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Ethanol fermentation

Ethanol fermentation, also called alcoholic fermentation, is a biological process which converts sugars such as glucose, fructose, and sucrose into cellular energy, producing ethanol and carbon dioxide as by-products. Because yeasts perform this conversion in the absence of oxygen, alcoholic fermentation is considered an anaerobic process. It also takes place in some species of fish (including goldfish and carp) where (along with lactic acid fermentation) it provides energy when oxygen is scarce.

Ethanol fermentation is the basis for alcoholic beverages, ethanol fuel and bread dough rising.

Biochemical process of fermentation of sucrose

The chemical equations below summarize the fermentation of sucrose (C12H22O11) into ethanol (C2H5OH). Alcoholic fermentation converts one mole of glucose into two moles of ethanol and two moles of carbon dioxide, producing two moles of ATP in the process.

 * C6H12O6 + 2 ADP + 2 Pi → 2 C2H5OH + 2 CO2 + 2 ATP

Sucrose is a sugar composed of a glucose linked to a fructose. In the first step of alcoholic fermentation, the enzyme invertase cleaves the glycosidic linkage between the glucose and fructose molecules.

Next, each glucose molecule is broken down into two pyruvate molecules in a process known as glycolysis. Glycolysis is summarized by the equation:

 * C6H12O6 + 2 ADP + 2 Pi + 2 NAD+ → 2 CH3COCOO− + 2 ATP + 2 NADH + 2 H2O + 2 H+

CH3COCOO− is pyruvate, and Pi is inorganic phosphate. Finally, pyruvate is converted to ethanol and CO2 in two steps, regenerating oxidized NAD+ needed for glycolysis:
 * 1. CH3COCOO− + H+ → CH3CHO + CO2

catalyzed by pyruvate decarboxylase
 * 2. CH3CHO + NADH + H+ → C2H5OH + NAD+

This reaction is catalyzed by alcohol dehydrogenase (ADH1 in baker's yeast).

As shown by the reaction equation, glycolysis causes the reduction of two molecules of NAD+ to NADH. Two ADP molecules are also converted to two ATP and two water molecules via substrate-level phosphorylation.

Related processes
Fermentation of sugar to ethanol and can also be done by Zymomonas mobilis, however the path is slightly different since formation of pyruvate does not happen by glycolysis but instead by the Entner–Doudoroff pathway. Other microorganisms can produce ethanol from sugars by fermentation but often only as a side product. Examples are
 * Heterolactic acid fermentation in which Leuconostoc bacteria produce lactate + ethanol +
 * Mixed acid fermentation where Escherichia produce ethanol mixed with lactate, acetate, succinate, formate,, and H2
 * 2,3-butanediol fermentation by Enterobacter producing ethanol, butanediol, lactate, formate,, and H2

Effect of oxygen
Fermentation does not require oxygen. If oxygen is present, some species of yeast (e.g., Kluyveromyces lactis or Kluyveromyces lipolytica) will oxidize pyruvate completely to carbon dioxide and water in a process called cellular respiration, hence these species of yeast will produce ethanol only in an anaerobic environment (not cellular respiration). This phenomenon is known as the Pasteur effect.

However, many yeasts such as the commonly used baker's yeast Saccharomyces cerevisiae or fission yeast Schizosaccharomyces pombe under certain conditions, ferment rather than respire even in the presence of oxygen. In wine making this is known as the counter-Pasteur effect. These yeasts will produce ethanol even under aerobic conditions, if they are provided with the right kind of nutrition. During batch fermentation, the rate of ethanol production per milligram of cell protein is maximal for a brief period early in this process and declines progressively as ethanol accumulates in the surrounding broth. Studies demonstrate that the removal of this accumulated ethanol does not immediately restore fermentative activity, and they provide evidence that the decline in metabolic rate is due to physiological changes (including possible ethanol damage) rather than to the presence of ethanol. Several potential causes for the decline in fermentative activity have been investigated. Viability remained at or above 90%, internal pH remained near neutrality, and the specific activities of the glycolytic and alcohologenic enzymes (measured in vitro) remained high throughout batch fermentation. None of these factors appears to be causally related to the fall in fermentative activity during batch fermentation.

Bread baking

Ethanol fermentation causes bread dough to rise. Yeast organisms consume sugars in the dough and produce ethanol and carbon dioxide as waste products. The carbon dioxide forms bubbles in the dough, expanding it to a foam. Less than 2% ethanol remains after baking.

In a contemporary advancement, a group in Germany has been doing the opposite and converting stale bread into ethanol.

Alcoholic beverages

Ethanol contained in alcoholic beverages is produced by means of fermentation induced by yeast. Liquors are distilled from grains, fruits, vegetables, or sugar that have already gone through alcoholic fermentation.

Alcohol products:
 * Natural sugars present in grapes;
 * Fermented: Wine, cider and perry are produced by similar fermentation of natural sugar in apples and pears, respectively; and other fruit wines are produced from the fermentation of the sugars in any other kinds of fruit.
 * Liquors: Brandy and eaux de vie (e.g. slivovitz) are produced by distillation of these fruit-fermented beverages.
 * Mead is produced by fermentation of the natural sugars present in honey.
 * Grain starches that have been converted to sugar by the enzyme amylase, which is present in grain kernels that have been malted (i.e. germinated). Other sources of starch (e.g. potatoes and unmalted grain) may be added to the mixture, as the amylase will act on those starches as well. It may also be amylase-induce fermented with saliva in a few countries.
 * Fermented: Beer
 * Liquors: Whiskey, and sometimes vodka. Gin and related beverages are produced by the addition of flavoring agents to a vodka-like feedstock during distillation.
 * Rice grain starches converted to sugar by the mold Aspergillus oryzae.
 * Fermented: Rice wines (including sake)
 * Liquors: Baijiu, soju, and shōchū
 * Sugarcane product molasses.
 * Liquors: Rum

In all cases, fermentation must take place in a vessel (e.g. a fermentation lock) that allows carbon dioxide to escape and prevents outside air from coming in. This is because letting in outside air could contaminate the brew due to risk of bacteria or mold, and a buildup of carbon dioxide could cause the vessel to rupture.

Feedstocks for fuel production
Yeast fermentation of various carbohydrate products is also used to produce the ethanol that is added to gasoline.

The dominant ethanol feedstock in warmer regions is sugarcane. In temperate regions, corn or sugar beets are used.

In the United States, the main feedstock for the production of ethanol is currently corn. Approximately 2.8 gallons of ethanol are produced from one bushel of corn (0.42 liter per kilogram). While much of the corn turns into ethanol, some of the corn also yields by-products such as DDGS (distillers dried grains with solubles) that can be used as feed for livestock. A bushel of corn produces about 18 pounds of DDGS (320 kilograms of DDGS per metric ton of maize). Although most of the fermentation plants have been built in corn-producing regions, sorghum is also an important feedstock for ethanol production in the Plains states. Pearl millet is showing promise as an ethanol feedstock for the southeastern U.S. and the potential of duckweed is being studied.

In some parts of Europe, particularly France and Italy, grapes have become a de facto feedstock for fuel ethanol by the distillation of surplus wine. Surplus sugary drinks may also be used. In Japan, it has been proposed to use rice normally made into sake as an ethanol source.

Cassava as ethanol feedstock
Ethanol can be made from mineral oil or from sugars or starches. Starches are cheapest. The starchy crop with highest energy content per acre is cassava, which grows in tropical countries.

Thailand already had a large cassava industry in the 1990s, for use as cattle feed and as a cheap admixture to wheat flour. Nigeria and Ghana are already establishing cassava-to-ethanol plants. Production of ethanol from cassava is currently economically feasible when crude oil prices are above US$120 per barrel.

New varieties of cassava are being developed, so the future situation remains uncertain. Currently, cassava can yield between 25 and 40 tonnes per hectare (with irrigation and fertilizer), and from a tonne of cassava roots, circa 200 liters of ethanol can be produced (assuming cassava with 22% starch content). A liter of ethanol contains circa 21.46 MJ of energy. The overall energy efficiency of cassava-root to ethanol conversion is circa 32%.

The yeast used for processing cassava is Endomycopsis fibuligera, sometimes used together with bacterium Zymomonas mobilis.

Byproducts of fermentation
Ethanol fermentation produces unharvested byproducts such as heat, carbon dioxide, food for livestock, water, methanol, fuels, fertilizer and alcohols. The cereal unfermented solid residues from the fermentation process, which can be used as livestock feed or in the production of biogas, are referred to as Distillers grains and sold as WDG, Wet Distiller's grains, and DDGS, Dried Distiller's Grains with Solubles, respectively.

Microbes used in ethanol fermentation

 * Yeast
 * Saccharomyces cerevisiae
 * Schizosaccharomyces
 * Zymomonas mobilis (a bacterium)

title: Ethanol fermentation


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Live at Sturgis

Live at Sturgis is a live album by the southern rock band 38 Special, released in 1999. It was recorded at the Buffalo Chip Campground in Sturgis, South Dakota, on August 12, 1999, during the Sturgis Motorcycle Rally except for the last track, which is a new studio recording from the same year.

Track listing

 * 1) "Rockin' into the Night" (Jim Peterik, Gary Smith, Frankie Sullivan) – 4:53
 * 2) "Twentieth Century Fox" (Don Barnes, Jeff Carlisi, Larry Steele, Donnie Van Zant) – 4:01
 * 3) "Back Where You Belong" (Gary O'Connor) – 4:31
 * 4) "Wild-Eyed Southern Boys" (Peterik) – 5:38
 * 5) "Fade to Blue" (Barnes, Danny Chauncey, Peterik) – 4:41
 * 6) "If I'd Been the One" (Barnes, Carlisi, Steele, Van Zant) – 4:08
 * 7) "Rebel to Rebel" (Carlisi, Peterik, Van Zant) – 7:01
 * 8) "Take 'Em Out" (Barnes, Carlisi, Steele, Van Zant) – 4:17
 * 9) "Déjà Voodoo" (Barnes, Carlisi, Robert White Johnson, Peterik, Van Zant) – 6:31
 * 10) "Fantasy Girl" (Carlisi, Peterik) – 4:16
 * 11) "Caught Up in You" (Barnes, Carlisi, Peterik) – 6:23
 * 12) "Hold On Loosely" (Barnes, Carlisi, Peterik) – 5:54
 * 13) "Just One Girl" (Barnes, Chauncey, Peterik) – 4:36

Personnel
retrieved from liner notes images
 * Don Barnes - guitar, vocals
 * Bobby Capps - keyboards, vocals
 * Danny Chauncey - guitar, vocals
 * Larry Junstrom - bass guitar
 * Gary Moffatt - drums
 * Donnie Van Zant - guitar, vocals

Production

 * Producer: Don Barnes, Danny Chauncey, Ben Fowler, 38 Special
 * Live production: Ken Botelho
 * Engineers: Allen Ditto, Ben Fowler, Edd Miller
 * Mixing: Ben Fowler, Edd Miller
 * Mastering: Glenn Meadows, Charlie Watts
 * Concept: Mark Weiss
 * Graphic design: Al Lehman, Mike McLaughlin, Richard Rodriguez
 * Art Direction: Mark Weiss
 * Digital Imaging: Al Lehman, Mike McLaughlin, Richard Rodriguez
 * Assistant: Amy Palyce
 * Photography: Mark Weiss

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Live at Sturgis


text: Talk:Live at Sturgis

title: Talk:Live at Sturgis


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Balancing (international relations)

The concept of balancing derives from the balance of power theory, the most influential theory from the realist school of thought, which assumes that a formation of hegemony in a multistate system is unattainable since hegemony is perceived as a threat by other states, causing them to engage in balancing against a potential hegemon.

Balancing encompasses the actions that a particular state or group of states take in order to equalise the odds against more powerful states; that is to make it more difficult and hence less likely for powerful states to exert their military advantage over the weaker ones.

According to the balance of power theory, states, motivated primarily by their desire for survival and security, will develop and implement military capabilities and hard power mechanisms in order to constrain the most powerful and rising state that can prove a potential threat. This idea illustrates the concept of internal balancing, which is opposed to external, under which states come together and form an alliance to balance and gain more leverage over a dominant or rising power. In recent years, soft-balancing has emerged as a new concept of illustrating how states balance powerful actors, which advocates the use of economic and diplomatic tools to constrain the most powerful state and inhibit their exertion of power and dominance.

Theoretical origins
Balancing behaviour of states is prompted by the structural characteristics of the balance of power system itself. This belief is strongly perpetrated by theorists of neorealism or structural realism, namely Kenneth Waltz who is one of the earliest and most significant contributors to neorealism and balance of power theory.

Neorealist theory makes a few assumptions about the system, the interests and motives of the actors within it and the constraints that all states face, which ultimately lead to behaviours such as balancing.

The first assumption is that international order is anarchic, which is a primary cause of the balancing behaviour of states. Anarchy, or the lack of an overarching law enforcing body, inevitably forces states to rely on their individual resources and actions to assure their welfare, whereby it becomes a responsibility and a requirement of each state to look out for its own survival and security and show readiness in countering force and aggression from other actors.

The second assumption is that the primary goal of all actors is their own survival. At a minimum, they simply strive for their own preservation, while others may have more expansionist motives and seek universal domination. Balancing, hence, becomes a tool by which states use the means available to them to achieve their goals and interests; that is to protect themselves from a more threatening actor or to further their power and capability. This leads to the notion of self-help which is labelled the principle action of all actors under the anarchic order. States must rely on their own means and arrangements in order to assure their security - that is act in their own self-interest in order to avoid falling victim to a more powerful state. This inevitably leads states to behave in ways prescribed by the balance of power.

The third assumption is the relative nature of power. The key to security and survival of each state is power, not as an absolute concept, but rather in relations to that of other states, and balancing can often be used as a mechanism of gaining a greater share of power or decreasing the share of power possessed by another state.

Traditional forms
Balancing can be carried out through internal or external efforts and means. Internal balancing involves efforts to enhance state's power by increasing one's economic resources and military strength in order to be able to rely on independent capabilities in response to a potential hegemon and be able to compete more effectively in the international system. In a self-help, anarchic system, mechanisms of internal balancing are believed to be more reliable and precise than external balancing since they rest on independent strategies and actions.

External balancing involves strengthening and enlarging one's alliances and interstate cooperation in order to prevent a hegemon or counter a rising power. In face of a common threat and a single dominant state with a potential to jeopardise collective security and survival, states are expected to put aside their secondary disputes and join a balancing alliance. External balancing represents an alliance arrangement whereby states join in opposition to a stronger state that is perceived as a source of danger, making this kind of balancing a measure of assuring security through combined opposition to an aggressor or a potential hegemon who can endanger the wellbeing and survival of smaller powers.

In the balance of power system, balancing is opposed to the concept of bandwagoning, whereby smaller states seek to achieve their security by allying with the major power or a dominant actor. As tempting as this option may be for smaller powers, it can essentially undermine the security of the international system because by joining an alliance with a rising, potentially expansionist state, aggression and expansionist motives are being rewarded and accepted. It is in the interest of states to form coalitions with others with similar or lesser power in order to build their defensive and deterrent capabilities and through this discourage and prevent a growing power from becoming too strong and dominant. Afterall, as Waltz summed it up, "states... flock to the weaker side, for it is the stronger side that threatens them".

Why states balance
States balance in order to avoid being dominated by stronger powers. It is in the interest of states to curb a potential hegemon before it becomes too powerful so that they avoid falling victim to its rule once it achieves a dominant power status. It becomes a safer alternative to either improve one's own capabilities through self-help mechanisms or join alliances with states who cannot readily dominate in order to restrain and curb the one who can potentially dominate the system and undermine the survival of actors within it.

Another reason why states in a majority of instances choose to balance and not bandwagon is because joining the balancing alliance allows them to have more influence and play a more important role in that alliance, whereas the alliance with a major power would not allow them opportunities for a great deal of contribution and decisive capability as they would inevitably be dominated by their powerful ally. States prefer to preserve their freedom of action in an alliance rather than have orders imposed on them by aligning with a potential hegemon. If states are extremely vulnerable and insignificant, bandwagoning may be their only choice, however middle powers and states that have something to contribute and protect will always balance in face of a rising power and a potential hegemon

There are a number of factors that influence the decision of states to balance or bandwagon, as proposed by Stephen Walt in his account on alliance formation. First is aggregate power, which constitutes state's resources and capabilities. This particular factor can provoke balancing, in that a state with high aggregate power is a potential threat and can evoke fears of domination in smaller powers, but it can just as easily lead to bandwagoning as smaller states might be attracted to power and protection from a strong ally. The second factor is proximate power, whereby geographically close states pose a greater threat than distant ones as the ability to project power declines with distance. Once again, an aggressive and increasingly powerful neighbouring state is likely to alarm other states to engage in balancing strategies against it, however small, weak and vulnerable states neighbouring a great power are often prone to balancing due to the lack of viable alternatives, inability to balance independently or contribute to a balancing alliance. Offensive power is the third factor, which conveys that states with large and growing offensive capabilities are likely to provoke other to balance against them. The fourth factor concerns offensive intentions, where perceived aggressive or expansionist goals or motives of a state lead others to balance against it.

Traditionally, balancing prevailed in understanding the behaviour of states in face of hegemony, as well as in understanding how alliances come together. However, it is tough to dispute the growing trend towards bandwagoning rather than balancing exhibited over the recent decades of United States (U.S.) prevalence. This trend has shown that, whether for purposes of seeking protection or out of fear, states are choosing to ally with the superpower and accept the conditions its inflicts onto the international system.

Failures and criticisms
Both internal and external forms of balancing encounter a fair share of obstacles, problems and criticisms. Internal balancing is subjected to a number of domestic obstacles that can impede its success. High costs associated with it and the difficult task of allocating resources to be able to make significant contributions to one's economic and military development are among the main ones. Furthermore, independently balancing a major power would require major expansion of one's capabilities and accelerated rearmament, which would undoubtedly provoke unfavourable responses from not just the major power in question but also other states. A state that adopts a strategy of military buildup to increase its security and balance a rising power may inadvertently do the very opposite and create unfavourable conditions for all in the international system. It can inevitably cause a security dilemma, whereby the increase in power and security of one state decreases that of another and offsets offensive actions, potential arms races and escalating hostility among actors, hindering collective security.

External balancing, even though it is a more commonly practiced form of balancing, encounters a variety of obstacles and criticisms. Its success is contingent on an enduring and coherent alliance system, however given the structural constraints of the international system, this might be difficult to attain and ensure. The anarchic nature of the international system together with the states' primary goal of survival intrinsically causes a self-help approach from all states, whereby reliance and trust on other actors are significantly undermined. Alliances do, however, form despite these structural impediments, but they are seen as temporary arrangements that should not be overly relied upon.

The international system is subjected to the enduring conditions of insecurity and uncertainty about the intentions and actions of actors within it which makes cooperation difficult to achieve and maintain. Furthermore, external balancing is caught in the problematique of the 'game of coordination' and a collective action problem in which it is difficult to sustain long term cooperation, dedications and equal contributions to the cause. There are powerful incentives to free-ride on the efforts of others and in this way avoid costs and risks while enjoying the alliance benefits.

Since individual actors in the alliance have the same interest and goal in mind, to balance the major, rising power, it should logically follow that everyone in that alliance will act on behalf of the common interest and objective. However, even though there is an expectation to share the costs and efforts of achieving a common goal, alliances and groups demonstrate a tendency towards exploitation and inconsistent dedication and input among participants. Mancur Olson, one of the leading theorists on collective action identified that despite all the members sharing a common interest, groups (or alliances for this purpose) lack a common interest in paying the costs of achieving a collective benefit, making it problematic to achieve the ends and difficult to maintain the alliance.

However, the main critique surrounding balance of power theory and subsequently balancing behaviour of states highlights that this logic applies to and concerns the period of the rise of hegemon: states will come together and balance a rising power that has potential or demonstrates ambitions towards becoming a hegemon, while saying very little and making no predictions about the occurrences once hegemony is already established.

As such, this theory and predicament of state behaviour falls short of explaining occurrences on today's world frontier. At present, the US enjoys a well established primacy, with power and capabilities greatly superior than that of other states. At no other period in history was the margin of dominance of one state over others so extensive, making the traditional application of balance of power theory and predictions of balancing behaviour from secondary powers inapplicable.

Today: soft-balancing argument
Kenneth Waltz proposed that unipolarity is the most unstable and the "least durable of all international configurations", since even if the dominant power acts benevolently, secondary powers will need to remain cautious about its future intentions and actions in the absence of checks and balances and an equal power to balance and restrain it. Historical instances of great unbalanced power, such as Louis XIV and Napoleon I's rule of France or Adolf Hitler's rule of Germany, saw aggressive and expansionist motives with aims to conquer and dominate, hence provoking the crucial need for balancing in an instance of a single dominant state in order to bring the international distribution of power into balance.

In today's unipolar world, given the problems and difficulties associated with both internal and external forms of hard balancing, soft balancing has surfaced as a more favourable option for secondary powers to, through non-military tools, attempt to "delay, frustrate and undermine" actions, strategies and unilateral decisions of the unipolar leader, the United States. Advocates of soft balancing have proposed a number of mechanisms through which states engage in this form of balancing, including diplomacy, diplomatic coalitions, international institutions and agreements, statecraft mechanisms such as territorial denial, as well as economic initiatives and multilateral and regional economic endeavours that exclude the superpower in the process.

The U.S. pre-eminence has not been balanced against over the last decades mainly because the superpower exhibited non-aggressive approaches without seeking to dominate or challenge the sovereign existence of others but rather promote security and autonomy of all. However, it is argued that increasing U.S. unilateralism, especially under the Bush administration, has changed its image of a benign superpower and made foreign governments uneasy regarding its ambitions. A number of aggressive and unilateral foreign policies, most significant ones being the abandonment of Kyoto Protocol, withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and most importantly the decision to go to war in Iraq in 2003 despite great opposition from other states have led secondary powers to pursue indirect, soft-balancing strategies towards constraining the U.S. power and preventing it from becoming an "unrestricted global hegemon".

The Iraq invasion is often used as one of the key incidents that provoked major states to rethink their own security and resort to soft balancing against the unipole since it proved not simply a strategy aimed at stopping proliferation of nuclear weapons by rogue states but rather a challenge to the norm of territorial integrity – an aggressive U.S. intervention into a region outside of its own that demonstrated the U.S. commitment to taking any necessary actions to ensure that their superiority and primacy is not challenged by anyone.

Future
The notion of soft-balancing, while relatively new and not universally accepted, is shaping up to be the way in which states will engage in balancing in the future. Even though it is unlikely to bring any substantial changes to the balance of power within the international realm, it does show potential in constraining the major power and allowing secondary powers to have their input in international affairs and maintain their autonomy under the dominance of a unipolar leader.

However, this is not to say that traditional, hard balancing is a thing of the past. Indeed, some powerful arguments are emerging both from the political and academic realms pointing to the rapid emergence of rising powers, namely China and India, as balancers and competitors of the U.S. in a bid for power, dominance and ultimately hegemony. For robust critics on soft balancing and unipolar stability, see Dall'Agnol. The author's main argument is that balance of power, as proposed by Waltz, still applies to the post-Cold War era.

China is undoubtedly surfacing as the most credible power, one with the greatest potential over the next decade or two to alter the balance of power away from U.S. primacy. China has come through as a "formidable political, strategic and economic competitor" to the United States, increasingly challenging its regional and global leadership. Despite claims of peaceful rise mainly focused on economic prosperity, the world is becoming increasingly aware and anxious of China's military expansion and modernisation, with its military budget rising 17.5 percent in 2008 and 18.5 percent in 2009 over the previous year. Seeing how China's economic and military growth corresponds to the logic of internal balancing, it comes as no surprise that its claim of "peaceful growth" is increasingly being suspected of implying a challenge to the current world order and balance of power. In addition, soft-balancing mechanisms can also be detected, as the growth in regional partnerships and agreements has offset a new regional integration with China at its centre where the U.S. is excluded from participation, the most significant example being the ASEAN–China Free Trade Area established since January 2010. The emergence of new major powers is certain to bring changes to the balance of power dynamics regardless of the level and intensity at which these powers choose to balance the unipolar leader. Even if China and other growing states refrain from balancing the U.S., the sheer size of their economy, capability and military strength will undoubtedly pose certain constraints on the U.S. freedom of strategic action, ability to influence, dominate and project power in the future.

title: Balancing (international relations)


text:
Demographics of sexual orientation

Obtaining precise numbers on the demographics of sexual orientation is difficult for a variety of reasons, including the nature of the research questions. Most of the studies on sexual orientation rely on self-reported data, which may pose challenges to researchers because of the subject matter's sensitivity. The studies tend to pose two sets of questions. One set examines self-report data of same-sex sexual experiences and attractions, while the other set examines self-report data of personal identification as homosexual or bisexual. Overall, fewer research subjects identify as homosexual or bisexual than report having had sexual experiences or attraction to a person of the same sex. Survey type, questions and survey setting may affect the respondents' answers.

General findings
A 2016 literature review stated that "in all cultures the vast majority of individuals are sexually predisposed exclusively to the other sex (i.e., heterosexual) and that only a minority of individuals are sexually predisposed (whether exclusively or non-exclusively) to the same sex." They state that there is no persuasive evidence that the demographics of sexual orientation have varied much across time or place. Bisexuality comes in varying degrees of relative attraction to the same or opposite sex. Men are more likely to be exclusively homosexual than to be equally attracted to both sexes, while the opposite is true for women.

Notaro notes that estimating the demographics of sexual orientation on a global scale is a difficult task, because in many parts of the world discrimination has led people to conceal their sexual identities.

Surveys in Western cultures find, on average, that about 93% of men and 87% of women identify as completely heterosexual, 4% of men and 10% of women as mostly heterosexual, 0.5% of men and 1% of women as evenly bisexual, 0.5% of men and 0.5% of women as mostly homosexual, and 2% of men and 0.5% of women as completely homosexual. An analysis of 67 studies found that the lifetime prevalence of sex between men (regardless of orientation) was 3–5% for East Asia, 6–12% for South and South East Asia, 6–15% for Eastern Europe, and 6–20% for Latin America. The International HIV/AIDS Alliance estimates a worldwide prevalence of men who have sex with men between 3 and 16 percent.

Some cross-cultural research has suggested that male homosexuality is more prevalent in stratified societies and may not be a cultural universal, but the empirical findings, conceptual basis, and methodology of such research has been disputed by other cross-cultural researchers.

A small number of people do not feel sexual attraction and identify as asexual, which can be considered a sexual orientation in itself or a lack thereof.

2021
In 2021, Ipsos interviewed people in 27 countries spanning all continents on their sexual orientation and gender identity. For some countries the samples were weighed for representativity, but in others with less internet access, they skewed more urban. In this survey, on average about 80% of people worldwide identified as heterosexual, 3% as gay, lesbian or homosexual, 4% as bisexual, 1% as pansexual or omnisexual, 1% as asexual, 1% as "other", and 11% don't know or won't say. Results indicated that significant differences in sexual identity have emerged between generations across the globe, with the youngest group, or Generation Z, being more likely to identify as bisexual (9%) than Millennials (4%), Generation X (3%) and Boomers (2%). Generation Z and Millennials were also more likely to identify as homosexual, with 4% and 3% doing so respectively, compared to 2% of Generation X and 1% of Boomers. In addition, the survey found that men are more likely than women to identify as homosexual (4% vs. 1%).

2001–2002
The then largest and most thorough survey in Australia was conducted by telephone interview with 19,307 respondents between the ages of 16 and 59 in 2001/2002. The study found that 97.4% of men identified as heterosexual, 1.6% as homosexual and 0.9% as bisexual. For women 97.7% identified as heterosexual, 0.8% as lesbian and 1.4% as bisexual. Nevertheless, 8.6% of men and 15.1% of women reported either feelings of attraction to the same gender or some sexual experience with the same gender. Overall, 8.6% of women and 5.9% of men reported some homosexual experience in their lives; these figures fell to 5.7% and 5.0% respectively when non-genital sexual experience was excluded. Half the men and two thirds of the women who had same-sex sexual experience regarded themselves as heterosexual rather than homosexual.

2012–2013
An update on the above study; it employs the same methodology, has a larger sample (20,055 respondents), and a broader respondent age range (16–69). The study found that 96.5% of the entire sample (or 96.8% of the men and 96.3% of the women) identified as heterosexual, a drop from the 2003 findings (97.5%). Homosexuals accounted for 1.9% of the male population and 1.2% of the female population, a non-significant difference between the sexes. Bisexuals accounted for 1.3% of the male population and 2.2% of the female population. Women were significantly more likely than men to identify as bisexual, and less likely to report exclusively other-sex or same-sex attraction and experience. Similarly, more women reported same-sex experience and same-sex attraction. Nine percent of men and 19% of women had some history of same-sex attraction or experience. More women identified as lesbian or bisexual than in 2001–02. Homosexual/gay identity was more common among men with university education and living in cities, and much less common among men with blue-collar jobs. Both male and female bisexuality were more common among respondents under the age of 20. Male bisexuality was also overrepresented among men in their sixties.

2014
In interviews with 180,000 Australians aged 14+, Roy Morgan Research reported in 2014 that 4.1% of men and 2.8% of women identified as homosexual. Men outnumbered women among homosexuals in all age groups. For both sexes, the share identifying as homosexual was highest in the 20–29 age group.

The 2014 General Social Survey, conducted by the Australian Bureau of Statistics, estimated that over half a million people, or 3% of the adult population, identified as gay, lesbian, or 'other'.

2020
A study conducted by BioMed Central estimated that 3.6% of males and 3.4% of females were gay, lesbian, bisexual, or another sexual minority.

Austria
A 2018 study reported that the percentage of people identifying as LGB in Austria was 6.2% (broken into 5.5% for males and 6.8% for females).

1998
In a sample of 2,054 Brazilians aged 18 to 60 years of age, the Datafolha pollster found that 14% (or 15% of men and 13% of women) feel at least some same-sex attraction, while 70% did not feel any such attraction; the remaining 16% did not answer the question. Seventy-four percent of Brazilians said they never had a homosexual experience, 16% refused to answer the question, and 9% said they had some homosexual experience. The percentage with homosexual experience was higher among men (14%) than among women (5%), and higher also among those with more formal education (15%), singles (12%), and Northeasterners (11%). The non-religious (18%) and Pentecostal Protestants (11%) were more likely to have had homosexual experiences than Catholics (8%).

2013
In an Ibope survey with a sample of 2,363 Brazilian Internet users weighted for national representativity, 83% declared themselves heterosexual, 7% homosexual, 5% bisexual, 1% other, and 4% refused to disclose their orientation. Twice as many male internet users as females identified as gay or bisexual (16% vs. 8%). People aged 18–29 were the most likely to identify as non-heterosexual (15%), followed by those aged 30–49 (10%). Only 5% of the population aged 50 or more consider themselves gay or bisexual. Among non-heterosexuals, 42% said they had no religion, compared to 13% of the heterosexual population. The Class B (middle class) had the highest percentage of non-heterosexuals (14%), followed by Class A (upper class, 11%). Classes C and D (lower–middle and low classes) had 10% gays and bisexuals. Among the Brazilian regions, Northern Brazil had the lowest percentage of non-heterosexuals (2%). All other regions had percentages at or above 10%, with the Center-West reporting the highest (14%).

2016
A female-only survey found that 8% of Canadian women identify as gay or bisexual.

2018
In 2018, around 4% of the Canadian population identified as LGBT, according to Statistics Canada.

Czech Republic
In 2015, around 7% of men and 10% of women identified as gay, according to a survey of around 30,000 people by the Faculty of Science at Charles University in Prague. However, it was a survey of sexual behaviour of Czechs and took about 90 minutes to complete, so only highly motivated people completed the survey. Research on sexual behaviour continued in 2016, with some surveys of the research receiving up to 40,000 responses. According to the research, the number of non-heterosexual men in the Czech Republic is 6.7%, and 11.5% of women. The researchers said the numbers did not seem right to them, and they verified them multiple times in other surveys with other people, but they believe the data are credible.

Denmark
A random survey found that 2.7% of the 1,373 men who responded to their questionnaire had homosexual experience (intercourse).

1992
A study of 20,055 people found that 4.1% of the men and 2.6% of the women had at least one occurrence of sexual relations with person of the same sex during their lifetime.

2011
In a nationally representative online survey of 7,841 French adults carried out by IFOP in early 2011, 6.6% of respondents identified as homosexual (3.6%) or bisexual (3%), and 90.8% as heterosexual. Compared to the heterosexual population, the homosexual population was much more likely to be male, single, and younger than 65, as well as to be living alone. Homosexuals were more likely to be economically active and work in "superior intellectual professions" but on average had a smaller household income. They were also more likely to be residing in big cities, especially in the region of Paris. The bisexual population had fewer statistically significant deviations from the heterosexual population, resembling the heterosexuals on some measures, homosexuals on others, or being at a midpoint on still some others. However, they were more likely to be aged 18–24 than the other two groups. Like homosexuals, they were also more likely to be single.

In another IFOP survey of 9,515 French adults conducted later that same year, 6.5% of the sample identified as homosexual (3%) or bisexual (3.5%). Among LGBs, men outnumbered women by more than 2 to 1.

2014
Based in a survey with about 10,000 respondents, IFOP estimated that 90% of French people are heterosexual, 3% identify as bisexual, and 4% consider themselves homosexual. Two percent say they have not embraced a definition for their sexuality, and 1% did not wish to respond. More women than men are heterosexual (93% versus 86%), whereas more men than women identify as homosexual (7% v. 1%) and to a lesser extent bisexual (4% v. 2%). A homosexual or bisexual identity was more common in people aged 18–49 (9%) than among those aged 50–64 (6%) or over 65 (4%). More singles than people in relationships identified as homo- or bisexual (11% v. 6%). An LGB identity is also more common among people who said they have had more than 10 sex partners or none at all compared to those who have had intermediary levels of sexual experience. Catholics are more likely to identify as heterosexual (91%) than people who said they had some other religion or no religion whatsoever (88% each).

2016
A female-only survey found that 4% of French women identify as gay or bisexual. In the category of women aged less than 25, 9% identify as bisexual and 5% as lesbian.

In another IFOP survey of Paris residents, 79% of men and 70% of women identified as heterosexual, 13% of men and 15% of women as homosexual, and 7% of men and 18% of women as bisexual.

2015
According to Yougov, the following is how German adults are distributed along the Kinsey scale (by age):

2016
In a nationally representative, face-to-face survey with over 2,500 Germans (55% female), it was found that 86% of men and 82% of women identify as exclusively heterosexual, 3% of men and 4% of women are mostly heterosexual, 1% of each sex declared themselves bisexual, and 1.5% as predominantly or exclusively homosexual. Other sexual orientations were reported by 3% of men and 4% of women. One percent of each sex was uncertain. Four percent of men and 7% of women gave no answer.

2017
A female-only survey found that 5% of German women identify as gay or bisexual.

Iceland
An estimation from 2005 gave around 6.9% as the proportion of the population that is homosexual in Iceland.

Iran
In Iran, due to official and unofficial restrictions, clear and accurate information about the number of homosexuals has not been recorded. On the other hand, the Iranian government has always denied the identity of homosexuals. Iranian Former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, during his 2007 speech at Columbia University, asserted that there were no gay people in Iran. In 2018, a research called "Forbidden tale" A comprehensive study on lesbian, gay, bisexuals (LGB) in Iran showed that in Iranian laws, because homosexuals may face punishment such as flogging and imprisonment, they refuse to publicly announce their sexual identity. On the other hand, social pressures and the fear of being rejected or judged have caused homosexuals to start a semi-secret life in Iran.

2006
A study of the responses of 7,441 individuals, conducted by the ESRI, found that 2.7% of men and 1.2% of women self-identified as homosexual or bisexual. A question based on a variant of the Kinsey scale found that 5.3% of men and 5.8% of women reported some same-sex attraction. Of those surveyed, 7.1% of men and 4.7% of women reported a homosexual experience some time in their life so far. It also found that 4.4% of men and 1.4% of women reported a "genital same-sex experience" (oral or anal sex, or any other genital contact) in their life so far. The study was commissioned and published by the Crisis Pregnancy Agency in partnership with the Department of Health and Children.

2012
In a sample representative of the Israeli Jewish population aged 18 to 44, it was found that 11.3% of men and 15.2% of women self-reported attraction to the same-gender, 10.2% and 8.7% reported lifetime same-gender encounters, while 8.2% and 4.8% self-identified as gay or bisexual men and lesbian or bisexual women, respectively. A non-heterosexual identity was more common in Tel Aviv than in other parts of the country and, among men, it was also correlated with younger age.

2015
In a survey employing the Kinsey scale, 4.5% of non-religious Israelis placed themselves on points 5 or 6 on the scale, indicating a homosexual orientation with minor or non-existent opposite-sex attraction, and 91.5% placed themselves on points 0 or 1, which indicates a heterosexual orientation with minor or non-existent same-sex attraction. In the category of young adults, aged 18 to 24, 7.4% placed themselves on Kinsey points 5 or 6, and 80% on points 0 or 1. Compared to the larger population, more young adults also placed themselves on point 3 of the Kinsey scale, meaning that equal attraction to both sexes (4.2% versus 1%), and on point 2, meaning a mostly heterosexual orientation with major homosexual attraction (7.4% v. 2.3%). Point 4 of the Kinsey scale, indicating a mostly homosexual orientation with major heterosexual attraction, contained a similar share of young adults and all adults (1.1% v. 0.7%).

2011
A random survey of 7,725 Italians (18–74 years old) conducted by the National Institute of Statistics between June and December 2011 with CAPI technique found that about 2.4% of the population declared to be homosexual or bisexual, 77% heterosexual, 0.1% transsexual, 4% reported to be "other", 15.6% did not answer. An extended survey including all the people that during their lives fell or are in love with a same-sex individual, or that had sexual intercourse with a same-sex individual, increases the percentage to 6.7% of the population. More men than women, more northerners than southerners, more younger than older people identified themselves as homosexuals. Members of 7725 families spread over 660 Italian municipalities took part in the survey.

2016
A female-only survey found that 1% of Italian women identify as gay or bisexual.

2012
A survey by the Dentsu group estimated that 5.2% of Japanese are LGBT.

2015
Dentsu's new estimate for the LGBT population of Japan was 7.6% for people aged 20 to 59.

2018
Dentsu's new estimate for the LGBT population of Japan was 8.9% for people aged 20 to 59.

2017
According to a nationally representative study organized by Kantar TNS, 88% of Mexican men aged 18 to 30 years identify as heterosexual, 6% as homosexual, 5% as bisexual, and 1% as other.

2001
In a face-to-face survey carried out by the Dutch National Survey of General Practice, of the 4,229 men with a valid answer to the sexual orientation question, 1.5% self-identified as gay, 0.6% as bisexual and 97.9% as heterosexual. Of the 5,282 women, 1.5% self-identified as lesbian, 1.2% as bisexual, and 97.3% as heterosexual.

2016
A female-only survey found that 8% of Dutch women identify as gay or bisexual.

2007
In an anonymous survey of 8,000 New Zealand secondary school students conducted by the University of Auckland, 0.9% of those surveyed reported exclusive attraction to the same sex, 3.3% to both sexes and 1.8% to neither.

1993–2011
The Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development Study is a prospective study that looked at changes in sexual behavior, attraction, and identity among around 1,000 New Zealanders born in 1972 or 1973. Samples were first interviewed in 1993, when they were 21, and again at ages 26, 32, and 38, in 2010/2011. The study found a strong decrease in the share of women who self-reported exclusive heterosexual attraction from age 21 (88.3%) to age 26 (82.5%), but a small increase at age 32 (84.2%) and again at 38 (87.6%). By contrast, among men, the share self-reporting exclusive heterosexual attraction remained largely stable between ages 21 (94.9%) and 32 (94.2%), with a small decrease at age 38 (92.9%). Sexual identity was only assessed at ages 32 and 38. At age 32, 0.9% of women and 1.3% of men self-identified as gay, and 2.9% of women and 1.7% of men as bisexual. Additionally, 1.5% of women and 2.2% of men identified as "other". At age 38, 1.1% of women and 1.7% of men self-identified as gay, and 2.6% of women and 3% of men as bisexual, with 1.1% of women and 0.2% of men identifying as "other". While sexual attraction changed more for women than for men, changes among men were more consistently to greater homosexuality, while changes among women past age 26 occurred equally in both directions (i.e., to both more and less heterosexual attraction). Researchers discussed several factors behind the changes, from age effects to cultural effects, with homosexuality, especially female homosexuality, becoming more socially acceptable in the West in the 1990s and 2000s.

2013–2014
According to results from the fifth wave of the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study, which interviewed over 14,000 people about their sexual orientation, 94.3% of New Zealanders identify as heterosexual, 2.6% as gay or lesbian, 1.8% as bisexual, 0.6% as bicurious, 0.5% as pansexual, and 0.3% as asexual. No gender differences were found in the share of New Zealanders identifying as heterosexual (94.1% of men and 94.4% of women) or pansexual (0.5% of both men and women), but men were more likely to identify as gay (3.5%) than women (1.8%), and women were more likely than men to identify as bisexual (2.1% versus 1.5%), bicurious (0.7% v. 0.4%) and asexual (0.4% v. 0.1%). Women in all the non-heterosexual categories were significantly younger than women in the heterosexual category. Men in the gay, bisexual, and bicurious categories were also significantly younger than heterosexual men.

1988
In a random survey of 6,300 Norwegians, 3.5% of the men and 3% of the women reported that they had a homosexual experience sometime in their life.

2003
In an anonymous survey of 1,971 male high school students performed in 2003, 1% self-reported having had a boyfriend and 2% having fallen in love with a man.

Philippines
The Young Adult Fertility and Sexuality Survey conducted in 2013 by the University of the Philippines found that 96.2% of youth describe themselves as straight/heterosexual. 2.1% described themselves as gay or lesbian while 1.7% are bisexual. 2.4% of men described themselves as gay, while 1.8% of women described themselves as lesbian.

Poland
A volunteer-based research of adult Poles showed that different modes of survey produce significant differences in the share of people who admit homosexual attraction. In paper-based surveys, 6% of respondents self-reported same-sex attraction, compared to 12% of online respondents. There were no other significant differences in other aspects of sexual life, and the two sets of volunteers were similar in age, education, and geographical location.

Another study showed that 4.9% of Poles identified as LGBT (5.5% for males and 4.3% for females).

Pakistan
In a 2013 questionnaire study of 2400 Pakistani males, 62 were exclusively homosexual (2.6%) and 146 were bisexual (6%).

2005
A national survey from 2005 by Eurosondagem for the weekly national newspaper Expresso, estimated that about 9.9% (1 million) of the Portuguese people are homosexual or bisexual. This study used anonymous and confidential surveys. For people more than 15 years old, 7% stated that they are homosexual, 2.9% that they are bisexual and 90.1% are heterosexual. Among those who indicate that they are homosexual or bisexual, there was no major difference between men (7.3% and 2.8%) and women (6.8% and 3%) respectively. Only about 50% of LGB people in Portugal are socially open about their sexual orientation.

2012
Another survey from 2012 for the same weekly newspaper, with 1,220 respondents more than 18 years old, used a 100 question survey about sexuality. They found that 77.5% are exclusively heterosexual, 2.1% are predominantly heterosexual, 0.6% are bisexual, 0.4% are predominantly homosexual and 1.6% are exclusively homosexual. 17.8% preferred not to answer about their sexual orientation. Of those who identified as heterosexual, 5.7% claimed to have already kissed, 1.3% claimed to feel attraction, and 1% claimed to have already had sex with someone of the same sex.

South Africa
In a 2016 report titled: 'Progressive Prudes: A Survey of Attitudes towards Homosexuality and Gender Non-Conformity in South Africa' produced by the Other Foundation and the Human Sciences Research Council, found that 530,000 men and women of all population groups, both rural and urban dwelling, and across age groups, self-identify as either homosexual, bisexual, or gender non-conforming.

South Korea
In 2019, an OECD report noted that "Korea does not have any nationally representative survey that includes a survey question on self-identification as heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual, nor does it collect information on the share of transgender people among the adult population."

2016
A female-only survey found that 6% of Spanish women identify as gay or bisexual.

2017: Barómetro Control
The sixth edition of the Barómetro Control sexual behavior survey, which was performed in 2017, and is representative of the Spanish population aged 18 to 35, found that 89% of young Spanish adults identify as heterosexual, 6% as male homosexual, 3% as female homosexual, and 2% as bisexual.

Sweden
In an anonymous survey of 1,978 male high school students performed in 2003, respondents answered a question regarding same-sex attraction by choosing a number in a 5-point Likert scale (1 = no and 5 = strong). Those who marked the number 5 made up 4% of the sample and those who marked the numbers 3 or 4, presented by researchers as self-reporting "some" same-sex attraction, 7 percent.

Thailand
According to 2018 estimates from LGBT Capital, there were about 4.2 million LGBT people in Thailand.

1992
A study of 8,337 British men found that 6.1% have had a "homosexual experience" and 3.6% had "1+ homosexual partner ever."

2005
HM Treasury and the Department of Trade and Industry completed a survey to help the government analyse the financial implications of the Civil Partnerships Act (such as pensions, inheritance and tax benefits). They concluded that there were 3.6 million gay people in Britain—around 6% of the total population or 1 in 16.66 people.

2008
In a survey of around 1,000 Britons using a self-completed questionnaire, 2% of the total sample identified as bisexual, 4% as homosexual, and 92% as heterosexual.

2009
In an online survey with over 75,000 YouGov panelists in Britain, 90.9% identified as heterosexual, 5.8% as gay, lesbian or bisexual, 1.3% opted not to give an answer, and 2.1% gave other reasons. The sample was recruited to closely match the overall British population on demographic variables such as age, gender, employment status and socio-economic classification. Among men, around 89% identified as heterosexual, 5.5% identified as gay, and 2.5% as bisexual. Straight women constituted around 93% of all women, lesbians were 1.4%, and bisexual women 2.3 percent. A little over two percent of each sex identified as "Other", and a little over 1% did not want to indicate a sexual orientation. Non-heterosexuals tended to be younger, and this was especially the case for bisexual women and gay men, whose average ages were 32 and 36 respectively, compared to an average of 47 among heterosexuals. Ethnic minorities were less likely to identify as gay or lesbian than Whites (1.4% vs. 3.5%) but were more likely to prefer not to disclose their sexual orientation (7.5% vs 0.9%). Sexual minorities tended to concentrate more in certain parts of the country—in London especially, where 27% of gay men and lesbians, as well as 19% of bisexuals, took residence, compared to only 14% of heterosexuals. Employment status also correlated with sexual orientation, as more gay than straight men worked full-time (three-quarters v. 57%), and the same was true among women (lesbians: 58%, straight women: 41%). Similarly, gay men (73%) and lesbians (66%) were overrepresented among the upper classes (classes ABC1), though the difference between heterosexuals and bisexuals (54% v. 58%) was not statistically significant. LGB people—especially lesbians—also had on average higher educational achievement.

The study argued for the need to provide strong anonymity to respondents in order to gauge the true size of the non-heterosexual population, as more LGB than heterosexual respondents indicated they would be less likely to disclose their true sexual orientation in a face-to-face interview than in a self-administered, online survey.

2014
In an anonymous online sex survey carried out by The Observer on the sex lives of the British, 4% of the 1,052 samples surveyed identified as gay or lesbian, and another 4% as bisexual.

In a nationally representative Survation study of 1,003 British women, 92% identified as heterosexual, 1.6% as gay or lesbian, 3.5% as bisexual, 0.3% as other, and 2.6% refused to disclose their sexual orientation. Sexual orientation appeared to be linked with age. Millennial women, aged 18–34, were significantly more likely to identify as bisexual (6.6%) than women aged 35–54 (1.4%) or older women (0.7%). Age differences were smaller for lesbian identity, but the pattern was the same, with 1.9% younger women identifying as lesbian, compared with 1.6% of middle aged and 1.3% of older women. Heterosexual identity followed the opposite pattern, being highest among older women (95.3%) and lowest among Millennials (89.1%). Sexual identity was also strongly correlated with childlessness, with 9.6% of childless women identifying as gay or bisexual, compared with 3.6% of women with underage children, and 0.5% of women with adult children.

2015
In a YouGov survey of 1,632 adults, 5.5% identified as gay, 2.1% as bisexual, and 88.7% as heterosexual. Asked to place themselves on the Kinsey scale, 72% of all adults, and 46% of adults aged 18–24 years, picked a score of zero, meaning that they identify as totally heterosexual. Four percent of the total sample, and 6% of young adults, picked a score of six, meaning a totally homosexual identity. Sex researcher Simon LeVay criticized this survey as unreliable because the respondents were not randomly sampled from the entire population.

2009–2016: Integrated Household Survey
In all years, it was observed that an LGB identity is most common among London residents and those aged under 35. Homosexual identity in 2016 was more than twice as common among men (1.7%) than among women (0.7%), whereas bisexual identity was more common among women (0.9%) than men (0.6%).

2016
A female-only survey found that 4% of British women identify as gay or bisexual.

The United Kingdom Office for National Statistics Annual Population Survey reported over 1 million (2.0%) of the UK population aged 16 and over identified as Lesbian, Gay or Bisexual (LGB). This represented a statistically significant increase from 1.7% in 2015.

2017
In a Survation poll on adults aged 40–70, 92.5% identified as heterosexual, 3.5% as gay, 2.4% as bisexual, 0.5% as Other and 1% did not want to reveal their sexual orientation. Those under 60 were less likely to identify as heterosexual than those aged 60–70. A gay identity was more common among men (6.1%) than women (1%), and the opposite was true of heterosexuality (men: 89.9%, women: 95%). No differences were found in the share identifying as bisexual (2.4% versus 2.5%). London had a higher share of middle aged or older people identifying as gay (8%) or bisexual (6%) than other parts of the country.

According to a nationally representative study organized by Kantar TNS, 87% of British men aged 18 to 30 years identify as heterosexual, 7% as homosexual, 5% as bisexual, and 2% as other.

An Ipsos MORI survey on behalf of BBC found that British people aged 16–22 (also called Generation Z) have lower odds to identify as exclusively straight (66%) than those who belong to the Millennial generation (71%), Generation X (85%), or Baby boomers (88%). Within Generation Z, there were several important gender differences in sexual identity: young men were more likely to identify as completely heterosexual than young women (73% v. 59%) whereas young women had higher chances to identify as non-exclusively straight (19%) and bisexual (14%) than young men (10% and 5%, respectively). There were no significant gender differences in the share identifying as predominantly or exclusively homosexual (5% for each sex), but Generation Z men were significantly more likely to refuse to disclose their sexual orientation (7%) than their female counterparts (3%). Significantly more white youth identified as exclusively homosexual (3%) than those of ethnic minority backgrounds (0%) but no other ethnic differences were found. Exclusively heterosexual youths were also less likely to describe themselves as fairly or very active in politics, but they were more likely to believe that they enjoy a better life than Millennials.

Among older adults, there were no differences in the share of men (82%) and women (80%) identifying as exclusively heterosexual. But more women than men identified as mostly heterosexual (11% v. 6%), while more men than women identified as exclusively homosexual (4% v. 2%) and mostly homosexual (2% v. 0.4%). Exclusive heterosexuals were more likely to have voted "Leave" on the 2016 UK referendum to leave the European Union, whereas mostly heterosexuals and exclusive homosexuals were overrepresented among "Remain" voters.

2019
The Annual Population Survey reported that an estimated 2.7% of the population aged 16 or over identified as lesbian, gay, or bisexual.

2021
For the first time, the 2021 United Kingdom census included a question on sexual orientation. Results for Scotland are expected to be published from spring 2024 onwards.

United States
The demographics of sexual orientation and gender identity in the United States have been studied in the social sciences in recent decades. A 2017 Gallup poll concluded that 4.5% of adult Americans identified as LGBT with 5.1% of women identifying as LGBT, compared with 3.9% of men. A different survey in 2016, from the Williams Institute, estimated that 0.6% of U.S. adults identify as transgender. According to an estimate based on UNAIDS 2018 data, there is a least 4.5 million gay or bisexual men in the United States.

Data scientist Seth Stephens-Davidowitz reported that the actual prevalence of gay men does not appear to vary between states in the U.S. because the percentage of Internet porn searches that are for gay male porn are nearly the same in all states, about 5 percent. Stephens-Davidowitz argues that in states where there is a social stigma against homosexuality that "many more gay men are in the closet than are out". Less than ten years following the United States v. Windsor (2013) and Obergefell v. Hodges (2015) U.S. Supreme Court decisions, Gallup found that nationwide public support for same-sex marriage had increased to 70% in 2021 while same-sex married couples accounted for 0.5% of all U.S. households and unmarried same-sex couples accounted for 0.4% of all U.S. households in the 2020 United States census.

2011
The Williams Institute at UCLA School of Law, a sexual orientation law think tank, released a study in April 2011 estimating based on its research that 1.7 percent of American adults identify as gay or lesbian, while another 1.8 percent identify as bisexual. Drawing on information from four national and two state-level population-based surveys, the analyses suggest that there are more than 8 million adults in the US who are lesbian, gay, or bisexual, comprising 3.5% of the adult population. Of men, 2.2% identify as gay and an additional 1.4% as bisexual. Of women, 1.1% identify as lesbian and an additional 2.2% as bisexual.

These charts show lists of the cities and the metropolitan areas with the highest LGB population in terms of numbers of total gay, lesbian and bisexual residents, based on estimates published in 2006 by the Williams Institute of the UCLA School of Law.

Top ranked by percent:

Top ranked by total population: Major metropolitan areas by total population:

Incidence versus prevalence
A significant distinction can be made between what medical statisticians call incidence and prevalence. For example, even if two studies agree on a common criterion for defining a sexual orientation, one study might regard this as applying to any person who has ever met this criterion, whereas another might only regard that person as being so if they had done so during the year of the survey. According to the American Psychological Association, sexual orientation refers to an "enduring pattern of emotional, romantic, and/or sexual attractions to men, women, or both sexes", as well as to "a person's sense of identity based on those attractions, related behaviors, and membership in a community of others who share those attractions." Therefore, a person can be celibate and still identify as being bisexual or homosexual based on romantic proclivities.

Effect of survey mode
According to many a source, from academic researchers to pollsters to market research groups, the population that identifies as LGBT and/or has had sexual relations with the same sex may be underestimated in surveys that employ live interviewers to collect data. Their argument is that methods stronger in anonymity and/or confidentiality, such as online questionnaires and IVR interviews, are better than more traditional survey modes at gauging the size of the non-heterosexual population.

British researchers with the third wave of the National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (NATSAL) addressed this matter in one of their studies. Interviewers collected data on sexual behavior from a sample of over 15,000 subjects at their home. However, a portion of respondents agreed to complete an online questionnaire asking many of the same questions asked live before. The questionnaire was to be taken one to two months after the original interview. The data below were extracted from the same group of 202 men and 325 women who gave out information about same-sex experiences live and then successfully completed the online questionnaire later. Numbers show how answers varied between survey modes and the information is given on whether the difference between methods was significant or not.

Researchers from other countries have produced similar findings. In Poland, for example, it was found in an experiment that self-reporting same-sex attraction was twice as common using an online questionnaire as in a paper questionnaire, despite the fact that the group that answered the online questions and the one that filled out the paper form were similar on all demographic variables and on all other aspects of their sexuality. In the 90s, an experiment was made in the US where it was found that teen males were several times more likely to acknowledge same-sex experiences using a computer methodology compared to paper questionnaires.

Change in prevalence over time
In addition, shifts can occur in reports of the prevalence of homosexuality. For example, the Hamburg Institute for Sexual Research conducted a survey over the sexual behavior of young people in 1970 and repeated it in 1990. Whereas in 1970 18% of the boys ages 16 and 17 reported to have had at least one same-sex sexual experience, the number had dropped to 2% by 1990.

Data from the General Social Survey shows that the percentage of Americans reporting predominantly same-sex partners remained stable between 1989 and 2014. In contrast, the percentage who reported ever having a same-sex partner increased. By contrast, the National Survey of Family Growth has found an increase in the share of men and women who self-report a bisexual orientation in their 2011–2013 study compared to previous surveys. Likewise, in the Second Australian Study of Health and Relationships, whose data was collected in 2012 and 2013, researchers noticed significant growth in the share of women who report bisexual orientation and attraction, and the share of men who report exclusive homosexual attraction, compared to the results of the First Australian Study of Health and Relationships, executed in 2001.

Cultural perceptions
The population that has come to be referred to as gay in the West is not a descriptive term that would be recognized by all men who have sex with men (MSM) as known in the rest of the world. While gay culture is increasingly open and discussed, the world of MSM consists of a diverse population that often may respond differently depending on how communications in clinical settings are framed. Gay is generally used to describe a homosexual sexual orientation, while MSM describes sexual behavior between men.

Some men who have sex with other men will not relate to the term gay or homosexual, and do not regard sexual activity with other men as actual sexual activity. Instead, they view sexual relations with women as valid. This is particularly true among individuals from non-Western cultures, but it is also common in the US. Terms such as MSM or same gender loving are often used in place of the word gay. Men in Africa and Latin America engage in sexual relationships with other men while still referring to themselves as heterosexual, which is known as being on the "down-low".

There is a relative lack of information on sexual behavior in most developing countries. The limited sources that are available indicate that although homosexual self-identification might occur relatively infrequently, the prevalence of homosexual behavior is higher. These men are not taken into consideration in some sexual identity surveys which may lead to under-reporting and inaccuracies.

Importance of having reliable demographics
Reliable data on the size of the gay and lesbian population would be valuable for informing public policy. For example, demographics would help calculate the costs and benefits of domestic partnership benefits, or the impact of legalizing gay adoption. Further, knowledge of the size of the "gay and lesbian population holds promise for helping social scientists understand a wide array of important questions—questions about the general nature of labor market choices, accumulation of human capital, specialization within households, discrimination, and decisions about geographic location." More data are also needed to understand the degree of underrepresentation of sexual minorities in certain fields such as STEM, as well as the academic performance of sexual minorities more broadly.

Kinsey Reports
Two of the most famous studies of the demographics of human sexual orientation were Alfred Kinsey's Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948) and Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (1953). These studies used a seven-point spectrum to define sexual behavior, from 0 for completely heterosexual to 6 for completely homosexual. Kinsey concluded that a small percentage of the population were to one degree or another bisexual (falling on the scale from 1 to 5). He also reported that 37% of men in the U.S. had achieved orgasm through contact with another male after adolescence and 13% of women had achieved orgasm through contact with another woman.

His results, however, have been disputed, especially in 1954 by a team consisting of John Tukey, Frederick Mosteller and William G. Cochran, who stated much of Kinsey's work was based on convenience samples rather than random samples, and thus would have been vulnerable to bias.

Paul Gebhard, Kinsey's former colleague and successor as director of the Kinsey Institute for Sex Research, reviewed the Kinsey data and removed what he thought were its purported contaminants. He again found that almost exactly 37% of men had engaged in homosexual activity. However, he also pointed out that Kinsey later concluded it was a mistake trying to generalize to the entire population.

More recent researchers believe that Kinsey overestimated the rate of same-sex attraction because of flaws in his sampling methods.

title: Demographics of sexual orientation


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Canadian Association of Broadcasters

The Canadian Association of Broadcasters (CAB) is a trade association representing the interests of commercial radio and television broadcasters in Canada. It is co-located with the Canadian Broadcast Standards Council in Ottawa.

It was first established in 1925, with a goal to lobby for Canadian copyright law to contain provisions for the distribution of royalties for music played by radio stations. Following the establishment of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, which served as both a broadcaster and regulator, the CAB lobbied for the establishment of an independent regulator of broadcasting in Canada, a goal achieved in 1958 with the formation of the Board of Broadcast Governors. The CAB worked with the BBG to assist in the establishment of private radio and television broadcasters. In the 1970s, the CAB lobbied against attempts by the BBG's successor, the CRTC, to implement policies for Canadian content. In 1998, the CAB established the Canadian Radio Music Awards.

In January 2009, amid growing vertical integration and president Glenn O'Farrell stepping down, the CAB announced that it planned to restructure itself as a "streamlined and effective advocacy association representing private radio and television broadcasters to the federal government". The CAB agreed to form a smaller board devoted to issues affecting the industry as a whole, such as accessibility, copyright, and administrating media-related funds.

title: Canadian Association of Broadcasters


text: Talk:Organizational behavior

title: Talk:Organizational behavior


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List of objects at Lagrange points

This is a list of known objects which occupy, have occupied, or are planned to occupy any of the five Lagrange points of two-body systems in space.

Sun–Earth L1
is the Lagrange point located approximately 1.5 million kilometers from Earth towards the Sun.

Past probes

 * International Cometary Explorer, formerly the International Sun–Earth Explorer 3 (ISEE-3), diverted out of in 1983 for a comet rendezvous mission.  Currently in heliocentric orbit. The Sun–Earth L1 is also the point to which the Reboot ISEE-3 mission was attempting to return the craft as the first phase of a recovery mission (as of September 25, 2014 all efforts have failed and contact was lost).
 * NASA's Genesis probe collected solar wind samples at from December 3, 2001, to April 1, 2004, when it returned the sample capsule to Earth. It returned briefly in late 2004 before being pushed into heliocentric orbit in early 2005.
 * LISA Pathfinder (LPF) was launched on 3 December 2015, and arrived at on 22 January 2016, where, among other experiments, it tested the technology needed by (e)LISA to detect gravitational waves. LISA Pathfinder used an instrument consisting of two small gold alloy cubes.
 * The Chang'e 5 orbiter (during extended mission. After ferrying lunar samples back to Earth in 2020, the transport module was sent to where it is permanently stationed to conduct limited Earth-Sun observations.)

Present probes

 * The Solar and Heliospheric Observatory (SOHO) in a halo orbit around L1
 * Mission: Investigation of the outer layer of the Sun, making observations of solar wind and associated phenomena in the vicinity of L1, probing the interior structure of the Sun.
 * Launched: 2 December 1995
 * Arrival: Operational orbit in May 1996
 * Institution: [[Image:ESA logo simple.svg|15px]] ESA
 * The Advanced Composition Explorer (ACE) in a Lissajous orbit
 * WIND (At since 2004)
 * The Deep Space Climate Observatory (DSCOVR), designed to image the sunlit Earth in 10 wavelengths (EPIC) and monitor total reflected radiation (NISTAR). Launched on 11 February 2015, began orbiting L1 on 8 June 2015 to study the solar wind and its effects on Earth. DSCOVR is unofficially known as GORESAT, because it carries a camera always oriented to Earth and capturing full-frame photos of the planet similar to the Blue Marble. This concept was proposed by then-Vice President of the United States Al Gore in 1998 and was a centerpiece in his 2006 film An Inconvenient Truth.
 * Aditya-L1 was successfully launched on 2 September 2023 and entered the halo orbit around the lagrange point on 6 January 2024. It's a Solar observation mission by ISRO. It will study solar atmosphere, solar magnetic storms, and their impact on the environment around the Earth.

Planned probes

 * Interstellar Mapping and Acceleration Probe slated for launch in late 2024
 * NEO Surveyor
 * SWFO-L1
 * Vigil (ESA). One spacecraft in L1 and one in L5.

Sun–Earth L2
is the Lagrange point located approximately 1.5 million kilometers from Earth in the direction opposite the Sun. Spacecraft at the Sun–Earth L2 point are in a Lissajous orbit until decommissioned, when they are sent into a heliocentric graveyard orbit.

Past probes

 * 2001 – 2010: NASA's Wilkinson Microwave Anisotropy Probe (WMAP) observed the cosmic microwave background. It was moved to a heliocentric orbit to avoid posing a hazard to future missions.
 * 2003 – 2004: NASA's WIND. The spacecraft then went to Earth orbit, before heading to.
 * 2009 – 2013: The ESA Herschel Space Observatory exhausted its supply of liquid helium and was moved from the Lagrangian point in June 2013.
 * 2009 – 2013: At the end of its mission ESA's Planck spacecraft was put into a heliocentric orbit and passivated to prevent it from endangering any future missions.
 * 2011 – 2012: CNSA's Chang'e 2. Chang'e 2 was then placed onto a heliocentric orbit that took it past the near-Earth asteroid 4179 Toutatis.

Present probes

 * The ESA Gaia probe
 * The joint Russian-German high-energy astrophysics observatory Spektr-RG
 * The joint NASA, ESA and CSA James Webb Space Telescope (JWST)
 * The ESA Euclid mission

Planned probes

 * The NASA Nancy Grace Roman Space Telescope (WFIRST)
 * The ESA PLATO mission, which will find and characterize rocky exoplanets.
 * The JAXA LiteBIRD mission.
 * The ESA Advanced Telescope for High ENergy Astrophysics (ATHENA)
 * The ESA ARIEL mission, which will observe the atmospheres of exoplanets.
 * The joint ESA-JAXA Comet Interceptor
 * The NASA Large Ultraviolet Optical Infrared Surveyor (LUVOIR) which would replace the Hubble Space Telescope.

Cancelled probes

 * The ESA Eddington mission
 * The NASA Terrestrial Planet Finder mission (may be placed in an Earth-trailing orbit instead)

Sun–Earth L3
is the Sun–Earth Lagrange point located on the side of the Sun opposite Earth, slightly outside the Earth's orbit. Direct communication with spacecraft in this position is blocked by the sun.
 * There are no known objects in this orbital location.

Sun–Earth L4
is the Sun–Earth Lagrange point located close to the Earth's orbit 60° ahead of Earth.

 * Asteroid is the first discovered tadpole orbit companion to Earth, orbiting ; like Earth, its mean distance to the Sun is about one astronomical unit.
 * Asteroid is the second Earth trojan, confirmed in November 2021, oscillating around  in a tadpole orbit and expected to remain there for at least 4000 years, until destabilized by Venus.
 * STEREO A (Solar TErrestrial RElations Observatory – Ahead) made its closest pass to in September 2009, on its orbit around the Sun, slightly faster than Earth.
 * OSIRIS-REx passed near the L4 point and performed a survey for asteroids between 9 and 20 February 2017.

Sun–Earth L5
is the Sun–Earth Lagrange point located close to the Earth's orbit 60° behind Earth.

 * Asteroid, in a horseshoe companion orbit with Earth, is currently proximal to but at a high inclination.
 * STEREO B (Solar TErrestrial RElations Observatory – Behind) made its closest pass to in October 2009, on its orbit around the Sun, slightly slower than Earth.
 * The Spitzer Space Telescope is in an Earth-trailing heliocentric orbit drifting away c. 0.1 AU per year. In c. 2013–15 it has passed in its orbit.
 * Hayabusa2 passed near during the spring of 2017, and imaged the surrounding area to search for Earth trojans on 18 April 2018.

Proposed

 * Vigil (ESA). One spacecraft in L5.

Earth–Moon L2

 * THEMIS
 * Chang'e 5-T1
 * Queqiao relay satellite
 * EQUULEUS nanosat.

Earth–Moon L4 and L5

 * Kordylewski clouds
 * Future location of TDRS-style communication satellites to support satellite and further regions on the Moon.

Past probes

 * Hiten was the first spacecraft to demonstrate a low energy trajectory, passing by and  to achieve lunar orbit at a very low fuel expense, compared to usual orbital techniques. Hiten did not find any conclusive increase in dust density at Lagrange points.

Proposed objects

 * Exploration Gateway Platform
 * In his 1976 book The High Frontier: Human Colonies in Space Dr. Gerard O'Neill proposed the establishment of gigantic Space Islands in . The inhabitants of the L5 Society should convert lunar material to huge solar power satellites. Many works of fiction, most notably the Gundam series, involve colonies at these locations.

Sun–Mars Lagrange points
Asteroids in the and  Sun–Mars Lagrangian points are sometimes called Mars trojans, with a lower-case t, as "Trojan asteroid" was originally defined as a term for Lagrangian asteroids of Jupiter. They may also be called Mars Lagrangian asteroids.

L5

 * 5261 Eureka
 * ,, (not confirmed as true Lagrangian asteroids)
 * ,, (not confirmed as true Lagrangian asteroids)
 * ,, (not confirmed as true Lagrangian asteroids)

Source: Minor Planet Center

Sun–Ceres Lagrange points

 * 1372 Haremari

Sun–Jupiter Lagrange points
Asteroids in the and  Sun–Jupiter Lagrangian points are known as Jupiter Trojan asteroids or simply Trojan asteroids.

L4

 * Trojan asteroids, Greek camp

L5

 * Trojan asteroids, Trojan camp

Planned

 * Lucy (spacecraft)

L4

 * Telesto

L5

 * Calypso

L4

 * Helene

L5

 * Polydeuces, follows a "tadpole" orbit around L5

L3

 * 83982 Crantor, follows a horseshoe orbit around L3

Sun–Neptune Lagrange points
Minor planets in the and  Sun–Neptune Lagrangian points are called Neptune trojans, with a lower-case t, as "Trojan asteroid" was originally defined as a term for Lagrangian asteroids of Jupiter.

Data from: Minor Planet Center

L4

 * 385571 Otrera
 * 385695 Clete

Tables of missions
Color key:

title: List of objects at Lagrange points


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Bandwagoning

Bandwagoning in international relations occurs when a state aligns with a stronger, adversarial power and concedes that the stronger adversary-turned-partner disproportionately gains in the spoils they conquer together. Bandwagoning, therefore, is a strategy employed by states that find themselves in a weak position. The logic stipulates that an outgunned, weaker state should align itself with a stronger adversary because the latter can take what it wants by force anyway. Thucydides' famous dictum that "the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must" captures the essence of bandwagoning.

Bandwagoning occurs when weaker states decide that the cost of opposing a stronger power exceeds the benefits. The stronger power may offer incentives, such as the possibility of territorial gain, trade agreements, or protection, to induce weaker states to join with it.

Realism predicts that states will bandwagon only when there is no possibility of building a balancing coalition or their geography makes balancing difficult (i.e. surrounded by enemies). Bandwagoning is considered to be dangerous because it allows a rival state to gain power.

Bandwagoning is opposed to balancing, which calls for a state to prevent an aggressor from upsetting the balance of power.

Etymology
Bandwagoning was coined by Quincy Wright in A Study of War (1942) and popularized by Kenneth Waltz in Theory of International Politics (1979); in his work, Waltz incorrectly attributes Stephen Van Evera with having coined the term. Both Wright and Waltz employ the concept to serve as the opposite of balancing behaviour.

Foreign policy commitments
The belief that states will ally with a dominant power, as opposed to balance against it, has been a common feature among foreign policy practitioners. German Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz's "risk theory", for example, posited that if Germany built a formidable naval fleet, it could force the United Kingdom into neutrality or alliance with it by threatening to the latter's maritime supremacy.

According to Stephen Walt, "American officials have repeatedly embraced the bandwagoning hypothesis in justifying American foreign policy commitments." John F. Kennedy, for example, stated that "if the United States were to falter, the whole world... would inevitably begin to move toward the Communist bloc". Henry Kissinger suggested that states tend to bandwagon "if leaders around the world... assume that the U.S. lacked either the forces or the will... they will accommodate themselves to the dominant trend".

Ronald Reagan endorsed the same sentiment when he said, "If we cannot defend ourselves [in Central America], we cannot expect to prevail elsewhere. Our credibility would collapse, our alliances would crumble and the safety of our homeland would be put at jeopardy."

title: Bandwagoning