing a mix of council and privately owned housing.

Birley Fields
One part of Hulme, the Birley Fields (site of the former Birley High School, Chichester Road) has been partly developed for a series of office blocks and partly left as green urban waste land. The blocks house companies such as Michelin and Laing O'Rourke as well as the University of Manchester/IFL/Server Hotel data centre. The development site was the subject of a campaign by a group of Hulme residents which delayed the clearance of the site and the felling of a large tree. The "Birley Tree" was a 110-year-old Black Poplar.

In 2009, Manchester Metropolitan University announced plans for the redevelopment of Birley Fields as the site of a new £120 million campus. The proposed scheme, relocating the Faculties of Education and Health, would include new academic buildings, student accommodation for approximately 1,200 students, car parking and a community square. Work was due to start in 2011 but failed to do so. In March 2012 enabling works for this project (now estimated to cost £130 million) began. On completion the academic building is going to be open 24 hours each day and have facilities for the public as well as provision for the university. It is expected to have a marked effect on the local economy by providing more jobs.

Asbestos
A legacy of Hulme's post war council housing has been through the deadly effects of Asbestos dust. John Shiers, a campaigner and later a leading figure in Save The Children had moved to council housing in Hulme in the late 1970s, where he discovered he and thousands of his neighbours council properties were riddled with Asbestos. He had been one of the first to speak out about the asbestos in the properties, he campaigned for change and was a founding member of the Hulme Asbestos Action Group. He died in 2011 of mesothelioma, a type of cancer associated with Asbestos. Manchester City Council admitted limited liability for his death in their role as his landlord. During a Parliamentary Asbestos Seminar, it was estimated that nationally the deaths between 1968 and 2008 had exceeded 110,000.

Redevelopment
The reputation for anti-social activity that Hulme acquired in the 1970s and 1980s has declined. The counterculture that the area fostered toward the 1990s survived the redevelopment and is evident in, for example, Hulme Community Garden Centre, a not-for-profit organisation underpinned by organic principles promoting, among other things, sustainability and urban gardening and food production, and Work for Change, a large complex of cooperatives containing artists, theatre, and a variety of NGOs.

Hulme's nearness to the city centre has meant that it has become a popular place to live for a new generation of city dwellers. The area is popular with young professionals who are attracted by apartment prices that are lower than in the city centre and yet within a 15-minute walk of the centre and the university campuses. Local amenities include the Zion Arts Centre, Hulme Community Garden Centre and Hulme Park. Shopping needs are catered for by the Hulme Shopping Centre, which includes an Asda supermarket and an indoor market.

In 2008, following a tenants' vote, the area's remaining council housing stock was transferred to the City South Housing Association along with that of several neighbouring areas.

Governance
Hulme emerged in the Middle Ages as a township and chapelry, in the ecclesiastical parish of Manchester in the Salford Hundred in the historic county of Lancashire. Under the terms of the Poor Law Amendment Act 1834 Hulme was in Chorlton Poor Law Union which was established on 3 February 1837 until 1915 and in Manchester Poor Law Union from 1915 until 1930. From 1824 to 1845 commissioners had powers for the improvement of the area of the township, and it became part of the Borough of Manchester in 1838.

Hulme is a ward of the city of Manchester. The district is part of the Manchester Central parliamentary constituency, which is currently represented at Westminster by Lucy Powell MP.

Councillors
Hulme is currently represented on the City Council by councillors Ekua Bayunu (Green), Lee-Ann Igbon (Labour) and Annette Wright (Labour). The ward has elected exclusively Labour councillors since May 2008. In 2017, councillor Amina Lone was blocked from standing in the seat again by her party, while Nigel Murphy was de-selected by the Hulme constituency party before the postponed 2020 elections.

indicates seat up for re-election. indicates seat won in by-election. indicates councillor changed party.

Geography
Hulme is south of Manchester city centre, beyond the River Medlock. The part of Hulme nearest to Old Trafford is known as Cornbrook from the Corn Brook, a tributary of the River Irwell. The area adjacent to Castlefield is known as St Georges. This area is named after the Church of St George, Chester Road. The Bridgewater Canal passes through Hulme.

Demography
From the 2001 UK Census results, Office for National Statistics, Neighbourhood Statistics.

Historic population
In 1801 the population of Hulme was only 1677 but it was the largest of the townships surrounding Manchester. By 1831 it had increased to 9624 and then there was a greater increase to 26,982 by 1841 and roughly doubling again by 1851. The peak number was reached in 1871 when it was 74,731 and the next 30 years saw some decline to 66,916 in 1901.

Religion
The Church of St George, Chester Road, Hulme, a Commissioners' Church, was an Anglican church built to the designs of Francis Goodwin in 1826–27 and has a tall tower and a fine galleried interior. It was once the garrison church for the nearby barracks as well as being the parish church of Hulme and the graveyard has many interesting gravestones. The church was consecrated on 9 December 1828 by the Bishop of Chester, Dr John Bird Sumner, who later became Archbishop of Canterbury. The total cost of building St Georges was £20,000 of which sum Parliament, through the Church Commissioners paid nearly £15000 the rest was found by private donors and charitable bodies. The height of the tower to the top of its spires was 135 ft making it the highest in Manchester at the time. The first incumbent was Revd. Joshua Lingard M.A. After being derelict for many years it has been converted to residential use.
 * Church of England

St Mary's Church, Chichester Road (architect J. S. Crowther, 1856–58) is another former Anglican church. It has a tall steeple and a lofty interior. This too has been converted into apartments.

The Church of the Ascension in Royce Road was built in 1970 as part of the redevelopment of Hulme. Other Anglican churches which no longer exist (in order of foundation) include: Holy Trinity, Stretford Road (1841); St Mark's, City Road; St Paul's, Stretford Road; St John the Baptist, Emden Street; St Philip's, Chester Street; St Michael's, Lavender Street; St Stephen's, City Road; and St Gabriel's, Erskine Street (1869).

The Bishop of Hulme was one of three suffragan bishops in the Diocese of Manchester from 1924 to 2009; the last Bishop of Hulme was Stephen Lowe.

In 1986 Viraj Mendis, a Sri Lankan, claimed the right of sanctuary at the Church of the Ascension. He was an active supporter of Sri Lanka Tamils and claimed danger of death if he was sent back to Sri Lanka. After a march to protest against deportation on 20 December 1986, he ran into the church and claimed the right of sanctuary. He stayed there for two years with the help of the rector John Methuen. The church became the focus of the "Viraj Mendis Defence Campaign". On 18 January 1989 police raided the church and arrested Mendis, which led to questions in the House of Commons. He was deported to Sri Lanka and his fears did not materialize.

In Stretford Road the Zion Congregational Chapel was built in the 19th century and replaced in 1911 by the Stretford Road Congregational Church which is no longer a church and has been put to other uses as the Zion Institute and the Zion Arts Centre. The church was used for a performance by Luciano Pavarotti and the filming of a mass meeting for Warren Beatty's film Reds.
 * Nonconformity

Other Nonconformist places of worship were the Ebenezer Methodist New Connexion Chapel, Boston Street, Cedar Street Wesleyan Mission, Christ Church Bible Christian Chapel, George Street Wesleyan Chapel, Jackson's Lane Independent Chapel, Radnor Street Wesleyan Chapel, Russell Street Mission (Congregational), and Upper Moss Lane Primitive Methodist. Bridgewater Hall Methodist Church opened on the 11 June 1898, situated on the corner of Queen Street and York Street. It was demolished in the late 1960s as part of the redevelopment of Hulme. In 1968 the congregation moved to a new build, Wesley Methodist Church,consisting of two buildings and situated on Royce Road. The church building with it high copper lantern roof was demolished in the early 1990s at the same time as its neighbouring Crescents.

St Wilfrid's Roman Catholic Church, Birchvale Close (formerly Bedford Street), is an early work of A. W. Pugin: the tower is incomplete and the church is a good example of early Gothic Revival work.
 * Roman Catholic Church

 * Statistics

From the 2001 UK Census results, Office for National Statistics, Neighbourhood Statistics.

Industry
Nineteenth-century Hulme had some industry in the form of small workshops, but apart from the Knott Mill Iron Works owned by W & J Galloway & Sons on the banks of the Medlock, most large mills and other works were nearby in other townships, but providing employment for the people of Hulme. The chemical works of Roberts, Dale & Co. in Cornbrook was wrecked on 22 June 1887 by a large explosion which began in a stove drying prussic acid. Because the workers were at lunch there was only one fatality.

Rolls-Royce
In 1884, Henry Royce started a domestic electric fittings factory at Cooke Street. He made three cars (the Royce 10) in a corner of what was his dynamo and electric crane workshops. In 1904, Royce and Charles Stewart Rolls created a business partnership after meeting at Manchester's Midland Hotel and started to build their own motor car (a relatively new invention). Hulme was the location of their first Rolls-Royce workshop, though operations were moved to Derby shortly afterwards. The Silver Ghost was designed and produced in Hulme. The Rolls-Royce V-8 was designed in Hulme in 1905 to compete with the popular electric town cars which were quiet, easy to start and free of smells, smoke and vibration.

Many names in Hulme commemorate this era, such as Royce Road, Rolls Crescent and the Bentley House Estate. The Royce public house, and occasional venue for music and stand-up comedy had a distinctive ceramic historical 'mural' but was razed for the creation of modern flats, in the 1990s regeneration of Hulme. In August 2007, "Temple 2000", a sculpture based on a Rolls-Royce radiator grille by George Wyllie RSA MBE was unveiled in Hulme Park on the site of the old Royce factory at Cooke Street off Stretford Road. The Scottish artist was inspired by the memories of Hulme's older residents, many of whom worked at the factory.

Recreation
Public parks are St George's Park in the northwest and Hulme Park (29 acres) established near Jackson Crescent in 2000. Hulme Community Garden Centre is run as a community benefit society. Their mission is to bring the local community together through gardening, education and volunteering. Hulme was served by a Unit Four cinema, one of the three in the North-West. It opened in 1970 and contained four mini-cinemas housed within a much earlier building.

Other notable people
Rowland Detrosier, a radical politician, preacher and educator, was brought up in Hulme in the early 19th century. John Foulds (1880 – 1939), a composer of classical music, was born in Hulme. He was largely self-taught as a composer, and belongs to the English Musical Renaissance. Albert Hill won a Victoria Cross in the First World War. Noel Aspinall was an Anglican priest who was Archdeacon of Manchester, Rector of St Edmund, Whalley Range, and of St George's, Hulme.

Morrissey, lead singer of the Smiths, spent his childhood in Hulme and neighbouring Stretford. Jazz trumpeter Kevin Davy lived in Hulme during his time as a student at Manchester Polytechnic. Poet and BBC Radio 4 presenter Lemn Sissay spent the first 17 years of his life in care, in Hulme and its surrounding areas. Musician, author and TV presenter John Robb lives in Hulme. Billy Duffy (guitarist with The Cult) grew up in Hulme.

Film critic Mark Kermode lived in Hulme while he was a university student in Manchester. Alfred Garth Jones the illustrator was born in Rutland Street, Hulme, on 10 August 1872. Actor Alan Igbon, known for playing Loggo in Alan Bleasdale's TV drama Boys from the Blackstuff, was born in Hulme.

Albert Scanlon, who played as a winger for Manchester United between 1950 and 1960 and was a survivor of the Munich air disaster in 1958, was born in Hulme in 1935. Jonathan Nall, the first secretary of Hulme Athenaeum's association football club, was born and raised in Hulme and went on to become a significant promoter of the game in Manchester and a president of the Manchester Football Association.

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User talk:Mr Kyle

Mr Kyle doesn't like to write a lot.

He has a membership on fanfiction (http://www.fanfiction.net/ ) (http://www.fanfiction.net/~mrkyle )

And that's all he wrote for you today.

title: User talk:Mr Kyle


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Stalingrad (1993 film)

Stalingrad is a 1993 German anti-war film directed by Joseph Vilsmaier. It follows a platoon of German Army soldiers transferred to the Eastern Front of World War II, where they find themselves fighting in the Battle of Stalingrad.

The film is the second German movie to portray the Battle of Stalingrad. It was preceded by the 1959 Hunde, wollt ihr ewig leben (Stalingrad: Dogs, Do You Want to Live Forever?).

Plot
In August 1942, German soldiers enjoy leave in Cervo, Liguria, Italy, after fighting at the First Battle of El Alamein, where Unteroffizier Manfred "Rollo" Rohleder and Obergefreiter Fritz Reiser are introduced to Leutnant Hans von Witzland, their new platoon commander. Their unit is promptly sent to the Eastern Front to fight in the Battle of Stalingrad.

Witzland's platoon joins a company commanded by Hauptmann Hermann Musk. Musk leads an assault on a factory, which results in heavy casualties. Later, Witzland requests a ceasefire with the Soviets so both sides can collect their wounded, which they agree to. Midway through, Müller (called "HGM" to distinguish him from other Müllers) breaks the ceasefire, and in the ensuing chaos a Russian boy ends up with the Germans. Witzland angrily assaults Müller. The Russian child introduces himself as Kolya.

Witzland's platoon is surrounded in a decrepit building. During a Soviet attack, Witzland, Reiser, Rollo, Emigholtz, and "G.G." Müller go down to secure the sewers, during which time Kolya runs away. Witzland gets separated from the others and captures a female soldier named Irina; she offers to lead him to safety, but instead pushes him into the water and escapes. His men rescue him. Emigholtz is severely wounded by an explosive trap, his right leg hastily amputated by the men. They take him to a crowded aid station, where they grab a doctor's assistant at gunpoint to treat Emigholtz, despite the medic's insistence that he is not a doctor. The assistant quickly injects Emigholtz, who dies very soon. The men are then arrested by Hauptmann Haller, who has previously clashed with Witzland regarding the treatment of Soviet prisoners. They are punished by being assigned to a penal battalion, disarming land mines.

Four weeks later, a brutal winter has set in and the Soviets have surrounded the German Sixth Army. Hauptmann Musk reassigns the penal battalion—which includes disgraced fellow officer Otto—to combat duty, after the men threaten to mutiny unless their crimes are pardoned. Witzland's platoon repels a Soviet tank column after a bloody battle. Hauptmann Haller later orders von Witzland and his men to execute a group of unarmed civilians accused of sabotage, including Kolya. Fritz and Witzland protest, but ultimately Fritz has to obey orders and shoots Kolya.

The killing of Kolya has a profound effect on the already demoralized soldiers; Witzland, G.G., and Reiser decide to desert. They head to Pitomnik Airfield in hopes of catching a plane back to Germany, stealing medical tags from some dead bodies along the way to feign being wounded. The last transport plane is about to leave as they arrive, but only officers are allowed aboard. Fritz asks why Hans, an officer, did not try to board, to no response.

They rejoin the others in the shelter, where they find Musk suffering from severe trench foot. While the men recover a German supply drop, Haller appears and holds them at gunpoint, but is quickly subdued; he accidentally shoots G.G. as he falls, killing him. Haller pleads for his life, first trying to use his authority, then telling them about the supplies he is hoarding in a nearby house, before being executed by Otto.

In the house's cellar, they find shelves stocked full of food and liquor, and Irina tied to a bed. Witzland cuts her free. She tries to provoke Witzland into killing her, but he refuses, instead giving her a pistol and telling her to do it herself. She cannot do it. As the rest of the men enjoy the luxuries, a deluded and dying Musk tries to rally them to rejoin the fighting. Otto becomes hysterical and shoots himself in the head. Rollo carries Musk outside, only to find the Sixth Army surrendering to the Soviets. Musk succumbs to the elements upon Rollo being instructed to surrender.

Irina offers to help Witzland and Reiser get away, but while trudging through a heavy snowstorm, they are shot at by Russian soldiers; Irina is killed instantly and Witzland is shot. Wounded and overwhelmed with grief, he eventually becomes too weak to walk, dying in Reiser's arms. Reiser cradles his body and freezes to death.

Cast

 * Dominique Horwitz as Obergefreiter Fritz Reiser
 * Thomas Kretschmann as Leutnant Hans von Witzland
 * Jochen Nickel as Unteroffizier Manfred "Rollo" Rohleder
 * Sebastian Rudolph as Soldat (rank) "GeGe" Müller (nicknamed GeGe to distinguish him from other Müllers)
 * Dana Vávrová as Irina
 * Martin Benrath as Generalmajor Hentz (based on Generaloberst Walter Heitz)
 * Sylvester Groth as Unteroffizier Otto (formerly a commissioned officer)
 * Karel Heřmánek as Hauptmann Hermann Musk
 * Heinz Emigholz as Funker (Radioman) Edgar Emigholz
 * Ferdinand Schuster as Double Edgar
 * Oliver Broumis as Soldat Müller (HGM)
 * Dieter Okras as Hauptmann Haller
 * Zdeněk Vencl as Gefreiter Wölk
 * Mark Kuhn as Feldwebel Pflüger
 * Thorsten Bolloff as Soldat Feldmann
 * Alexander Wachholz as Pfarrer Renner
 * J. Alfred Mehnert as Oberleutnant Lupo
 * Ulrike Arnold as Viola
 * Christian Knoepfle as Soldat Dieter
 * Filip Čáp as Ludwig
 * Jaroslav Tomsa as Opa Erwin (Grandpa Erwin)
 * Pavel Mang as Kolja
 * Otto Ševčík as Major Kock (as Oto Sevcik)
 * Jophi Ries as Schröder

Production and release
The film was shot in several locations, including Finland, Italy, and Czechoslovakia, and cost approximately DEM 20 million (around EUR 10 million in modern German currency). Director Joseph Vilsmaier hired a German military consultant to advise him on set. A series entitled The making of Stalingrad was released, featuring a behind-the-scenes look at the film. Stalingrad was released on 4K Blu-ray in 2021.

Reception
In 1993, the film won Bavarian Film Awards for Best Cinematography, Best Editing and Best Production. It was also entered into the 18th Moscow International Film Festival. In Germany, the film earned mixed reviews, allegedly due to the second half of the film containing plot holes, although what these apparent plot holes were is not revealed; this may in fact have been a reference to the film's bleak and nihilistic ending.

The film grossed $10 million in Germany. It grossed $152,972 in the United States and Canada.

title: Stalingrad (1993 film)


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User:Timemutt

Timemutt is Tim E.

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Moral psychology

Moral psychology is a field of study in both philosophy and psychology. Historically, the term "moral psychology" was used relatively narrowly to refer to the study of moral development. Moral psychology eventually came to refer more broadly to various topics at the intersection of ethics, psychology, and philosophy of mind. Some of the main topics of the field are moral judgment, moral reasoning, moral sensitivity, moral responsibility, moral motivation, moral identity, moral action, moral development, moral diversity, moral character (especially as related to virtue ethics), altruism, psychological egoism, moral luck, moral forecasting, moral emotion, affective forecasting, and moral disagreement.

Today, moral psychology is a thriving area of research spanning many disciplines, with major bodies of research on the biological, cognitive/computational   and cultural  basis of moral judgment and behavior, and a growing body of research on moral judgment in the context of artificial intelligence.

History
The origins of moral psychology can be traced back to early philosophical works, largely concerned with moral education, such as by Plato and Aristotle in Ancient Greece, as well as from the Buddhist and Confucian traditions. Empirical studies of moral judgment go back at least as far as the 1890s with the work of Frank Chapman Sharp, coinciding with the development of psychology as a discipline separate from philosophy. Since at least 1894, philosophers and psychologists attempted to empirically evaluate the morality of an individual, especially attempting to distinguish adults from children in terms of their judgment, but these efforts failed because they "attempted to quantify how much morality an individual had—a notably contentious idea—rather than understand the individual's psychological representation of morality".

In most introductory psychology courses, students learn about moral psychology by studying the psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg, who proposed a highly influential theory of moral development, developed throughout the 1950s and 1960s. This theory was built on Piaget's observation that children develop intuitions about justice that they can later articulate. Kohlberg proposed six stages broken into three categories of moral reasoning that he believed to be universal to all people in all cultures. The increasing sophistication of justice-based reasoning was taken as a sign of development. Moral cognitive development, in turn, was assumed to be a necessary (but not sufficient) condition for moral action.

But researchers using the Kohlberg model found a gap between what people said was most moral and actions they took. In response, Augusto Blasi proposed his self-model that links ideas of moral judgment and action through moral commitment. Those with moral goals central to the self-concept are more likely to take moral action, as they feel a greater obligation to do so. Those who are motivated will attain a unique moral identity.

Following the independent publication of a pair of landmark papers in 2001 (respectively led by Jonathan Haidt and Joshua Greene), there was a surge in interest in moral psychology across a broad range of subfields of psychology, with interest shifting away from developmental processes towards a greater emphasis on social, cognitive, affective and neural processes involved in moral judgment.

Methods

Philosophers, psychologists and researchers from other fields have created various methods for studying topics in moral psychology, with empirical studies dating back to at least the 1890s. The methods used in these studies include moral dilemmas such as the trolley problem, structured interviews and surveys as a means to study moral psychology and its development, as well as the use of economic games, neuroimaging, and studies of natural language use.

Interview techniques
In 1963, Lawrence Kohlberg presented an approach to studying differences in moral judgment by modeling evaluative diversity as reflecting a series of developmental stages (à la Jean Piaget). Lawrence Kohlberg's stages of moral development are:
 * 1) Obedience and punishment orientation
 * 2) Self-interest orientation
 * 3) Interpersonal accord and conformity
 * 4) Authority and social-order maintaining orientation
 * 5) Social contract orientation
 * 6) Universal ethical principles

Stages 1 and 2 are combined into a single stage labeled "pre-conventional", and stages 5 and 6 are combined into a single stage labeled "post-conventional" for the same reason; psychologists can consistently categorize subjects into the resulting four stages using the "Moral Judgement Interview" which asks subjects why they endorse the answers they do to a standard set of moral dilemmas.

Survey instruments
Between 1910 and 1930, in the United States and Europe, several morality tests were developed to classify subjects as either fit or unfit to make moral judgments. Test-takers would classify or rank standardized lists of personality traits, hypothetical actions, or pictures of hypothetical scenes. As early as 1926, catalogs of personality tests included sections specifically for morality tests, though critics persuasively argued that they merely measured intelligence or awareness of social expectations.

Meanwhile, Kohlberg inspired a new series of morality tests. The Defining Issues Test (dubbed "Neo-Kohlbergian" by its constituents) scores relative preference for post-conventional justifications, and the Moral Judgment Test scores consistency of one's preferred justifications. Both treat evaluative ability as similar to IQ (hence the single score), allowing categorization by high score vs. low score.

Among the more recently developed survey measures, the Moral Foundations Questionnaire is a widely used survey measure of the five moral intuitions proposed by Moral Foundations Theory: care/harm, fairness/cheating, loyalty/betrayal, authority/subversion, and sanctity/degradation. The questions ask respondents to rate various considerations in terms of how relevant they are to the respondent's moral judgments. The purpose of the questionnaire is to measure the degree to which people rely upon each of the five moral intuitions (which may coexist). The new and improved version of this instrument (i.e., Moral Foundations Questionnaire-2; MFQ-2) was developed in 2023. In this version, Fairness was split to Equality and Proportionality. Hence, the MFQ-2 measures Care, Equality, Proportionality, Loyalty, Authority, and Purity. In addition to survey instruments measuring endorsement of moral foundations, a number of other contemporary survey measures exist relating to other broad taxonomies of moral values,  as well as more specific moral beliefs,  or concerns.

Evolutionary origins

According to Haidt, the belief that morality is not innate was one of the few theoretical commitments uniting many of the prominent psychologists studying morality in the twentieth century (with some exceptions ). A substantial amount of research in recent decades has focused on the evolutionary origins of various aspects of morality.

In Unto Others: the Evolution and Psychology of Unselfish Behavior (1998), Elliott Sober and David Sloan Wilson demonstrated that diverse moralities could evolve through group selection. In particular, they dismantled the idea that natural selection will favor a homogeneous population in which all creatures care only about their own personal welfare and/or behave only in ways which advance their own personal reproduction.

Tim Dean has advanced the more general claim that moral diversity would evolve through frequency-dependent selection because each moral approach is vulnerable to a different set of situations which threatened our ancestors (see also ).

Moral identity
Moral identity refers to the importance of morality to a person's identity, typically construed as either a trait-like individual difference, or set of chronically accessible schemas. Moral identity is theorized to be one of the key motivational forces connecting moral reasoning to moral behavior, as suggested by a 2016 meta-analysis reporting that moral identity is positively (albeit only modestly) associated with moral behavior.

Moral values
Psychologist Shalom Schwartz defines individual values as "conceptions of the desirable that guide the way social actors (e.g.organisational leaders, policymakers, individual persons) select actions, evaluate people an events, and explain their actions and evaluations." Cultural values form the basis for social norms, laws, customs and practices. While individual values vary case by case (a result of unique life experience), the average of these values point to widely held cultural beliefs (a result of shared cultural values).

Kristiansen and Hotte reviewed many research articles regarding people's values and attitudes and whether they guide behavior. With the research they reviewed and their own extension of Ajzen and Fishbein's theory of reasoned action, they conclude that value-attitude-behavior depends on the individual and their moral reasoning. Another issue that Kristiansen and Hotte discovered through their research was that individuals tended to "create" values to justify their reactions to certain situations, which they called the "value justification hypothesis". Their theory is comparable to Jonathan Haidt's social intuitionist theory, where individuals justify their intuitive emotions and actions through post-hoc moral reasoning.

Kristiansen and Hotte also found that independent selves had actions and behaviors that are influenced by their own thoughts and feelings, but Interdependent selves have actions, behaviors and self-concepts that were based on the thoughts and feelings of others. Westerners have two dimensions of emotions, activation and pleasantness. The Japanese have one more, the range of their interdependent relationships. Markus and Kitayama found that these two different types of values had different motives. Westerners, in their explanations, show self-bettering biases. Easterners, on the other hand, tend to focus on "other-oriented" biases.

Moral foundations theory
Moral foundations theory, first proposed in 2004 by Jonathan Haidt and Craig Joseph, attempts to explain the origins of and variation in human moral reasoning on the basis of innate, modular foundations. Notably, moral foundations theory has been used to describe the difference between the moral foundations of political liberals and political conservatives. Haidt and Joseph expanded on previous research done by Shweder and his three ethics theory. Shweder's theory consisted of three moral ethics: the ethics of community, autonomy, and divinity. Haidt and Graham took this theory and extended it to discuss the five psychological systems that more specifically make up the three moral ethics theory. These Five Foundations of Morality and their importance vary throughout each culture and construct virtues based on their emphasized foundation. The five psychological foundations are: The five foundations theory are both a nativist and cultural-psychological theory. Modern moral psychology concedes that "morality is about protecting individuals" and focuses primarily on issues of justice (harm/care and fairness/reciprocity). Their research found that "justice and related virtues...make up half of the moral world for liberals, while justice-related concerns make up only one fifth of the moral world for conservatives". Liberals value harm/care and fairness/reciprocity significantly more than the other moralities, while conservatives value all five equally. Ownership has also been argued to be a strong candidate to be a moral foundation.
 * Harm/care, which starts with the sensitivity to signs of suffering in offspring and develops into a general dislike of seeing suffering in others and the potential to feel compassion in response.
 * Fairness/reciprocity, which is developed when someone observes or engages in reciprocal interactions. This foundation is concerned with virtues related to fairness and justice.
 * Ingroup/loyalty, which constitutes recognizing, trusting, and cooperating with members of one's ingroup as well as being wary of members of other groups.
 * Authority/respect, which is how someone navigates in a hierarchal ingroups and communities.
 * Purity/sanctity, which stems from the emotion of disgust that guards the body by responding to elicitors that are biologically or culturally linked to disease transmission.

Moral virtues
In 2004, D. Lapsley and D. Narvaez outlined how social cognition explains aspects of moral functioning. Their social cognitive approach to personality has six critical resources of moral personality: cognition, self-processes, affective elements of personality, changing social context, lawful situational variability, and the integration of other literature. Lapsley and Narvaez suggest that moral values and actions stem from more than our virtues and are controlled by a set of self-created schemas (cognitive structures that organize related concepts and integrate past events). They claim that schemas are "fundamental to our very ability to notice dilemmas as we appraise the moral landscape" and that over time, people develop greater "moral expertise".

Triune ethics theory
The triune ethics meta-theory (TEM) has been proposed by Darcia Narvaez as a metatheory that highlights the relative contributions to moral development of biological inheritance (including human evolutionary adaptations), environmental influences on neurobiology, and the role of culture. TET proposes three basic mindsets that shape ethical behavior: self-protectionism (a variety of types), engagement, and imagination (a variety of types that are fueled by protectionism or engagement). A mindset influences perception, affordances, and rhetorical preferences. Actions taken within a mindset become an ethic when they trump other values. Engagement and communal imagination represent optimal human functioning that are shaped by the evolved developmental niche (evolved nest) that supports optimal psychosocial neurobiological development. Based on worldwide anthropological research (e.g., Hewlett and Lamb's Hunter-Gatherer Childhoods), Narvaez uses small-band hunter-gatherers as a baseline for the evolved nest and its effects.

Moral reasoning and development
Moral development and reasoning are two overlapping topics of study in moral psychology that have historically received a great amount of attention, even preceding the influential work of Piaget and Kohlberg. Moral reasoning refers specifically to the study of how people think about right and wrong and how they acquire and apply moral rules. Moral development refers more broadly to age-related changes in thoughts and emotions that guide moral beliefs, judgments and behaviors.

Kohlberg's stage theory
Jean Piaget, in watching children play games, noted how their rationales for cooperation changed with experience and maturation. He identified two stages, heteronomous (morality centered outside the self) and autonomous (internalized morality). Lawerence Kohlberg sought to expand Piaget's work. His cognitive developmental theory of moral reasoning dominated the field for decades. He focused on moral development as one's progression in the capacity to reason about justice. Kohlberg's interview method included hypothetical moral dilemmas or conflicts of interest (most notably, the Heinz dilemma). He proposed six stages and three levels of development (claiming that "anyone who interviewed children about dilemmas and who followed them longitudinally in time would come to our six stages and no others). At the Preconventional level, the first two stages included the punishment-and-obedience orientation and the instrumental-relativist orientation. The next level, the conventional level, included the interpersonal concordance or "good boy – nice girl" orientation, along with the "law and order" orientation. Lastly, the final Postconventional level consisted of the social-contract, legalistic orientation and the universal-ethical-principle orientation. According to Kohlberg, an individual is considered more cognitively mature depending on their stage of moral reasoning, which grows as they advance in education and world experience.

Critics of Kohlberg's approach (such as Carol Gilligan and Jane Attanucci) argue that there is an over-emphasis on justice and an under-emphasis on an additional perspective to moral reasoning, known as the care perspective. The justice perspective draws attention to inequality and oppression, while striving for reciprocal rights and equal respect for all. The care perspective draws attention to the ideas of detachment and abandonment, while striving for attention and response to people who need it. Care Orientation is relationally based. It has a more situational focus that is dependent on the needs of others as opposed to Justice Orientation's objectivity. However, reviews by others have found that Gilligan's theory was not supported by empirical studies since orientations are individual dependent. In fact, in neo-Kohlbergian studies with the Defining Issues Test, females tend to get slightly higher scores than males.

The attachment approach to moral judgment
Aner Govrin's attachment approach to moral judgment  proposes that, through early interactions with the caregiver, the child acquires an internal representation of a system of rules that determine how right/wrong judgments are to be construed, used, and understood. By breaking moral situations down into their defining features, the attachment model of moral judgment outlines a framework for a universal moral faculty based on a universal, innate, deep structure that appears uniformly in the structure of almost all moral judgments regardless of their content.

Moral behaviour
Historically, major topics of study in the domain of moral behavior have included violence and altruism, bystander intervention and obedience to authority (e.g., the Milgram experiment and Stanford prison experiment ). Recent research on moral behavior uses a wide range of methods, including using experience sampling to try and estimate the actual prevalence of various kinds of moral behavior in everyday life. Research has also focused on variation in moral behavior over time, through studies of phenomena such as moral licensing. Yet other studies focusing on social preferences examine various kinds of resource allocation decisions, or use incentivized behavioral experiments to investigate the way people weighted their own interests against other people's when deciding whether to harm others, for example, by examine how willing people are to administer electric shocks to themselves vs. others in exchange for money.

James Rest reviewed the literature on moral functioning and identified at least four components necessary for a moral behavior to take place: Reynolds and Ceranic researched the effects of social consensus on one's moral behavior. Depending on the level of social consensus (high vs. low), moral behaviors will require greater or lesser degrees of moral identity to motivate an individual to make a choice and endorse a behavior. Also, depending on social consensus, particular behaviors may require different levels of moral reasoning.
 * Sensitivity – noticing and interpreting the situation
 * Reasoning and making a judgment regarding the best (most moral) option
 * Motivation (in the moment but also habitually, such as moral identity)
 * Implementation - having the skills and perseverance to carry out the action

More recent attempts to develop an integrated model of moral motivation have identified at least six different levels of moral functioning, each of which has been shown to predict some type of moral or pro-social behavior: moral intuitions, moral emotions, moral virtues/vices (behavioral capacities), moral values, moral reasoning, and moral willpower. This social intuitionist model of moral motivation suggests that moral behaviors are typically the product of multiple levels of moral functioning, and are usually energized by the "hotter" levels of intuition, emotion, and behavioral virtue/vice. The "cooler" levels of values, reasoning, and willpower, while still important, are proposed to be secondary to the more affect-intensive processes.

Moral behavior is also studied under the umbrella of personality psychology. Topics within personality psychology include the traits or individual differences underlying moral behavior, such as generativity, self-control, agreeableness, cooperativeness and honesty/humility, as well as moral change goals, among many other topics.

Regarding interventions aimed at shaping moral behavior, a 2009 meta analysis of business ethics instruction programs found that such programs have only "a minimal impact on increasing outcomes related to ethical perceptions, behavior, or awareness." A 2005 meta analysis suggested that positive affect can at least momentarily increase prosocial behavior (with subsequent meta analyses also showing that prosocial behavior reciprocally increases positive affect in the actor ).

Value-behavior consistency
In looking at the relations between moral values, attitudes, and behaviors, previous research asserts that there is less correspondence between these three aspects than one might assume. In fact, it seems to be more common for people to label their behaviors with a justifying value rather than having a value beforehand and then acting on it. There are some people that are more likely to act on their personal values: those low in self-monitoring and high in self-consciousness, due to the fact that they are more aware of themselves and less aware of how others may perceive them. Self-consciousness here means being literally more conscious of yourself, not fearing judgement or feeling anxiety from others. Social situations and the different categories of norms can be telling of when people may act in accordance with their values, but this still is not concrete either. People will typically act in accordance with social, contextual and personal norms, and there is a likelihood that these norms can also follow one's moral values. Though there are certain assumptions and situations that would suggest a major value-attitude-behavior relation, there is not enough research to confirm this phenomenon.

Moral willpower
Building on earlier work by Metcalfe and Mischel on delayed gratification, Baumeister, Miller, and Delaney explored the notion of willpower by first defining the self as being made up of three parts: reflexive consciousness, or the person's awareness of their environment and of himself as an individual; interpersonal being, which seeks to mold the self into one that will be accepted by others; and executive function. They stated, "[T]he self can free its actions from being determined by particular influences, especially those of which it is aware". The three prevalent theories of willpower describe it as a limited supply of energy, as a cognitive process, and as a skill that is developed over time. Research has largely supported that willpower works like a "moral muscle" with a limited supply of strength that may be depleted (a process referred to as Ego depletion), conserved, or replenished, and that a single act requiring much self-control can significantly deplete the "supply" of willpower. While exertion reduces the ability to engage in further acts of willpower in the short term, such exertions actually improve a person's ability to exert willpower for extended periods in the long run. Additional research has been conducted that may cast doubt on the idea of ego-depletion.

Moral intuitions
In 2001, Jonathan Haidt introduced his social intuitionist model which claimed that with few exceptions, moral judgments are made based upon socially derived intuitions. Moral intuitions happen immediately, automatically, and unconsciously, with reasoning largely serving to generate post-hoc rationalizations to justify one's instinctual reactions. He provides four arguments to doubt causal importance of reason. Firstly, Haidt argues that since there is a dual process system in the brain when making automatic evaluations or assessments, this same process must be applicable to moral judgement as well. The second argument, based on research on motivated reasoning, claims that people behave like "intuitive lawyers", searching primarily for evidence that will serve motives for social relatedness and attitudinal coherence. Thirdly, Haidt found that people have post hoc reasoning when faced with a moral situation, this a posteriori (after the fact) explanation gives the illusion of objective moral judgement but in reality is subjective to one's gut feeling. Lastly, research has shown that moral emotion has a stronger link to moral action than moral reasoning, citing Damasio's research on the somatic marker hypothesis and Batson's empathy-altruism hypothesis.

Following the publication of a landmark fMRI study in 2001, Joshua Greene separately proposed his dual process theory of moral judgment, according to which intuitive/emotional and deliberative processes respectively give rise to characteristically deontological and consequentialist moral judgments. A "deontologist" is someone who has rule-based morality that is mainly focused on duties and rights; in contrast, a "consequentialist" is someone who believes that only the best overall consequences ultimately matter.

Moral emotions
Moral emotions are a variety of social emotion that are involved in forming and communicating moral judgments and decisions, and in motivating behavioral responses to one's own and others' moral behavior. While moral reasoning has been the focus of most study of morality dating back to Plato and Aristotle, the emotive side of morality was historically looked upon with disdain in early moral psychology research. However, in the last 30–40 years, there has been a rise in a new front of research: moral emotions as the basis for moral behavior. This development began with a focus on empathy and guilt, but has since moved on to encompass new scholarship on emotions such as anger, shame, disgust, awe, and elevation. While different moral transgressions have been linked to different emotional reactions, bodily reactions to such transgressions are not too different and can be characterized by some felt activations in the gut area as well as the head area.

Moralization and moral conviction
Moralization, a term introduced to moral psychology by Paul Rozin, refers to the process through which preferences are converted into values. Relatedly, Linda Skitka and colleagues have introduced the concept of moral conviction, which refers to a "strong and absolute belief that something is right or wrong, moral or immoral." According to Skitka's integrated theory of moral conviction (ITMC), attitudes held with moral conviction, known as moral mandates, differ from strong but non-moral attitudes in a number of important ways. Namely, moral mandates derive their motivational force from their perceived universality, perceived objectivity, and strong ties to emotion. Perceived universality refers to the notion that individuals experience moral mandates as transcending persons and cultures; additionally, they are regarded as matters of fact. Regarding association with emotion, ITMC is consistent with Jonathan Haidt's social intuitionist model in stating that moral judgments are accompanied by discrete moral emotions (i.e., disgust, shame, guilt). Importantly, Skitka maintains that moral mandates are not the same thing as moral values. Whether an issue will be associated with moral conviction varies across persons.

One of the main lines of IMTC research addresses the behavioral implications of moral mandates. Individuals prefer greater social and physical distance from attitudinally dissimilar others when moral conviction was high. This effect of moral conviction could not be explained by traditional measures of attitude strength, extremity, or centrality. Skitka, Bauman, and Sargis placed participants in either attitudinally heterogeneous or homogenous groups to discuss procedures regarding two morally mandated issues, abortion and capital punishment. Those in attitudinally heterogeneous groups demonstrated the least amount of goodwill towards other group members, the least amount of cooperation, and the most tension/defensiveness. Furthermore, individuals discussing a morally mandated issue were less likely to reach a consensus compared to those discussing non-moral issues.

Sociological applications
Some research shows that people tend to self-segregate based on moral and political views, exaggerate the magnitude of moral disagreements across political divides, and avoid exposure to the opinions of those with opposing political views.

Normative implications
Researchers have begun to debate the implications (if any) moral psychology research has for other subfields of ethics such as normative ethics and meta-ethics. For example Peter Singer, citing Haidt's work on social intuitionism and Greene's dual process theory, presented an "evolutionary debunking argument" suggesting that the normative force of our moral intuitions is undermined by their being the "biological residue of our evolutionary history." John Michael Doris discusses the way in which social psychological experiments—such as the Stanford prison experiments involving the idea of situationism—call into question a key component in virtue ethics: the idea that individuals have a single, environment-independent moral character. As a further example, Shaun Nichols (2004) examines how empirical data on psychopathology suggests that moral rationalism is false.

Additionally, research in moral psychology is being used to inform debates in applied ethics around moral enhancement.

Robotics and artificial intelligence
At the intersection of moral psychology and machine ethics, researchers have begun to study people's views regarding the potentially ethically significant decisions that will be made by self-driving cars.

Mohammad Atari and his colleagues recently examined the moral psychology of the famous chatbot, ChatGPT. These authors asked in their title, "which humans?" — rhetorically pointing out that people should not ask how "human-like" machine morality is, but to which humans it resembles. These authors discovered that Large Language Models (LLMs), especially ChatGPT, tend to echo moral values endorsed by Westerners, as their training datasets originate predominantly from Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD) societies. This study points out that compared to the global average, people from WEIRD societies are more inclined toward individualism and impersonal prosocial behaviors while showing less traditionalism and group loyalty. The authors further highlighted that societies less aligned with these WEIRD moral values tend to experience greater misalignment with the moral values and outputs of ChatGPT.

title: Moral psychology