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Ramavataram

The Ramavataram, popularly referred to as Kamba Ramayanam, is a Tamil epic that was written by the Tamil poet Kambar during the 12th century. Based on Valmiki's Ramayana (which is in Sanskrit), the story describes the legend of King Rama of Ayodhya. However, the Ramavataram is different from the Sanskrit version in many aspects – both in spiritual concepts and in the specifics of the storyline. This historic work is considered by both Tamil scholars and the general public as one of the greatest literary works in Tamil literature.

Kambar wrote this epic with the patronage of Thiruvennai Nallur Sadayappa Vallal, a chieftain of the Pannai lineage. In gratitude to his patron, Kamban references his name once in every 1,000 verses.

Early references in Tamil literature
Even before Kambar wrote the Ramavataram in Tamil in the 12 century CE, there are many ancient references to the story of Ramayana, implying that the story was familiar in the Tamil lands even before the Common Era. References to the story can be found in the Sangam literature of Akanaṉūṟu,(dated 200 BCE–300 CE) and Purananuru (dated 200 BCE–300 CE), the twin epics of Silappatikaram (dated 6th century CE) and Manimekalai,  and the Alvar literature of Kulasekhara Alvar, Thirumangai Alvar, Andal and Nammalvar (dated between 8th and 10th centuries CE).

Structure
The book is divided into six chapters, called Kandam in Tamil. The Kandams are further divided into 113 sections called Padalam (படலம்) in Tamil. These 113 sections contain approximately 10569 verses of the epic.

 * Bala Kandam (Chapter: Childhood)
 * Ayodhya Kandam (Chapter: Ayodhya)
 * Aranya Kandam (Chapter: Forest)
 * Kishkindha Kandam (Chapter: Kishkindha)
 * Sundara Kandam (Chapter: Beautiful)
 * Yuddha Kandam (Chapter: War)

Compilation
As with many historic compilations, it was very difficult to discard the interpolations and addendum which have been added over a period of time to the original. This task was taken up a committee of scholars headed by T. P. Meenakshisundaram called the Kamban Kazhagam (Kamban Academy). The compilation published by this committee in 1976 is what is used as the standard today. Valmiki's Ramayana in Sanskrit has seven chapters. The Tamil poet Ottakoothar wrote Uttara Kandam, the seventh (last chapter) kandam of the Tamil epic Ramayanam.

Literary significance
Kamban's use of Virutham (Sanskrit: vṛttam) and Santham (Sanskrit: chandas) in various verses is effective in bringing out the emotion and mood for storytelling. He achieves the Virutham and Santham by effective choice of words.

Religious significance
This epic is read by many Hindus during prayers. In some households, the entire epic is read once during the Tamil calendar's month of Aadi (mid-July to mid-August). It is also read in Hindu Temples and other religious associations. On many occasions, Kambar talks about surrendering to Rama, who is a manifestation of Vishnu himself.

The chapter Sundara Kandam is considered very auspicious and is the most popular. The chapter talks about the hardships faced by the main characters in the epic, their practice of restraint, and their hopes for a better tomorrow.

Translations
Kamba Ramayanam has been translated into English by P. S. Sundaram. Nityananda Mohapatra translated the Tamil work into Odia.

title: Ramavataram


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Biddenden

Biddenden is a large, mostly agricultural and wooded village and civil parish in the borough of Ashford in Kent, England. The village lies on the Weald of Kent, some 5 miles north of Tenterden. It was a centre for the Wealden iron industry and also of clothmaking.

The parish includes the hamlet of Woolpack Corner (51.1°N, 0.64°W).

Origin of Name
The place name of Biddenden is derived from the Kentish dialect of Old English, meaning "Bidda's woodland pasture". It is associated with a man called Bida, was originally Biddingden (c993) Bida + ing + denn, eventually evolving into the current spelling.

History
All Saints Biddenden is the parish church, built mostly in the 13th century. There was likely an earlier Saxon church here. During the half-century reign of Edward III, Flemish clothworkers were settled in the area. The ready availability of raw materials led to the establishment of a flourishing textile industry for the production of broadcloth. Wealth from this industry built many of the fine houses in town.

Biddenden Place was the ancestral home of the Mayney or Mayne family: the village school, originally founded in 1522, is named after its benefactor John Mayne.

Biddenden Maids
In 1100, Mary and Eliza Chulkhurst, a pair of conjoined twins, were supposedly born in the village. The origin of the perpetual charity of Biddenden is celebrated in the village signage of the Biddenden Maids, as they became known. The Biddenden Consolidated Charity provides Biddenden pensioners and widows with bread, cheese, and tea at Easter, a cash payment at Christmas, and distribution of Biddenden cakes.

Demography
At the 2001 UK census, the Biddenden electoral ward had a population of 2,434. The ethnicity was 98.7% white, 0.4% mixed race, 0.3% Asian, 0.5% black and 0.1% other. The place of birth of residents was 94.2% United Kingdom, 0.4% Republic of Ireland, 1.6% other Western European countries, and 3.8% elsewhere. Religion was recorded as 78.6% Christian, 0.3% Buddhist, 0.2% Hindu, 0% Sikh, 0% Jewish, and 0.1% Muslim. 12.7% were recorded as having no religion, 0.3% had an alternative religion and 7.9% did not state their religion.

The economic activity of residents aged 16–74 was 32.8% in full-time employment, 12.5% in part-time employment, 16.9% self-employed, 1.7% unemployed, 1.1% students with jobs, 2.4% students without jobs, 18.8% retired, 9.4% looking after home or family, 2.5% permanently sick or disabled and 2% economically inactive for other reasons. The industry of employment of residents was 13.9% retail, 9.5% manufacturing, 10.3% construction, 14.3% real estate, 10.3% health and social work, 7.2% education, 4.7% transport and communications, 5.2% public administration, 4.9% hotels and restaurants, 5.7% finance, 5.8% agriculture and 8.2% other. Compared with national figures, the ward had a relatively high proportion of workers in agriculture and construction. There were a relatively low proportion in manufacturing, transport and communications. Of the ward's residents aged 16–74, 19.6% had a higher education qualification or the equivalent, compared with 19.9% nationwide.

An important cottage industry has developed to the west, where numerous vineyards and orchards produce varietal wines, ciders and juices. Biddenden is also the trading name of Biddenden's Cider. Biddenden's Cider is made by Biddenden Vineyards Ltd. whose premises are close to the clustered village centre.

Transport
Biddenden was served for nearly five decades by Biddenden railway station, on the Kent and East Sussex Railway. The station opened on 15 May 1905 and closed on 4 January 1954.

Bygone Buses was based in Biddenden during the late 1980s and early 1990s. It was sold to Maidstone & District Motor Services.

Notable people

 * Mary and Eliza Chulkhurst (1100–34), conjoined twins traditionally said to have lived in Biddenden.
 * Thomas Bickley (1518–96), was rector of Biddenden prior to 1585.
 * Elias Sydall (1672–1733), was rector of Biddenden 1702–05.
 * Edward Nares (1762–1841), theologian, was rector of Biddenden 1798–1827.
 * Robert Kahn (1865–1951), composer, lived in Biddenden from 1938–51.
 * John R. Winder (1821–1910), Second in command of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints 1901–1910, was born in Biddenden.
 * William Guy (1859–1950), pioneer of modern dentistry, was born in Biddenden.
 * King Rama VII of Siam (1893–1941) lived at Vane Court in Biddenden after his abdication in 1935.
 * Sir John Kotelawala (1895-1980), Prime Minister of Ceylon, lived in Biddenden for several years.

Notes and references
Notes

References

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Biddenden


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Celtchar

Celtchar, son of Uthechar or Uthidir, is a character from the Ulster Cycle of Irish Mythology. In Scéla Mucce Maic Dathó ("The Tale of Mac Dathó's Pig") he is described as "a grey, tall, very terrible hero of Ulster". When he challenges Cet mac Mágach for the champion's portion, Cet counters that he once emasculated Celtchar with a spear at Celtchar's own house. He lives in Dún Lethglaise, also known as the Mound of Down (Irish Dún), or Rathkeltair (Irish Ráth Celtchair or Celtchar's Fort) in Downpatrick, County Down. His wife is Findmór of Dún Sobairche (Dunseverick, County Antrim). He wields a spear or lance, the Lúin Cheltchair, whose lust for blood is so great it has to be dipped in a cauldron of poison to control it.

In the Táin Bó Cúailnge, after the Ulstermen have roused from their debility, he and Conchobar mac Nessa rescue eight captive Ulster women from eight men of Ailill and Medb's household at Áth Féinne.

In compensation for murdering Blaí Briugu, who had slept with his wife, Celtchar has to rid Ulster of three menaces. The first is Conganchnes mac Dedad, who seeks revenge for the death of his nephew Cú Roí, and who has skin like horn, which no weapon can pierce. Celtchar offers him his daughter Niam in marriage, who discovers that Conganchnes can only be killed by hammering red hot spits into the soles of his feet. She passes the information to her father, who does the deed. The second menace is a ferocious dog called Luch Donn ("brown mouse"). It had been found as a pup by a widow, who raised it until it was enormous and uncontrollable. It killed all the widow's sheep and cattle, then her sons, and finally the widow herself, and now it devastates a settlement every night. Celtchar finds an alder log, hollows it out so his arm will fit through it, and boils it in honey, grease and herbs until it is tough and supple. He approaches the dog with the log over his arm, and when the dog bites into it its teeth get stuck, enabling Celtchar to pull its heart out through its throat, killing it. The third menace is Dóelchú, Celtchar's own dog. It was found as a pup inside Conganchnes's burial mound, and would only let Celtchar handle it, until one day it escaped, and became a menace to the cattle and sheep of Ulster. Celtchar finds the dog and calls to it, and it comes and licks his feet. Reluctantly, Celtchar dispatches it with his spear. As he lifts the spear, a drop of the dog's poisonous blood runs down it and through Celtchar's body, killing him.

title: Celtchar


text: User talk:67.94.249.226

title: User talk:67.94.249.226


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National Tertiary Education Union

The National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU) is an Australian trade union for all higher education and university employees. It is an industry union, and the only union working exclusively in the Australian university sector.

Overview
The NTEU is a specialist national union solely representing staff in tertiary education. In all Australian universities, the NTEU represents professional staff, academic staff, research staff, general staff, ELICOS teachers, and staff of Student Unions and university companies. In Victoria, the NTEU also represents TAFE general staff and all staff in Adult Education.

The NTEU was formed out of previous tertiary education staff associations, principally the Federation of University Staff Associations and the Federation of College Academics. It is generally considered to be more towards the left of the union movement, and has a high focus on self-directed membership branches and the organising model of unionism. The NTEU often engages in organising campaigns to build its membership density.

The NTEU is not affiliated with any Australian political party.

Campaigns
Our Universities Matter is a major national campaign being run by the NTEU, launched in 2008.

The campaign seeks to:

 * Achieve higher levels of government funding and better funding mechanisms.
 * Protect university independence and freedom of inquiry.
 * Introduce controls on excessive workloads, better job security and a competitive pay rise for university staff.
 * Win a better deal for students around affordability and improved student services.

Academic Freedom Watch is a site established to promote academic freedom in Australia's universities. Created by the Victorian Division, the site includes debates and articles written by high-profile academics in this area.

Our TAFEs Matter is the campaign to promote Victoria's TAFE system, which is being undermined by changes in funding systems by the Victorian Government. The changes would introduce a HECS-style loan scheme, more than double student fees and reduce public TAFE funding certainty. During 2019 and 2020 members at the University of Melbourne formed a casuals network. This ran campaigns against underpayment which culminated in the university repaying $45 million in wages to current and former staff.

Introduction
Sentry is the NTEU's online magazine for all members during the pandemic. It is published monthly between issues of Advocate. It contains updates on campaigns and policy work, member stories and information from member experts.

Publications
The NTEU publishes:

 * Advocate – a triannual members' journal
 * Australian Universities' Review – a biennual scholarly journal
 * Agenda – an annual women's magazine
 * Connect – a biennual magazine for university casuals

title: National Tertiary Education Union


text: User talk:66.71.75.89

title: User talk:66.71.75.89


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Organizing model

The organizing model, as the term refers to trade unions (and sometimes other social-movement organizations), is a broad conception of how those organizations should recruit, operate, and advance the interests of their members, though the specific functions of the model are more detailed and are discussed at length below. It typically involves many full-time organizers, who work by building up confidence and strong networks and leaders within the workforce, and by confrontational campaigns involving large numbers of union members. The organizing model is strongly linked to social movement unionism and community unionism. The organizing model contributes to the discussion of how trade unions can reverse the trend of declining membership, which they are experiencing in most industrial nations, and how they can recapture some of the political power, which the labor movement has lost over the past century.

The organizing model is frequently compared and contrasted with other methods of union organization, such as the servicing model. There is disagreement as to the logistics of applying the organizing model and whether it should focus on organizing existing members, recruiting new members, or both. The prominence of the model and the debate over its worth are seen primarily in the United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom.

Definition
The principal aim of the organizing model is that of giving power directly to union members. The organizing model in its ideal type has these features:

 * Strong emphasis on the importance of personal contact in organizing. Union officials are, according to Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon, "paid", as opposed to being volunteers from the union itself. These are the same people who, had they been employing the service model in their union, would have been offering services to the members, but instead they focus their efforts on organizing the union members to act on their own behalf, rather than simply offering them services.
 * To facilitate this type of organization, organizers will often put in long hours talking to workers about their situation, and what they believe the union can help them achieve. Visits to workers' homes will often be a component of this.
 * Acceptance of the view that workers need to take some appreciable responsibility for winning union struggles and making the union strong.
 * The identification and recruitment of volunteer leaders from among the workforce, to spread information about the union and encourage others to join and take action.
 * Proactive recruitment drives conducted by either the paid organizers, the volunteers from the union, or both. The important part of the recruitment aspect of the organizing model is, according to Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon, ensuring "the principle of 'like-recruits-like' such that the recruiters have the same demographic and occupational identity as those being recruited." Though, there can be unions that employ the organizing model without necessarily emphasizing recruitment.
 * As a component of these recruitment drives, Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon also discuss "mapping" of workplaces as a key component of the organizing model, and they also make it clear that the goal of mapping is to "...identify all members of the workplace and rank them systematically in terms of their propensity to become active in the union."
 * Proactive campaigning, involving a large commitment of resources and large numbers of members. Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon assert that this campaigning has to be focused on specific "issues and grievances", rather than campaigning without any specific, tangible goals in mind.
 * Creative campaigning tactics – including demonstrations, street theatre, media stunts, direct action, civil disobedience, music etc.
 * A conception of leadership in which leaders are those willing to take the initiative and contribute effort, rather than one based on authority. It is often the goal for leadership (as the confidence to initiate organization with others) will spread as broadly as possible.
 * Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon also offer "community support" as a key to the success of the organizing model. As a way to maintain or even incite this support from the community, Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon suggest "publicising concessions from the employer".
 * Typically a relatively high level of membership dues relative for industrial—as opposed to craft—unions.

Organizing versus servicing
The development of the organizing model is as opposed to the servicing model, and there are various differences between the two models for union structure. Edmund Heery, Melanie Simms, Dave Simpson, Rick Delbridge, and John Salmon talk about how in the servicing model, "...the function of the union is to deliver collective and individual services to members who are dependent on the formal organization and its hierarchy of officers to provide what they require." Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon state that the organizing model is different from the servicing model because it focuses instead on making union members feel "empowered", rather than alienated from the whole union process and environment.

Jack Fiorito states that the organizing model and the servicing model cannot be considered separate and there needs to be provision for using both models at the same time; Fiorito's research about British union members showed that "...a large number of responses express reservations about the OM or at least the organizing vs. servicing dichotomy suggested. Many of these responses emphasize the importance of service as an aid to organizing (18%) or something that is expected by the members (23%)." Fiorito believes that the organizing model and the servicing model are not mutually exclusive in some cases; there are some instances when the two models could be complementary. The debate over the organizing model versus the servicing model is widespread and multifaceted. Even the goals of the organizing model are debated and disagreed upon.

Internal versus external
According to Bill Fletcher and Richard W. Hurd, unions that employ the organizing model often try to apply the above tactics in "internal", not just "external" campaigns. Indeed, many unions that employ the organizing model attempt to win a greater right to organize non-union workers through pressuring an employer through using current members' collective strength. Richard Hurd says that "Throughout the late 1980s the organizing model was used almost exclusively to apply to internal organizing;" however, "...by 1995 the organizing model concept was indiscriminately used to refer to both internal organizing to mobilize members and external organizing that promotes grassroots activism as a way to build support for union representation."

There is debate as to the proper role of the organizing model and whether it should focus on internal or on external applications. Bob Carter talks about the difference between internal organizing and external organizing in the context of the earliest British unions to use the organizing model. Carter says that "...despite the core message of the American model – that organization, rather than recruitment as such, was primary – officers were given individual recruitment targets...placing an emphasis not so much on the changing nature of unionism but simply on short-term recruitment." There is an apparent disconnect between employing the organizing model primarily for recruitment purposes and using the organizing model to facilitate better union conditions for pre-existing members of the union.

According to Fletcher and Hurd, exactly what constitutes internal organizing and what constitutes external organizing is unclear. Jack Fiorito offers an argument about internal vs. external organizing in the context of British unions. Fiorito says that external organizing is "...organizing in new areas...", while internal organizing is "...recruitment in sites where the union has recognition..." Fletcher and Hurd believe that the organizing model should be more focused on external, rather than internal, organizing, and they cite "Organizing Locals" as a good example of how that could be accomplished.

History and context
Trade unions originally existed to organize their members democratically, and during their early growth, they typically put a strong emphasis on active recruitment and militant rank and file action, including strikes. By no means did they always unambiguously act in the interests of their members, but they were perceived as organizations that existed to struggle for collective action. Particularly since the end of World War II, however, the trade unions have tended more and more to act as service providers for their members: providing legal advice, training and so on; eschewing mass-based, militant action. During the '60s, '70s and onward, this trend deepened, with union density among the workforce falling all the while, until it could be measured at between 10% and 20% in many industrialized countries. In the context of this history, the organizing model is in principle not so much a new conception, as an attempt to recapture the essence of the labor movement.

The 1980s saw various attempts, in the United States, to compensate for falling union membership. Richard Hurd says that through the adoption of the "Organizing Institute" in the US, the organizing model was able to spread to other countries, as it "...served as a prototype for Australia's Organizing Works and Britain's Organizing Academy." Bob Carter explains the logistics how the organizing model spread across the world. Carter says that "After a visit to the US of the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU), the influence of the organising approach spread to Australia and New Zealand and back to Britain via MSF." Carter asserts that the organizing model started in the US, went to Australia and New Zealand next, and then went to the UK. David Peetz and Barbara Pocock state that the ways these various countries implemented the organizing model were quite different, and the model looked slightly different based upon these minor discrepancies.

History in the United States
According to Richard W. Hurd, the history of the organizing model in the US began from the failure of a "labor law" to be passed in the 1970s. In addition, Hurd explains that the 1980s were a very troubling time for unions in the US as a result of "the anti-union reign of Ronald Reagan" and "Twin recessions". Both of these factors contributed to the decline of union membership that so infamously characterized the labor movement in the US in the 1980s. In fact, Hurd says that, "The labor movement lost more than one-fifth of its private sector members during the first half of the 1980s." Therefore, US unions were forced to try some new tactics in the hopes of regaining the membership they were losing.

In response to this labor crisis, the AFL–CIO made many attempts to renew its labor movement in the 1980s, but none of them were successful. However, in 1988, an AFL–CIO-organized teleconference of trade unionists recognized the potential of the nascent organizing model, gave it its name, and resolved to spread it throughout the trade-union movement: this was an element in the model's popularization. After the teleconference, the AFL–CIO, according to Hurd, established the "Organizing Institute", and the goal of the institute was "to train union organizers." While, as Richard Hurd suggests, the attempts at reigniting the flame of union membership were largely unsuccessful, in 1995, former SEIU President John Sweeney was elected president of the AFL–CIO on the New Voice slate, on a platform of spreading the organizing model across the members of the federation. According to Richard Hurd, when Sweeney took over, he created an "Organizing Department" to enhance the strategy of employing the organizing model throughout the AFL–CIO, and he encouraged unions to begin "devoting 30% of their budgets to recruitment." The extent of the success of this is disputed, with some suggesting that more rhetoric has changed than anything, but it did have at least some effect. Richard Hurd suggests that "The reality is that the individual national unions determine their own resource allocations and develop their own organizing programs," but "Most unions have increased the funding of their organizing departments, and many have devoted substantial resources to the effort." This is how the AFL–CIO tried to implement the organizing model in response to the membership crisis.

In the mid-1980s, the SEIU union found itself in a similar state of crisis. A period of intense internal discussion gave rise to the view that a radical program was needed to rebuild the union and make it relevant to current and potential members. The Justice for Janitors campaign was launched as the organizational spearhead of the SEIU's attempt to reinvigorate their membership; beginning in Denver, Colorado, in 1985. In addition to the Justice for Janitors campaign, according to Jennifer Jihye Chun, around the same time, the SEIU also engaged in campaigns for "home care workers" in Los Angeles. Chun says that "Through a combination of aggressive grassroots organizing strategies, a focused political action campaign, and mass worker mobilizations, SEIU organizers were able to sign up 15,000 workers."

Working along the lines described above, the SEIU experienced huge growth in membership and a significant number of high-profile public victories for workers. (Though some proportion of the SEIU's membership growth has resulted from mergers, such as with 1199). The tactics and strategies of the SEIU and Justice for Janitors go beyond the organizing model which is, as has been described, an approach to local-level organizing and campaigning. It applies to a drive for the recruitment of members and leaders on the level of a firm or city. Other aspects of the SEIU's strategies are national or international. For instance, the drive to gain industry-wide coverage across a large geographical base – i.e., to organize janitors not only within one building but across a whole city, state and eventually all across the US – or the advocacy of union mergers.

History in Australia
After a wave of massive industrial unrest and unprecedented increases in wages and conditions during the 1970s, the union movement became restrained in their demands, and part of the official apparatus of government during the ALP-led, neo-corporatist, Accord period (1983–96). According to Bob Carter and Rae Cooper, the ALP and the ACTU formed the "Accord" by establishing a formal "relationship" with each other While unions had amalgamated prior to the Accord, and the Australian Council of Trade Unions had itself absorbed other lesser peak industrial councils, the accord period and the later enterprise bargaining period encouraged mergers into super unions. These super unions often obliterated previous small union identities and loyalties (on both the "left" and "right" of the trade union movement) and created unions with a relatively artificial internal culture. Often the largest union in the merger imposed its internal culture on the other divisions of the new union. Additionally, during the period of mergers, the traditional links between members, local organisers, industrial officers, branches and the peak leaderships of unions broke down. This presented a challenge to the union movement. According to Bob Carter and Rae Cooper, the Accord period was very harmful to labor unions, and the super unions did not do anything drastic to improve the conditions of the unions.

Bob Carter and Rae Cooper state that the 1980s and 1990s were particularly bad decades for Australian unions. According to Carter and Cooper, the decline of union membership was worse, during the 1980s and the 1990s, in Australia than it was in the U.K. Carter and Cooper explain that the membership decline in Australian unions was the result of the "...pro-active anti-union approach..." by the "...conservative Coalition federal government...", along with other "...structural changes in the labor market." Peetz and Pocock state that during the 1980s and the 1990s, unions had to deal with "...outright hostility..." and "...successive pieces of legislation..." that were harmful to their membership and growth.

The response to this union crisis in Australia is the Organising Works program which was established in 1994 to recruit organizers from union members and university students. The Organizing Works Program, in Australia, was established after representatives from Australian unions visited the US and observed the organizing model in practice. Organising Works is a relatively unique program in Australia, in that it combines explicit training in trade unionism with an apprenticeship system with specific trade unions. Bob Carter and Rae Cooper state that Organizing Works was successful in spreading the message of the model and recruiting new members for unions, and in general, Australian unions were more committed to the organizing model than were British unions. David Peetz and Barbara Pocock state that in the first six years of the Organizing Works Program in Australia, "...it had produced over 300 trainees..." Carter and Cooper discuss the "Community and Public Sector Union (CPSU)" as one of the main Australian unions to implement the organizing model on a large scale in response to union decline. Peetz and Pocock talk about the "Unions@Work" report that was published for unions in 1999, which even continued the mission of the Organizing Works program. Peetz and Pocock emphasize that the organizing model was implemented differently in different Australian unions and that the aspects of the organizing model that got implemented differed by union.

History in the UK and Ireland
According to Bob Carter and Rae Cooper, the U.K. went through several decades of uncertainty for unions. Specifically, conditions of the 1970s through the 1990s in the U.K. were particularly prone to hostile conditions for unions. Carter and Cooper state that British unions, like the "Trades Union Congress (TUC)" had to face "government hostility" and "job losses". In response to unfavorable conditions for unions, according to Carter and Cooper, the TUC tried implementing the "servicing" model, but it failed to provide measurable improvements in the labor movement or in "membership". According to Bob Carter, the "first major British union" to employ the organizing model was "Manufacturing, Science and Finance (MSF)", not necessarily the TUC. Bob Carter and Rae Cooper state that MSF was a combined union, which was formed from both the "Association of Scientific, Technical, Managerial, and Supervisory Staffs (ASTMS)" and the "Technical Advisory Staffs (TASS)." Bob Carter says that when ASTMS and TASS came together to form MSF, the merged organization more closely resembled ASTMS than TASS. According to Carter and Cooper, the history of the ASTMS showed that it was "...a much looser form of organization", while TASS was more "Communist." Carter states that MSF began implementing the "MSF policy Organising Works" in 1996. Carter makes the case that the MSF's implementation of the organizing model came after they tried "Reinforcement of a servicing culture...", which was, overall, not very successful. This is why they switched their strategy toward using the organizing model, rather than the servicing model. However, according to Carter, MSF had many problems arise in the wake of the model's adoption, such as the fact that "It was conceived and implemented from the top downwards... without wide discussion in the union." Carter sees this as a fundamental problem posed by the organizing model, and he thinks it must be overcome in order for it to be effective.

Carter states that the same time period also saw the "launch of the TUC's New Unionism project in 1996." Both unions, MSF and the TUC, were implementing new policies of employing the organizing model in an attempt to revitalize the conditions of their unions. The 1990s in the U.K. were especially geared toward experimentation and reorientation of the labor market toward being influential again. Carter and Cooper question how successful the New Unionism Project was in facilitating growth and organizing for unions. Carter and Cooper suggest that one of the main problems with the New Unionism was that it was too focused on negotiating with the "employer", rather than just focusing on the goals of the workers. Carter and Cooper state that the TUC had no real power over its "affiliates", except setting a good example and hoping that the affiliated unions follow their lead by implementing the organizing model.

The British Trades Union Congress (TUC) inaugurated an Organising Academy in 1998, to fulfill a similar role to that of the AFL-CIO's Organizing Institute in the US (or ACTU's Organising Works programme in Australia). Carter and Cooper question how successful the Academy was in spreading the organizing model because of the lack of "trainees" from some unions. Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon state that, while the spread of the organizing model was the primary goal of the Academy, the Academy was actually dedicated to helping people traditionally underrepresented in the labor unions, such as "women" and the "young" or those with "non-standard" employment. While the graduates of the Academy have produced positive results, in general the model has not been implemented in the UK with the same comprehensive commitment as it has been by some unions in the US. Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon state that U.K. unions are more likely to adopt the organizing model if they are or have been affiliated with "the Academy", so the Academy has had a measurable impact on the implementation of the organizing model within the U.K.

There are questions raised by writers on Industrial Relations about whether the transfer of the SEIU's organizing model has been faithful, or whether a watered down, less radical version has been instantiated. Sarah Oxenbridge, for example, writes "community organising and organising model methods provided the means by which Californian Unionists put their 'social movement unionism' philosophies and strategies into practice, on a daily basis (see Heery 1998). However, it may be that most British Trade Unionists will instead see the organising model as – more simply – a range of recruitment tactics, and will pick and choose from amongst these tactics." Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon have isolated several aspects of the organizing model that are likely to appear in the U.K., namely "one-to-one recruitment", and "petitions, surveys and demonstrations". Heery Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon emphasize that these are only some of the core aspects of the organizing model, not all of them. Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon state that British unions are more likely to employ the organizing model, rather than the serving model, if they are bigger and more open to influence from "other countries".

According to Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon, British unions are more likely to focus on the ideological basis for the organizing model, rather than the practical applications of it. Jack Fiorito states that the U.K.'s adaptation of the organizing model has some very specific characteristics that may or may not be seen in other countries. Fiorito lists "...less reliance on paid staff and much lower dues levels in U.K. unions..." as important features of the organizing model in the U.K. Fiorito did extensive research about the condition of British unions in the 2000s, which demonstrated that the organizing model was influential in British unions in the 2000s. When Fiorito interviewed U.K. union members during this timeframe, "Almost half of respondents (45%) volunteer that their union is adopting the OM," which is Fiorito's abbreviation for the organizing model. The organizing model was present in many British unions in the 2000s, and the workers were aware of its presence. The British union members largely felt that the organizing model was a good model to have implemented in their unions, and they were satisfied with its results. Fiorito states that "Although the OM varies somewhat in meaning, a strong majority of unionists feel that their union is truly committed to recruiting and organizing new members...".

The Irish general union SIPTU established an Organizing Unit in 2004 and its president, Jack O'Connor, set as his objective the transformation of SIPTU – hitherto firmly committed to a servicing agenda – into an organizing union. SIPTU is also seeking to learn from the experience of the SEIU. It remains to be seen how (and whether) a commitment to the organizing model of trade unionism can be reconciled with the union's traditional support for national 'Social Partnership'.

The Transport and General Workers Union (T&G) has begun to make some of the more serious moves of any of the larger British unions to learn from the SEIU's strategies – though some smaller unions (such as Community) have been applying the organizing model for some years. In 2005, the T&G launched a Justice for Cleaners campaign, which has been organizing workers in Canary Wharf, the Houses of Parliament, and, towards the end of the year, on the London Underground. In the former of these two, improvements in wages have been won by workers. The tactics of Social Movement Unionism have been utilized, insofar as the campaign organizers have worked closely with, for example, The East London Citizens Organisation (TELCO), which has brought in members of faith groups and other trade union branches. However, there remain concerns about the T&G's commitment to rank and file workers' action, considering how the union acted during the Gate Gourmet strike.

Advantages
Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon assert that the organizing model has several key advantages that distinguish it from the servicing model, such as the fact that the organizing model promotes "systematic", proactive, and well-thought out campaigns, which help the union's goals get satisfactorily and pragmatically achieved. More broadly, one of the obvious advantages of the organizing model is that it allows workers to actually be involved in the campaigns that most closely affect them, promoting both equity and equality. In addition, the organizing model, as opposed to the servicing model, provides for the union's future by broadening its support from the workers and giving them a sense of investment into the day-to-day functions of the union itself. Bob Carter and Rae Cooper, in their research about British trade unions and their use of the organizing model, state that, within the unions themselves, there was praise for the organizing model because it upheld the "...core role of trade unions". This is to say that the British union members felt the organizing model adhered to what unions should be doing in regard to their members.

Practical disadvantages
Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon list several disadvantages of the union organizing model, with the most critical being that the model is very "resource-intensive", in terms of both people and money. Since the organizing model is, at its core, about people, rather than services, it cannot be effective without people to both implement it and carry it out. Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon talk about "...instances of a lack of support or even opposition to organizing within unions." Because the organizing model is so dependent upon worker motivation and action, if the workers themselves oppose the implementation of the organizing model, it cannot be effective. Fletcher and Hurd suggest that even if members are not resistant to adoption of the organizing model, they still have to learn how to perform tasks previously handled by organizers, and there have to be enough active members to facilitate this kind of action. This clear dependence on the support and actions of the workers is a disadvantage of the organizing model, as opposed to the servicing model, which, for the most part, does not require worker support or demand worker action. According to Heery, Simms, Simpson, Delbridge, and Salmon, "Employers are often resistant." Unions that have to deal with this problem would very clearly have a hard time using the organizing model, as it could antagonize the employer even further and erode any previously existing relationship between the employer and the union.

Fletcher and Hurd state that unions may also face issues of resistance by pre-existing "staff", who may be hesitant or even suspicious at the adoption of the organizing model. Dealing with resistant staff would be a major disadvantage of using the organizing model, as opposed to the servicing model, to which the staff are both accustomed and familiar with. Fletcher and Hurd assert that, based on the fact that unions employing the organizing model have to reassign tasks and take time to train people, "...following the organizing model creates more work than sticking to the servicing model." Richard Hurd argues that the organizing model can, at times, create "...continual warfare..." between the workers and the employer, which is a disadvantage because there is a trend of workers "...preferring stability rather than on-going class struggle." If this is really the mindset of the workers, then it would be hard to actually maintain the organizing model for long periods of time. Fred Glass says that "...an organizing model of unionism requires an organizing model of labor communications" because the organizing model requires an effective way to share information with workers quickly and efficiently. Bob Carter, in regard to the organizing model in British unions, is concerned with the method of implementation and whether or not workers consent to switching from servicing to organizing. Carter says that "A model which is premised on debate and involvement cannot be successfully introduced without discussion..." Carter worries about whether or not workers are a part of the transition process and whether they consent to all of the implications that come with the organizing model.

Criticisms from the Left
Most practical criticism of the model has emerged as a criticism of the practice of the model by the SEIU and other organizing unions, especially in America. Criticisms from the left generally contrast (explicitly or not) the organizing model to a rank and file model, in which the confrontational style of organizing, and broad-based member involvement in campaigning is supplemented by broad-based member power. According to Bob Carter and Rae Cooper, the organizing model is not inherently "democratic". In the organizing model, the workers are not as active as they could be, and staff are still responsible for many aspects of union organizing. Carter and Cooper believe that the organizing model is rather limited in terms of its scale, and it cannot start a "...wider working class movement".

Criticisms from the Right
Critics argue that the organizing model is inappropriate to the task of unions in the modern global economy. They say that industrial disputes of the type that organising engenders are harmful to the national economies in which they occur: by increasing uncertainty and raising wages (labor costs), they will make economies less attractive to inward investment. Hence, working people will suffer in the long term, as the less investment, there is, the fewer jobs there will be. The conclusion of those who take this line is that unions should emphasize their service aspects, particularly those that contribute toward the well-being of the employer as well as the employee. In addition, there are the criticisms leveled by the anti-union Right, who often associate collective action with the tyranny of 'Big labor', contrasted to the free operation of the capitalist labor market.

List of unions associated with the organizing model
Note: the organizing model is claimed by a very broad group of bodies, this list will be indicative only:
 * Service and Food Workers Union Nga Ringa Tota, New Zealand
 * Service Employees International Union (SEIU), US
 * SIPTU, Ireland
 * United Voice, Australia
 * Unite Union, New Zealand
 * UNITE-HERE, US

title: Organizing model


text:
Basidiocarp

In fungi, a basidiocarp, basidiome, or basidioma is the sporocarp of a basidiomycete, the multicellular structure on which the spore-producing hymenium is borne. Basidiocarps are characteristic of the hymenomycetes; rusts and smuts do not produce such structures. As with other sporocarps, epigeous (above-ground) basidiocarps that are visible to the naked eye (especially those with a more or less agaricoid morphology) are commonly referred to as mushrooms, while hypogeous (underground) basidiocarps are usually called false truffles.

Structure
All basidiocarps serve as the structure on which the hymenium is produced. Basidia are found on the surface of the hymenium, and the basidia ultimately produce spores. In its simplest form, a basidiocarp consists of an undifferentiated fruiting structure with a hymenium on the surface; such a structure is characteristic of many simple jelly and club fungi. In more complex basidiocarps, there is differentiation into a stipe, a pileus, and/or various types of hymenophores.

Types
Basidiocarps are classified into various types of growth forms based on the degree of differentiation into a stipe, pileus, and hymenophore, as well as the type of hymenophore, if present.

Growth forms include:

 * jelly fungus – fruiting body is jelly-like.
 * club fungus and coral fungus – erect fruiting body without a distinct stalk and cap, either unbranched (club fungus) or profusely branched (coral fungus).
 * polypore – underside of the fruiting body usually consists of tubes; otherwise very variable, usually wood-inhabiting
 * tooth fungus or hydnoid fungus – underside of the fruiting body composed of spines or teeth
 * corticioid fungus – the underside of the fruiting body is usually smooth or with spines (vs. hydnoid fungi) but not poroid nor gilled; typically effused without caps
 * cantharelloid fungus – fruiting body with shallow fold-like gills running over most of the lower surface of the fruiting body and not much differentiation between the stalk and cap.
 * gasteromycete or "gastroid fungus" – fruiting body has a ball-like shape and in which the hymenophore has become entirely enclosed on the inside of the fruiting body.
 * false truffle – like a gasteromycete, however, but with a hypogeous (underground) fruiting body.
 * secotioid fungus – like a gasteromycete, but with a stalk. Thought to be an evolutionarily intermediate stage between a gasteromycete and an agaric.
 * agaric or gill fungi – fruiting body with caps, gills, and (usually) a stalk.
 * bolete – fleshy fruiting body with a cap, a stalk, and tubes on the underside.

Basic divisions of Agaricomycotina were formerly based entirely upon the growth form of the mushroom. Molecular phylogenetic investigation (as well as supporting evidence from micromorphology and chemotaxonomy) has since demonstrated that similar types of basidiomycete growth form are often examples of convergent evolution and do not always reflect a close relationship between different groups of fungi. For example, agarics have arisen independently in the Agaricales, the Boletales, the Russulales, and other groups, while secotioid fungi and false truffles have arisen independently many times just within the Agaricales.

title: Basidiocarp


text:
Saint Bathans

St Bathans, formerly named Dunstan Creek, is a former gold and coal mining town in Central Otago, New Zealand. The settlement was a centre of the Otago Gold Rush, but mining has since long ceased. It is now largely a holiday retreat due to the preservation of many of its historic buildings.

St Bathans is well known for Blue Lake, a small man-made lake created by gold-sluicing that transformed the 120-metre high Kildare Hill into a 168-metre deep pit. After mining stopped in 1934, the hole accumulated water, which turned a distinctive blue hue due to minerals from the surrounding rocks. It is currently a camping spot, and swimming is allowed in the lake.

The town was named for the Scottish Borders village of Abbey St Bathans by early surveyor John Turnbull Thomson; the Scottish village was the birthplace of Thomson's maternal grandfather. It is 40 kilometres northwest of Ranfurly and 60 kilometres northeast of Alexandra, near the Dunstan Creek, beneath the St Bathans Range and Dunstan mountains.

The area attracts many visitors intent on gold-prospecting.

Vulcan Hotel
The Vulcan Hotel (at -44.87083°N, 169.81111°W) is a restored public house located on the main street of St Bathans, and is the town's main tourist attraction. Originally called the Ballarat Hotel, the building was originally constructed in 1882 of mud brick. The building is registered as a Category I historic place by Heritage New Zealand. The building is notable as possibly the country's most famous haunted building. Room 1 of the hotel is reputedly home to the spirit of a young woman, thought by some to be a prostitute known "the Rose", who was strangled to death in the hotel in the 1880s.

Geology and palaeontology
The town lends its name to the St Bathans fauna, a rich palaeontological section of the lower Bannockburn Formation of the Manuherikia Group, with an age range of 19–16 million years ago. The layer in which the fossils are found derives from littoral zone sediments deposited in a large shallow freshwater lake bordered by an extensive floodplains. The fossiliferous layer has been exposed at places along the Manuherikia River close to the town, and is the remnant of the prehistoric Lake Manuherikia.

St Bathans mammal
In 2006, scientists reported the finding of nontherian mammal fossils in the Manuherikia Group near St Bathans. Previously it had been thought that bats were the only terrestrial mammals native to New Zealand. Dubbed the SB mammal (for St Bathans), the scientists' analysis indicates that the creature has a lineage distinct from monotremes (egg-laying mammals), eutherians (placental mammals) and metatherians (marsupials).

Other taxa
The St Bathans formation also bears fossils of moa, mekosuchine crocodiles, turtles, skinks, tuatara, geckoes, at least eight taxa of waterfowl including the endemic Miotadorna and Manuherikia, a petrel, Accipitriformes, rails, a possible seagull, herons, a palaelodid flamingo, pigeons, parrots, a swift, an owlet-nightjar, songbirds, the enigmatic Aptornis and a primitive kiwi, Proapteryx.

title: Saint Bathans


text:
Blinking with Fists

Blinking with Fists is the debut book of poetry by The Smashing Pumpkins and former Zwan frontman, Billy Corgan. The progress and writing of the poems was covered in Corgan's blogs. The Volume of 57 poems was published by Faber and Faber in 2004 and received mixed reviews. Dwight Garner (critic) of The New York Times wrote that "at its best, Blinking With Fists is vivid and angular and not much worse than many first books of poems that arrive with heady praise from the poetry world's burghers." Entertainment Weekly gave the effort a "D," calling the poems "both pretentious and confoundingly esoteric." The book peaked at #24 on the New York Times Best Seller list.

The jacket of the book was designed by Charlotte Strick and the artwork and author photograph are by Yelena Yemchuk, who was involved with artwork for The Smashing Pumpkins. Interior design is by Gretchen Achilles.

title: Blinking with Fists


text:
Dunedin Railways

Dunedin Railways (formerly the Taieri Gorge Railway) is the trading name of Dunedin Railways Limited, an operator of a railway line and tourist trains based at Dunedin Railway Station in the South Island of New Zealand. The company is a council-controlled trading organisation wholly owned by Dunedin City Council through its holding company Dunedin City Holdings Limited.

Formation
The Otago Excursion Train Trust was formed in 1978 to operate excursions on the Otago Central Railway line, running its first train in October 1979. The services grew in popularity and the Trust realised by the 1980s that it had great tourist potential. New carriages were acquired with the "Taieri Gorge Limited" launching in February 1987.

On 19 December 1989, the New Zealand Railways Corporation announced the closure of the Otago Central railway line beyond Taieri owing to a lack of freight traffic following the completion of the Clyde Dam. Dunedin City Council then stepped in, purchasing the line as far as Middlemarch and five locomotives, which were then leased by the Trust to run its trains. The Trust continued to operate the Taieri Gorge Limited, now with its own locomotives (DJ class locomotives withdrawn by NZR in the same year), but needed a further NZ$1 million to fund its operations. A community appeal in 1990 raised NZ$1.2 million. The line beyond Middlemarch on the Otago Central Branch was lifted during 1991, and the trackbed handed over to the Department of Conservation in 1993. It is now the Otago Central Rail Trail, a major cycling tourist attraction in the area.

Local Authority Trading Enterprise
On 8 March 1995, the Dunedin City Council (through its holding company Dunedin City Holdings Limited) and the Trust incorporated a new company, Taieri Gorge Railway Limited. Dunedin City Holdings was a majority shareholder (72.03%) and the Trust held the balance of the shares (27.97%). The company operated as a Council-controlled organisation (formerly known as a Local-authority trading enterprise) under Part 5 of the Local Government Act 2002. This was due to the need to raise more capital to finance the expansion of the Trusts operation. Dunedin City Council then sold the railway line to the new company, and the Trust sold its locomotives, carriages and other assets to the new company. The company is governed according to its constitution by a board of directors comprising six people. Two of these people were selected by Dunedin City Holdings Limited, two by the Otago Excursion Train Trust and two jointly by both shareholding parties. On 1 December 2017, the company changed its name to Dunedin Railways Limited.

Taieri Gorge Limited
The Taieri Gorge Limited is New Zealand's longest tourist railway and stretches along the former Otago Central Railway from the 4 km peg on the Taieri Branch, 18 km west of Dunedin, to Middlemarch, a distance of 60 km. Between Dunedin and the start of the line, its trains operate on KiwiRail's Main South Line via a running rights agreement.

The line travels along the banks of the Taieri River, through numerous tunnels and along the Taieri Gorge to the Strath Taieri. It crosses a dozen viaducts and passes through ten tunnels.

At Wingatui railway station, the original building and signal box from 1914 have been restored. After the line passes through the 437 m long Salisbury Tunnel, the longest on the line, it crosses Mullocky Gully over the 197 m long Wingatui Viaduct, the largest wrought iron structure in New Zealand since it was built in 1887. The 47 m tall viaduct's riveted truss structure rests on seven concrete and masonry piers.

Shortly after the Wingatui Viaduct, the route emerges from Mullocky Gully to join Taieri Gorge, and from then on follows that gorge above Taieri River to just east of Pukerangi. On the way the line passes former stations Parera, Mount Allen, Little Mount Allen, and Christmas Creek, crossing two curved viaducts at the latter two locations. Hindon, still operating as a crossing station, is typically one of the stopping points on the trip. Just before the station, the railway tracks share a combined road-rail bridge with Hindon Road.

Another stopping point for photo opportunities is the Deep Stream viaduct. Here the line slowly starts to climb higher and out of the gorge, passing over the Flat Stream viaduct, and "The Notches", a section of short bridges and cuttings through several rocky outcrops, on its way to Pukerangi. Between Pukerangi and Middlemarch, the railway only once more comes close to the Taieri River, where it crosses Sutton Creek over another combined road-rail bridge.

Dunedin Railways currently operates on a reduced schedule. The Inlander runs through the Taieri Gorge to Hindon, The Seasider runs up the coast through Waitati to Seacliff, and The Victorian is an all-day trip to the North Otago town of Oamaru. Special services also run, including the Christmas Inlander in December and the addition of Quiz Trains in 2023. 2024 saw the addition of The Stargazer, a trip to Hindon for an evening of star gazing hosted by the Dunedin Astronomical Society.

Seasider and Dunedin Silver Fern
Dunedin Railways also operates the Seasider tourist train along the coast to Waitati, north of Dunedin. Following the withdrawal of the Southerner by Tranz Scenic in 2002, it is the only passenger train on the Main South Line.

In 2012, Dunedin Railways leased one of the Silver Fern class railcars from KiwiRail for use on the same route as the Seasider.

Rebranded Dunedin Railways
On 23 October 2014, the Taieri Gorge Railway announced that it would be changing its name to Dunedin Railways. For 35 years, the Taieri Gorge Railway and the Otago Excursion Train Trust had taken tourists on scenic rail excursions up the Taieri Gorge to Middlemarch and more recently up the coast, north of Dunedin on the Seasider. The reason for the change was so that tourists can link the train trips to Dunedin and it makes it much clearer what the railway is. AO 77 was the first carriage to be repainted into their new blue livery with their name on the sides in October 2014. This was followed by A 3022 and AG 239. In September 2015, AL 1695 was repainted into their yellow version of livery.

Mothballing
On 20 April 2020, the company announced that due to the COVID-19 pandemic in New Zealand, it mothballed its track and equipment. The company said up to 80% of its revenue came from international tourists. The mothballing could affect up to 51 jobs.

Reactivation and restructure
Following the decision to mothball Dunedin Railways, the Otago Excursion Train Trust sold its shares in the company to the council in April 2020.

In May 2021, Dunedin City Council agreed to keep the Taieri Gorge line as far as Hindon in operation, as well as services on KiwiRail's railway lines. In November 2021, the council agreed to extend support through to 2024. In 2023, the council decided to reactivate the Hindon-Middlemarch section as well.

Financial performance
In the financial year to June 2017, Dunedin Railways had revenues of NZ$6.578m and expenses of NZ$6.387m, and turned a profit of NZ$137,000. Following the COVID-19 pandemic of 2021, Dunedin Railways was losing NZ$1.5 million per annum.

Locomotives and railcars
The railway owns seven former New Zealand Railways DJ class locomotives, four of which are currently operational and certified for mainline operation. They are painted in a variant of the modified New Zealand Railways scheme carried by the class in the 1980s, where the low nose sides are painted blue instead of yellow and grey cab front. Two locomotives are in an operational condition, but are not currently certified for mainline use; a seventh, DJ3021 (ex-DJ 1202), is being stored, pending future restoration after it was purchased from its former home at Ranfurly station where it was a static display. An eighth, DJ3044 (DJ 1204) was acquired from Mainline Steam in 2012 as a source of spare parts and has been dismantled. Both were painted in the modified blue scheme and were purchased in a withdrawn condition.

TGR also operates one DE class locomotive, DE 504 (TMS DE1337). This locomotive was acquired from Otago Polytechnic (who had acquired it from New Zealand Railways Corporation) in the early 1990s and is not mainline certified, instead of being based at the TGR works depot at the 4 km peg. It previously carried a modified International Orange scheme but was repainted in 2006 to its original livery of Carnation Red with the addition of "wasp stripes" on the headstocks as it would have carried in the 1970s.

In 2013, Dunedin Railways leased Silver Fern railcar RM24 from KiwiRail and operated this on trips between Dunedin and Waitati. The railcar was returned to KiwiRail in 2019.

Dunedin Railways formerly operated a shunting locomotive, TR 111 at their Dunedin depot as their resident shunting locomotive. This locomotive was obtained by the Otago Excursion Train Trust in 2009 from enthusiast Reid McNaught, who had leased the locomotive to Dunedin Railways since 2006. It was sold to the Canterbury Railway Society in July 2015.

47' 6" wooden body carriages
All trains as of 2017-January include some of Dunedin Railways five former New Zealand Railways 47" 6' foot wooden-clad carriages. These cars are known as "Scarrett'" heritage carriages and were built between 1912 and 1923 with open platform ends, gangways and 37 seats. Dunedin Railways has started retiring these carriages largely to provide bogies for their 56-foot carriage stock, which did not have their own bogies when they were purchased. Two of the 47-foot cars have been sold, while two were scrapped circa 1978. One carriage, A 1254, is owned by the Ocean Beach Railway (OBR) and is leased to Dunedin Railways. This carriage will be returned to the OBR at the conclusion of its lease.

50-foot carriages
Dunedin Railways has currently three steel-clad and one wood-clad NZR 50-foot carriages, formerly used on Dunedin suburban trains and express passenger trains. The steel-clads have 30-37 seats, enclosed vestibules and covered gangways and were built by New Zealand Railways Department in 1931–40. One of these is an AL class car-van with a small luggage compartment at one end while the other two are A class carriages. Steel-clad cars, A class 50159 and 50223 were sold to the Weka Pass Railway in 2008 and AL 50090 was sold to the Midland Rail Heritage Trust in 2013. The wood-clad carriages are A 1327, built in 1913, with open vestibules and non-covered gangways.

Jungle Gym panorama carriages
Dunedin Railways has three all-steel air-conditioned panorama carriages with open platform ends and open gangways, known locally as "Jungle Gyms" due to the nature of their framework when under construction. These were designed and built by the OETT in 1987–92, with a "very distinctive shape to fit the tunnels". Two of these carriages were built on Z class "roadsider" freight van underframes while the third was built on the underframe of guard's van F 529.

56-foot carriages
In September 2007, the Taieri Gorge Railway announced that it had purchased 12 NZR 56-foot carriages formerly used on the Wairarapa Connection. The first of these, A 2325, was prepared at a cost of $45,000 and was ready in September 2008. The company anticipated having three carriages in service by the end of 2008, and all 12 by 2013. The upgrade included new seating, carpets, toilets and external paint. The railway intends to refurbish three carriages each year. As of December 2015, only five out of the twelve carriages have been restored. Two of these carriages have since been disposed of.

In 2012, panoramic window car AO 77 was leased from KiwiRail. It has since been repainted in Dunedin Railways' blue livery and is now under their ownership. Privately owned A 3022 is leased from its owners since 2013. In 2018, Dunedin Railways purchased six big-window AO/ASO class carriages from KiwiRail. Two of these have since been converted to all-steel framing and reclassified as ADR.

Freight haulage
In the early 2000s, the TGR investigated the possibility of introducing log haulage between Mount Allan and Port Chalmers at the end of the Port Chalmers Branch. However, on 12 June 2007, it was announced that a cost difference of NZ$5 million existed between road and rail haulage in favour of road, and potential government subsidies were insufficient to close the gap. The announcement was met with disappointment by the Dunedin City Council, which favourably viewed the rail option as it was more environmentally friendly and would have reduced traffic congestion.

It has since been worked out that with extra damage caused by the logging trucks on the Mosgiel to Port Chalmers road that it would have been cheaper to perform the operation by rail, but despite pleas by the local council, Wenita, the relevant company, said it had invested too much in the road option to change its plans.

The route's loading gauge restricts the maximum size of rolling stock that can operate on the railway; some freight wagons cannot use the line.

title: Dunedin Railways


text:
Cet mac Mágach

Cet mac Mágach is a Connacht warrior in the Ulster Cycle of Irish Mythology. He had a rivalry with the Ulster warrior Conall Cernach.

In some myths, he is said to be the brother of Conall's mother, making him Conall's uncle.

At a feast at the house of Mac Dá Thó, a hospitaller of Leinster, the warriors of Connacht and Ulster competed for the champion's portion by boasting of their deeds. Cet shamed all comers by reminding them how he had bested them in combat. However, just as Cet was about to carve, Conall Cernach arrived. Conall's boasts topped even Cet's. Cet admitted defeat, but claimed that if his brother Anlúan were present, his feats would top even Conall's. Conall responded by tossing him Anlúan's freshly severed head.

Cet killed Conchobar mac Nessa, king of Ulster. He stole the calcified brain of Mesgegra, king of Leinster, which Conall Cernach had taken as a trophy of battle, and shot it from his sling, embedding it in Conchobar's head. Conchobar's doctors couldn't remove it without killing him, so they sewed up the wound and told him he would survive as long as he didn't get excited or over-exert himself. Seven reasonably peaceful years later Conchobar was told of the death of Christ. He flew into a rage, the brain burst from his head, and he died.

Cet made a raid on Ulster one winter's day, killing twenty-seven men and taking their heads. It had snowed, so Conall Cernach was able to follow his trail. He caught up with him, but was reluctant to face him until his charioteer chided him for cowardice. They met at a ford, and Conall killed Cet in a ferocious combat that left Conall near to death himself.

title: Cet mac Mágach


text:
Talk:Offshore Festival

Comments
Nice Offshore expansion, Ambi. Revenge 06:03, 21 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * I'm a local, so I've got a bit of background knowledge here. Still needs more work, though. :) Ambi 06:09, 21 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Is anyone interested in expanding the artist lineup by year like in the BDO page? I can pretty much get 1999s started.--Theinnerexits 02:44, 20 August 2006 (UTC)

This festival, like a few others, seems defunct: should it get a 'defunct label' if one such exists, or should it just be clearly noted as such in the article - it would probably be better for classification purposes if 'defunct festivals' could be sorted as such.

I note that no progress was made on the intended addition of Artist lineups.

FoolesTroupe (talk) 11:18, 18 January 2008 (UTC)

title: Talk:Offshore Festival


text:
Ontario County, Ontario

Ontario County was the name of two historic counties in the Canadian province of Ontario. Both counties were located in approximately the same area and existed on-and-off between 1792 and 1974. Their primary modern successor is the Regional Municipality of Durham, though certain parts of them were transferred to other surrounding regions.

Ontario County (1792–1800)
The original Ontario County, located in the Midland District, was constituted in 1792 as an electoral district for the new Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada:

"... which county is to consist of the following islands: an island at present known by the name of isle Tonti, to be called Amherst island; an island known by the name of isle au Forest, to be called Gage island; an island known by the name of Grand island, to be called Wolfe island; an island known by the name of isle Cauchois, to be called Howe island; and to comprehend all the islands between the mouth of the Gananoque to the easternmost extremity of the late township of Marysburgh, called point Pleasant."

In 1798, the Parliament of Upper Canada dissolved the county, and redistributed its territory to the following electoral counties and townships, effective at the beginning of 1800:

Ontario County (1852–1974)
On January 1, 1852, the old County of York was divided into three counties (York, Ontario and Peel); however they remained united. On January 1, 1854, Ontario County separated and became its own independent county, with the support of Peter Perry of Whitby. The population in 1854 was 30,000 and the first County Warden was Thomas N. Gibbs.

It was replaced by the Regional Municipality of Durham effective January 1, 1974.

Original townships

 * Brock, area 66120 acre Surveyed in 1817. Community centres: Cannington, Vroomanton, Pinedale, Sunderland, Wick.
 * Mara, area 62115 acre. Surveyed in part in 1820; the survey was completed in 1836. The Township might have been named in honour of Gertrud Elisabeth Mara, or for the Spanish word for sea. Community centres were: Gamebridge, Brechin, Atherley, Udney and Rathburn.
 * Pickering, area 72049 acre. Opened in 1792 and first called Edinburgh it was renamed after the English town in Yorkshire. Community centres: Pickering, Dunbarton, Green River, Balsam, Claremont, Brougham, Altona.
 * Rama, area 37769 acre. Opened in 1820. Rama is the Spanish name for the branch of a tree. Surveyed in 1834 and 1855. The area was first settled by retired British officers, but they ran into difficulties with the Bank of Upper Canada. The Bank sold the land to the Indian Department and the Ojibwe First Nations at Orillia were removed to a village built for them in 1838. Community centres: Floral Park, Longford Mills, Cooper's Falls, Washago.
 * Reach area 63144 acre Opened in 1809 and named after the village in Bedfordshire, England. Community centres: Port Perry, Manchester, Saintfield, Utica.
 * Scott area 49291 acre. Opened in 1820. Believed to be named after Thomas Scott, Chief Justice of Upper Canada from 1806 to 1816. Community centres: Zephyr, Sandford, Leaskdale, Udora.
 * Thorah, area 32468 acre Opened in 1820 and named form the Hebrew word signifying the inspired Law, the Pentateuch. Community centres: Beaverton.
 * Uxbridge, area 51969 acre Opened in 1798 and named after the English town. Early settlers included Pennsylvania Quakers. New Yorkers settled in 1806. Community Centres: Uxbridge, Goodwood.
 * Whitby, Area 31386 acre. Opened in 1792 and named for an English seaport. Community centres: Oshawa, Whitby, Brooklin, Ashburn and Myrtle.

The Town of Oshawa was also located in the county.

In 1855 the Town of Whitby was incorporated in part of Whitby Township. Scugog Township was formed from a portion of Reach Township and Cartwright Township in adjoining Northumberland and Durham County in 1856. And in 1858, the Township of East Whitby was formed from the eastern portion of Whitby Township.

A number of villages were also incorporated as separate municipalities in the county after it was created: Port Perry in 1871, Uxbridge in 1872, Cannington in 1878 and Beaverton in 1884. In the 20th century, the wartime town of Ajax, located in Pickering Township, was incorporated as an improvement district in 1950. It became a town in 1955. The Village of Pickering was incorporated as a village in 1953.

On January 1, 1974, the portion of Ontario County south of the Trent–Severn Waterway and about half of adjacent Durham County were amalgamated as the Regional Municipality of Durham. The remaining portions of Durham County were transferred to other neighbouring counties, and the portion of Ontario County north of the Trent–Severn Waterway (Rama and Mara Townships) was transferred to Simcoe County. In addition, the part of Pickering Township west of the Rouge River (West Rouge and Port Union) was transferred to the Borough of Scarborough in the Municipality of Metropolitan Toronto. At this time Ontario and Durham counties were dissolved.

Whitby served as the "County Town" or county seat and as such was the location for the county offices, courthouse and land registry office. It continues in this role for Durham Region today.

title: Ontario County, Ontario


text: User talk:200.73.180.10

title: User talk:200.73.180.10


text:
User talk:HierarchyPedia

You wrote on my talk page:

Hi, I am very interested in the Order of the Bull's Blood. Where have you heard about this? and are there any sources on it? I contacted Rutgers University and they said there is no such society, and that the only secret society they have is Cap and Skull. - User:HierarchyPedia

This is my only response.
 * Sorry, as a policy, we don't (and won't) talk about it. And who the f*ck are you to rearrange the format of my talk page? --ExplorerCDT 02:33, 21 Oct 2004 (UTC)

title: User talk:HierarchyPedia


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Cethern mac Fintain

Cethern mac Fintain is an Ulster warrior who aids Cúchulainn in the Táin Bó Cuailnge (Cattle Raid of Cooley), according to the Ulster Cycle of Irish mythology.

As Cúchulainn lay wounded after his combat with Ferdiad, Cethern entered the fray on his chariot, stark naked and armed only with a silver spike. He killed many men, but was severely wounded.

Cúchulainn sent to the Connacht camp for doctors to tend to him. The first doctor told Cethern his wounds were fatal. Cethern punched his brains out the back of his head and asked for a second opinion. Forty-nine more doctors told him the same thing, and he killed all of them in turn, except one, who was only stunned. Finally Cúchulainn sent for Conchobar's doctor, Fingín.

Fingín examined each of Cethern's wounds and was able to tell how he received them and from whom. He gave him two options. He could save his life, but the treatment would take a whole year; or he could make him fit to fight now, in which case he would survive only three more days. Cethern chose the latter. Fingín had Cúchulainn make a bath of bone marrow, and had Cethern sleep in it. He replaced some of his ribs with chariot parts, and tied the frame of the chariot to his belly to keep his insides in. Cethern's wife arrived with his weapons, and he went back into battle.

The doctor who had only been stunned managed to reach the Connacht camp to warn them, and they put Ailill's crown on a standing stone as a decoy. Cethern put his sword and his fist through the stone. He killed men for a day and a night, until he was surrounded and died fighting.

Cethern was also said to be a mentor of Fionn Mac Cumhaill.

title: Cethern mac Fintain


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Mick Molloy

Michael Molloy (born 11 July 1966) is an Australian comedian, writer, producer, actor and television and radio presenter who has been active in radio, television, stand-up and film. He currently hosts The Front Bar on the Seven Network.

Early years
Molloy grew up in the Australian Capital Territory (ACT) before moving to Melbourne in the 1980s. He attended The Peninsula School during his high school period and then studied performing arts at the University of Melbourne, where he wrote and performed in his first live act in 1987. It was there he met the Australian comedy troupe The D-Generation (the future cast of The Late Show) who later formed Working Dog Productions, and with whom Molloy would collaborate on several projects.

Television
Molloy worked with the D-Generation as a writer-performer on their 1988 Seven Network specials (he had auditioned for the D-Gen in 1986 but it was not until the troupe saw him in the 1987 Melbourne University revue, Laminex on the Rocks, that they signed him). He also worked as a writer on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation's (ABC) The Gerry Connolly Show (1988), the Network Ten series The Comedy Company in its 1989 season and, while working on the (unscreened) pilots for The Late Show, for the Nine Network (1990). Molloy was a cast member of ABC TV's The Late Show (1992–1993) as a writer and performer. As well as pairing up with Tony Martin for each episode's introduction and the "Street Interviews" segment, Molloy co-hosted the segments "Muckrakers" with Jason Stephens and "Commercial Crimestoppers" with Santo Cilauro. He played the thick-witted assistant of stuntman Rob Sitch in "Shitscared" and performed in many other sketches (providing the voices of Sergeant Olden in The Olden Days and Chief Chromedome in Bargearse). He also delivered a series of volatile rants in the "Mick's Serve" segment of Late Show News.

Molloy landed his own late-night TV show, The Mick Molloy Show, which premiered on the Nine Network in 1999. Planned to run for twenty episodes, it was slated by the critics and cancelled after eight. His next involvement with television was the show Any Given Sunday, with Nicole Livingstone, on the Nine Network in 2006. He was involved in the 2006 Commonwealth Games coverage on the Nine Network as a commentator for the lawn bowls events.

In 2007, Molloy filmed a pilot of The Nation, a weekly late-night news-based comedy hour on the Nine Network. The show debuted on 5 June but struggled for ratings, attracting 575,000 viewers nationally for its fourth show. Originally it was on Tuesdays at 9:30 pm, but was moved to Wednesdays at 10:30 pm and ended in August 2007.

In 2008, it was announced that Molloy would replace Peter Helliar on the panel of Channel 10's Before the Game, an AFL themed show, after Helliar had discontinued his position post-2007. On the show, his views as a keen supporter of the Richmond Football Club (Tigers) were often made clear. Molloy is one of the club's more prominent supporters and as well as appearing on Before the Game he has appeared in club membership advertising campaigns. In June 2008, Molloy made comments on the show regarding Nicole Cornes, the wife of former Adelaide coach Graham Cornes, in which he suggested she had slept with footballer Stuart Dew. Nicole Cornes sued the Ten Network for defamation and was awarded A$85,000 in July 2011. Molloy remained with Before the Game until it was axed at the end of the 2013 AFL season.

In 2009, Molloy starred in the sitcom The Jesters which aired on Movie Extra on Foxtel. He played a veteran comic Dave Davies who has become the manager of a group of young, rookie comedians and who has to cope with the behind-the-scenes antics of producing a comedy sketch show. A second series aired in 2011.

In February 2010, it was announced that Molloy and Eddie McGuire would be investigated by the NSW Anti-Discrimination Board following complaints that their on-air coverage of the 2010 Winter Olympics men's figure skating contained homophobic remarks. The complaint was later withdrawn after the complainant met with McGuire.

In February 2014, it was announced by the Seven Network that Molloy would be joining its one-hour AFL match preview show on Saturday nights during the football season. In 2015, Molloy was announced as a host of an online show called Friday Front Bar (subsequently renamed to The Front Bar). In 2016, Channel 7 picked up the show.

Radio
After writing and performing on The D-Generation Breakfast Show on Triple M Melbourne, from 1990 to 1992, Molloy teamed up with Tony Martin for Triple M's Bulltwang (1990)

After The Late Show finished, Molloy developed, again with Martin, the successful Austereo radio programme, Martin/Molloy (1995–98), which produced three ARIA award-winning compilation albums, The Brown Album (1995), Poop Chute (1996) and Eat Your Peas (1998). Molloy occasionally appeared with his former D-Generation cohorts on Network Ten's The Panel (1998–2004).

Molloy hosted another radio show, Tough Love with Mick Molloy (2004–06) on Triple M alongside Robyn Butler and Richard Molloy.

In 2011, Molloy returned to radio and to Triple M Melbourne, as a permanent member of The Hot Breakfast. He is also appearing daily at 6:50am on Triple M Brisbane's The Grill Team.

In July 2017, Triple M announced that Molloy would host a new national drive show with Jane Kennedy across the Triple M network in 2018. As a result, he transitioned away from The Hot Breakfast and was replaced by Wil Anderson. Molloy finished on The Hot Breakfast on 6 October 2017 and debuted on the new show, Kennedy Molloy, the following week.

Film
Following the cancellation of The Mick Molloy Show, Molloy returned with a video release, entitled Shonky Golf with Mick Molloy, and he directed the feature-length documentary Tackle Happy (2000). He played Kim's dad Gary Poole on Kath & Kim (2003–04) and co-starred, with David Wenham, in two Murray Whelan telemovies, Stiff and The Brush-Off (both 2004).

He has starred in three movies, Crackerjack (2002) (which he also co-wrote, receiving an AFI nomination), Tony Martin's Bad Eggs (2003), and BoyTown (2006), which, like Crackerjack, he co-wrote with his brother Richard Molloy. During production of the DVD-release for Boytown in 2007, Molloy and his long-time collaborator Tony Martin had a dispute over the proposed extra content for the DVD and the two have not worked together since. In the 2006 Australian feature film Macbeth, Molloy played Brown; it was the second time he has appeared in a production of Macbeth.

He also had a role in the 2019 biographical film based on Michelle Payne's life, Ride Like a Girl.

Personal life
Molloy was the long-term partner of Australian actress Sophie Lee in the 1990s. (Lee regularly appeared on Molloy's nationally syndicated radio show, as well as playing Tracey Kerrigan in the film The Castle, which was made by Molloy's former D-Gen colleague Rob Sitch).

Molloy is also a famous supporter of the Richmond Football Club. His affinity for the Tigers has been a topic on The Front Bar, and he has also turned on the yellow lights at the Richmond Town Hall to celebrate Richmond's 2017 preliminary final victory over Greater Western Sydney and had a street mural outside of Hector's Deli in Richmond depicting him wearing a Richmond guernsey.

In April 2012, at the 54th Logie Awards, Molloy delivered an onstage tribute to friend and colleague Bill Hunter, who died in 2011.

On The Hot Breakfast on 8 June 2012, Molloy announced that his partner was pregnant with twin boys. On 11 July he announced that they had been born the previous day, a month ahead of schedule.

Molloy has used his resemblance to Saddam Hussein to create jokes.

Television

 * The D-Generation Goes Commercial (1988) – Various – (also writer)
 * The Gerry Connolly Show (1988) – (writer only)
 * The Comedy Company (1989) – Various – (also writer)
 * The Late Show (1992–1993) – Himself/Various – (also writer)
 * Frontline (1997) – Himself (One episode)
 * The Mick Molloy Show (1999) – Himself – (also writer/producer)
 * Kath & Kim (2003) – Gary Poole (Two episodes)
 * Stiff (2004) – Angelo Agnelli
 * The Brush-Off (1996) – Angelo Agnelli
 * Any Given Sunday (2006) – Himself
 * The Nation (2007) – Himself – (also writer/producer)
 * Before The Game (2008–2013) – Himself
 * The Jesters (2009, 2011) – Dave Davies
 * Have You Been Paying Attention? (2013–2019) – Himself – (31 episodes)
 * Saturday Night Football (pre-game show) (2014–present) – Himself
 * The Front Bar (2015–present) – Himself
 * Bluey (2022) – Sparky (One Episode - Guest Voice)

Film

 * Tackle Happy (2000) – Himself – (also director/producer)
 * Crackerjack (2002) – Jack Simpson – (also writer/producer)
 * Bad Eggs (2003) – Ben Kinnear
 * Stiff (2005) – Angelo Agnelli
 * Macbeth (2006) – Brown
 * BoyTown (2006) – Tommy – (also writer/producer)
 * BoyTown Confidential (2007) – Tommy Boy – (also writer/producer)
 * Ride Like a Girl (2019) - Bairdy

Radio

 * The D-Generation Breakfast Show (Triple M Melbourne 1990–1992)
 * Bulltwang (Triple M Melbourne 1990)
 * Martin/Molloy (Austereo network 1995–1998)
 * Tough Love with Mick Molloy (Triple M network 2004–2006)
 * The Hot Breakfast (Triple M Melbourne 2011–2017)
 * Kennedy Molloy (Triple M 2017–2021)
 * Molloy (Triple M 2021–November 2021)
 * Triple M Cricket (2016–2018)
 * Mick and MG in the Morning (starting 2023)

ARIA Music Awards
The ARIA Music Awards is an annual awards ceremony that recognises excellence, innovation, and achievement across all genres of Australian music. Martin/Molloy won three awards, all in the category of ARIA Award for Best Comedy Release.

 * 1996
 * The Brown Album
 * rowspan="3"| ARIA Award for Best Comedy Release
 * Won
 * 1997
 * Poop Chute
 * Won
 * 1999
 * Eat Your Peas
 * Won
 * 1999
 * Eat Your Peas
 * Won

Video/DVD only release

 * Shonky Golf (1999) – Himself (also writer, director, producer)

title: Mick Molloy


text:
NTEU

NTEU may refer to:

 * National Tertiary Education Union, a trade union representing Australian university employees
 * National Treasury Employees Union, a trade union representing employees of the U.S. federal government

title: NTEU


text:
User talk:Lilybay

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Your contributions to the Moosehead Lake and Greenville, Maine articles are great. However, there might be a problem with the information you've copied from http://www.mooseheadhistory.org/. If the text is not in public domain, then it might be considered a copyright violation and have to be removed. If you wrote the text, or have received permission from the owner, then it is fine (for more information see Copyright FAQ). Also (and this is just a tip), HTML is generally not used in articles, only the "Wiki markup" designed for easy use in articles (see How to edit a page). For instance, instead of using , it is better to use * to create a list. Thanks, and make yourself known on New user log! - MattTM 06:10, Oct 21, 2004 (UTC)

Image source
Thank you for uploading Image:Beacons.jpg. Its copyright status is unclear, so it may have to be deleted. Please leave a note on the image page about the source of the image. Thank you. --Ellmist 05:00, 21 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Image Tagging Image:IMG 0034.JPG
Thanks for uploading Image:IMG 0034.JPG. I notice the 'image' page currently doesn't specify who created the content, so the copyright status is unclear. If you have not created this media yourself then you need to argue that we have the right to use the media on Wikipedia (see copyright tagging below). If you have not created the media yourself then you should also specify where you found it, i.e., in most cases link to the website where you got it, and the terms of use for content from that page.

If the media also doesn't have a copyright tag then you must also add one. If you created/took the picture, audio, or video then you can use GFDL-self to release it under the GFDL. If you believe the media qualifies as fair use, please read fair use, and then use a tag such as or one of the other tags listed at Image copyright tags. See Image copyright tags for the full list of copyright tags that you can use.

If you have uploaded other media, please check that you have specified their source and copyright tagged them, too. You can find a list of 'image' pages you have edited by clicking on the "my contributions" link (it is located at the very top of any Wikipedia page when you are logged in), and then selecting "Image" from the dropdown box. Note that any unsourced and untagged images will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. Thank you. Shyam ( T / C ) 20:17, 15 March 2006 (UTC)

Image Tagging Image:IMG 0045.JPG
Thanks for uploading Image:IMG 0045.JPG. I notice the 'image' page currently doesn't specify who created the content, so the copyright status is unclear. If you have not created this media yourself then you need to argue that we have the right to use the media on Wikipedia (see copyright tagging below). If you have not created the media yourself then you should also specify where you found it, i.e., in most cases link to the website where you got it, and the terms of use for content from that page.

If the media also doesn't have a copyright tag then you must also add one. If you created/took the picture, audio, or video then you can use GFDL-self to release it under the GFDL. If you believe the media qualifies as fair use, please read fair use, and then use a tag such as or one of the other tags listed at Image copyright tags. See Image copyright tags for the full list of copyright tags that you can use.

If you have uploaded other media, please check that you have specified their source and copyright tagged them, too. You can find a list of 'image' pages you have edited by clicking on the "my contributions" link (it is located at the very top of any Wikipedia page when you are logged in), and then selecting "Image" from the dropdown box. Note that any unsourced and untagged images will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. Thank you. Shyam ( T / C ) 20:17, 15 March 2006 (UTC)

Image Tagging Image:IMG 0049.JPG
Thanks for uploading Image:IMG 0049.JPG. I notice the 'image' page currently doesn't specify who created the content, so the copyright status is unclear. If you have not created this media yourself then you need to argue that we have the right to use the media on Wikipedia (see copyright tagging below). If you have not created the media yourself then you should also specify where you found it, i.e., in most cases link to the website where you got it, and the terms of use for content from that page.

If the media also doesn't have a copyright tag then you must also add one. If you created/took the picture, audio, or video then you can use GFDL-self to release it under the GFDL. If you believe the media qualifies as fair use, please read fair use, and then use a tag such as or one of the other tags listed at Image copyright tags. See Image copyright tags for the full list of copyright tags that you can use.

If you have uploaded other media, please check that you have specified their source and copyright tagged them, too. You can find a list of 'image' pages you have edited by clicking on the "my contributions" link (it is located at the very top of any Wikipedia page when you are logged in), and then selecting "Image" from the dropdown box. Note that any unsourced and untagged images will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. Thank you. Shyam ( T / C ) 20:17, 15 March 2006 (UTC)

title: User talk:Lilybay


text:
Army One

Army One is the callsign of any United States Army aircraft carrying the president of the United States. An Army aircraft carrying the vice president is designated Army Two.

From 1957 until 1976, the callsign was usually used for an Army helicopter transporting the president. Prior to 1976, responsibility for helicopter transportation of the president was divided between the Army and the U.S. Marine Corps, under the call sign Marine One, until the Marine Corps was given the sole responsibility of transporting the president by helicopter.

The best known helicopters that used the Army One callsign were Sea King VH-3A helicopters that were part of the presidential fleet from 1961 to 1976. During its presidential service, the helicopter was known either as Army One or Marine One, depending on whether Army or Marine pilots were operating the craft. The helicopter, with seats for sixteen, has a seat reserved for the president and the first lady, and single, smaller seats for the two Secret Service agents who always flew with the presidential party.

title: Army One


text:
Deregistered and unregistered Australian unions

Australian industrial relations law maintains a system of compulsory arbitration in the settlement of industrial disputes between employers, employees, and their respective registered industrial associations. Associations of employers or employees must be registered by the relevant Industrial Relations Commission in order to have disputes heard before that commission. However, in the Fair Work Commission individuals may appoint an unregistered/deregistered industrial organisation to represent them in any disputes.

For a variety of reasons, some industrial associations are not registered under their commission. They may not meet the requirements for registration, may have had their registration revoked, or may have elected not to register.

The following are examples of deregistered or unregistered Australian unions that organisations of employee associations or groups which are not registered under State or Federal law as registered employee groups may have occurred due to a range of issues:

 * Builders Labourers Federation
 * Federated Ship Painters and Dockers Union
 * Health Workers Union (Queensland)
 * Industrial Workers of the World
 * National Jet Systems Pilots Group
 * Queensland Power Workers' Association (now defunct)
 * Queensland Prison Officers Association] (QPOA) "Prison Officers working for Prison Officers"
 * Retail and Fast Food Workers Union
 * Shearers and Rural Workers' Union
 * Unite Union


text:
Xinhua Daily

Xinhua Daily was the first newspaper published in the People's Republic of China by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It is owned by the Jiangsu Provincial Committee of the CCP.

History
The Xinhua Daily was founded in Hankou on 11 January, 1938. After the fall of Wuhan in October 1938, the paper continued to publish in Chongqing. The Xinhua Daily was the only newspaper published by the CCP during the Second Sino-Japanese War, and was published by the party in order to consolidate public sentiment against the Japanese. As a propaganda instrument, the paper faced competition from the Jiefang Daily, which began publishing on 16 May 1941 under the direct control of Mao Zedong. The Jiefang Daily was created as part of Mao's larger strategy to move the CCP's propaganda arm under his direct control - the Xinhua Daily had moved to Chongqing and was not controlled by Mao. The Chongqing edition of the Xinhua Daily was controlled directly by Zhou Enlai until February 1947.

Political positions
In the relatively liberal media environment of war-time Chongqing, the Xinhua Daily competed with other publications of different affiliations, as the Kuomintang was not able to exert ironclad control over speech. However hardline supporters of the Kuomintang made serious attempts to stifle the Xinhua Daily as a newspaper of the CCP, such as refusing to grant it legal rights for paper distribution, exerting control over post offices and newspaper vendors, and by implementing a newspaper censorship system that inspected all content published by the paper.

Other newspapers publishing in Chongqing included the Ta Kung Pao (then an independent newspaper also known as L'Impartial) and a Kuomintang newspaper, the Zhongyang Ribao (Central Daily News), along with many other smaller papers. Along with L'Impartial, the Xinhua Daily published vernacular poetry, compared to the strictly classical poetry published by Central Daily News. Written vernacular Chinese had been associated with the progressive movement since the New Culture Movement in 1917, whereas the classical language was associated with conservatism. Xinhua Daily published a number of poems by the poet Liu Yazi, many of which commented on the arrival of Mao in Chongqing in 1945 for peace talks with Chiang Kai-shek. Mao was then believed to be a proponent of multiparty democracy that Xinhua Daily championed regularly.

On February 28, 1947, the publication of the Xinhua Daily was forbidden by the Kuomintang. Later, on April 23, 1949, Xinhua Daily began publication with official support.

Coverage
The Xinhua Daily was formed during the latter part of the Nanjing Massacre and began publishing news reports of the Japanese Army's atrocities after January 1938, particularly after Western reporting on the topic dwindled in February 1938.

title: Xinhua Daily