text: User talk:216.109.50.126

title: User talk:216.109.50.126


text: Category:1557 deaths

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Category:1557 deaths


text:
Association of Muslim Scholars in Iraq

The Association of Muslim Scholars in Iraq (Arabic: هيئة علماء المسلمين في العراق Hayat al-Ulama al-Muslimin Fi al-Iraq) is a group of religious leaders in Iraq. It was formed on the April 14, 2003, four days after the U.S.-led invasion demolished the Ba'athist regime of Saddam Hussein, by a group of scholars who aimed to represent Sunnis in Iraq. Though not a political party, the association is considered to be politically influential. It also administers a charitable fund set up for the upkeep of religious buildings.

Membership
Prominent members include Harith Sulayman al-Dhari (Chairman), Muthanna Harith al-Dhari (Chairman's son and spokesman, secretary-general as of 2018), Abdel-Salam al-Kubaisi, Abdel-Sattar Abdel-Jabbar (founder, and senior official), Dr. Muhammad Bashar al-Faithi, Abdel Hamid Al-Ani, Ahmed Abdul Ghafour al-Samarrai, Mahdi Ibrahim, Abu Bashir al-Tarousi, and Umar Raghib.

Views
The AMS did not join the newly formed government because it believed the political process to be illegitimate whilst Iraq remains under occupation. The group believes that: "True democracy is impossible under occupation.”

According to the association's spokesman in 2005 Muhammad al-Kubaysi, Iraq's problems can be attributed to "the presence of a foreign power that occupies this country and refuses even the mere scheduling of the withdrawal of its forces from Iraq." Members of the AMS met a senior US embassy official in January 2005 and asked for a timetable for US troop withdrawal. When this was refused, the group called for a boycott of the elections.

The AMS has been the group most critical of the occupation since the invasion of Iraq in 2003. Sheikh Harith al-Dhari, the Chairman of the group, has said: "Iraq’s ordeal will not end unless the occupation ends. We must get rid of the occupation which is the cause of Iraq’s misery and pain. It acts as a cover and fuel for outsiders to meddle."

The association has been called an important force in giving the anti-occupation Sunni insurgency religious sanction in Iraq, with some of its leaders, such as Ayyash al-Kubaisi, openly endorsing the Sunni resistance as legitimate. However, they have consistently condemned all indiscriminate attacks on civilians, distinguishing between 'terrorism' and 'honorable resistance' and have negotiated for the release of Western hostages, as well as helping to arrange aid convoys to the city of Falluja when it was under siege.

When Al-Qaeda in Iraq leader Abu Musab al-Zarqawi called for "a full-scale war on Shiites," at least one member of the association, Abu Bashir al-Tarousi, objected, pointing out that "although sectarian war in Iraq may have been provoked and sparked by the Shia ... killing according to sectarian affiliation is not justified by Islamic law," and Muslims should not take "justice into their own hands." He also expressed concern that the attacks would cause the "legitimate Iraqi resistance" to lose its credibility in the eyes of the Islamic world" In 2018, the AMS reaffirmed its opposition to foreign forces in Iraq, while maintaining its denial of organizational links to al-Qaeda despite Chairman Harith al-Dhari's inclusion on a terrorism list released by the Dawa Party-led government in Iraq.

The association has condemned the 2016 assault on Falluja as "an unjust aggression, a reflection of the vengeful spirit that the forces of evil harbor against this city".

Religious stances
The AMS is a group of Sunni scholars. Many of its members favor the Hanbali school of fiqh law over the Hanafi school, which has traditionally been dominant among Sunnis in Iraq.

title: Association of Muslim Scholars in Iraq


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Chhatrapati

Chhatrapati is a royal title from Sanskrit used to denote a king. The word "Chhatrapati" is a Sanskrit language compound word of chhatra (parasol or umbrella) and pati (master/lord/ruler). This title was used by the House of Bhonsle, between 1674 and 1818, as the heads of state of the Maratha Confederacy.

The states of Satara and Kolhapur came into being in 1707, because of the succession dispute over the royalty. Shahuji, the heir apparent to the Maratha Kingdom, captured by the Mughals at the age of nine, remained their prisoner at the death of his father Sambhaji, the elder son of Shivaji the founder of the Maratha Kingdom, in 1689. The dowager Maharani Tarabai (wife of Rajaram I) proclaimed her son Shivaji II, as Chhatrapati under her regency. The Mughals released Shahu under certain conditions in 1707, and he returned to claim his inheritance. He defeated the regent at the Battle of Khed and established himself at Satara, forcing her to retire with her son to Kolhapur. By 1710 two separate principalities had become an established fact. Shivaji II and Tarabai were soon deposed by the other wife of Rajaram, Rajasbai. She installed her own son, Sambhaji II, as the new ruler of Kolhapur. Sambhaji II signed the Treaty of Warana in 1731 with his cousin Shahuji to formalize the two separate seats of Bhonsle family.

Initial Chhatrapatis
This is the list of the initial Chhatrapatis.

Chhatrapatis of Satara
This is the list of the Chhatrapatis of Satara.

Chhatrapatis of Kolhapur
This is the list of the Chhatrapatis of Kolhapur.

title: Chhatrapati


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Les Cunningham Award

The Les Cunningham Award is given annually to American Hockey League's "Most Valuable Player" of the regular season, as voted on by AHL media and players.

The award was first presented in the 1947–48 season, is named after Les Cunningham, a five-time AHL All-Star and three-time Calder Cup champion who averaged better than a point per game over his 10-year playing career with the original Cleveland Barons. Upon his retirement, he was the AHL's career leader in points.

Winners
{{legend|#CFECEC|Player is still active in the AHL|border=solid 1px #AAAAAA}}

title: Les Cunningham Award


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Dulcie September

Dulcie Evonne September (20 August 1935 – 29 March 1988) was a South African anti-apartheid political activist who was assassinated in Paris, France, in 1988.

Early life
The second eldest daughter of Jakobus and Susan September, September grew up in Gleemore, a suburb of Cape Town, where she developed her interest in political activism. She began her primary schooling at Klipfontein Methodist Mission, and later attended Athlone High School. In 1954, she enrolled at the Wesley Training School in Salt River to pursue a career in teaching, and completed her Teacher's Diploma in 1955. She began her teaching career, first at City Mission School in Maitland, then at Bridgetown East Primary School in Athlone in 1956, and in 1957 became a member of the newly established Cape Peninsula Students' Union (CPSU), affiliate of the Unity Movement of South Africa, which aimed at overcoming racial divisions and forging solidarity among students of different cultural backgrounds. She belonged to the Athlone branch of the Teacher's League of South Africa (TLSA).

Activism
September subsequently joined the African Peoples' Democratic Union of Southern Africa (APDUSA), established in 1960. She went on to be a member of the militant study group Yu Chi Chan Club, which was disbanded at the end of 1962, to be replaced by the National Liberation Front (NLF) in January 1963. While engaged in NLF activities, she was arrested and detained without trial at Roeland Street Prison on 7 October 1963. Together with nine others she was charged under the Criminal Procedure Act, the principal charge being "conspiracy to commit acts of sabotage, and incite acts of politically motivated violence". After months of court proceedings, judgment was delivered on 15 April 1964. September was sentenced to five years imprisonment, during which time she endured severe physical and psychological abuse. On her release in April 1969, the Pretoria regime controlled her activities with a five-year banning order, which prohibited her from engaging in political activity and from practising her profession. September then went to live with her sister in Paarl.

In 1973, as her banning order drew to a close, September applied for a permanent departure permit, having secured a position at Madeley College of Education in Staffordshire. She left South Africa on 19 December 1973. In London, she joined the activities of the Anti-Apartheid Movement and was in the frontline of numerous political rallies and demonstrations at South Africa House in Trafalgar Square. Later she gave up her job as a teacher and joined the staff of the International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa. In 1976 she joined the African National Congress (ANC) where she worked in the ANC Women's League. In 1979, International Year of the Child (IYC), she was elected chairperson of the IYC Committee of the ANC Women's Section in London. At the end of 1983, September was appointed ANC Chief Representative in France, Switzerland and Luxembourg.

Death

On the morning of 29 March 1988, September was shot to death outside the ANC's Paris office at 28, Rue des Petites-Écuries, as she was opening the office after collecting the mail. She was 52 years old. Her death stoked a strong popular reaction in Paris where more than 20,000 gathered to mourn.

Before her assassination, September had been investigating trafficking of weapons between France and South Africa. On the day after her murder, Alfred Nzo, secretary-general of the African National Congress, commented: "If ever there was a soft target, Dulcie September was one."

Arts and media
Jean-Michel Jarre composed a song for his 1988 Revolutions album named "September", dedicated to Dulcie September. The song was performed at his Destination Docklands concert at London's Royal Victoria Dock in October 1988, and features on the album recording of this, Jarre Live (1989).

The conceptual artist Hans Haacke devoted his 1989 installation "One Day, The Lions of Dulcie September Will Spout Water in Jubilation" to her. The site-specific intervention that modified an existing but defunct fountain in front of the Grande halle de la Villette in Paris, was part of the exhibition Magiciens de la terre by Jean-Martin Hubert.

Her short story "A Split Society – Fast Sounds on the Horizon" was included in the 1992 anthology Daughters of Africa, edited by Margaret Busby.

Cold Case: Revisiting Dulcie September is a play that pays tribute to Dulcie September. A book about her murder, Dulcie: Een Vrouw Die Haar Mond Moest Houden by Evelyn Groenink, was published in the Netherlands in 2001. A podcast about the murder of Dulcie September, They Killed Dulcie by Open Secrets and Sound Africa, was released in March 2019. The 2021 documentary Murder in Paris explores the life and assassination of September.

Memorials and dedications
A square in the 10th arrondissement of Paris is named after Dulcie September, and was officially inaugurated on 31 March 1998, ten years after her death. A street in Cléon, near Rouen, is named after her. There is also a place named Dulcie September in Nantes, and a primary school in Évry-sur-Seine carries her name as well as a middle school (collège in French) in Arcueil, the town near Paris where she last lived.

In August 2010, the first Dulcie September Memorial Lecture took place at The Centre for Humanities Research of the University of the Western Cape, as well as the launch of the Dulcie September Fellowship Awards in the Humanities and Social Sciences that featured speakers including Barbara Masekela and Margaret Busby.

In October 2011, Staffordshire University Students' Union honoured Dulcie September by renaming their boardroom the "September Room" and erecting a plaque in her memory. She was a former student of Madeley College of Education, one of the founding colleges of North Staffordshire Polytechnic.

In 2013 the Athlone Civic Centre was renamed the Dulcie September Civic Centre.

In Amsterdam, Netherlands, a road in the city's Transvaalbuurt is named Dulcie Septemberpad. Other buildings and streets in the neighbourhood have also been named after prominent historic South Africans, including Steve Bikoplein, Nelson Mandela School and Retiefstraat.

title: Dulcie September


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Shenzong

Shenzong is the temple name used for several emperors of China. It may refer to:

 * Emperor Shenzong of Song (1048–1085, reigned 1067–1085), emperor of the Song dynasty
 * Emperor Shenzong of Western Xia (1163–1223, reigned 1211–1223), emperor of Western Xia
 * Wanli Emperor (1563–1620, reigned 1572–1620), emperor of the Ming dynasty

Other Usages

 * ShenZong is sometimes used to refer to the currently under construction Shenzhen–Zhongshan Bridge.

title: Shenzong


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1977 Fijian constitutional crisis

Fiji's parliamentary election of March 1977 precipitated a constitutional crisis, which was the first major challenge to the country's democratic institutions since independence in 1970.

Politics in the years before and after independence had been dominated by the conflicting interests of the ethnic Fijian and Indo-Fijian communities. At that time, Indo-Fijians slightly outnumbered ethnic Fijians, but by holding a virtual monopoly of the ethnic Fijian vote and by making significant inroads into the Indo-Fijian electorate (taking almost a quarter of their votes in the election of 1972), Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara's Alliance Party had maintained its grip on power. A split in the indigenous vote in 1977, however, resulted in a narrow win for the Indo-Fijian-dominated National Federation Party (NFP).

Sidiq Koya, the NFP leader, was expected to become Prime Minister.

Instead, the Governor-General, Ratu Sir George Cakobau, called on Mara to form a caretaker government, pending new elections scheduled for September. The events that led to his decision, and his reasons for it, are still mired in controversy, with different parties involved telling different versions of the situation, and conspiracy theories have abounded. What is known is that a leadership struggle immediately following the election seriously fractured the NFP. It failed to name a Cabinet for three days, and a crisis began to develop. A prominent NFP parliamentarian, Jai Ram Reddy, wondered aloud on national radio whether his party was ready to form a government, and whether it would in fact be able to do so. Ratu Mara claimed in his 1996 autobiography, The Pacific Way, that NFP politicians had approached him and asked him to remain in office, but with an NFP Cabinet; he claimed to have refused.

Some accused Jai Ram Reddy of sabotaging the formation of a government in order to challenge Koya for the leadership of the party, which he did successfully once NFP had been divided and Koya had been weakened in support. Other possible traitors within the NFP were also named. Fiji Labour Party leader Mahendra Chaudhry claimed in his 2004 book, "Children of the Indus", that parliamentarians Chand Ramrakha and Irene Jai Narayan had betrayed their own leader by telling the Governor-General that not all NFP caucus members would support Koya for Prime Minister. "There is also some basis to the story that Karam Ramrakha and Irene Jai Narayan had informed Ratu Sir George secretly that Koya did not enjoy the support of all NFP parliamentarians. Regrettably, at the hour of his triumph Koya had been stabbed in the back by his own people," he wrote. Ramrakha, now a lawyer based in Sydney, Australia, sued for defamation, saying that the claim was false and had damaged his reputation but was unsuccessful.

Others, both in Fiji and abroad, accused the Governor-General, a high chief in the Fijian chiefly hierarchy, of deliberate bias, and took his usurping of a popular election to preserve the government of his fellow-chief (and distant cousin), Ratu Mara, as an indication that the indigenous Fijian elite would not tolerate an Indo-Fijian-led government. Proponents of this theory point to the coups of 1987 and of 2000, both of which toppled governments dominated or led by Indo-Fijians, as evidence of their belief. Whether this controversial opinion is true or not, few doubt that Ratu Sir George Cakobau was pleased to be able to reappoint the government dominated by indigenous Fijians.

In a public statement, Ratu Sir George Cakobau defended his actions thus:

"In the recent general election, the people of Fiji did not give a clear mandate to either of the major political parties. It therefore became the duty of the Governor-General under the Constitution to appoint as Prime Minister the Member of the House of Representatives who appeared to him best able to command the support of the majority of the Members of the House. The Governor-General has not been able to act sooner as it was not until this afternoon that he was informed who had been elected leader of the National Federation Party. The Governor-General, after taking all relevant circumstances into account, has come to the firm conclusion that the person best able to command support of the majority of the Members is the Leader of the Alliance Party, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara. In compliance with the Constitution and acting in his own deliberate judgment the Governor-General has accordingly appointed Ratu Sir Kamisese as Prime Minister."

The September election called to resolve the impasse resulted in a landslide win for the Fijian Alliance, which remained in power for another decade.

title: 1977 Fijian constitutional crisis


text: Category:Hamilton County, New York

title: Category:Hamilton County, New York


text: Template talk:ArbComOpenTasks

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