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Klassekampen

Klassekampen (Lit. translation: "The Class Struggle") is a Norwegian daily newspaper in print and online. Its tagline is "The daily newspaper of the Left." The paper's net circulation is 33,265 (2022), and it has around 111,000 daily readers on paper (160,000 on Saturdays). This makes it the third largest Norwegian print newspaper, based on readership. Chief editor from 2018 is Mari Skurdal.

Klassekampen started out in early 1969 as a monthly periodical published by a group of Oslo-based Marxist-Leninists, with Pål Steigan as a key founder and Anders M. Andersen as the first editor. It promoted the positions of the Workers' Communist Party (AKP; founded 1973) and its predecessors. Klassekampen became a weekly in January 1973, a bi-weekly in January 1976 and finally a daily newspaper as of April 1977. It was the official organ of the AKP until April 1991. Its mission statement now describes itself as "revolutionary socialist." As most Norwegian newspapers it depends on economic support from the Norwegian Government.

Klassekampen has received praise for its critical political and economic journalism, as well as criticism, for example for promoting an uncritical attitude towards Russia,    and for promoting transphobia and trans-exclusionary radical feminism,   something its chief editor has denied. In the 1970s the newspaper promoted a form of Holocaust revisionism. Despite its overt political position Klassekampen enjoys a wide readership both within the business class and the broader Norwegian society.

1969–1972: Monthly paper for the marxist-leninist movement
Klassekampen was initiated in 1968 by a group of young communists, members of SUF(m-l), the youth organization of the socialist Sosialistisk Folkeparti (SF). Pål Steigan, Tron Øgrim and Sigmund Grønmo were key figures, The first issue was published on February 7, 1969, coinciding with the annual convention of the SF, at which a left-wing opposition broke with the party, as did SUF (m-l). In the first period the paper was published as a monthly periodical by "a group of marxist-leninists". According to Steigan, the name was proposed by Øgrim, the name indicating that it intended to play a larger role than being the monthly periodical of a youth organization. The newspaper's stated goal was to strengthen the Marxist–Leninist movement and lay the foundations for a new communist party in Norway. At the same time, it set itself the goal of becoming a working class newspaper.

As a monthly, Klassekampen had no paid staff. The editorial work, the printing as well as sales were carried out by volunteers. The first printing press was financed mostly by young people taking summer jobs or being newspaper couriers (for other newspapers) before school hours. Due to the progress of the m-l-movement and its high level of activity, sales and circulation increased rapidly: the first issue in 1969 was printed in 3,500 copies. The circulation passed 10,000 in 1970, and 20,000 in 1971. Labour Day was always an important sales day, and the May 1st issue of 1972 was published in 45,000.

During the period as a monthly newspaper, Klassekampen also published a number of extra issues on current issues and leaflet-like printed matter. From 1972 the paper was officially linked to the Marxist–Leninist Groups (MLG), which was a forerunner of the Workers' Communist Party (AKP (m-l)). At the same time, fundraising and recruitment of subscribers was started with a plan of weekly publication.

1973–1976: Weekly newspaper for AKP(m-l)
In January 1973, Klassekampen became a weekly newspaper. Shortly afterwards, it became the formal party organ for the newly formed AKP (m-l).

As a weekly, Klassekampen got its own editorial offices in Oslo for the first time, as well as a paid editorial staff. Still, much of the volunteer spirit continued, with groups of party members and sympathizers contributing in special editorial fields. In 1974, a campaign was launched to link "workers' correspondents" to the newspaper. After two years as a weekly, it was summarized that a third of the newspaper was written by the permanent editorial staff, a third by the volunteer staff and a third by workers' correspondents and readers. The proportion of workplace reports doubled from 1973 to 1974.

The winter of 1973 the weekly newspaper had a circulation of 13,000. The fall of 1974 it had increased to 19,000 and two years later 27,000. During the years 1973–1976 11,000 new subscribers were enrolled, and door-to-door sales were effectively organized. From January 1976, Klassekampen was published twice a week, as an escalation before the transition to daily publications. In order to prepare for this transition, a major fundraising campaign was also carried out for investing in the paper's own rotary printing plant. The "rotation campaign" started little by little in 1974 and was not completed until just before the daily newspaper was launched. At that time, NOK 5,631,000 had been collected.

In the pre-daily period, Klassekampen disclosed several classified military documents. In May 1971, it was shown that a NATO exercise had exemplified revolutionary groups, Vietnam War activists and trade unionists as enemies of the state. During an exercise in 1973, the paper disclosed that opponents of NATO membership and student groups had been "assigned" this role. In 1976, the paper carried a series of articles by Jon Michelet about the Soviet presence at Svalbard, suggesting that the Soviet Union might be constructing a military base at Cape Heer, thus violating the Svalbard Treaty. These reports were later developed into Michelet's novel Orion's Belt and a movie with the same name.

1977–1991: Daily newspaper for AKP (m-l)
From April 1, 1977, Klassekampen switched to daily publication (except Sundays). At that time, the rotary press and editorial offices were installed on Bryn in Oslo. In the first years as a daily newspaper, Klassekampen was edited strictly according to party guidelines.

The operation of the daily newspaper was more resource-intensive than anticipated, not least financially. Income from advertising was scarce. In addition, AKP (m-l) had adopted a policy of "self-support" and therefore did not accept the state support that Klassekampen was entitled to. The newspaper was to be built entirely on the support of the readers. This policy hit the wall in 1978, and bankruptcy was just around the corner. A new fundraiser avoided immediate collapse, but the party had to accept state aid. In November 1979, Klassekampen could announce that "the daily is saved!" This of course had a cost: The paper was cut from 16 to 12 pages most days, and the staff was reduced heavily. District offices in Bergen, Trondheim and Tromsø had to close, and special editions in Sàmi, English and Spanish were stopped, as were publications aimed specially at immigrant workers and at farmers/fishermen.

The party had also decided that the paper should build up its own courier service. Unpaid volunteers delivered the newspaper to the subscribers in major cities every evening or night. This was partly for economic reasons, partly as a security measure – AKP did not want to hand over the list of subscribers to someone else. (The parliamentary "Lund Report" concerning the Norwegian secret services later confirmed that subscribing to Klassekampen could be a reason for registration.) The courier system meant great strain on the party organization that, literally, carried the newspaper. From late 1979 the system was discontinued in most of Norway, but in some parts of Oslo it was effective for a decade.

In 1977, criminal charges were brought against then editor Finn Sjue for the paper's disclosures of secret NATO exercise telegrams. Two years later he was sentenced to ten days in prison or a fine of NOK 2,500. The sentence was later confirmed by the Supreme Court with a 3–2 vote.

During the 1980s, Klassekampen managed to get national acclaim for its journalism in certain focus areas. Journalist Per Bangsund specialized in the growth of right wing extremism and neo-nazism in Norway and had contacts regarding this within the secret services. A group for investigative journalism (with among others Alf R. Jacobsen) was established, possibly the first in Norway. A focus area for this group was tax evasions among business people and top politicians. Finn Sjue, now as a journalist, dug into illegal or semi-illegal surveillance practices by the secret services towards organizations, politicians and activists on the left. Furthermore, the paper had broad international coverage, partly through AKP's party contacts, but through the years also through extensive travel activities by its own staff. The Middle East, Horn of Africa, Eastern Europe, Central America and Northern Ireland was prioritized. In 1983, journalist Kjell Gjerseth received the Narvesen Prize, at that time the highest ranked journalism award in Norway, for his reports from Afghanistan in the early years of the Soviet occupation.

The Lund Report in 1996 stated that the telephones in Klassekampen offices had been tapped by the Secret Services from 1976 until 1979. Furthermore, the names of employees, contributors, subscribers and street vendors had been registered.

In 1979, Sigurd Allern was hired as editor for a new period. He held this position until 1995 and was vital in the editorial development of the daily. Also being a member of the AKP central committee, he managed pragmatically to professionalize the paper without creating too much discontent in the party. The editorial directive was in effect discontinued. Still, there were some conflict points between the party and the staff. In 1984–1985 this culminated, when a group of journalists organized a strike protesting on the paper's employment policy. The strike lasted only a couple of hours, but led to a long-lasting internal conflict in the paper and the party. At the same time, the Norwegian Graphical Union decided to exclude all members at Duplotrykk, Klassekampen print shop, on the grounds that they had accepted hours and pay grade outside of the tariff regulations.

Holocaust revisionism
Historian Torkel Brekke argues that Klassekampen in the 1970s promoted a form of Holocaust revisionism that constituted "trivialization and relativization of the Holocaust which is close to what we find on the extreme right," including a series of articles in which the newspaper claimed that the Zionists were complicit in the genocide against the Jews in Europe.

The Allern years
The process of liberating the paper from party ties, peaked in April 1991, when Klassekampen no longer reckoned itself party organ of AKP. A new purpose clause stated that the paper should carry serious critical journalism with "disclosures of all kinds of exploitation, oppression and environmental destruction" as well as inspire and contribute to "ideological criticism, organizing and political struggle" from a "revolutionary, socialist viewpoint". This change had been approved by the party, that however still would own 80 percent of the shares in the publishing company with the same name. This "liberation process" followed the general line among Norwegian papers, as also conservative and Labour media gained more independence in these years.

Helped by state support, frequent fundraising campaigns and an increasing circulation, the 1980s had passed without any financial catastrophes, but the economy was still tight. A system with regular contributions from the readers had been started in 1983 (Else Berg memorial fund). In late 1991 this was formalized into the support organization Friends of Klassekampen, that was given the remaining 20 percent of the shares and a seat in the company board. Together with a big fundraiser this provided means for a renewal in design and editorial focus. The circulation increased to more than 10,000 in 1992, but then Klassekampen lost momentum. It did not manage to use the 1994 referendum on EU membership, where the paper was among with a clear stand against, for increased growth. In early 1995, Duplotrykk – the paper's own printing company – went bankrupt. After this, Klassekampen has been printed by commercial suppliers.

Internal conflicts in the staff were frequent. Editor Sigurd Allern had a rather authoritarian style of leadership, that did not suit the liberated situation and hindered the creative capabilities of the staff. An expansion of the Saturday edition in 1994 was forced through by Allern against the will of the journalists, the marketing department, the CFO and a minority of the board. He (supported by the majority of the board) also pursued a strategy of a still broader ownership and had talks with Kristen Nygaard, that had led the No to EU movement and with the Socialist Left Party (SV) and their then weekly, Ny Tid.

The Bjerke years
Main owner AKP had, as many of its sister parties from the 1970s, declined during the 80s. A further setback came in 1991, when its election front Rød Valgallianse became an independent organization and many party members chose to quit AKP and concentrate on RV. Among these were several of those sympathetic to Allern's strategy, while the skepticism toward the editor in the rest-AKP became obvious. In 1995, Allern took the consequences of this and resigned. Paul Bjerke, who had been Allern's deputy, was appointed new editor. He had worked in the paper since 1982. His work style was very opposite to his predecessor's. In a portrait interview in 1997 with the headline "Mumble mumble" he described himself as "somewhat over the edge antisocial".

Bjerke soon had to accept reductions in staff and number of pages. His proposed strategy was to meet the problems with expansion. This line was supported by Aksel Nærstad, who from late 1994 had been leading the company board. Nærstad argued that it would be possible to reach a circulation of 15,000 within few years, and that a capital increase of ten million NOK could be obtained provided AKP reduced its ownership. AKP considered these to be numbers without links to reality and instead suggested a discussion on what could be done to fulfill the paper's purpose and strengthen Klassekampen as a "revolutionary, radical, indignant on behalf of the poor, critical to the system and foresighted" newspaper. The national convention of AKP in May 1997 was positive to reducing the party's ownership, but also stated that changing the name or the purpose clause was unacceptable.

Criticism of the paper did not only arise from the AKP leadership and cadre. In 1996, an internet forum named KK-forum was established by outsiders as an attempt on participatory democracy, but this was not welcomed by the paper and its staff, who mostly refused to participate in open polemics. Around the same time there was a notable change in Klassekampen culture pages with more high-brow intellectual essays that seemed uninteresting and unavailable for the common reader. This led to heavy discussions. Early 1997 Nærstad and Bjerke chose – against AKP's will – to go public with their suggested strategy. This led to Nærstad being sacked as leader of the board, and also to discussions about Bjerke's position. During the spring and summer several initiatives were taken to solve the situation, but there was an increasing lack of confidence between the groups.

In September 1997, parliamentary elections were due. For four years RV had had its first representative, Erling Folkvord, but polls indicated that he was in danger of losing his seat. Klassekampen had always been supporting RV at elections, but now party members felt the help to be somewhat lacking. A few days before the elections the conflict around the newspaper became public as other media claimed that AKP would fire Bjerke. AKP denied that this was the plan. On election day, 15 September, Klassekampen front page had a picture of Kristin Halvorsen of SV, and Folkvord lost his seat with a margin of 600 votes. The next day AKP formally declared non-confidence to Bjerke. Most of the editorial staff gathered around their editor, started a byline strike and published comments confronting the papers main owner.

Michelet takes over
AKP now offered the position as editor to Jon Michelet, novelist, RV politician and former journalist. He was asked not to take the job by a large majority of the staff. Furthermore, campaigns were organized to hit the paper's economy by not renewing subscriptions or withholding promised financial contributions. When Bjerke received a formal letter about the boards decision of firing him, the local union of journalists declared that it collectively took over the leadership. As a compromise the board now decided to open for alternative candidates. Meanwhile, journalist Carsten Thomassen was appointed temporary editor. By the end of the month, four additional candidates had signed up, with Kjell Gjerseth being the favorite of the staff. He and MIchelet got the same number of votes in the board, leaving the decision to the board leader who voted in favor of Michelet. The public debate during and after this was hard. Both sides had its supporters. Bjerke went to court to keep the job, but settled with one year paid leave before quitting, while the board admitted that their reasons were not necessarily objectively justified. With most of the editorial staff as well as several external contributors leaving, Michelet's most acute task was to fill the columns of the paper on a daily basis. This turned out to be easier than feared, and soon the offices were filled with a new generation of journalists.

Still, it was necessary to improve the paper's economy. In 1998, AKP launched a campaign to sell new shares. If successful, this would give Klassekampen 5.5 million NOK while simultaneously reducing the party's ownership to just below 50 percent. The result was 5.9 million. At the same time, circulation dropped dramatically, leading to several years with operating deficits.

From 2000: Daily of the left
In the AKP years, other parties of the left as well as the trade union leadership regularly were criticized, often in a secterical way. To survive economically and fulfill the strategy of 1991, Klassekampen and its staff – in line with the slogan "The daily of the left" – had to make friends with these groups. Furthermore, the paper realized that it was not possible to grow by committing only to a working class group of readers, whereupon the coverage of cultural and ideological topics was increased. Much was done in these areas during the 1990s – and much was lost again during the 1997 crisis. Thus, a primary task for Michelet and his staff was to rebuild confidence within these groups. Several persons with links to the Socialist Left Party (and its youth organization Socialist Youth) was hired or offered columns in the paper.

MIchelet had a personal style that helped reducing old conflict and build confidence. On the other hand, his impulsivity could create internal problems, causing the board and the CFO to alarm AKP, still the largest owner. Strengthening of the paper's editorial leadership was necessary. In October 2000, Bjørgulv Braanen was hired as assistant editor (redaksjonssjef). Braanen had been in Klassekampen before, as head of layout in the late 1980s, but had spent ten years in different positions in Dagens Næringsliv, a liberal business paper. The return to Klassekampen for him meant a 50 percent reduction in salary, but he said it was a project he could stand for – on the condition that AKP would reduce its ownership and that the paper would develop further into an arena for the broad left.

In 2002, Klassekampen published around 10 essays by and two interviews with Israel Shamir, who was criticized for arguing in favour of alliances with the far right,. After a debate between Shamir and Håkon Kolmannskog (then editor of the correspondence pages), the cooperation was ended.

Braanen's years
Michelet had a five-year contract as editor. For health reasons he abstained from prolongation, whereupon Braanen took over as chief editor in 2002. He presented his ambitions: "I think we have a golden opportunity to build a broad, versatile and radical paper. The political situation also demands such a paper, and not the propaganda paper of former times. The left is on the defensive, and the way ahead is vague. (...) In this situation we need a broad and inclusive radical and critical paper, not one that pretends to have all the answers up front."

Braanen followed this line, and Klassekampen managed to increase its circulation year by year. This naturally helped the paper's financial situation and made improvements possible. One of these was an increased coverage of culture. In September 2006 Bokmagasinet (The Book Magazine) was launched as an enclosure every Saturday, inspired by Guardian Review and the Danish Weekendavisen, and aiming to become "Norway's most important literature paper". In 2012 a similar music was approached in the same way when the weekly Musikkmagasinet started on Mondays. Theatre and the arts also have regular pages. For some time, the separate magazine Cinema was distributed along with Klassekampen six times per year.

In 2004, former editor Paul Bjerke returned to the paper with a regular weekly column that ran for thirteen years.

Another step against the mainstream media flow, was to improve the paper's coverage of "all Norway" through regional offices – in Trondheim (2012), Tromsø (2017) and Bergen (2017).

In 2006 Braanen received the Fritt Ord Award for his efforts – together with the staff – to develop Klassekampen into a broad and including daily "with exceptional contributions in the field of serious political journalism". In 2009 he was named Editor of the Year by the Editors' Association of Oslo.

AKP's majority ownership was still a topic of discussion. In 2006 two left-wing publishing houses, Oktober and Pax, proposed to invest NOK 3 million in the paper. This was turned down by AKP, creating fear that the party was going back on its plan to reduce its share. But it turned out that the party's plan was even more ambitious, and in 2007 it was announced that also Fagforbundet, Norway's largest trade union, would throw in 3 million. A spokeswoman for the union stated that "Klassekampen plays an important role in areas important for the union: defending the welfare state, a critical attitude to neoliberalism and wide coverage of the environmental crisis". Later on more trade unions have bought shares in Klassekampen. Fellesforbundet first acquired shares for NOK 100,000 in 2011 (as did Landsorganisasjonen), and then in 2015 threw in 5 million NOK to become a 5 percent owner. In 2007, AKP and RV merged into the Red Party, which took over AKP shares.

Skurdal takes over
In 2018, Braanen resigned as chief editor and was replaced by Mari Skurdal who had along career in different leading positions in the paper. Braanen continued as a political commentator/editor. Skurdal has in general continued Braanen's editorial line, but with increased priority on investigative journalism. A separate unit for this was established  in late 2021. A new digital platform was launched in 2018 and received the DOGA-label for good design the following year. However, Klassekampen remains to be a primarily printed newspaper with only a few daily articles openly accessible on the Internet.

In 2022 Skurdal was named Editor of the year by the Editors' Association of Oslo.

Coverage of Russia
In early 2022 Klassekampen was criticized by some of Norway's mainstream newspapers for an uncritical attitude towards Vladimir Putin's Russia and for having published pro-Russian conspiracy theories. The political editor of Dagbladet Geir Ramnefjell wrote that Klassekampen got its coverage of the events of the Russo-Ukrainian War that led to the 2022 full-scale invasion "most consistently wrong" and claimed – based on the publication of an essay by the Italian journalist Thomas Fazi – that the paper continued to publish "third rate conspiracy theories" of the "crackpot left" even after the invasion. The day after the Russian invasion the paper was described as "Putin's Norwegian parrots" by Andreas Slettholm of Aftenposten. The political editor of Dagens Næringsliv Frithjof Jacobsen wrote that Klassekampen's former editor Bjørgulv Braanen was among those who had espoused "rigid anti-Americanism" and "whose voices we do not need to listen to any more." Klassekampen, however, condemned the Russian invasion of Ukraine from the beginning. An editorial from Norway's largest newspaper Aftenposten in November 2022 stated that "before the invasion, Klassekampen went to great lengths to dismiss concerns that there was any threat from Russia against Ukraine. Now the newspaper chooses to downplay the danger that Russian manipulation of Western democracies poses."

Coverage of transgender people
The paper has been criticized by representatives of the LGBT community for its coverage of transgender people. Gender studies scholar Janne Bromseth wrote that "Klassekampen has published regular columnists who have voiced transphobic views for a long time." Jon Martin Larsen argued that some published articles were trampling on transgender people and inciting hatred against them. Skurdal denied the accusations of transphobia and said that the editorial profile is to bring in different voices on this and other issues, giving the readers the opportunity to make up their own minds. Regular columnists Anne Kalvig (vice chair of Women's Declaration International) and Kajsa Ekis Ekman (a Swedish freelance writer) have written several articles in the newspaper from "gender critical" viewpoints.

Internet
Klassekampen has had a relatively small Internet presence since the 1990s, launched in late 1996. In 2020 the paper launched its new website and since then the newspaper has been climbing on daily digital readers. Katrine Holmøy has been Klassekampens development editor from 2016. In 2019, Klassekampens online paper was awarded with the DOGA-label for good design.

KK-forum was established by Trond Andresen in 1996. Andresen has since been a keen advocate of the newspaper's use of the Internet, both as moderator of its various semi-official or official early Internet platforms, as a columnist in the printed newspaper and at the shareholders' meetings. KK-forum played a major role in the ousting of then-editor Paul Bjerke in 1997, when the paper's owners, AKP, appointed Jon Michelet as the new editor. As editor of Klassekampen Michelet initiated a formal cooperation with Trond Andresen and KK-forum, that became the semi-official Internet forum of Klassekampen from 1997; it was linked from the newspaper's Internet frontpage. Andresen was also a regular columnist in the printed newspaper from 2000 to 2016.

In 2008 Klassekampen launched its official online forum, also moderated by Trond Andresen, following a decision at the shareholders' meeting spearheaded by Andresen.

In 2009 Trond Andresen established the Facebook group "Vi som bryr oss om avisa Klassekampen" [Those of us who care about the newspaper Klassekampen], where the paper's editorial practices are discussed. After some years Klassekampen distanced itself from the group, and in an editorial the newspaper claimed that the forum "has for years been the scene of backbiting of the newspaper's journalism and staff."

Current content
The paper is based in Oslo and has local offices in Bergen, Trondheim, Tromsø and Cairo, Egypt. Ownership is shared by the Red Party (successor of the Workers' Communist Party), the national trade unions Fagforbundet, Fellesforbundet and Industri Energi, Mater (sole owner of the Pax publisher), Oktoberstiftelsen (minority owner of the Oktober publishing house), the support organization Klassekampens venner, as well as smaller shareholders.

On Saturdays, the newspaper features a separate book magazine. Editors of this section have been Bendik Wold (2006–2008) and Karin Haugen (2008–present). Among the regular contributors are (per 2022): Jonas Bals, Ellen Engelstad, Tore Linné Eriksen, Elin Kittelsen, Mimir Kristjansson, Sandra Lillebø, Espen Stueland and Janneken Øverland. A special column on Nordic literature features essays by Gerður Kristný (Iceland), Peter Fröberg Idling and Magnus Nilsson (Sweden), Kristina Stoltz and Peter Nielsen (Denmark), and Sirpa Kähkönen and Pia Ingström (Finland).

A music magazine is included on Mondays. Editor is Erik Blegeberg. It features interviews, essays and reviews of a broad spectrum of music genres. Contributors include Egil Baumann, Mariann Bjørnelv, Charlotte Myrbråten and Tom Skjeklesæter.

In general, the paper presents a variety of opinions. It features several columns with regular external contributors (per 2022): "Feminist of course" (Wencke Mühleisen, Asta Beate Håland, Stephen Walton, Anne Bitsch), "Kringla heimsins" (Hans Jacob Orning, Gro Steinsland, Frans-Arne Stylegar, Christine Amadou, Thomas Reinertsen Berg, Gunnhild Røthe), "Homo Politicus" (Ottar Brox, Arne Johan Vetlesen, Bente Aasjord, Linn Herning, Magnus Marsdal), "A Nordic Dawn" (trade union activists from the Nordic countries), "Horizon" (Bhaskar Sunkara, Kajsa Ekis Ekman, Thomas Fazi, Francesca Borri, William Shoki, Grace Blakely, Vijay Prashad), "Heads and Tails" (Morten Jerven, Erik S. Reinert, Maria Walberg, Rune Skarstein, Chr. Anton Smedshaug, Ole Kvadsheim), "In good faith" (Lars Gule, Rania Jalal Al-Nahi, Gyrid Gunnes, Eivor Andersen Oftestad, Mina Bai), "Naturally" (Stefan Sundström, Anna Blix, Kathrine Kinn, Frans-Jan Parmentier, Lene Liebe Delsett), "Signed" (Jonas Bals, Sandra Lillebø, Olav Elgvin, Olaug Nilssen, Minda Holm, Åsa Linderborg).

Other regular contributors are Solveig Aareskjold, Idar Helle, Dag Seierstad, Morten Harper, Arild Linneberg, Torgrim Eggen, Arild Rønsen, and Sylfest Lomheim. Bjørn Vassnes has a weekly column on advances in science. Comedian Knut Nærum contributes as a cartoonist on Saturdays. Jens Styve's one-liner Dunce runs daily. Reviews of theater, film and art exhibition are regular.

The Norwegian edition of the monthly Le Monde diplomatique is enclosed in a full subscription of Klassekampen.

Funding
Norway has for a long time had various schemes for state support of newspapers. Still, it has proved difficult to establish new nationwide print papers. When Klassekampen became a daily in 1977, it was the first time since 1945 a new paper entered this arena. The next time was in 1992.

In addition to state support and income from subscriptions, single sales and advertisements, Klassekampen has always been based on voluntary financial and practical support. The first printing press was financed by enthusiastic young people taking summer jobs or newspaper couriers (for established newspapers) before school hours. All work (editing, printing, sales) was done on a voluntary basis in the first years. The first paid employees started when the paper turned into a weekly publication in 1973. In 1974 the party launched a campaign to finance a rotary press. The following 2.5 years the campaign raised more than NOK 5.6 million.

Klassekampen's current owners include Norway's Red Party, the association Klassekampens venner ("Friends of Klassekampen"), several trade unions and smaller shareholders.

Chief editors

 * Anders M. Andersen 1969
 * Anders M. Andersen and Finn Aasheim 1969
 * Finn Aasheim 1969
 * Sigurd Allern and Finn Aasheim 1969–1970
 * Sigurd Allern 1970–1972
 * Finn Sjue 1973–1977
 * Egil Fossum 1977–1978
 * Egil Fossum and Sigurd Allern 1978–1979
 * Sigurd Allern 1979–1995
 * Paul Bjerke 1995–1997
 * Jon Michelet 1997–2002
 * Bjørgulv Braanen 2002–2018
 * Mari Skurdal 2018–

Circulation

 * 1980: 7219
 * 1981: 7633
 * 1982: 7920
 * 1983: 7920
 * 1984: 8008
 * 1985: 7780
 * 1986: 8020
 * 1987: 8110
 * 1988: 8185
 * 1989: 8449
 * 1990: 8206
 * 1991: 9232
 * 1992: 10042
 * 1993: 9692
 * 1994: 9822
 * 1995: 9103
 * 1996: 7796
 * 1997: 8087
 * 1998: 6506
 * 1999: 6477
 * 2000: 6557
 * 2001: 6648
 * 2002: 6929
 * 2003: 7178
 * 2004: 7512
 * 2005: 8759
 * 2006: 10109
 * 2007: 11386
 * 2008: 12109
 * 2009: 13265
 * 2010: 14390
 * 2011: 15390
 * 2012: 16353
 * 2013: 17648
 * 2014: 19253
 * 2015: 21648
 * 2016: 23414
 * 2017: 25019
 * 2018: 27855
 * 2019: 30076

title: Klassekampen


text:
Mefun

Mefun (めふん) is a local delicacy from Hokkaidō, Japan. Originally an Ainu dish, it consists of the kidney of chum salmon pickled in a salt solution until a dark brownish black. It is often served with alcohol or as a side dish.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Mefun


text: Talk:Representing the Mambo

title: Talk:Representing the Mambo


text:
Itapeva

Itapeva may refer to the following places in Brazil:

 * Itapeva, Minas Gerais
 * Itapeva, São Paulo

title: Itapeva


text:
Talk:Sailin' Shoes

Assessment comment
Substituted at 05:15, 30 April 2016 (UTC)

title: Talk:Sailin' Shoes


text: Talk:Shake Me Up

title: Talk:Shake Me Up


text:
Playhouse

Playhouse (Schauspielhaus) is a common term for a theatre.

Playhouse, The Playhouse, Playhouse Theatre, or Playhouse Theater may also refer to:

Australia

 * Dunstan Playhouse, at the Adelaide Festival Centre, Adelaide, South Australia
 * The Playhouse, at the Arts Centre Melbourne, Victoria
 * The Playhouse, at the Canberra Theatre Centre in Canberra, ACT
 * The Playhouse, at the National Institute of Dramatic Art, Sydney
 * The Playhouse, at the Queensland Performing Arts Centre, Brisbane, Queensland
 * The Playhouse, at the Sydney Opera House, New South Wales
 * The Playhouse (1916–1933), became Garrick Theatre (Melbourne), Victoria
 * Playhouse Theatre (Perth), a theatre in Perth, Western Australia, demolished in 2012
 * Playhouse Theatre (Hobart), a theatre in Hobart, Tasmania

Austria

 * Landestheater Niederösterreich,St. Pölten
 * Schauspielhaus Salzburg
 * Schauspielhaus Wien, Vienna

Canada

 * The Playhouse (Fredericton), a theatre in Fredericton, New Brunswick
 * Vancouver Playhouse (theatre venue), a theatre in Vancouver, B.C.
 * Vancouver Playhouse Theatre Company, a former theatre company at the Queen Elizabeth Theatre, Vancouver, Canada, known informally as "The Playhouse"

Denmark

 * Royal Danish Playhouse, a theatre in Copenhagen

Berlin

 * Schauspielhaus Berlin, now Konzerthaus Berlin
 * Großes Schauspielhaus
 * Neues Schauspielhaus

Elsewhere in Germany

 * Deutsches Schauspielhaus, Hamburg
 * Düsseldorfer Schauspielhaus
 * Opern- und Schauspielhaus Frankfurt
 * Schauspiel Bochum
 * Schauspielhaus Wuppertal

New Zealand

 * Playhouse Theatre, Dunedin
 * Playhouse Theatre, Glen Eden, Auckland

South Africa

 * The Playhouse, Durban, a theatre in Durban, Kwazulu-Natal, home of The Playhouse Company

Switzerland

 * Schauspielhaus Zürich, Switzerland

London

 * Erith Playhouse, a theatre in Erith, southeast London
 * Playhouse Theatre, a West End theatre in London

Elsewhere in the UK

 * Bradford Playhouse a theatre in Bradford, West Yorkshire
 * Derby Playhouse, a form theatre and theatre company in Derby (1975–2008)
 * Edinburgh Playhouse, a theatre in Edinburgh, Scotland, formerly a cinema
 * Epsom Playhouse, a theatre in Epsom and Ewell, Surrey
 * Ilkley Playhouse, a theatre in Ilkley, Bradford
 * Leeds Playhouse, a theatre in Leeds
 * Liverpool Playhouse, a theatre in Liverpool, Merseyside
 * Newcastle Playhouse, a theatre in Newcastle upon Tyne, Tyne and Wear
 * Norwich Playhouse, a theatre in Norwich, Norfolk
 * Nottingham Playhouse, a theatre in Nottingham, Nottinghamshire
 * Oxford Playhouse, a theatre in Oxford, Oxfordshire
 * Perth Playhouse, an independent cinema in Perth, Scotland
 * Playhouse (Sleaford), Sleaford, Lincolnshire
 * The Playhouse, Cheltenham, a theatre in Cheltenham, Gloucestershire
 * The Playhouse, Colchester, a former theatre in Colchester, Essex
 * Playhouse, Whitley Bay, Tyne and Wear
 * The Playhouse, Weston-super-Mare, a theatre in Weston-super-Mare, Somerset
 * Playhouse Theatre, Harlow, a theatre in Harlow, Essex
 * Playhouse Theatre, Manchester, a listed building currently used as a community arts centre called Niamos Centre
 * Sheffield Playhouse, a former theatre used by Sheffield Repertory Theatre in Sheffield, South Yorkshire

California

 * Geffen Playhouse, a theatre in Los Angeles, California
 * La Jolla Playhouse a theatre in San Diego, California
 * Lewis Family Playhouse, at the Victoria Gardens Cultural Center in Rancho Cucamonga, California
 * Pasadena Playhouse, a theatre in Pasadena, California

Other states

 * Blackfriars Playhouse, at the American Shakespeare Center, Staunton, Virginia
 * Cocoa Village Playhouse, a theatre in Cocoa, Florida
 * Playhouse on the Square, a theatre in Memphis, Tennessee
 * Playhouse Theater, in Bennettsville Historic District, in Bennettsville, South Carolina
 * Playhouse Theatre (New York City), New York
 * Playhouse Theatre (Seattle), in Seattle, Washington
 * Ridgefield Playhouse, a theatre in Ridgefield, Connecticut
 * Westport Country Playhouse, a theatre in Westport, Connecticut

Television

 * Comedy Playhouse, UK sitcom anthology TV series that ran on BBC from 1961 to 1975, and 2014 to 2017
 * ITV Television Playhouse, UK drama anthology TV series that ran from 1955 to 1963
 * Pee-wee's Playhouse, an American children's television show that ran from 1986 to 1990
 * Playhouse (British TV series), drama anthology series that ran on ITV from 1967 to 1983
 * Playhouse (Philippine TV series), 2018 drama series on ABS-CBN
 * Playhouse Disney, an international group of television channels and blocks for preschool-aged children

Film

 * The Playhouse (film), a 1921 film written and directed by Buster Keaton
 * Playhouse (film), a 2020 British horror film

Radio

 * The Playhouse (radio show), a syndicated radio show based out of Portland, Oregon

Toys

 * Wendy house (or playhouse), a small house for children to play in
 * Dollhouse, a toy home made in miniature

Other uses

 * Playhouse Records, the label founded by Jim Copp and Ed Brown

title: Playhouse


text: Talk:Time Loves a Hero

title: Talk:Time Loves a Hero


text:
Itapeva, São Paulo

Itapeva is a city in the state of São Paulo, Brazil. The population is 94,804 (2020 est.) in an area of 1826.26 km2.

History
The city was founded as a village in the beginning of the 18th century. In 1769 the municipality was created, by separating it from Sorocaba. Named Itapeva da Faxina until 1910 and Faxina until 1938. In Tupi language, Itapeva means “flat stone”.

Founder: Antônio Furquim Pedroso.

In Itapeva is located the Wall of the Slaves, which is a tourist point, in addition to the Vila Isabel Station, the Pilão D’Agua and the Dr. Pinheiro Promenade.

Geography
Itapeva is located at an elevation of 684 meters.

HDI
HDI (HDI-M): 0,745 (Fonte: IPEADATA)

Hydrography

 * Apiaí-Guaçu River
 * Taquari River
 * Pirituba River
 * Taquari-Mirim River
 * Taquari-Guaçu River

Highways

 * SP-249
 * SP-258 Francisco Alves Negrão Highway

Districts
Itapeva has three districts
 * Guarizinho
 * Alto da Brancal
 * Areia Branca

Climate
The coldest month is June (mean temperature 15.1 °C, 59°F), and the hottest is January (mean 22.7 °C, 73 °F). Rainfall averages 1254 mm.

Governance

 * Mayor: Mário Tassinari ( PSDB ) 2021-2025

Higher education

 * Faculdade Metodista do Sul Paulista
 * FAIT
 * UNESP - São Paulo State University
 * UNIGRAN NET
 * FATEC Internacional
 * FACINTER

Media
In telecommunications, the city was served by Companhia Telefônica Brasileira until 1973, when it began to be served by Telecomunicações de São Paulo. In July 1998, this company was acquired by Telefónica, which adopted the Vivo brand in 2012.

The company is currently an operator of cell phones, fixed lines, internet (fiber optics/4G) and television (satellite and cable).

title: Itapeva, São Paulo


text:
National Lampoon's Doon

National Lampoon's Doon is a parody novel written by Ellis Weiner and published in 1984 by Pocket Books for National Lampoon. Doon is a spoof of Frank Herbert's 1965 science fiction novel Dune.

Doon was reprinted by Grafton Books (ISBN 0-586-06636-5) in 1985. In 1988 William F. Touponce called the book "something of a tribute to Herbert's success on college campuses", noting that "the only other book to have been so honored is Tolkien's The Lord of the Rings," which was parodied by The Harvard Lampoon in 1969.

Dune is set on the dangerous planet Arrakis, sole source of the spice melange, the most valuable substance in the universe. The parody follows a similar storyline, wherein rival restaurant-owning families battle for control of Arruckus, which is overrun by giant pretzels and the source of valuable beer.

Plot
The planet Arruckus is also known as "Doon", the Dessert Planet totally devoid of entrées, and its only export is beer. Within the Galactic Empire, House Hardchargin, the House given charge of Arruckus, has been displaced by House Agamemnides, with Duke Lotto at its head.

Soon after arriving at Doon, Duke Lotto and House Agamemnides fall victim to a scheme originated by Baron Vladimir Hardchargin and implemented by the Duke's own accountant Oyeah, who kept a secret second ledger. When the Emperor called for an audit of the fief, the duplicate ledger made it appear as though House Agamemnides had been cooking the books. Duke Lotto's brief reign over Doon is ended and House Hardchargin is reinstated as fief-holders.

Banished to the sugared wilderness, Pall, head of House Agamemnides, and Lady Jazzica meet with and are eventually accepted by the planet's native population, the Freedmenmen. Pall begins to ascend the power structure of the tribe and takes the Freedmenmen girl Loni as his lover. Pall positions himself as the long hoped-for Freedmenmen messiah, who will finally bring the entrées the Freedmenmen have hungered for. By this route, he assumes and consolidates his power over the natives.

Meanwhile, Baron Vladimir Hardchargin is hungry for more success, and has plans to become the true power in the galaxy. Events come to a head when Pall challenges the Baron to a bake-off, with a new ingredient: peanut butter, rendered from the naturally occurring snack mix's peanuts, and debuting his secret weapon – a liqueur made from beer – Drambrewski. With the support of the people, Pall assumes Imperial control, banishing the Emperor's house to the prison planet Simplicissima Secundus, acquiring the hand of the Emperor's daughter Serutan in a marriage of convenience, and the Freedmenmen woman Loni as his concubine.

Reception
Dave Langford reviewed National Lampoon's Doon for White Dwarf #76, and stated that "with the best will in the world, a parody of a particular author gets tiresome after a few thousand words."

Reviews

 * Review by Dave Mead (1985) in Fantasy Review, February 1985
 * Review by Thomas G. Mahnken (1985) in Fantasy Review, February 1985
 * Review by Alma Jo Williams (1985) in Science Fiction Review, Summer 1985
 * Review by Robert Coulson (1985) in Amazing Stories, July 1985

title: National Lampoon's Doon


text:
Talk:Under the Radar (Little Feat album)

move/rename
Moved this page to Under the Radar (Little Feat album) from Under the Radar in anticipation of Under the Radar (Dispatch album) as well, conforming to WikiProject_Albums Euphoria 00:14, 25 February 2006 (UTC)

Fair use rationale for Image:Little Feat - Under the Radar.jpg
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BetacommandBot (talk) 22:16, 13 February 2008 (UTC)


text:
Talk:Waiting for Columbus

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

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title: Talk:Waiting for Columbus


text:
Itapeva, Minas Gerais

Itapeva is a municipality in the state of Minas Gerais in Brazil. The population is 9,881 (2020 est.) in an area of 177 km².

The municipality contains part of the 180373 ha Fernão Dias Environmental Protection Area, created in 1997.

title: Itapeva, Minas Gerais


text:
Asaphida

Asaphida is a large, morphologically diverse order of trilobites found in marine strata dated from the Middle Cambrian until their extinction during the Silurian. Asaphida contains six superfamilies (Anomocaroidea, Asaphoidea, Cyclopygoidea, Dikelocephaloidea, Remopleuridoidea and Trinucleioidea), but no suborders. Asaphids comprise some 20% of described fossil trilobites.

In 2020, the superfamily Trinucleioidea was proposed to be raised to an order (Trinucleida) and removed from Asaphida.

Morphology
The Asaphids generally have cephalon (head) and pygidium (tail) parts similar in size, and most species have a prominent median ventral suture. Heads are often flat, and carapace furrows in the head area are often faint or not visible. Thoracic segments typically number 5 - 12, though some species have as few as two and some as many as 30. They also generally have a wide doublure, or rim, that surrounds the cephalon. This causes some specimens to be described as having a characteristic "snowplow" shaped cephalon. When present, eyes are typically large.

One Asaphida line, the Superfamily Asaphoidea, shows a continuous evolution of eyestalks, from individuals with stubby eyes to Asaphus kowalewskii, a trilobite with long eyestalks. This line is found in the Middle Ordovician Asery Level deposits of the Volkhov River region near Saint Petersburg, Russia. During the Ordovician, the region that is now Eastern Europe was a shallow inland sea. This eyestalk development is believed to be an adaptation to changes in turbidity during this time, with eye-stalked trilobites like A. kowalewski presumably arising in a time of increased turbidity. One thought is that this trilobite may have lain in wait for prey buried in the bottom sediment with only its periscope eyestalks protruding.

The major extinction event marking the end of the Ordovician Period reduced the diversity of all trilobite orders with most asaphid families disappearing. The only surviving asaphids were members of superfamily Trinucleioidea, and they too disappeared before the end of the Silurian Period.

Taxonomy
The following superfamilies and families are included:

 * Superfamily Anomocaroidea
 * Andrarinidae
 * Anomocarellidae
 * Anomocaridae
 * Aphelaspididae
 * Parabolinoididae
 * Pterocephaliidae
 * Superfamily Asaphoidea
 * Asaphidae
 * Ceratopygidae
 * Tsinaniidae
 * Superfamily Cyclopygoidea
 * Cyclopygidae
 * Isocolidae?
 * Nileidae?
 * Taihungshaniidae
 * Superfamily Dikelokephaloidea
 * Dikelocephalidae
 * Eurekiidae
 * Loganellidae
 * Ptychaspididae
 * Saukiidae
 * Superfamily Remopleuridioidea
 * Auritamiidae
 * Bohemillidae
 * Hungaiidae
 * Idahoiidae
 * Remopleurididae
 * Superfamily Trinucleioidea ?
 * Alsataspididae
 * Dionididae
 * Liostracinidae
 * Raphiophoridae
 * Trinucleidae
 * incertae sedis
 * Rhyssometopidae (includes Mapaniidae, Plectriferidae)
 * Monkaspididae (Chelidonocephalidae ?)

title: Asaphida


text:
Michel Loève

Michel Loève (January 22, 1907 – February 17, 1979) was a French-American probabilist and mathematical statistician, of Jewish origin. He is known in mathematical statistics and probability theory for the Karhunen–Loève theorem and Karhunen–Loève transform.

Michel Loève was born in Jaffa (then part of the Ottoman Empire) in 1907, to a Jewish family. He passed most of his childhood years in Egypt and received his primary and secondary education there in French schools. Later, after achieving the grades of B.L. in 1931 and A.B. in 1936, he studied mathematics at the Université de Paris under Paul Lévy, and received his Doctorat ès Sciences (Mathématiques) in 1941. In 1936 was employed as actuaire of the University of Lyon.

Because of his Jewish origin, he was arrested during the German occupation of France and sent to Drancy internment camp. One of his books is dedicated "To Line and To the students and teachers of the School in the Camp de Drancy". Having survived the Holocaust, after the liberation he became between 1944 and 1946 chief of research at the Institut Henri Poincaré at Paris University, then until 1948 worked at the University of London.

After one term as a visiting professor at Columbia University he accepted the position of professor of mathematics at Berkeley, in 1955 adding the title professor of statistics.

He is the author of one of the earliest books on measure-theoretic probability theory and one of the best known textbooks. He is memorialized via the Loève Prize created by his widow Line.

title: Michel Loève


text:
Itapevi

Itapevi is a Brazilian municipality in the state of São Paulo located in the western part of the Greater São Paulo metropolitan area (35 km to the west of São Paulo city). The population is 240,961 (2020 est.) in an area of 82.7 km2.

Its boundaries are Santana de Parnaíba to the north, Barueri in the northeast, Jandira in the east, Cotia to the south, Vargem Grande Paulista to the southwest and São Roque to the west.

The city is served by Castello Branco and Raposo Tavares highways and also by Line 8 of CPTM, the São Paulo Metropolitan Railway Company.

Etymology
The toponym comes from the Tupi language Itapevi and means "river of flat stones," according to two books: "Vocabulário Tupi-Guarani - Português", by Prof. Silveira Bueno (Brasilivros Editora), and "A Origem dos Nomes dos Municípios Paulistas" (Imprensa Oficial do Estado de São Paulo, 2003), by Enio Squeff and Helder Perri Ferreira.

Says the constant entry of final work: "Itapevi (by Tupi - itá peb'y): itapevas river, the river slabs of flat stones, of ita-peba (flat stone slab) and 'y (river or waters) ".

History
The formation of the village began around the eighteenth century, and the first building in the city was a house built around 1720, used by bandeirantes. The earliest settlers were probably the Abreus family.

On July 10, 1875, the train station of Cotia (Sorocabana) was inaugurated, around which formed the core of Itapevi. In 1895, the Italian Giulio Michaeli opened a quarry for the production of paving stones, attracting families of Italian immigrants, such as Belli, Michelotti and Silicani.

In 1912, Joaquim Nunes Filho (Nho Quim), from Cotia city, purchased the Sítio Itapevy, with 152 bushels. This place covering all the current city center. Nunes became a local political boss, for his ties to the former PRP (Partido Republicano Paulista). He managed the elevation of the village to district Cotia on October 12, 1920; Nunes has brought electricity in 1929 and the installation of the first telephone in 1930.

Nevertheless, the reference of the place was still under the name of Cotia train station, removing the possibility of identifying own the place.

In 1940, he arrived in Itapevi Carlos de Castro, businessman. Knowing that the Nunes family had pretensions to sell the land that belonged to Joaquim Nunes (who died in 1941), he acquired vast tract of land, giving rise to the allotment of Parque Suburbano and Jardim Bela Vista. It was from there that accelerated the process of urbanization of the place.

At the time, the train station was still called Cotia and the headquarters of the future city was known as Vila Cotia. With this, they created enormous confusion up to the postal and telegraph service in the district. In 1945, Carlos de Castro got with then Minister João Alberto that the station had its name changed to Itapevi. The people celebrated this decree.

On May 10, 1952, Carlos de Castro met with three other residents of the district: Nicolau Leonardo, Raul Leonardo and Ezequiel Dias Siqueira. Together, they drafted a petition to the Assembléia Legislativa do Estado de São Paulo for the emancipation of the district. Taking more than a thousand signatures, but even so, they were defeated by the fact that Itapevi was very near Cotia and that residents were indebted to the city. They had to wait five years for the project to be voted on again. From then and now, in a spirit of emancipation throughout this region, members of the society of the time initiated the movement for autonomy in the district, causing the population to commit mass in the process. Its founders were men like himself Carlos de Castro, Americo Christianini, Cezário de Abreu, Bonifácio de Abreu, Rubens Caramez (then councilor of Cotia and who later became the first mayor of Itapevi), Raul Leonardo (the only emancipatory still alive), Jose dos Santos Novaes, Antônio Pedra Pereira and many others.

In 1958, about nine hundred people opted for emancipation, against only thirty unwilling to accept autonomy in a referendum. That same year was formalized by Governor Jânio Quadros the law that created the city of Itapevi. The city was officially founded in the following year, on February 18, 1959, by Governor Carvalho Pinto. The first mayor was Rubens Caramez, who won the elections against Carlos de Castro.

Politics
The executive branch is currently exercised by the mayor Jaci Tadeu da Silva (PV) - elected in 2012 with a mandate until 2016, by Deputy Mayor Azevedo Fláudio Limes (PT) and the municipal secretaries appointed by the mayor (current Secretary of Government: Peter Tomishigue Mori).

 * List of mayors of Itapevi
 * Rubens Caramez (1960-1964) vice: Romeu Manfrinatto
 * Romeu Manfrinatto (1965-1968) vice: Pedro de Oliveira e Silva
 * Osmar de Souza (1969-1972) vice: Dorival de Oliveira
 * Romeu Manfrinatto (1973-1976) vice: Claro Camargo Ribeiro
 * Jurandir Salvarani (1977-1982) vice: João Caramez
 * Silas Manoel de Oliveira (1983-1988) vice: Elias de Souza
 * Jurandir Salvarani (1989-1992) vice: Ramiro Eleutério Novaes
 * João Caramez (1993-1996) vice: Lázaro Toledo Queiroz Filho
 * Sérgio Montanheiro (1997-2000) vice: José Francisco de Oliveira
 * Dalvani Anália Nasi Caramez (2001-2004) vice: Lineu Alberto Góis
 * Maria Ruth Banholzer (2005-2008) vice: Jaci Tadeu da Silva
 * Maria Ruth Banholzer (2009-2012) vice: Jaci Tadeu da Silva
 * Jaci Tadeu da Silva (2013-2016) vice: Fláudio Azevedo Limas
 * Igor Soares Ebert (2017 - 2020) vice: Marcos Teco Godoy
 * Igor Soares Ebert (2021-2024) vice: Marcos Teco Godoy

Subdivisions

 * Some neighborhoods of Itapevi:
 * Alto da Colina
 * Amador Bueno
 * Ambuitá
 * Bairro dos Abreus
 * Centro
 * Chácaras Monte Serrat
 * hácara Santa Cecília
 * Cruz Grande
 * Condomínio Nova São Paulo
 * Condomínio Vila Verde (antigo Transurb)
 * Condomínio Refúgio dos Pinheiros
 * Granja Carolina
 * Itaquí
 * Jardim Briquet
 * Jardim Bela Vista Alta
 * Jardim Bela Vista Baixa
 * Jardim Cruzeiro
 * Jardim Dona Elvira
 * Jardim Hokkaido
 * Jardim Itaparica
 * Jardim Julieta
 * Jardim Maristela
 * Jardim Paulista
 * Jardim Portela
 * Jardim Rainha
 * Jardim Rute
 * Jardim Rosemary
 * Jardim Santa Rita
 * Jardim São Carlos
 * Jardim São Luiz
 * Jardim Vitápolis
 * Parque Boa Esperança
 * Parque Santo Antônio
 * Parque Suburbano
 * Parque Wey
 * Residencial das Flores
 * Quatro Encruzilhadas
 * Vila Aparecida
 * Vila Aurora
 * Vila Belmira
 * Vila Dr. Cardoso
 * Vila Esperança
 * Vila Gióia
 * Vila Nova Itapevi
 * Vila Santa Rita
 * Vila São Francisco

Physical setting
Itapevi is located in Southeastern Brazil, in southeastern São Paulo State, approximately halfway between São Paulo city and Sorocaba. The city is located on a plateau located within the Serra do Mar (Portuguese for "Sea Range"), itself a component of the vast region known as the Brazilian Highlands, with an average elevation of around 799 metres (2,621 ft) above sea level, although being at a distance of only about 100 kilometres from the Atlantic Ocean.

The original flora consisted mainly of a great variety of broadleaf evergreens. Today, non-native species are common, as the mild climate and abundant rainfall permit a multitude of tropical, subtropical and temperate plants to be cultivated, with eucalyptus being especially ubiquitous.

Climate
Itapevi climate is subtropical, temperate, warm the coldest month being July and warmest in February. Rainfall is abundant, amounting to an annual average of 1,324 mm. According to Köppen, Itapevi can be classified as a humid subtropical climate "Cfa".

The climate table below shows the monthly and annual mean temperatures and rainfall for the city of Itapevi:

Economy
The municipality of Itapevi concentrates almost all its population in urban areas, resulting in reduced agricultural activity.

The Exame magazine pointed Itapevi among the 10 cities with the best economic development in the country, and as the first in the state of São Paulo. The ranking is part of the story "The best cities for business'.

Itapevi has a well diversified industrial park, with an emphasis on the pharmaceutical industry. Large companies are located within the municipality, such as Henkel, Jaraguá, Cacau Show, Casa Suíça, Eurofarma, Alpla, Wyeth, Blanver, Bomi Brasil and others.

Between 1960 and 1980, one of the main industries was the Santa Rita Cement Factory, which belonged to the Grupo Votorantim and was deactivated and demolished.

Demography
(Source: IPEA data) Changing demographics of the city of Itapevi
 * Total: 200.874 inhabitants (2010).
 * Demographic density (inhabitants/km2): 2.430,15
 * Child mortality until 1 year (in 1000): 9,74 (2004)
 * HDI : 0,759 (2000)
 * HDI-M Income: 0,663
 * HDI-M Longevity: 0,737
 * HDI-M Education: 0,876

Source: IBAM and IBGE

Media
In telecommunications, the city was served by Companhia Telefônica Brasileira until 1973, when it began to be served by Telecomunicações de São Paulo. In July 1998, this company was acquired by Telefónica, which adopted the Vivo brand in 2012.

The company is currently an operator of cell phones, fixed lines, internet (fiber optics/4G) and television (satellite and cable).

title: Itapevi


text:
Indonesia national football team

The Indonesia national football team (Tim nasional sepak bola Indonesia) represents Indonesia in international football. They were the first Asian team to participate in the FIFA World Cup, particularly in the 1938 edition as the Dutch East Indies. The 6–0 loss to eventual finalists Hungary in the first round remains the nation's only appearance in the World Cup. Thus, Indonesia holds the World Cup records as the team with the fewest matches played (1) and one of the teams with the fewest goals scored (0).

The team's only appearance at the Olympics was in 1956. Indonesia qualified for the AFC Asian Cup on five occasions, and advanced to the knockout stage for the first time in the 2023 edition, exiting in the round of 16. Indonesia achieved the bronze medal at the 1958 Asian Games in Tokyo. The team has reached the ASEAN Championship final ties on six occasions, but has never become champions. They share a regional rivalry with AFF teams, notably the rivalry against Malaysia, primarily due to political tensions.

First Asian team in the FIFA World Cup (1934–1950s)

The matches involving sides from the Dutch East Indies (or Netherlands East Indies) were organised by the Nederlandsch Indische Voetbal Bond (NIVB), or its successor, the Nederlandsch Indische Voetbal Unie (NIVU). The matches that were run prior to the nation's independence in 1945 are not recognised by PSSI.

The first recorded match that involved a team from the Dutch East Indies was a contest against a Singapore national team on 28 March 1921. The match was played in Batavia and the Dutch East Indies won with a final score of 1–0. This was followed by matches against an Australian XI in August 1928 (2–1 victory) and a team from Shanghai two years later (4–4 draw).

In 1934, a team from Java represented the Dutch East Indies in the Far Eastern Games that was played in Manila. After defeating the Japanese, 7–1, in its first match, the next two matches ended in defeats (2–0 to China and 3–2 to the host nation) resulting in a second-place tournament finish for the Dutch East Indies. Although not recognized by PSSI, these matches are treated by the World Football Elo ratings as the first matches involving the Indonesian national side.

The Dutch East Indies were the first Asian team to participate in the 1938 FIFA World Cup in France when the team qualified for the 1938 tournament after Japan withdrew from the qualification heats. The 6–0 loss to Hungary, in the first round of the tournament in Reims, remains the nation's only appearance in the World Cup.

Independence (1950s–1984)
After the Second World War, followed by the Indonesian Revolution, a highlight of the football history of an independent Indonesian team occurred at the 1956 Olympics in Melbourne. The team forced the Soviet Union to a nil-all draw, then lost 0–4 in the replay match. This remains the country's only appearance in the Olympics.

In 1958, the team tasted its first World Cup action as Indonesia in the qualifying rounds. The team defeated China in the first round, then subsequently refused to play its next opponents, Israel, for political reasons.

Indonesia won the bronze medal at the 1958 Asian Games where it beat India 4–1 in the third-place match. The team also drew 2–2 with East Germany in a friendly match.

The Indonesian team lifted the Merdeka Tournament trophy on three occasions (1961, 1962 and 1969). Indonesia were also champions of the 1968 King's Cup.

Indonesia returned to World Cup qualification competition in 1974; the team was eliminated in the first round, with only one win from six matches, against New Zealand. During the 1978 qualification heats, the Indonesian team won a single match out of four matches, against the host team, Singapore. Four years later, in 1982, Indonesia recorded two victories in qualifying matches, against Chinese Taipei and Australia.

Renaissance of Indonesia football (1985–1995)
The 1986 FIFA World Cup qualification round saw Indonesia advance from the first round with four wins, one draw, and one loss, eventually finishing at the top of its group. South Korea emerged victorious over Indonesia in the second round.

The team reached the semi-final of the 1986 Asian Games after beating the United Arab Emirates in the quarter-finals. Indonesia then lost to host South Korea in the semi-finals and lost to Kuwait in the bronze medal match.

A milestone during this era was the gold medal victory at the Southeast Asian Games in both 1987 and 1991. In 1987, Indonesia beat Malaysia 1–0; while in 1991, it beat Thailand in a penalty shoot-out.

In the 1990 qualification, the team lost in the first round, with only one win against Hong Kong, three draws and two defeats. The team also only managed a single victory against Vietnam in the 1994 qualification round.

1996 AFC Asian Cup
Indonesia's first appearance in the AFC Asian Cup was against United Arab Emirates in the 1996 AFC Asian Cup. During the tournament, Indonesia only scored a single point from a 2–2 draw against Kuwait in the first round.

2000 AFC Asian Cup
The team's second appearance in the Asian Cup was in Lebanon in the 2000 AFC Asian Cup; again, the Indonesian team gained only one point from three games, and again, from a match against Kuwait that finished without a score from either side. Indonesia established a higher record in the 2004 AFC Asian Cup, beating Qatar 2–1 to record the team's first-ever victory in the history of the tournament. The win was not enough for it to qualify for the second round, having fallen 0–5 to host China and 1–3 to Bahrain.

2004 AFC Asian Cup
Indonesia then qualified for their third successful tournament in the 2004 AFC Asian Cup being grouped with China, Qatar, and Bahrain with them winning the only match against Qatar in a 2–1 victory but crashed out of the tournament with only three points.

2007 AFC Asian Cup

The 2007 AFC Asian Cup saw Indonesia co-hosting the tournament with Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam becoming the first time in the AFC Asian Cup history that four countries co-hosted the competition. In the opening match of the tournament, Indonesia faces Bahrain with goals coming from Budi Sudarsono and Bambang Pamungkas to secure a 2–1 win. However, in the following two matches, Indonesia suffered a 2–1 defeat to Saudi Arabia and narrowly losing to South Korea 1–0 which Indonesia failed to qualified to the knockout stage of the tournament.

AFF Championship
Indonesia reached the finals of AFF Championship on six occasions (2000, 2002, 2004, 2010, 2016, and 2020), albeit never managing to lift the trophy victoriously. The team's claim of regional titles came in the Southeast Asian Games of 1987 and 1991.

After the Peter Withe era, the inability to fulfill the ASEAN target has been cited as the reason for Indonesia's "revolving door" in terms of team managers. Over two years, Indonesia's manager changed from Kolev to local coach Benny Dollo who was in turn sacked in 2010. The head coach position was then held by Alfred Riedl who failed to lift any cups and in July 2011 was then replaced by Wim Rijsbergen.

Suspensions (2012 and 2015–2016)
In March 2012, PSSI received a warning for the divided state of Indonesian football, whereby two separate leagues existed: the rebel Super League (ISL), which isn't recognized by PSSI or FIFA, and the Premier League (IPL). The National Sports Committee (KONI) encouraged PSSI to work collaboratively with Indonesian Football Savior Committee (KPSI) officials to rectify the situation but KONI chairman Tono Suratman stated in March 2012 that KONI would take over the beleaguered PSSI if matters are not improved. FIFA did not state whether Indonesia would face suspension, but on 20 March 2012, FIFA made an announcement. In the lead-up to 20 March 2012, PSSI struggled to resolve the situation and looked to its annual congress for a final solution. PSSI was given until 15 June 2012 to settle the issues at stake, notably the control of the breakaway league; failing this, the case was to be referred to the FIFA Emergency Committee for suspension. FIFA eventually set a new 1 December 2012 deadline. In the two weeks preceding the deadline, three out of four PSSI representatives withdrew from the joint committee, citing frustrations in dealing with KPSI representatives. However, FIFA stated that it would only issue a punishment to Indonesian football after the Indonesian national squad finished its involvement in the 2012 AFF Championship.

In 2013, the president of PSSI Djohar Arifin Husin signed a Memorandum of understanding (MoU) with La Nyalla Matalitti (KPSI-PSSI) that was initiated by FIFA and the AFC through the Asian Football Confederation's Task Force. Since then, the control of Indonesia Super League was taken by the Joint committee to remain manageable by PT Liga Indonesia until the establishment of a new professional competition by the committee. This means the Indonesian players from ISL were able to play and join the national team. The PSSI called players from both football leagues, ISL and IPL to fortify the national team for the Asian Cup qualifier of 2015. On 7 January 2013, PSSI announced a list of 51 players from both sides of football leagues regardless of whether players from the breakaway Indonesia Super League (ISL) would make an appearance, allegedly ISL clubs were reluctant to release players because they doubted Djohar's leadership.

On 18 March 2013, PSSI held a congress at Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Both parties, PSSI and KPSI (breakaway group) solved their differences in four contentious points; such as; Reunification of two leagues; Revision of the PSSI Statutes; Reinstatement of the four expelled PSSI Executive Committee members La Nyalla Mattalitti, Roberto Rouw, Erwin Dwi Budiawan, and Toni Apriliani; and agreement of all parties to the Memorandum of Understanding from 7 June 2012 on the list of delegates to the PSSI Congress based on the list of the Solo Congress of July 2011. The new PSSI called 58 players from both sides leagues (ISL and IPL) for the national squad. Rahmad Darmawan returned as the caretaker coach for the senior team and his friend, Jacksen F. Tiago was also in charge as the assistant coach. Both Rahmat and Jaksen trimmed the 58 players initially called for national training to 28. The list would then be trimmed again to just 23 players for the Saudi Arabia match. Victor Igbonefo, Greg Nwokolo and Sergio van Dijk the three naturalised players were on the final list. On 23 March 2013, Indonesia was defeated 1–2 by Saudi Arabia at home. Boaz Solossa gave Indonesia the first goal in their campaign for AFC Asian Cup qualification; the home team started with the goal in the sixth minute but the Saudi Side fought back with the equalizer from Yahya Al-Shehri in the 14th minute before Yousef Al-Salem the scored what turned out to be the winner on 56th minute.

The Indonesian Football Association was suspended by FIFA because of government interference in the Southeast Asian country's national league on 30 May 2015. The ban took effect immediately and meant that Indonesia would not be eligible to compete in the next round of qualifiers for the 2018 World Cup and 2019 Asian Cup, starting less than two weeks later. FIFA took action against Indonesia following a row between the local government and the football association which has resulted in the cancellation of the domestic competition. The suspension was lifted at the 66th FIFA Congress. By then, hurried perpetration was done for Indonesia in order to get in touch for the upcoming 2016 AFF Championship where Indonesia eventually reached the final and once again fell to Thailand in process.

Rebuilding (2017–2019)
Some weeks after finishing as runners-up in the 2016 AFF Championship, PSSI held a congress on 8 January 2017 in an effort to sign Spanish coach, Luis Milla to handle their senior and U-22 team. Prior to the 2018 AFF Championship, Milla departed without any explanation, causing anger among Indonesian supporters. Indonesia crashed out from the group stage in the 2018 AFF Championship,which led to the sacking of Bima Sakti. In order to prepare for the 2022 FIFA World Cup qualification campaign, Indonesia signed Scottish coach Simon McMenemy with hope that his successful tenure with the Philippines could reinvigorate Indonesia's performance especially when Indonesia was grouped with three Southeast Asian rivals Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam alongside UAE. Indonesia lost all four matches including a 2–3 home defeat to Malaysia despite having taken a 2–1 lead prior followed by a home loss to Vietnam for the first time in any competitive tournaments. On 6 November 2019, PSSI decided to sack McMenemy over the national team's deteriorating performance. Indonesia traveled to Malaysia and lost 0–2 to its rival and was officially eliminated from the 2022 FIFA World Cup qualification.

Shin Tae-yong era (2020–present)
Following the failure to qualify for the World Cup, PSSI appointed Shin Tae-yong as coach of Indonesia to reinvigorate the team for the upcoming 2023 AFC Asian Cup qualification using the success of Park Hang-seo in Vietnam as evidence for their appointment, while he also became the first South Korean in Indonesia's managerial history.

Under the management of Shin Tae-yong, the majority of the senior team was reshuffled to include many young players of whom the majority were from the Indonesia national under-23 football team. Indonesia made it to the 2020 AFF Championship final with an average player age of 23.

2023 AFC Asian Cup qualification
In the 2023 AFC Asian Cup qualification, Indonesia defeated host and former Asian champions, Kuwait, whom they had not defeated in 42 years, 2–1, to the surprise of many people, the first official win by a Southeast Asian team against a West Asian host since 2004 (when Thailand beat Yemen 3–0 in Sana'a during the 2006 FIFA World Cup qualification), and was the first time in the history that a Southeast Asian team had won against a Persian Gulf team as the visitor. In the final match, Indonesia massively beat Nepal 7–0 at the Jaber Al-Ahmad International Stadium. Boosted by the win, Indonesia qualified for the upcoming 2023 AFC Asian Cup after a 16-year absence. Indonesia would be drawn with the top AFC rank team, Japan, Iraq, and Southeast Asia rival, Vietnam.

2026 FIFA World Cup qualification
On 19 June 2023, Indonesia hosted 2022 FIFA World Cup champions, Argentina in preparation for the upcoming 2026 FIFA World Cup qualification. Indonesia massively played well holding the world's champion but a long strike from Leandro Paredes settled a 1–0 win right before halftime. In the second half, Cristian Romero scored a header to level it up to 2–0 for the Argentines.

Indonesia started the 2026 FIFA World Cup qualification from the first round, as they convincingly defeated Brunei in a 12–0 aggregates.

In the second round, Indonesia were put in a group with the same two teams that were drawn with Indonesia too in the upcoming AFC Asian Cup, Iraq, and two Southeast Asia rivals, Vietnam, and Philippines. Indonesia has a bad start in the second round, as they were heavily defeated 5–1 against Iraq in Basra, and a mere draw against Philippines in Manila in the next match.

2023 AFC Asian Cup
Indonesia then started off 2024 playing two friendly matches against Libya at the Mardan Sports Complex in Turkey before flying off to Qatar for the last friendly match against Iran as the final preparation for the 2023 AFC Asian Cup tournament.

In the first match, Indonesia faced off against Iraq just after two months of facing each other, in a 1–3 loss. In the second match, Indonesia faced off against Southeast Asia rival Vietnam where captain, Asnawi Mangkualam converted a goal from the penalty spot to score the only goal in the match, it was the first time Indonesia defeated Vietnam after 7 years, as Indonesia gained 3 points. In the last group match, Indonesia lost 3–1 to the AFC top rank team, Japan.

Despite with two losses in the group stage, Indonesia qualified into Round of 16 by finishing as one of the four best third-place groups which was confirmed after another match in Group F between Kyrgyzstan and Oman ended in a draw. For the first time ever, Indonesia passed through to the knockout stage of the AFC Asian Cup since their first appearance in 1996 AFC Asian Cup. Indonesia faced against Australia in the Round of 16, but despite positive performance, the team's run ended with a 4–0 loss due to poor defending.

Advanced to the third round of World cup qualification

At the continuation of the 2026 FIFA World Cup qualification, Indonesia managed to beat Vietnam again twice on 21 & 26 March, in a 1–0 on Jakarta and 3–0 on Hanoi victories respectively, the latter would be the first time since 2004 that Indonesia defeated Vietnam in their own home ground. Thus Indonesia climbed up to the second place of the group with 7 points. The two victories also made Indonesia surpass ASEAN rivals, Philippines and Malaysia in the FIFA ranking, the latter would be the first time Indonesia placed above Malaysia in the FIFA ranking in 5 years.

On 25 April 2024, PSSI president Erick Thohir announced that Shin's contract is officially extended until 2027.

In June 2024, continuing the World Cup qualifiers second round matches, Indonesia lost 0–2 to Iraq once again. However in the last match, Indonesia defeated Philippines 2–0. Indonesia would end up finishing as Group F runner-up, thus they qualified to the 2027 AFC Asian Cup and for the first time in history they advanced to the third round of World Cup qualification.

Controversies
The 1998 AFF Championship saw the group stage match between Thailand and Indonesia with Indonesia already through while Thailand was also through to the semi-finals (unless they lost and Myanmar defeated the Philippines by enough to overtake them on goal difference) but were also aware that the winner would have to face hosts Vietnam. Indonesia's Mursyid Effendi deliberately kicked the ball into Indonesia's own goal as Thailand's attacker ran towards the ball. FIFA fined both teams $40,000 for "violating the spirit of the game" while Effendi was banned from international association football for a lifetime. Indonesia was rewarded with a match by the team they wanted to face; minnows Singapore (who they ironically lost 2–1 to) in the semi-finals.

Kit

During the Dutch colonial era, the team competed as Dutch East Indies in international matches and played in an orange jersey, the national color of the Netherlands. There are no official documents about the team's kit, only several black-and-white photos from the match against Hungary in the 1938 FIFA World Cup; but unofficial documents stated that the kit consisted of an orange jersey, white shorts and light blue socks. Since Indonesia's independence, the kit consists of red and white, the colors of the country's flag. A combination of green and white has also been used for the away kits and was used for the team's participation in the 1956 Summer Olympics in Melbourne, Australia, until the mid-1980s.

The 2010–2012 home kit became an issue when the team played against an opponent wearing an all-white uniform since the socks were white instead of the usual red. The solution was solved with a red-green-green combination (for away games) with green shorts and socks taken from the away kit, or initially an all-red uniform (for home games). After a home defeat in the 2014 World Cup third round qualifier match against Bahrain on 6 September 2011, the red shorts (with green application) were scrapped after its first outing and has never been used again. The red socks had white application on them, different from the red socks with green application worn during training. The combination of red-white-red was used sometimes in the future as the alternate home kit, for example on the subsequent home matches of the qualifiers against Qatar and Iran later that year.

On 12 November 2012, a week before the start of the 2012 AFF Suzuki Cup, Indonesia released its new home and away kits, again designed by Nike. The home kit returned to the red-white-red combination, as was the case in 2008, and the away kit consisted of a white-green-white combination. "The green color brings a historical touch as the national team in the 1950s wore green shirts," Nike Indonesia marketing manager, Nino Priyambodo, said. "We hope it can inspire the national team for better performances in the future." The alternate shorts for this home kit were red shorts and green away shorts, while the away kit's alternate shorts were white shorts with red numbering from the default home shorts.

On 31 October 2014, Nike released Indonesia's home and away kits for the 2014 AFF Championship. The home kit consisted of a red-white-red combination in which the home was red with a white Nike logo and lines and a green accent on the shoulders and tip of the sleeves, restricted by the white lines. The away kit consisted of a white-green-white combination where its shirt was white with a green collar, sleeve tips, and Nike logo Due to the FIFA sanction being imposed in 2015, the kits were used again in the 2016 AFF Championship and up until 2018 with two different fonts other than the 2014 Nike fonts used earlier.

On 31 May 2018, Nike released Indonesia's new home and away kits. The home shirt was red with a golden Nike logo inspired by the country's national emblem, the Garuda Pancasila. The home kit consisted of a red-white-red combination. The away kit consisted of a white-green-white combination with a green Nike logo on the shirt.

In 2020, Indonesia started using new apparel from local brands Mills. The home kit consists of a red-white-red combination with a silhouette in the front of the kit. The away kit consists white-green-white combination with a green horizontal strip across the front of the kit and a smaller white horizontal strip across the green strip. The third kit consists all black combination with golden strips and a silhouette in the front of the kit.

Indonesia also wears other apparel, only when they compete in international sports events such as the Asian Games and the Southeast Asian Games. In those events Indonesia wears Li-Ning, this is due to the Asian Games and SEA Games being multi-sports events all of whose contingents are under the Indonesian National Olympic Committee (NOC).

Starting in 2024 (after the 2023 AFC Asian Cup in Qatar), Indonesia will be using new apparel from another local brand named Erspo, a sub-brand of the fashion manufacturing company Erigo that focuses on sports apparel.

Home Stadium
Indonesia has played home matches at Gelora Bung Karno Stadium located within the Gelora Bung Karno Sports Complex, Gelora, Tanah Abang, Central Jakarta, the main home stadium for the Indonesia national football team. The stadium is mostly used for association football matches and has a seating capacity of over 77,193 spectators, though it has been able to hold more than that during special matches. The final of the 2007 AFC Asian Cup was held in this stadium. This stadium is currently the 42nd largest association football stadium in the world.

Jakarta International Stadium, the occasional home stadium for the Indonesia national football team, is a retractable roof football stadium under construction in Tanjung Priok, Jakarta - Indonesia. It will be the home ground for the occasional home of the Indonesia national football team, after an agreement between PSSI and PT JAKPRO to use the facility. The stadium will host 82,000 spectators, making it the largest stadium in Indonesia.

Media coverage
Commercial MNC Media shows the national team. But from 2020, MNC only covered the national team matches at ASEAN Championship and AFC Asian Cup due to MNC–Lagardère (ASEAN Championship) and Football Marketing Asia (AFC Asian Cup) broadcasting rights partnership contract. However, other networks like Emtek bought the rights from PSSI only.

Indonesia team qualifiers for the 2026 FIFA World Cup and 2027 AFC Asian Cup are broadcast by MNC Media's free-to-air television network RCTI (1st round, 2nd round until matchday 5, & 3rd round) and Emtek's free-to-air television network Indosiar and SCTV (matchday 6 of 2nd round only).

Team rivalries
Indonesia has rivalries with Australia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. Their rivalries are rooted in geographical proximity.

Thailand
Indonesia have an inferior record against Thailand, with the first match meeting was in 1957 and currently they have played 97 matches with 32 wins, 18 draws, and 47 losses.

Vietnam
Indonesia have held a dominant head-to-head record over Vietnam, with first match meeting in 1957 including matching a South Vietnam and North Vietnam and have played 47 matches, with overall 21 wins, 12 draws, and 14 losses. However, since Vietnam's unification, Indonesia and Vietnam have a nearly equal record, with Indonesia slightly edged with 10 wins, 8 losses and 11 draws.

Malaysia
Indonesia have a fierce rivalry with Malaysia due to historical reasons, with their first match meeting happened in 1957. In total, they have played 99 matches with Indonesia held a slight edge with 38 losses, 21 draws, and 40 wins. Matches between two are often tense, heated and violent, with great fanfare and ferocity.

Singapore
Indonesia have developed a rivalry with Singapore, which until 2012 remained a big force in Southeast Asia until their eventual demise. Their first meeting happened in 1958 with 61 matches played, and Indonesia are more dominant with 33 wins, 11 draws, and 17 losses.

Australia
Although they never meet each other at the AFF Championship, their border proximity, being separated only by the Timor Sea and Arafura Sea, allowed the rivalry to develop. They hold a unique record as the only two AFF members (with Australia joined in 2013) to have played in the FIFA World Cup, although Indonesia have a far less competitive record compared to Australia. In term of head-to-head performance however, Indonesia are inferior compared to Australia after 19 matches, with only a win, which dated back at the 1982 FIFA World Cup qualification when Indonesia won 1–0 in a meaningless match as neither could qualify for the 1982 FIFA World Cup; while draw three and suffered 15 losses. To make it worse, Indonesia haven't scored against Australia since 1984. Despite the proximity, the rivalry is rarely perceived by Australian fans due to their overwhelmingly superior record and due to Australia's status as one of Asia's football powerhouses; while for Indonesian fans, Australia represent an eager opportunity to show how much Indonesia have progressed.

Results and fixtures
The following is a list of match results in the last 12 months, as well as any future matches that have been scheduled.

2025

 * 1 Non FIFA 'A' international match

Coaching history

 * Caretaker coaches are listed in italics.

 * Jan Mastenbroek (1934–1938)
 * 🇸🇬 Choo Seng Quee & 🇮🇩 Tony Wen (1951–1953)
 * Antun Pogačnik (1954–1963)
 * 🇮🇩 Ernest Alberth Mangindaan (1966–1970)
 * 🇮🇩 Endang Witarsa (1970)
 * 🇮🇩 Djamiat Dalhar (1970–1972)
 * 🇮🇩 Suwardi Arland (1972–1974)
 * 🇮🇩 Aang Witarsa (1974–1975)
 * Wiel Coerver (1975–1976)
 * 🇮🇩 Suwardi Arland (1976–1978)
 * Frans van Balkom (1978–1979)
 * 🇵🇱 Marek Janota (1979–1980)
 * Bernd Fischer (1980–1981)
 * 🇮🇩 Harry Tjong (1981–1982)
 * 🇮🇩 Sinyo Aliandoe (1982–1983)
 * 🇮🇩 Muhammad Basri, Iswadi Idris, & Abdul Kadir (1983–1984)
 * 🇮🇩 Bertje Matulapelwa (1985–1987)
 * Anatoli Polosin (1987–1991)
 * Ivan Toplak (1991–1993)
 * 🇮🇹 Romano Mattè (1993–1996)
 * 🇮🇩 Andi M. Teguh (1996)
 * 🇮🇩 Danurwindo (1996)
 * Henk Wullems (1996–1997)
 * 🇮🇩 Rusdy Bahalwan (1998)
 * 🇩🇪 Bernd Schumm (1999)
 * 🇮🇩 Nandar Iskandar (1999–2000)
 * 🇮🇩 Benny Dollo (2000–2001)
 * 🇧🇬 Ivan Kolev (2002–2004)
 * 🏴 Peter Withe (2004–2007)
 * 🇮🇩 Bambang Nurdiansyah (2005)
 * 🇧🇬 Ivan Kolev (2007)
 * 🇮🇩 Benny Dollo (2008–2010)
 * 🇦🇹 Alfred Riedl (2010–2011)
 * Wim Rijsbergen (2011–2012)
 * 🇮🇩 Aji Santoso (2012)
 * 🇮🇩 Nil Maizar (2012–2013)
 * 🇦🇷 Luis Manuel Blanco (2013)
 * 🇮🇩 Rahmad Darmawan (2013)
 * 🇧🇷 Jacksen F. Tiago (2013)
 * 🇦🇹 Alfred Riedl (2013–2014)
 * 🇮🇩 Benny Dollo (2015)
 * Pieter Huistra (2015)
 * 🇦🇹 Alfred Riedl (2016)
 * 🇪🇸 Luis Milla (2017–2018)
 * 🇮🇩 Danurwindo (2018)
 * 🇮🇩 Bima Sakti (2018)
 * Simon McMenemy (2019)
 * 🇮🇩 Yeyen Tumena (2019)
 * 🇰🇷 Shin Tae-yong (2020–)

Current squad
The following 23 players are called for the 2026 FIFA World Cup qualification match against on 11 June 2024.

Caps and goals are correct as of 11 June 2024, after the match against .

Recent call-ups
The following players have also been called up to the squad within the last 12 months.

 * Notes
 * PRE = Preliminary squad
 * SUS = Suspended
 * INJ = Withdrew from the roster due to an injury
 * UNF = Withdrew from the roster due to unfit condition
 * RET = Retired from the national team
 * WD = Withdrew from the roster for non-injury related reasons

Continental

 * Asian Games
 * Third place (1): 1958

Regional

 * ASEAN Championship
 * Runners-up (6): 2000, 2002, 2004, 2010, 2016, 2020
 * Third place (1): 1998
 * Southeast Asian Games
 * Champions (2): 1987, 1991
 * Runners-up (2): 1979, 1997
 * Third place (3): 1981, 1989, 1999
 * Far Eastern Championship Games
 * Runners-up (1): 1934

Friendlies
Awards
 * Merdeka Tournament
 * Champions (3): 1961, 1962, 1969
 * Runners-up (2): 1957, 2006
 * Third place (1): 1958
 * Aga Khan Gold Cup
 * Champions (1): 1961
 * South Vietnam Independence Cup
 * Runners-up (1): 1962
 * King's Cup
 * Champions (1): 1968
 * Runners-up (2): 1969, 1984
 * Jakarta Anniversary Tournament
 * Champions (1): 1972
 * Runners-up (3): 1973, 1974, 1978
 * Korea Cup
 * Runners-up (2): 1972, 1980
 * Merlion Cup
 * Third place (1): 1982
 * Indonesian Independence Cup
 * Champions (3): 1987, 2000, 2008
 * Runners-up (2): 1986, 1994
 * Myanmar Grand Royal Challenge Cup
 * Runners-up (1): 2008
 * Pesta Sukan Cup
 * Champions (1): 1972
 * SCTV Cup
 * Runners-up (1): 2012
 * Al Nakba Cup
 * Third place (1): 2012
 * Aceh World Solidarity Cup
 * Runners-up (1): 2017

 * AFF Championship Fair Play Award
 * Winners (1): 2020

Head-to-head record

 * As of 11 June 2024 after match against .

title: Indonesia national football team


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/New Territories Heung Yee Kuk Yeun Long District Secondary School

New Territories Heung Yee Kuk Yeun Long District Secondary School
School that is "locally prestigious" may not necessary be notable enough for Wikipedia. jni 15:31, 6 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Schools must meet high bars to be notable. --Improv 16:45, 6 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Non-notable.  RickK 22:31, Oct 6, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Not notable.   — Gwalla | Talk 02:21, 7 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete--Jll 11:28, 8 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Merge the nugget of information with Heung Yee Kuk, the parent organisation, which is a statutory body in Hong Kong. Note that the name of the school is spelt wrong (Heung Yee Kuk Yuen Long District Secondary School being the correct one) and Delete the current article. Have done so. --JuntungWu 06:26, 9 Oct 2004 (UTC)


text:
Talk:Short-tailed hawk

Untitled
Some of the information in the Meyer and Miller article contradicts earlier information on this page, but the article looks pretty reliable. (For instance, it lists all trees that housed nests about which detailed information is known, and only one was a mangrove.) However, if anyone has the sources used previously, maybe we can work out any disagreements.

I left in two pieces of information—ranging into the temperate parts of the Andes, and the lack of a dark morph in the South American population—even though from Meyer and Miller I suspect they refer to B. albigularis, the White-throated Hawk, formerly considered a subspecies but listed as a separate species at Buteo and by the AOU. Maybe we can figure that out too. —JerryFriedman 15:31, 6 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Also, is there any chance that the cypress trees mentioned in earlier versions are the true cypresses of Mexico and Central America rather than the bald cypress (in a different family) in which it nests in Florida? —JerryFriedman 15:35, 6 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * I for one can't help much with this. I wrote the article because I've seen the species, but I don't have a family mongraph for raptors, so the article is based on field guides and odd scraps. As a Brit, my knowledge otherwise is non-existent. And as for US trees.... jimfbleak 16:55, 6 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * Birds of Venezuela gives Short-tailed in Ven, Argentina, Paraguay, trindad and SE Brazil, and White-throated in the Andes of Columbia south to c Argentina and Chile. jimfbleak 17:02, 6 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * Unfortunately, contrary to what you said on my Talk page, I don't think we've got the range sorted out. Miller and Meyer clearly say and illustrate on a map that its range includes all of South America east of the Andes south to SE Brazil and N. Argentina, and west of the Andes to Ecuador.  This pretty definitely conflicts with Hilty, so maybe we should say something vaguer like "tropical and sub-tropical parts of S. America, mostly east of the Andes".  —JerryFriedman 15:33, 7 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * If Miller and Meyer don't split White-throated, surely that explains the difference? Kilty does, and gives clear ranges for both. I'm reluctant to reduce the information content, but we clearly need another reliable source. I have Birds of Trinidad and Tobago which gives a SAm range, but since only Short-tailed occurs in T&T, not clear if split (I suspect not). jimfbleak 16:54, 7 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * See The Hawk Conservancy - very clear, although albogularis is not given specific status, its range as a subspecies is, and is exclusive from the two Short-tailed forms. jimfbleak 16:58, 7 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * I don't think I was clear. Miller and Meyer do split White-throated.  Nevertheless, the range they show for Short-tailed includes Colombia, Ecuador, Venezuela, The Countries Formerly Known As The Guianas, almost all of Brazil, Bolivia, Paraguay, and northern interior Argentina, (Also Trinidad and other off-shore islands.)  Most of that is east of the Andes, and the northern SAm range is missing a narrow north-south strip, mostly in Ecuador, that I take to be the high Andes.  Anyway, that's a lot more than just "Ven, Argentina, Paraguay, Trinidad and SE Brazil".

 * The Hawk Conservancy page certainly shows that the ranges are separate, but I don't think it settles the questions of whether there are Short-tails in Bolivia, or Ecuador, or northern Brazil, etc. Unless I'm missing something.  —JerryFriedman 19:25, 7 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * I think the article has got about as far as we can go on distribution. Kilty says to SE Brazil, and his Venezuela map has this species all along the border with N. Brazil and the Guianas, so it certainly occurs throughout Brazil, otherwise, I've nothing to add to the sources. jimfbleak 05:55, 8 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Picture of a Short Tailed Hawk
I've gone ahead and posted the picture.

Amendezg (talk) 05:19, 27 December 2007 (UTC)

title: Talk:Short-tailed hawk