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Jesse Hubbard

Jesse Hubbard (born September 18, 1975) is a former professional lacrosse player who played professional box lacrosse in the National Lacrosse League (NLL) and professional field lacrosse in the Major League Lacrosse (MLL).

Background
Hubbard starred as a member of the Princeton Tigers men's lacrosse team from 1995 through 1998, where he earned Ivy League Player of the Year, Ivy League Rookie of the Year, three All-American recognitions from the United States Intercollegiate Lacrosse Association (USILA), four Ivy League championships, and three national championships. He holds Princeton's lacrosse scoring records for both career and single-season goals. In high school, he had set the Interstate Athletic Conference (IAC) scoring record, while playing for St. Albans School and becoming The Washington Post boys' lacrosse player of the year.

As a professional, he was the MLL's leading goal scorer for its first three seasons and its all-time goal leader as recently as the 2010 MLL season. His 54 goals in 2002 continue to be a league single-season record. He is a five-time Major League Lacrosse All-Star. In August 2010, he was selected to the MLL 10th Anniversary team. He has represented Team USA in the World Lacrosse Championships and is an ambassador of the sport both through service with Warrior Sports and his own annual youth camps.

Hubbard got his first lacrosse stick when he was 11 or 12 years old. Hubbard played middle and high school lacrosse at St. Albans School (Washington, D.C.)., where he was a captain and earned All-Metropolitan and All-American honors. The Washington Post named Hubbard to the 1993 All-Met Boys' Lacrosse First Team as a midfielder after he led the IAC in goals with 59 as a junior. Then, when as a senior Hubbard became the All-time IAC goal scorer with 217, they named him the 1994 All-Met Boys' Lacrosse Team Player of the Year.

College career
When Hubbard went to Princeton, he was expected to be one of the key incoming midfielders. Hubbard became was part of a trio of revered attackmen who were Princeton classmates along with Jon Hess and Chris Massey. As starters, the trio of All-Americans, which retired second (Hess), third (Hubbard) and fourth (Massey) in career points at Princeton, had a 43–2 record and combined for 618 points. He was a first team USILA All-American Team selection in 1996 and 1998 and second team selection in 1997. He was also first team All-Ivy League in 1996 (when he was Ivy League Player of the Year), 1997 and 1998 and a second team selection in 1995 (when he was named Ivy League Rookie of the Year). The 1995 team, which earned the school's sixth consecutive NCAA Men's Lacrosse Championship invitation, was Ivy League co-champion, while the 1996–1998 teams were 6–0 undefeated outright conference champions. These undefeated league champions won the 1996, 1997 and 1998 NCAA Division I Men's Lacrosse Championships, becoming the first team to threepeat since Syracuse from 1988–90 and the first to be recognized to have done so without an NCAA scandal since Johns Hopkins from 1978–80.

In 1996, he earned co-Ivy League Player of the year by recording six or more goals four times during the regular season. In the 1996 NCAA Division I Men's Lacrosse Championship tournament quarterfinals 22–6 victory over Towson State, Hubbard again scored six goals. Hubbard added three more goals in the championship game against Virginia including the first goal and the final goal in overtime of the 13–12 victory. In the 1997 NCAA Division I Men's Lacrosse Championship tournament quarterfinals, he again scored six goals in an 11–9 victory over the UMass. He scored in the semifinal 10–9 victory over Duke, and he scored four goals in the 19–7 championship victory against Maryland. The 1997 team is regarded as the best in school history with a record number of wins during its 15–0 season. He served as co-captain of the 1998 team. He scored three goals in the 1998 NCAA Division I Men's Lacrosse Championship tournament 11–10 semifinal victory over Syracuse. He also scored four goals and added six assists in the 15–5 championship game victory over Maryland.

When Hubbard was on the field, the Princeton offense was explosive. Hubbard holds the Princeton University single-season (53, 1996) and career (163, 1995–98) goals records. He also broke Kevin Lowe's school single-season points record of 69 in 1996 by three, but Hess broke the record in 1997 with 76 points. Hubbard's 23 goals as a freshman was a Princeton freshman record until B. J. Prager posted 25 in 1999. Hubbard threatened the Ivy League record for career goals in conference games needing just eight in his final two games, but as of 2010, Jon Reese's 1990 record remained on the books. He was named number 11 of the top 20 athletes in Princeton Tiger history by the Daily Princetonian.

Professional career
Hubbard represented Team USA in the 1998 World Lacrosse Championship. Hubbard also played in the National Lacrosse League for the Baltimore Thunder (1999), Pittsburgh CrosseFire (2000) and Washington Power (2001). In 1999, he was named NLL Rookie of the Year. In the 1999 World Cup, Hubbard scored a goal to give Team USA and 8–7 lead over Team Canada in a 20–10 victory to sweep the event.

Hubbard was a member of the New Jersey Pride from 2001 until 2007. Prior to the 2008 MLL season, Hubbard was traded to the Los Angeles Riptide in exchange for a first round 2009 MLL Collegiate Draft pick. Hubbard played for the Los Angeles Riptide during the 2008 season. After the 2008 season, Hubbard was assigned to the Washington Bayhawks (now Chesapeake Bayhawks). Prior to the start of the 2009 season with the Bayhawks, Hubbard suffered a herniated disc and was unable to play the 2009 season. Hubbard has not played in the MLL since.

In 2000, the MLL organized a Major League Lacrosse Summer Showcase, which was a seven-game promotional series to introduce the first outdoor professional lacrosse league set to begin play the following year. Hubbard was one of the 40 players selected to promote the league. When the MLL began its first season in 2001, Hubbard was instrumental in marketing the league looking to showcase premium talent. Hubbard led the MLL in scoring each season from 2001 to 2003, and was named to the MLL All-Star Team 2001, 2002, 2003, 2005, 2006. In the 2002 All-Star game he scored a goal to break a 16–16 tie in a 21–16 victory for the National Division All-Stars over the American Division All-Stars. When he surpassed his 2001 total of 44 goals with 54 at the end of the 2002 season, it established a league single-season goals record that continues to survive through the 2010 MLL season and his 2003 season total of 50 goals continues to be the only other 50-goal season in league history. The MLL schedule was reduced from 14 games to 12 in 2003, meaning that Hubbard's 50 goals is the record for a 12-game season. The closest anyone has come to his single-season goal scoring record was John Grant's 47-goal 2008 season. As a result of having been the goals scored leader for the MLL's first three-season, he built up a career goals scored lead that stood up until during the 2005 season when Mark Millon took a 206–193 lead in career goals scored. However, Millon only scored five goals in 2007 when his career came to an end. In July 2008, Hubbard surpassed Millon's career total of 239 by reaching 247. On August 1, 2010, Tim Goettelmann surpassed Hubbard with his 246th, 247th and 248th career goals. In August 2010, Hubbard was selected to the MLL 10th anniversary team.

Hubbard is a spokesman for Warrior Sports and annually runs the Jesse Hubbard Experience, a youth lacrosse camp for boys ages 9–17 held each summer at George Mason University.

Personal
Hubbard has an older brother named Andy. Andy was a midfielder on the 1992 and 1994 teams that earned Princeton's first two NCAA Men's Lacrosse Championships.

title: Jesse Hubbard


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Westhoughton

Westhoughton is a town and civil parish in the Metropolitan Borough of Bolton, Greater Manchester, England, 4 mi southwest of Bolton, 5 mi east of Wigan and 13 mi northwest of Manchester.

Within the boundaries of the historic county of Lancashire, Westhoughton was once a centre for coal mining, cotton-spinning and textile manufacture. It had a population of 24,974 at the 2011 Census.

Westhoughton incorporates several former villages and hamlets which have their own distinctive character, sports traditions and amenities, including Wingates, White Horse, Over Hulton, Four Gates, Chequerbent, Hunger Hill, Snydale, Hart Common, Marsh Brook, Daisy Hill and Dobb Brow.

Toponymy
The name Westhoughton is derived from the Old English, halh (dialectal "haugh") for a nook or corner of land, and 'tun' for a farmstead or settlement – meaning a "westerly settlement in a corner of land". It has been recorded variously as Halcton in 1210, Westhalcton in 1240, Westhalghton in 1292, Westhalton in 1302 and in the 16th-century as Westhaughton and Westhoughton.

The people of Westhoughton are sometimes known as "Howfeners" (from Houghton) or "Keaw-yeds" (cow heads) or "Keawyedners" (a combination of the two), and the town is known as "Keawyed City". Supposed folklore ("re-invented" in the Edwardian period) describes a farmer who found his cow with its head stuck in a five barred gate, and, rather than damage the gate, cut the cow's head off, as the cow cost less than the gate. The village of Tideswell in Derbyshire shares this same legend.

Banastre Rebellion
In 1315, a group of men led by Sir William Bradshaigh of Haigh Hall, Sir Henry Lea of Charnock Richard and Sir Adam Banastre met at Wingates to plan a campaign of violence against Sir Robert de Holland of Upholland, chief retainer of the powerful Earl of Lancaster. The campaign came to be known as the Banastre Rebellion and ended with the deaths of most of the main protagonists.

Civil War
On 15 December 1642, during the English Civil War, the Battle of Warcock Hill was fought on Westhoughton Common between Lord Derby's Cavalier forces and Parliamentarians. The site of the battle was off the Manchester Road where Wayfaring is today. The Parliamentarians under Captains Bradshaw, Venables and Browne ran into a force of some thousand Royalists from the Wigan garrison under Lord Derby and were forced to surrender. The three captains and 160 men were taken prisoner.

It is believed that Prince Rupert of the Rhine gathered his troops in Westhoughton before the attack and ensuing massacre at Bolton in 1644. Civil War activity is also known to have occurred around the site of Hunger Hill and a sword claimed to be from the time of the Civil War was discovered in the garden of one of the cottages at Pocket Nook in Chew Moor during the 1950s.

Industrial Revolution
On 25 March 1812, a group of Luddites burned Rowe and Dunscough's Westhoughton Mill. Twelve people were arrested on the orders of William Hulton, the High Sheriff of Lancashire. James Smith, Thomas Kerfoot, John (or Job) Fletcher and Abraham Charlston, were sentenced to death for their part in the attack. The Charlston family claimed that Abraham was only 12 years old; but he was not reprieved. The men were publicly hanged outside Lancaster Castle on 13 June 1812. It was reported that Abraham cried for his mother on the scaffold. By this time, however, hanging of those under 18 was rare and of those under 16, in practice, abolished. Nine others were transported to Australia. The riots are commemorated by a blue plaque on the White Lion public house opposite the mill site.

In 1891, the Rose Hill Doubling Mill had 8,020 spindles and Higson and Biggs' Victoria Mill had 40,000 spindles. Bolton Road Mill housed 564 looms weaving shirtings and Perseverance Mill had 600 looms manufacturing twills, sateens and plain cotton cloth. The looms in John Chadwick's Silk Mills produced broad silks, tie silks, scarves and handkerchiefs. The Lancashire Hosiery Company produced vests. Thomas Welch was a calico printer at the Green Vale Print Works.

The family of William Hulton of Hulton Park owned many small collieries from the 16th-century. After 1828 the pits at Chequerbent were served by the Bolton and Leigh Railway. The Hulton Colliery Company sank Chequerbent Colliery in 1892 and Bank Pit Nos 1–4 between 1897 and 1901. The company mined the Trencherbone, Plodder and Arley seams. Bank Pit No 3, known as the Pretoria Pit, was the site of one Britain's worst coal-mining disasters when on 21 December 1910, 344 men and boys died in an explosion of firedamp. The Pretoria Pit Disaster was the third worst in British mining history, after the 1866 Barnsley Oaks Disaster in Yorkshire, which killed 361 miners, and the 1913 Senghenydd Colliery Disaster in Glamorgan, which killed 439. A memorial erected in 1910 is Grade II listed.

In 1896, the Wigan Coal and Iron Company's Eatock Pits employed 484 underground and 89 surface workers whilst the Hewlett Pits, at Hart Common, employed 981 underground and 182 on the surface.

Governance
Lying within the boundaries of Lancashire since the early 12th-century, Westhoughton was a chapelry and township in the ecclesiastical parish of Deane, in the Salford hundred. In 1837, Westhoughton joined with other townships (or civil parishes) to form the Bolton Poor Law Union and took joint responsibility for the administration and funding of the Poor Law in that area. In 1872, a Local board of health was established for the township, but was superseded in 1894 by the creation of Westhoughton Urban District which shared local government responsibilities with Lancashire County Council. In 1898, most of Over Hulton became part of the urban district. Westhoughton Town Hall was built in 1903 to a plan by Bradshaw and Gass, architects of Bolton replacing the Local Board Offices at the junction of Market Street and Wigan Road.

Under the Local Government Act 1972, Westhoughton Urban District was abolished in 1974 and its area became a civil parish of the newly created Metropolitan Borough of Bolton in Greater Manchester. It is represented by six councillors elected in two borough wards – Westhoughton North and Chew Moor and Westhoughton South – on the metropolitan borough council.

Westhoughton civil parish gained town council status in 1985, and has 18 town councillors elected from six town council wards – Central, Chequerbent, Daisy Hill, Hoskers and Hart Common, White Horse, and Wingates. Each year the town council elects a town mayor.

Parliamentary representation
For 98 years between 1885 and 1983, the Westhoughton constituency represented the town. Although, since 1906, always returning a Labour candidate, the elections were, after 1950, a close run contest, due to the working class conservatism found in Westhoughton and surrounding areas and the inclusion of more rural (Conservative) areas in boundary revision. At the 1906 general election, the birth of the modern Labour Party, William Tyson Wilson was one of 29 successful Labour Representation Committee candidates.

The constituency had by-elections in 1921, 1951 and 1973 due to the retirement, ill-health or death of the sitting MPs. The last MP for Westhoughton was Roger Stott (Labour) who, on abolition of the Westhoughton constituency, was elected MP for Wigan in 1983.

The 1983 redistribution of seats reflected local government reforms made in 1974. In September 2011, the Boundary Commission for England proposed recreating a Westhoughton constituency to incorporate Westhoughton, Blackrod, Hindley, Atherton, and parts of Horwich and Leigh

Geography
Westhoughton covers an area of 4341 acre and has an average breadth of over 2 mi from north-east to south-west, and an extreme length of nearly 3.5 mi from northwest to south-east. The highest ground at over 480 ft is to the north east with the land sloping downwards to the south-west. The lowest point at about 120 ft is in the extreme southerly corner. Borsdane Brook separates the township from Aspull, another brook divides it from Hindley joining a stream which rises on the northern edge of Westhoughton and flows south through Leigh to Glazebrook. The town incorporates several former villages and hamlets including railway stations including Wingates, White Horse, Over Hulton, Four Gates (or Fourgates), Chequerbent, Hunger Hill, Snydale, Hart Common, Marsh Brook, Daisy Hill and Dobb Brow.

Local Nature Reserves are located at Hall Lee Bank Park, Cunningham Clough, and Eatock Lodge at Daisy Hill.

Education
The long established St John's, Wingates CE Primary & Fourgates County Primary schools were closed in 2004 following amalgamation to form The Gates CP School. Westhoughton CP School closed in 2008. An earlier round of reorganisation saw the closure of Hart Common Primary School and opening of St George's on The Hoskers, and the closure of the tiny County Primary at White Horse which is now a private nursery.

Religion
Westhoughton's old chapel of 1552 was replaced by a brick-built church in 1731 and the parish church in 1869–70. Dedicated to Saint Bartholomew, it had an east window depicting the twelve apostles. In 1990, the church was gutted by fire, but the tower was saved, and is Grade II listed. A new church, designed by architects Dane, Ashworth & Cottam, was built at a cost of about £1 million, and consecrated in 1995 by the Bishop of Manchester. Nicholsons of Malvern built its two manual organs with 1,256 pipes, ranging from 1/2 inch to 16 ft made of tin, spotted metal and hammered lead.

Other Anglican churches include St John the Evangelist, in the Parish of Wingates, and St James the Great, in the Parish of Daisy Hill. St James' is a Grade II* listed building.

The Roman Catholic Sacred Heart parish church fell into disrepair; it was demolished and replaced by a new building incorporating a church hall.

John Wesley preached a sermon at Barnaby's Farm in Wingates in 1784. Services were held in cottages opposite the farm before the first Methodist church was built in 1835. Another Methodist Church was built in Dixon Street in 1871. Houses occupy the site of Westhoughton Independent Methodist Church, where Wesley once stood, but the stone, from which he preached, was moved to Grove Lane Chapel, now Westhoughton Methodist Church's church hall. The final service was held by the Independent Methodist Church in 2001 and the church was subsequently demolished. Daisy Hill Methodist Church was closed and demolished in the late 1980s. The new, Methodist church was built adjacent to Grove Lane Chapel, which now serves as church hall.

The industrial north west was a focus for non-conformism, and until the 1990s the Church of the Nazarene stood in Church Street. The Quaker Meeting House is now a Christian fellowship, and a tin tabernacle was situated off Bolton Road. There is a Pentecostal church, a United Reformed Church, The Bethel, and an independent church on Tithbarn Street.

Landmarks
Snydle water tower was built by Westhoughton Council in 1914 and lay derelict for many years with its tank removed and the tower open to the sky. It has been restored and converted into a private dwelling that is visible from the M61 motorway.

The Church of England School built in 1861, opposite St Bartholomew's church, is a Grade II listed building as are houses at 110 and 112, Market Street. The school, which was known as Westhoughton Parochial School, has been renamed St Bartholomew's Church of England, Primary School.

The red brick and terracotta town hall and Carnegie library were built between 1902 and 1904 to the designs of Bradshaw & Gass.

Transport
The M61 motorway passes through the north of the town which it serves by junctions 5 and 6. The A58 and the A6 cross the town as do the B5236, the B5235, and the B5239. The motorway separated the townships of Hunger Hill and Chew Moor from the rest of Westhoughton and the Bolton Road was completely severed. A new link road, Snydle Way, was built between Chequerbent and a spur to the old Bolton Road, via a roundabout at M61 junction 5. Snydle Way, a broad, dual carriageway, was built to full four lane motorway standard, with a broad centre verge allowing widening to six lanes. The original intention was that it would form the beginning of a new motorway, running southwest, linking the M61 with the M6. Although the route was fully allocated and all planning and public consultation completed, the project was shelved due to financial constraints.

Westhoughton railway station and Daisy Hill railway station are served by Northern trains between Southport and Manchester via Wigan Wallgate. Trains from Westhoughton to Manchester Piccadilly run via Bolton; trains from Daisy Hill to Manchester Victoria run via Atherton. Formerly there were stations at Chequerbent (closed 1952) Dicconson Lane and Hilton House both closed in 1954. In the late 1980s, a railway station planned for Dobb Brow was not built. Lostock and Horwich Parkway stations, to the north, also serve the town. The annual usage of Daisy Hill and Westhoughton stations was more than 500,000 passengers in 2013/14, greater than many major UK towns. Electric trams to Bolton served Westhoughton until 1947 after 23 years of service. On 19 December 1924, the Bolton to Deane service was extended to Westhoughton).

Westhoughton is served by bus services to Bolton, Wigan and Leigh. The most frequent service between Bolton and Wigan is operated by Stagecoach Manchester. Other services between Leigh and Horwich are operated by Diamond Bus North West and Stagecoach. The Blackrod – Little Lever service is operated by Diamond Bus North West and Bolton to Westhoughton by Arriva North West, continuing to Wigan by Diamond Bus North West.

Media

The weekly Horwich and Westhoughton Journal was published (by The Bolton News) from 1925 until 1980, and had an editorial and revenue office in Market Street.

The town's Carnegie library is at the rear of the Town Hall. Its Carnegie Hall is used for meetings and other activities. A small museum has exhibits that relate to the Pretoria Pit Disaster and a large, encased model, of the original St Bartholomew's Parish Church, built from match-sticks.

Local news and television programmes are provided by BBC North West and ITV Granada. Television signals are received from the nearby Winter Hill TV transmitter situated north of the town.

Local radio stations are BBC Radio Manchester, Heart North West, Smooth North West, Greatest Hits Radio Bolton & Bury, XS Manchester, Capital Manchester and Lancashire and Bolton FM, a community-based radio station which broadcast from its studios in Bolton.

Notable residents

 * Robert Shaw (1927–1978)– actor, born at 51 King Street on 9 August 1927. Shaw appeared in From Russia With Love, A Man for All Seasons, The Sting and Jaws.
 * Rev. Peter Ditchfield – historian and author.
 * Bill Farrimond – cricketer, played for England.
 * Ethel Johnson – sprinter, represented England at the 1932 Los Angeles Summer Olympics
 * Jack Bruton (1903–1986) – footballer for Bolton Wanderers, Burnley and England.
 * Francis Lee – footballer for Bolton Wanderers, Manchester City, Derby County and England (27 caps).
 * Nicky Hunt – footballer for Bolton Wanderers, Preston North End and Accrington Stanley.
 * Dick Pollard – cricketer, played for England.
 * Maxine Peake - actress, was born in Westhoughton on 14 July 1974.
 * Sir Harry Kroto (1939-2016) - chemist, Nobel Prize winner in 1996.
 * Houghton Weavers – a folk group who had a BBC Television series, Sit thi' Deawn, in the 1970s, and a radio show.
 * Wingates Band - one of the best-known brass bands in the United Kingdom. Formed in 1873.

Freedom of the Parish
The following people and military units have received the Freedom of the Parish of Westhoughton.

Individuals

 * Peter L. Finch: 5 March 2019, Former Mayor of Westhoughton and Mayor of Bolton.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Westhoughton


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Casta

Casta is a term which means "lineage" in Spanish and Portuguese and has historically been used as a racial and social identifier. In the context of the Spanish Empire in the Americas, the term also refers to a now-discredited 20th-century theoretical framework which postulated that colonial society operated under a hierarchical race-based "caste system". From the outset, colonial Spanish America resulted in widespread intermarriage: unions of Spaniards (españoles), indigenous people (indios), and Africans (negros). Basic mixed-race categories that appeared in official colonial documentation were mestizo, generally offspring of a Spaniard and an Indigenous person; and mulatto, offspring of a Spaniard and an African. A plethora of terms were used for people with mixed Spanish, Indigenous, and African ancestry in 18th-century casta paintings, but they are not known to have been widely used officially or unofficially in the Spanish Empire.

Etymology
Casta is an Iberian word (existing in Spanish, Portuguese and other Iberian languages since the Middle Ages), meaning 'lineage'. It is documented in Spanish since 1417 and is linked to the Proto-Indo-European . The Portuguese casta gave rise to the English word caste during the early modern period.

Use of casta terminology
In the historical literature, how racial distinction, hierarchy, and social status functioned over time in colonial Spanish America has been an evolving and contested discussion. Although the term sistema de castas (system of castes) or sociedad de castas ("society of castes") are utilized in modern historical analyses to describe the social hierarchy based on race, with Spaniards at the apex, archival research shows that there is not a rigid "system" with fixed places for individuals. rather, a more fluid social structure where individuals could move from one category to another, or maintain or be given different labels depending on the context. In the 18th century, "casta paintings", imply a fixed racial hierarchy, but this genre may well have been an attempt to bring order into a system that was more fluid. "For colonial elites, casta paintings might well have been an attempt to fix in place rigid divisions based on race, even as they were disappearing in social reality."

Examination of registers in colonial Mexico put in question other narratives held by certain academics, such as Spanish immigrants who arrived to Mexico being almost exclusively men or that "pure Spanish" people were all part of a small powerful elite, as Spaniards were often the most numerous ethnic group in the colonial cities and there were menial workers and people in poverty who were of complete Spanish origin.

In New Spain (colonial Mexico) during the Mexican War of Independence, race and racial distinctions were an important issue and the end of imperial had a strong appeal. José María Morelos, who was registered as a Spaniard in his baptismal records, called for the abolition of the formal distinctions the imperial regime made between racial groups, advocating for "calling them one and all Americans." Morelos issued regulations in 1810 to prevent ethnic-based disturbances. "He who raises his voice should be immediately punished." In 1821 race was an issue in the negotiations resulting in the Plan of Iguala.

"Colonial Caste System" debate
The degree to which racial category labels had legal and social consequences has been subject to academic debate since the idea of a "caste system" was first developed by Polish-Venezuelan philologist Ángel Rosenblat and Mexican anthropologist Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán in the 1940s. Both authors popularized the notion that racial status was the key organizing principle of Spanish colonial rule, a theory which became commonplace in the anglosphere during the mid and late 20th century. However, recent academic studies in Latin America have widely challenged this notion, considering it a flawed and ideologically-based reinterpretation of the colonial period.

Pilar Gonzalbo, in her study La trampa de las castas (2013) discards the idea of the existence of a "caste system" or a "caste society" in New Spain, understood as a "social organization based on the race and supported by coercive power". She also affirms in her work that certain subliminal and derogatory messages in caste paintings were not a general phenomenon, and that they only began to be carried out in particular environments of the Criollo oligarchies after the Bourbon Reformism and the influx of ideas of scientific racism from the illustration within some encyclopedic environments of the colonial bourgeoisie.

Joanne Rappaport, in her book on colonial New Granada, The Disappearing Mestizo, rejects the caste system as an interpretative framework for that time, discussing both the legitimacy of a model valid for the entire colonial world and the usual association between "caste" and "race".

Similarly, Berta Ares' 2015 study on the Viceroyalty of Peru, notes that the term "casta" was barely used by colonial authorities which, according to her, casts doubt on the existence of a "caste system". Even by the 18th century, its use was rare and appeared in its plural form, "castas", characterized by its ambiguous meaning. The word did not specifically refer to sectors of the population who were of mixed race, but also included both Spaniards and indigenous people of lower socio-economic extraction, often used together with other terms such as plebe, vulgo, naciones, clases, calidades, otras gentes, etc.

Ben Vinson, in a study of the historical archives of Mexico carried out in 2018, addressing the issue of racial diversity in Mexico and its relationship with imperial Spain, ratified these conclusions.

Often called the sistema de castas or the sociedad de castas, there was, in fact, no fixed system of classification for individuals, as careful archival research has shown. There was considerable fluidity in society, with the same individuals being identified by different categories simultaneously or over time. Individuals self-identified by particular terms, often to shift their status from one category to another to their advantage. For example, both mestizos and Spaniards were exempt from tribute obligations, but were both equally subject to the Inquisition. Indios, on the other hand, paid tribute yet were exempt from the Inquisition. In certain cases, a mestizo might try to "pass" as an indio to escape the Inquisition. An indio might try to pass as a Mestizo to escape tribute obligations.

Casta paintings produced largely in 18th-century Mexico have influenced modern understandings of race in Spanish America, a concept which began infiltrating Bourbon Spain from France and Northern Europe during this time. They purport to show a fixed "system" of racial hierarchy which has been disputed by modern academia. These paintings should be evaluated as the production by elites in New Spain for an elite viewership in both Spanish territories and abroad portrayals of mixtures of Spaniards with other ethnicities, some of which have been interpreted as being pejorative in nature or seeking social outrage. They are thus useful for understanding elites and their attitudes toward non-elites, and quite valuable as illustrations of aspects of material culture in the late colonial era.

The process of mixing ancestries by the union of people of different races is known in the modern era as mestizaje (mestiçagem, ). In Spanish colonial law, mixed-race castas were classified as part of the república de españoles and not the república de indios, which set indigenous people outside the Hispanic sphere with different duties and rights to those of Spaniards and Mestizos.

The caste system for these revisionists would have been misconstrued as being analogous to the castes of India. Given that in viceregal Spanish America there was never a closed system based on birth rights, where the birth rate and, therefore, wealth, created a "caste system" difficult to penetrate; but, rather, the statute of Limpieza de sangre (a concept of religious root and not biological or racial) was given, in which the Indian and the mestizo, as a new Christian, had limitations on access to certain trades until assimilation full of his conversion to Catholicism; but that did not prevent his social ascent, and he would even receive protections that would benefit his social mobilization, protections that the old Christian of the Republica de españoles would not enjoy (such as being free from all the taxes of the whites, with the exception of the indigenous tribute, or be exempt from the Holy Inquisition). Then, those conceptions of a "caste society" or a "caste system" as characteristic of colonial society would be completely anachronistic formulations and could be part of the Spanish Black Legend. Given this, in works prior to those of Rosenblat and Beltrán, one would not find references to the notion that the Spanish empire was a society founded on racial segregation. Neither in Nicolás León, Gregorio Torres Quintero, Blanchard, nor in the Catalog of Herrera and Cicero (1895), nor in the article "Castas" of the Dictionary of History and Geography (1855), nor in Alexander von Humboldt's Political Essay on the Spanish-American territories that he visited on his scientific expeditions. Among other works that refer to the existence of castes and caste paintings, without implying connotations with modern racism, which would come to America after the French Enlightenment.

This would make these critics conclude that those colonial societies were rather of the class type, that although there was a relationship between class and race through castes, that was not in a cause relationship, but in a consequence relationship ( not being an end in itself the race, which was understood in the Hispanic tradition as something purely spiritual, not so much biological). The purpose of the castas was to register the identity of lineages to register them in the republic of Spaniards, the republic of Indians, with the services and privileges acquired, which would not disturb the economic potential of the individual of the caste, nor would they have the purpose of to formally segregate them from positions of power, but to hierarchize them in feudal society (not equivalent to the same thing, as long as they were not prevented from ascending to the nobility or being part of the commercial petty bourgeoisie). Then, the viceroyalty society would be a society of "quality", estate, corporate, patronage and trade union, where each social group was not conditioned by their race, and neither did this establish the labor relations of its inhabitants. In the parish registers there would never have been the tendency to classify in so many innumerable mixtures as seen in the caste charts, which would be an artistic phenomenon typical of the Age of Enlightenment.

Some examples of blacks, mulattoes and mestizos who climbed socially would be used as evidence against these misrepresentations, such as: Juan Latino, Juan Valiente, Juan Garrido, Juan García, Juan Bardales, Sebastián Toral, Antonio Pérez, Miguel Ruíz, Gómez de León, Fran Dearobe, José Manuel Valdés, Teresa Juliana de Santo Domingo. Names of indigenous chiefs and noble mestizos are also mentioned: Carlos Inca, Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, Manuela Taurichumbi Saba Cápac Inca, Alonso de Castilla Titu Atauchi Inga, Alonso de Areanas Florencia Inca, Gonzalo Tlaxhuexolotzin, Vicente Xicohténcatl, Bartolomé Zitlalpopoca, Lorenzo Nahxixcalzin, Doña Luisa Xicotencatl, Nicolás de San Luis Montañez, Fernando de Tapia, Isabel Moctezuma Tecuichpo Ixcaxochitzin, Pedro de Moctezuma. The Royal Decree of Philip II on 1559 is also often mentioned, in which it is prescribed that "the mestizos who come to these kingdoms to study, or for other things of their use (...) do not need another license to return." The document is important, because laws are not made for particular cases and it shows that the existence of multiple castes did not impede social mobilization within the Hispanic monarchy, the same mobilization that must have been significant to require the attention of a royal edict of the person of the Spanish king.

"Purity of blood" and the evolution of racial classification
Certain authors have sought to link the castas in Latin America to the older Spanish concept of "purity of blood", limpieza de sangre, originating under Moorish rule, developed in Christian Spain to denote those without recent Jewish or Muslim heritage or, more widely, heritage from individuals convicted by the Spanish inquisition for heresy.

It was directly linked to religion and notions of legitimacy, lineage and honor following Spain's reconquest of Moorish territory and the degree to which it can be considered a precursor to the modern concept of race has been the subject of academic debate. The Inquisition only allowed those Spaniards who could demonstrate not to have Jewish and Moorish blood to emigrate to Latin America, although this prohibition was frequently ignored and a number of Spanish Conquistadors were Jewish Conversos. Others, such as Juan Valiente, were Black Africans or had recent Moorish ancestry.

Both in Spain and in the New World Conversos who continued to practice Judaism in secret were aggressively prosecuted. Of the roughly 40 people executed by the Spanish Inquisition in Mexico, a significant number were convicted of being "Judaizers" (judaizantes). Spanish Conquistador Luis de Carvajal y de la Cueva was prosecuted by the Inquisition for secretly practising Judaism and eventually died in prison.

In Spanish America, the idea of purity of blood also applied to Black Africans and indigenous peoples since, as Spaniards of Moorish and Jewish descent, they had not been Christian for various generations and were inherently suspect of engaging in religious heresy. In all Spanish territories, including Spain itself, evidence of lack of purity of blood had consequences for eligibility for office, entrance into the priesthood, and emigration to Spain's overseas territories. Having to produce genealogical records to prove one's pure ancestry gave rise to a trade in the creation of false genealogies, a practice which was already widespread in Spain itself.

This was no impediment for intermarriage between Spaniards and indigenous people, just as it had not been between Old and New Christians or different racial groups coexisting in late medieval and early modern Spain. The result was generations of mixed-race children who were typically considered Spaniards, and many of whom returned to Spain to join the ranks of the nobility, a notable example being Juan Cano Moctezuma.

However, starting in the late 16th century, some investigations of ancestry classified as "stains" any connection with Black Africans ("negros", which resulted in "mulatos") and sometimes mixtures with indigenous that produced Mestizos. While some illustrations from the period show men of African descent dressed in fashionable clothing and as aristocrats in upper-class surroundings, the idea that any hint of black ancestry was a stain developed by the end of the colonial period, a time in which biological racism began to emerge throughout the western world. This trend was illustrated in 18th-century paintings of racial hierarchy, known as casta paintings which led to 20th-century emergence of theories on a "Caste System" existing in Colonial Spanish America.

The idea in New Spain that native or "Indian" (indio) blood in a lineage was an impurity may well have come about as the optimism of the early Franciscans faded about creating Indian priests trained at the Colegio de Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco, which ceased that function in the mid-16th century. In addition, the Indian nobility, which was recognized by the Spanish colonists, had declined in importance, and there were fewer formal marriages between Spaniards and indigenous women than during the early decades of the colonial era. In the 17th century in New Spain, the ideas of purity of blood became associated with "Spanishness and whiteness, but it came to work together with socio-economic categories", such that a lineage with someone engaged in work with their hands was tainted by that connection.

Indians in Central Mexico were affected by ideas of purity of blood from the other side. Crown decrees on purity of blood were affirmed by indigenous communities, which barred Indians from holding office who had any non-Indians (Spaniards and/or Black peoples) in their lineage. In indigenous communities "local caciques [rulers] and principales were granted a set of privileges and rights on the basis of their pre-Hispanic noble bloodlines and acceptance of the Catholic faith." Indigenous nobles submitted proofs (probanzas) of their purity of blood to affirm their rights and privileges that were extended to themselves and their communities. This supported the república de indios, a legal division of society that separated indigenous from non-Indians (república de españoles).

Casta classifications and legal consequences

In Spanish America racial categories were registered at local parishes upon baptism as required by the Spanish Crown. Initially in Spanish America there were three ethnic categories. They generally referred to the multiplicity of indigenous American peoples as "Indians" (indios). Those from Spain called themselves españoles. The third group were black Africans, called negros (lit. "blacks"), brought as slaves from the earliest days of Spanish Empire. Although intermarriage was widespread from the beginning of the colonial period, mestizos only slowly began to be recognized as a distinct ethnicity 150 years after the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire, prior to which they had simply been identified as Spaniards.

Although the number of Spanish women emigrating to New Spain was far higher than is often portrayed, they were fewer in number than men, as well as fewer black women than men, so the mixed-race offspring of Spaniards and of Black people were often the product of liaisons with indigenous women. The process of race mixture is now termed mestizaje, a term coined in the modern era.

In the 16th century, the term casta, a collective category for mixed-race individuals, came into existence as the numbers grew, particularly in urban areas. Nevertheless, during the first century and a half of the colonial era, the offspring of mixed marriages were registered as Spaniards and only Africans were registered as "Castas". The registry of "Mestizos" as "Castas" rather than "Spaniards" only become widespread in the last century of colonial rule.

The crown had divided the population of its overseas empire into two categories, separating Indians from non-Indians. Indigenous were the República de Indios, the other the República de Españoles, essentially the Hispanic sphere, so that Spaniards, Black people, and mixed-race castas were lumped into this category. Official censuses and ecclesiastical records noted an individual's racial category, so that these sources can be used to chart socio-economic standard, residence patterns, and other important data.

General racial groupings had their own set of privileges and restrictions, both legal and customary. So, for example, only Spaniards and indigenous people, who were deemed to be the original societies of the Spanish dominions, had recognized aristocracies. In the population at large, access to social privileges and even at times a person's perceived and accepted racial classification, were predominantly determined by that person's socioeconomic standing in society.

Official censuses and ecclesiastical records noted an individual's racial category, so that these sources can be used to chart socio-economic standards, residence patterns, and other important data. Parish registers, where baptism, marriage, and burial were recorded, had three basic categories: español (Spaniards), indio, and color quebrado ("broken color", indicating a mixed-race person). In some parishes in colonial Mexico, indios were recorded with other non-Spaniards in the color quebrado register. Españoles and mestizos could be ordained as priests and were exempt from payment of tribute to the crown. Free black people, indigenous people, and mixed-race castas were required to pay tribute and barred from the priesthood. Being designated as an español or mestizo conferred social and financial advantages. Black men began to apply to the Royal and Pontifical University of Mexico, but in 1688 Bishop Juan de Palafox y Mendoza attempted to prevent their entrance by drafting new regulations barring black peoples and mulattoes. In 1776, the crown issued the Royal Pragmatic on Marriage, taking approval of marriages away from the couple and placing it in their parents' hands. The marriage between Luisa de Abrego, a free black domestic servant from Seville and Miguel Rodríguez, a white Segovian conquistador in 1565 in St. Augustine (Spanish Florida), is the first known and recorded Christian marriage anywhere in the continental United States.

Long lists of different terms found in casta paintings do not appear in official documentation or anywhere outside these paintings. Only counts of Spaniards, mestizos, black peoples and mulattoes, and indigenes (indios), were recorded in censuses.

Casta paintings of the 18th century

Artwork created mainly in 18th-century Mexico purports to show race mixture as a hierarchy. These paintings have had tremendous influence in how scholars have approached difference in the colonial era, but should not be taken as definitive description of racial difference. For approximately a century, casta paintings were by elite artists for an elite viewership. They ceased to be produced following Mexico's independence in 1821 when casta designations were abolished. The vast majority of casta paintings were produced in Mexico, by a variety of artists, with a single group of canvases clearly identified for 18th-century Peru. In the colonial era, artists primarily created religious art and portraits, but in the 18th century, casta paintings emerged as a completely secular genre of art. An exception to that is the painting by Luis de Mena, a single canvas that has the central figure of the Virgin of Guadalupe and a set of casta groupings. Most sets of casta paintings have 16 separate canvases, but a few, such as Mena's, Ignacio María Barreda, and the anonymous painting in the Museo de Virreinato in Tepozotlan, Mexico, are frequently reproduced as examples of the genre, likely because their composition gives a single, tidy image of the racial classification (from the elite viewpoint).

It is unclear why casta paintings emerged as a genre, why they became such a popular genre of artwork, who commissioned them, and who collected them. One scholar suggests they can be seen as "proud renditions of the local," at a point when American-born Spaniards began forming a clearer identification with their place of birth rather than metropolitan Spain. The single-canvas casta artwork could well have been as a curiosity or souvenir for Spaniards to take home to Spain; two frequently reproduced casta paintings are Mena's and Barreda's, both of which are in Madrid museums. There is only one set of casta paintings definitively done in Peru, commissioned by Viceroy Manuel Amat y Junyent (1770), and sent to Spain for the Cabinet of Natural History of the Prince of Asturias.

The influence of the European Enlightenment on the Spanish empire led to an interest in organizing knowledge and scientific description might have resulted in the commission of many series of pictures that document the racial combinations that existed in Spanish territories in the Americas. Many sets of these paintings still exist (around one hundred complete sets in museums and private collections and many more individual paintings), of varying artistic quality, usually consisting of sixteen paintings representing as many racial combinations. It must be emphasized that these paintings reflected the views of the economically established Criollo society and officialdom, but not all Criollos were pleased with casta paintings. One remarked that they show "what harms us, not what benefits us, what dishonors us, not what ennobles us." Many paintings are in Spain in major museums, but many remain in private collections in Mexico, perhaps commissioned and kept because they show the character of late colonial Mexico and a source of pride.

Some of the finer sets were done by prominent Mexican artists, such as José de Alcíbar, Miguel Cabrera, José de Ibarra, José Joaquín Magón, (who painted two sets); Juan Patricio Morlete Ruiz, José de Páez, and Juan Rodríguez Juárez. One of Magón's sets includes descriptions of the "character and moral standing" of his subjects. These artists worked together in the painting guilds of New Spain. They were important transitional artists in 18th-century casta painting. At least one Spaniard, Francisco Clapera, also contributed to the casta genre. In general, little is known of most artists who did sign their work; most casta paintings are unsigned.

Certain authors have interpreted the overall theme of these paintings as representing the "supremacy of the Spaniards", the possibility that mixtures of Spaniards and Spanish-Indian offspring could return to the status of Spaniards through marriage to Spaniards over generations, what can be considered "restoration of racial purity," or "racial mending" was seen visually in many sets of casta paintings. It was also articulated by a visitor to Mexico, Don Pedro Alonso O'Crouley, in 1774. "If the mixed-blood is the offspring of a Spaniard and an Indian, the stigma [of race mixture] disappears at the third step in descent because it is held as systematic that a Spaniard and an Indian produce a mestizo; a mestizo and a Spaniard, a castizo; and a castizo and a Spaniard, a Spaniard. The admixture of Indian blood should not indeed be regarded as a blemish, since the provisions of law give the Indian all that he could wish for, and Philip II granted to mestizos the privilege of becoming priests. On this consideration is based the common estimation of descent from a union of Indian and European or creole Spaniard."

O'Crouley says that the same process of restoration of racial purity does not occur over generations for European-African offspring marrying whites. “From the union of a Spaniard and a Negro the mixed-blood retains the stigma for generations without losing the original quality of a mulato." Casta paintings show increasing whitening over generations with the mixes of Spaniards and Africans. The sequence is the offspring of a Spaniard + Negra, Mulatto; Spaniard with a Mulatta, Morisco; Spaniard with a Morisca, Albino (a racial category, derived from Alba, "white"); Spaniard with an Albina, Torna atrás, or "throw back" black. Negro, Mulatto, and Morisco were labels found in colonial-era documentation, but Albino and Torna atrás exist only as fairly standard categories in casta paintings.

In contrast, mixtures with Black people, both by Indians and Spaniards, led to a bewildering number of combinations, with "fanciful terms" to describe them. Instead of leading to a new racial type or equilibrium, they led to apparent disorder. Terms such as the above-mentioned tente en el aire ("floating in midair") and no te entiendo ("I don't understand you")—and others based on terms used for animals: coyote and lobo (wolf).

Castas defined themselves in different ways, and how they were recorded in official records was a process of negotiation between the casta and the person creating the document, whether it was a birth certificate, a marriage certificate or a court deposition. In real life, many casta individuals were assigned different racial categories in different documents, revealing the malleable nature of racial identity in colonial, Spanish American society.

Some paintings depicted the supposed "innate" character and quality of people because of their birth and ethnic origin. For example, according to one painting by José Joaquín Magón, a mestizo (mixed Indian + Spanish) was considered generally humble, tranquil, and straightforward; while another painting claims "from Lobo and Indian woman is born the Cambujo, one usually slow, lazy, and cumbersome." Ultimately, the casta paintings are reminders of the colonial biases in modern human history that linked a caste/ethnic society based on descent, skin color, social status, and one's birth.

Often, casta paintings depicted commodity items from Latin America like pulque, the fermented alcohol drink of the lower classes. Painters depicted interpretations of pulque that were attributed to specific castas.

The Indias in casta paintings depict them as partners to Spaniards, Black people, and castas, and thus part of Hispanic society. But in a number of casta paintings, they are also shown apart from "civilized society," such as Miguel Cabrera's Indios Gentiles, or indios bárbaros or Chichimecas barely clothed indigenous in a wild, setting. In the single-canvas casta painting by José María Barreda, there are a canonical 16 casta groupings and then in a separate cell below are "Mecos". Although the so-called "barbarian Indians" (indios bárbaros) were fierce warriors on horseback, indios in casta paintings are not shown as bellicose, but as weak, a trope that developed in the colonial era. A casta painting by Luis de Mena that is often reproduced as an example of the genre shows an unusual couple with a pale, well-dressed Spanish woman paired with a nearly naked indio, producing a Mestizo offspring. "The aberrant combination not only mocks social protocol but also seems to underscore the very artificiality of a casta system that pretends to circumscribe social fluidity and economic mobility." The image "would have seemed frankly bizarre and offensive by eighteenth-century Creole elites, if taken literally", but if the pair were considered allegorical figures, the Spanish woman represents "Europe" and the indio "America." The image "functions as an allegory for the 'civilizing' and Christianizing process."

Sample sets of casta paintings
Presented here are casta lists from three sets of paintings. Note that they only agree on the first five combinations, which are essentially the Indian-White ones. There is no agreement on the Black mixtures, however. Also, no one list should be taken as "authoritative". These terms would have varied from region to region and across time periods. The lists here probably reflect the names that the artist knew or preferred, the ones the patron requested to be painted, or a combination of both.

Race and race mixture

 * Burns, Kathryn. "Unfixing Race," in Rereading the Black Legend: The Discourses of Religious and Racial Difference in the Renaissance Empires, ed. Margaret Greer et al. Chicago: University of Chicago Press 2007.
 * Chance, John K. Race and class in Colonial Oaxaca, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1978.
 * Cope, R. Douglas. The Limits of Racial Domination: Plebeian Society in Colonial Mexico City, 1660-1720. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994. ISBN 978-0-299-14044-1
 * Fisher, Andrew B. and Matthew D. O'Hara, eds. Imperial Subjects: Race and Identity in Colonial Latin America. Durham: Duke University Press 2009.
 * Gonzalbo Aizpuru, Pilar, "La trampa de las castas," in Alberro, Solange y Gonzalbo Aizpuru, Pilar, La sociedad novohispana. Estereotipos y realidades, México, El Colegio de México, 2013, p. 15-193.
 * Hill, Ruth. "Casta as Culture and the Sociedad de Castas a Literature," in Interpreting Colonialism. ed. Byron Wells and Philip Stewart. New York: Oxford University Press 2004.
 * Jackson, Robert H. Race, Caste, and Status: Indians in Colonial Spanish America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1999.
 * Leibsohn, Dana, and Barbara E. Mundy, "Reckoning with Mestizaje," Vistas: Visual Culture in Spanish America, 1520-1820 (2015). http://www.fordham.edu/vistas.
 * MacLachlan, Colin M. and Jaime E. Rodríguez O. The Forging of the Cosmic Race: A Reinterpretation of Colonial Mexico, expanded edition. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990. ISBN 0-520-04280-8
 * Martínez, María Elena, Genealogical Fictions: Limpieza de Sangre, Religion, and Gender in Colonial Mexico, Stanford: Stanford University Press 2008,
 * Mörner, Magnus. Race Mixture in the History of Latin America. Boston: Little Brown, 1967.
 * O'Crouley, Pedro Alonso. A Description of the Kingdom of New Spain. Translated and edited by Sean Galvin. John Howell Books 1972.
 * O'Toole, Rachel Sarah. Bound Lives: Africans, Indians, and the Making of Race in Colonial Peru. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press 2012. ISBN 978-0-8229-6193-2
 * Pitt-Rivers, Julian, "Sobre la palabra casta", América Indígena, 36-3, 1976, pp. 559–586.
 * Ramos-Kittrell, Jesús. Playing in the Cathedral: Music, Race, and Status in New Spain. New York: Oxford University Press 2016.
 * Rappaport, Joanne. The Disappearing Mestizo: Configuring Difference in the Colonial Kingdom of New Granada. Durham: Duke University Press 2014.
 * Rosenblat, Angel. El mestizaje y las castas coloniales: La población indígena y el mestizaje en América. buenos Aires, Editorial Nova 1954.
 * Seed, Patricia. To Love, Honor, and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts Over Marriage Choice, 1574-1821. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988. ISBN 978-0-8047-1457-0
 * Twinam, Ann. Purchasing Whiteness: Pardos, Mulatos, and the Quest for Social Mobility in the Spanish Indies. Stanford: Stanford University Press 2015.
 * Vinson, Ben III. Before Mestizaje: The Frontiers of Race and Caste in Colonial Mexico. New York: Cambridge University Press 2018 ISBN 978-1-107-67081-5
 * Pitt-Rivers, Julian, "Sobre la palabra casta", América Indígena, 36-3, 1976, pp. 559–586.
 * Ramos-Kittrell, Jesús. Playing in the Cathedral: Music, Race, and Status in New Spain. New York: Oxford University Press 2016.
 * Rappaport, Joanne. The Disappearing Mestizo: Configuring Difference in the Colonial Kingdom of New Granada. Durham: Duke University Press 2014.
 * Rosenblat, Angel. El mestizaje y las castas coloniales: La población indígena y el mestizaje en América. buenos Aires, Editorial Nova 1954.
 * Seed, Patricia. To Love, Honor, and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts Over Marriage Choice, 1574-1821. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988. ISBN 978-0-8047-1457-0
 * Twinam, Ann. Purchasing Whiteness: Pardos, Mulatos, and the Quest for Social Mobility in the Spanish Indies. Stanford: Stanford University Press 2015.
 * Vinson, Ben III. Before Mestizaje: The Frontiers of Race and Caste in Colonial Mexico. New York: Cambridge University Press 2018 ISBN 978-1-107-67081-5
 * Vinson, Ben III. Before Mestizaje: The Frontiers of Race and Caste in Colonial Mexico. New York: Cambridge University Press 2018 ISBN 978-1-107-67081-5
 * Vinson, Ben III. Before Mestizaje: The Frontiers of Race and Caste in Colonial Mexico. New York: Cambridge University Press 2018 ISBN 978-1-107-67081-5

Casta painting

 * Carrera, Magali M. Imagining Identity in New Spain: Race, Lineage, and the Colonial Body in Portraiture and Casta Paintings. Austin, University of Texas Press, 2003. ISBN 978-0-292-71245-4
 * Estrada de Gerlero, Elena Isabel. "Representations of 'Heathen Indians' in Mexican Casta Painting," in New World Orders, Ilona Katzew, ed. New York: Americas Society Art Gallery 1996.
 * García Sáiz, María Concepción. Las castas mexicanas: Un género pictórico americano. Milan: Olivetti 1989.
 * García Sáiz, María Concepción, "The Artistic Development of Casta Painting," in New World Orders, Ilona Katzew, ed. New York: Americas Society Art Gallery, 1996.
 * Katzew, Ilona. "Casta Painting: Identity and Social Stratification in Colonial Mexico," New York University, 1996.
 * Katzew, Ilona, ed. New World Orders: Casta Painting and Colonial Latin America. New York: Americas Society Art Gallery 1996.
 * Katzew, Ilona. Casta Painting: Images of Race in Eighteenth-Century Mexico. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004. ISBN 978-0-300-10971-9
 * García Sáiz, María Concepción, "The Artistic Development of Casta Painting," in New World Orders, Ilona Katzew, ed. New York: Americas Society Art Gallery, 1996.
 * Katzew, Ilona. "Casta Painting: Identity and Social Stratification in Colonial Mexico," New York University, 1996.
 * Katzew, Ilona, ed. New World Orders: Casta Painting and Colonial Latin America. New York: Americas Society Art Gallery 1996.
 * Katzew, Ilona. Casta Painting: Images of Race in Eighteenth-Century Mexico. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004. ISBN 978-0-300-10971-9

title: Casta


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User:Abstraktn

I'm an Australian who likes to make the odd contribution to Wikipedia.

Some articles that I have started:

Acrosin, Capacitation, Mairtín Crawford, Electroejaculation, Hyaluronidase, Hyperactivation, Lipid peroxidation, Muswellbrook, Murrurundi, Nonylphenol, Promoe, Spermatid, Thaddeus Mann, Transition nuclear protein, Thermus thermophilus, Wonnarua, Zona pellucida, Ectoplasmic specialisation, Zanda (given name), Zigrida Ansamblis

title: User:Abstraktn


text:
Taieri Plain

The Taieri Plain (also referred to in the plural as the Taieri Plains) is an area of fertile agricultural land to the southwest of Dunedin, in Otago, New Zealand. The plain covers an area of some 300 square kilometres, with a maximum extent of 30 kilometres. It is not to be confused with Strath Taieri, a second plain of the Taieri River, 40kms to the north beyond Mount Ross.

The floodplain of the Taieri and Waipori Rivers, the plain is enclosed to the west by Maungatua and the Silverpeaks Range, and to the south and east by a low range of coastal hills.

Dairy and sheep farming dominate the agriculture of the plain, although deer farming is starting to have an economic impact. The alluvial nature of the land means that floods are not uncommon, especially in the area around the confluence of the two rivers. Stopbanks protect farmland, houses and Dunedin International Airport at Momona. State Highway 1 crosses parts of the plain along some of the stopbanks, with the result that this stretch of road is known locally as The "Floodfree" Highway.

New Zealand's lowest point, at 2m below sea level, is slightly north of the airport on Kirk's Drain Road, Momona.

To the northeast, the city of Dunedin is separated from the Taieri Plain by a range of rugged hills which are part of the crater of an extinct volcano. At the northeastern limit of the plain lies the town of Mosgiel, officially part of the city of Dunedin. Other settlements and towns on the plain include Outram, Henley, Allanton, and Momona.

To the southwest, a short stretch of rolling hill country separates the Taieri Plain from South Otago's other main lowland areas around the Tokomairaro River and Clutha River. The twin lakes of Waihola and Waipori sit within these hills, as does the Sinclair Wetlands Reserve.

title: Taieri Plain


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Wikipedia:WikiProject School Years

Some Wikipedians have formed a project to better organize information in articles related to School years. This page and its subpages contain their suggestions; it is hoped that this project will help to focus the efforts of other Wikipedians. If you would like to help, please inquire on the talk page and see the to-do list there.

Science Fair Projects

Scope
Scope undefined

History
After the submission of Fifth grade to VFD resulted in the article being kept, it was dramatically alone in the world of school years. Very rapidly after this vote was finalized, modest stubs began to appear for all other school grades (that did not yet have articles). A navigational template, category, and slew of appropriate redirects for each page was rapidly developed to help flesh this out.

This WikiProject is an attempt to develop standards for:
 * these school year articles
 * infoboxes and other templates
 * redirect conventions

Parentage
No parent of this WikiProject has been defined. It would be in the Education wikiproject section.

Descendant WikiProjects
No descendant WikiProjects have been defined.

Similar WikiProjects

 * WikiProject Schools
 * WikiProject Education

Participants

 * KeithTyler
 * CanadaGirl 06:24, 5 September 2005 (UTC) I will remove the inactive notice when I start working on articles.  This should happen in a few days.

Structure
The structure for these articles should attempt to address:
 * General characteristics of students in the given year (e.g. age)
 * Category of education level of the year (e.g. secondary education)
 * General subject matter (at a high topical level) covered in the year (e.g. addition of fractions, national history, anatomy of mammals)

In addition, the articles should determine a way to present this information for any cultures within which the school year by the name of the article is used, in a way that indicates the distinctions but is still as completely informative for each as possible.

The latter topic (general subject matter) could be categorized among:
 * Mathematics - math, algebra, calculus, trig, etc.
 * Language (primary) - spelling, penmanship, vocabulary, phonics, grammar, and also literature and writing
 * Social studies - world history, local history, political geography, law, etc.
 * Physical sciences - geology, chemistry, physics, etc.
 * Life sciences - biology, ecology, anatomy, etc.

See Fifth grade for an example of this categorization scheme.

Hierarchy definition
No classification of this project has been defined.

Goals

 * Develop a form for these articles that fulfills the requirements in the Structure section above.
 * Develop navigation templates and infobox for this type of article.

General strategy and discussion forums

 * /General
 * /Strategy

Infoboxes
There is a developing navigational template in use at articles such as Fifth grade. The current navbox in use follows the North American educational system's matriculation process, but currently does not indicate this limitation. There is no template page for this navbox, here is an example:

Another draft of this box is at User:KeithTyler/U.S. School Grades:

Categories
There is a category created for school years:
 * Category:Educational years

title: Wikipedia:WikiProject School Years


text:
Conimbricenses

The Conimbricenses are an important collection of Jesuit commentaries on Aristotle compiled at University of Coimbra in Coimbra, Portugal.

Commentaries
The Coimbra Commentaries, also known as the Conimbricenses or Cursus Conimbricenses, are a group of 11 books on Aristotle (only eight can be called commentaries). They were produced as part of King John III of Portugal's efforts to make the University of Coimbra rival the University of Paris. The names of 200 Jesuits, including those of professors and students, appeared repeatedly on the college registries. From the late 16th to the early 17th centuries, the university produced voluminous commentaries on Aristotle's philosophical writings. The commentaries were, in fact, dictated to the students by the professors and so were not intended for publication. After they were published anyway, to interpret and disown incorrect and unauthorized editions, Claudio Acquaviva, the General of the Society of Jesus, assigned Pedro da Fonseca, the provincial of the Portuguese province, the task of supervising the revision of the commentaries for authorized publication. Fonseca was called "the Aristotle of Portugal" by Charles George Herbermann in his Catholic Encyclopedia.

Contents
The treatises appeared in the following order:

 * 1) Commentarii, Collegii, Conimbricenses, Societatis, Jesu in octo, libros Physicorum, Aristotelis, Stagyritæ, (Coimbra, 1591, reprint Hildesheim, Georg Olms, 1984);
 * 2) Commentarii, Collegii, Conimbricenses, Societatis, Jesu in quattuor, libros, Physicorum, Aristotelis de Cœlo (Coimbra, 1592);
 * 3) Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis Societatis Jesu in libros Meteororum Aristotelis Stagyritæ (Coimbra, 1592);
 * 4) Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis Societatis Jesu in libros Aristotelis qui Parva naturalia appelantur (Coimbra, 1592);
 * 5) Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis Societatis Jesu in libros Ethicorum Aristotelis ad Nichomachum aliquot Cursus Conimbricensis disputationes in quibus præcipua quaedam Ethicæ disciplinæ capita continentur (Coimbra, 1595);
 * 6) Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis Societatis Jesu in duos libros Aristotelis De generatione et corruptione (Coimbra, 1595, reprint Hildesheim, Georg Olms, 2003);
 * 7) Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis Societatis Jesu in tres libros Aristotelis De Anima (Coimbra, 1592 reprint Hildesheim, Georg Olms, 2006). This treatise was published after the death of Father Manuel de Góis (whom Father Fonseca had commissioned to publish the earlier volumes) by Father Comas Maggalliano (Magalhães). He added a treatise of Father Balthazaar Alvarez De Anima Separata and his own work Tractatio aliquot problematum ad quinque Sensus Spectantium;
 * 8) Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis Societatis Jesu In universam dialecticam nunc primum (ed. Venice, 1606, reprint Hildesheim, Georg Olms, 1976) The works commented are In Isagogem Porphyry, In libros Categoriarium Aristotelis, In libros Aristotelis de Interpretatione, In libros Aristotelis Stagiritae de Priori Resolutione, In primum librum Posteriorum Aristotelis, In librum primum Topicorum Aristotelis and In duos libros Elenchorum Aristotelis.

A foreword prefixed the last treatise and disowned any connection with the work published at Frankfurt in 1604 and claiming to be the "Commentarii Conimbricenses". It reads in part, "Before we could finish the task entrusted to us of editing our Logic, to which we were bound by many promises, certain German publishers fraudulently brought out a work professing to be from us, abounding in errors and inaccuracies which were really their own. They also substituted for our commentaries certain glosses gotten furtively. It is true these writings thirty years previously were the work of one of our professors not indeed intended for publication. They were the fruit of his zeal and he never dreamed they would appear in print".

The last treatise was prepared for printing by Father Sebastian Couto. The eight parts formed five quarto volumes in wide circulation and appeared in many editions. The best known were those of Lyon, Lisbon and Cologne. The Commentaries are in Latin and are supplemented by reliable explanations of the text and an exhaustive discussion of the Aristotelian system.

In the Introduction to his translation work, John Doyle writes that three methods were utilized in the Conimbricenses. The first, summary, reflects the work of Avicenna. The second method, explanation, reflects the work of Averroes. The third method, exposition by way of question, reflects the work of Duns Scotus. The Conimbricenses relied heavily on exposition by way of question while still employing summary and explanation.

Influence
According the John Deely, Poinsot and Peirce owe their attention to "Thirdness" to the influence of the Conimbricenses.

In the Introduction to the English translation of ''The Conimbricenses. Some Questions on Signs'', Doyle writes that These commentaries had broad influence throughout the seventeenth century in Europe, North and South America, Africa, India, and the Far East, including both Japan and China.

Doyle goes on to write that Descartes, Leibniz, and possibly Spinoza were influenced by the Conimbricenses.

Translation

 * The Conimbricenses. Some Questions on Signs, Milwaukee: Marquette University Press 2001. (Translation with an introduction and notes by John P. Doyle of the commentary to the first chapter of Aristotle's De Interpretatione; "Foreword" 'A New Determination of the Middle Ages' by John Deely.)

title: Conimbricenses


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Wikipedia talk:WikiProject School Years

Diverse curricular expectations
Within the U.S., the curricular expectations for each grade is set by the state. They may or may not converge at all! Is it believable to think that we could settle on a consensual assessment of curricular topics for each grade?

There is also the educational requirements defined by the DOD for their APO and FPO schools on military bases. A link to the specifications for these schools can be found at http://www.odedodea.edu/curriculum/.

Of course, I would not suggest that this specification necessarily resembles the requirements of the states. In fact I would expect that they are somewhat accelerated in comparison to municipal public education -- especially in foreign bases where the children are taught about the host country in addition to America.

- KeithTyler 21:54, Oct 29, 2004 (UTC)

Naming in other nations
Does it really make sense to include the school years of systems that do not actually use the terms "Grade 5" or "Fifth grade" in their system?

Fifth grade includes sections on the UK's fifth school year, which is called "Year 5", not "Grade 5". Likewise it includes a mention of Scotland's "Primary 5" and "Fifth year", which also do not appear to ever be mentioned as "Grade 5" or "Fifth grade".

I would think that those topics would go into articles called Year 5 and Primary 5 etc.

- KeithTyler 21:58, Oct 29, 2004 (UTC)

Still active?
I've moved WikiProject School Years to the Inactive section of the WikiProject page, as it hasn't been edited since Nov 1st; I wanted to let you all know, and ask if you're still working on it. If so, feel free to move it back up into the active section. JesseW 07:29, 3 Dec 2004 (UTC)

I was hoping for more interest after the VfD for Fifth Grade; but I've been the only person working on this project. I don't really care if it's marked as "inactive" as long as it's not deleted. - [[User:KeithTyler|Keith D. Tyler  [ flame ]  ]] 02:00, Dec 6, 2004 (UTC)

Project directory
Hello. The WikiProject Council has recently updated the WikiProject Council/Directory. This new directory includes a variety of categories and subcategories which will, with luck, potentially draw new members to the projects who are interested in those specific subjects. Please review the directory and make any changes to the entries for your project that you see fit. There is also a directory of portals, at User:B2T2/Portal, listing all the existing portals. Feel free to add any of them to the portals or comments section of your entries in the directory. The three columns regarding assessment, peer review, and collaboration are included in the directory for both the use of the projects themselves and for that of others. Having such departments will allow a project to more quickly and easily identify its most important articles and its articles in greatest need of improvement. If you have not already done so, please consider whether your project would benefit from having departments which deal in these matters. It is my hope that all the changes to the directory can be finished by the first of next month. Please feel free to make any changes you see fit to the entries for your project before then. If you should have any questions regarding this matter, please do not hesitate to contact me. Thank you. B2T2 21:23, 25 October 2006 (UTC)

Wikipedia Day Awards
Hello, all. It was initially my hope to try to have this done as part of Esperanza's proposal for an appreciation week to end on Wikipedia Day, January 15. However, several people have once again proposed the entirety of Esperanza for deletion, so that might not work. It was the intention of the Appreciation Week proposal to set aside a given time when the various individuals who have made significant, valuable contributions to the encyclopedia would be recognized and honored. I believe that, with some effort, this could still be done. My proposal is to, with luck, try to organize the various WikiProjects and other entities of wikipedia to take part in a larger celebrartion of its contributors to take place in January, probably beginning January 15, 2007. I have created yet another new subpage for myself (a weakness of mine, I'm afraid) at User talk:Badbilltucker/Appreciation Week where I would greatly appreciate any indications from the members of this project as to whether and how they might be willing and/or able to assist in recognizing the contributions of our editors. Thank you for your attention. Badbilltucker 23:00, 29 December 2006 (UTC)

Deletion and school projects
I see I posted this at the wrong wikiproject Deletion of teacher assigned projects Kopachuk Middle School...there has been a reply to whit that the student in order to meet his teacher's pre-requisite had to use user space rather than article space. Why invite teachers and students to learn and write articles on wikipedia if they are deleted? It seems moot. SriMesh | talk  16:51, 19 October 2008 (UTC)
 * Here is another school project where the teacher has asked the kids to write about local Edmonton bands which got speedy deleted, and the kids are giving up and asking why bother with the teacher's assignment if they won't stay on wikipedia. band article deletion   The articles created at this Unannoucned class project for the most part survived AFD, and they received help from various wikipedians about manual of style to help them through the AFD nominations. SriMesh |  talk  23:05, 19 October 2008 (UTC)

Wikiproject membership - Admins - coordinators
Can this Wikipedia talk:School and university projects talk page project page have membership and admins -perhaps through wikiproject Education  or its child projects, WikiProject Education in Australia, WikiProject Education in Canada, WikiProject Universities, WikiProject Schools, WikiProject School Years, WikiProject Alternative education, WikiProject Homeschooling... to help find articles which come onto wikipedia as is commented upon in the deletion section above and get deleted before it is discovered they are part of a class project, so that the teacher/students can be contacted about templates etc. This message also posted at the other wikiprojects as well. Kind Regards SriMesh |  talk  23:20, 19 October 2008 (UTC)
 * Found it ....Wikiproject Classroom coordination with coordinators, and instructions for students with contacts. Tis already made.  SriMesh |  talk  23:44, 19 October 2008 (UTC)

Leaflet for Wikiproject School Years at Wikimania 2014
Hi all,

My name is Adi Khajuria and I am helping out with Wikimania 2014 in London.

One of our initiatives is to create leaflets to increase the discoverability of various wikimedia projects, and showcase the breadth of activity within wikimedia. Any kind of project can have a physical paper leaflet designed - for free - as a tool to help recruit new contributors. These leaflets will be printed at Wikimania 2014, and the designs can be re-used in the future at other events and locations.

This is particularly aimed at highlighting less discoverable but successful projects, e.g:

• Active Wikiprojects: Wikiproject Medicine, WikiProject Video Games, Wikiproject Film

• Tech projects/Tools, which may be looking for either users or developers.

• Less known major projects: Wikinews, Wikidata, Wikivoyage, etc.

• Wiki Loves Parliaments, Wiki Loves Monuments, Wiki Loves ____

• Wikimedia thematic organisations, Wikiwomen’s Collaborative, The Signpost The deadline for submissions is 1st July 2014 For more information or to sign up for one for your project, go to: Project leaflets Adikhajuria (talk) 13:26, 27 June 2014 (UTC)

Comment on the WikiProject X proposal
Hello there! As you may already know, most WikiProjects here on Wikipedia struggle to stay active after they've been founded. I believe there is a lot of potential for WikiProjects to facilitate collaboration across subject areas, so I have submitted a grant proposal with the Wikimedia Foundation for the "WikiProject X" project. WikiProject X will study what makes WikiProjects succeed in retaining editors and then design a prototype WikiProject system that will recruit contributors to WikiProjects and help them run effectively. Please review the proposal here and leave feedback. If you have any questions, you can ask on the proposal page or leave a message on my talk page. Thank you for your time! (Also, sorry about the posting mistake earlier. If someone already moved my message to the talk page, feel free to remove this posting.) Harej (talk) 22:48, 1 October 2014 (UTC)

Expert attention
This is a notice about Category:School Years articles needing expert attention, which might be of interest to your WikiProject. It will take a while before the category is populated. Iceblock (talk) 19:26, 9 December 2014 (UTC)

WikiProject X is live!

Hello everyone!

You may have received a message from me earlier asking you to comment on my WikiProject X proposal. The good news is that WikiProject X is now live! In our first phase, we are focusing on research. At this time, we are looking for people to share their experiences with WikiProjects: good, bad, or neutral. We are also looking for WikiProjects that may be interested in trying out new tools and layouts that will make participating easier and projects easier to maintain. If you or your WikiProject are interested, check us out! Note that this is an opt-in program; no WikiProject will be required to change anything against its wishes. Please let me know if you have any questions. Thank you!

Note: To receive additional notifications about WikiProject X on this talk page, please add this page to WikiProject X/Newsletter. Otherwise, this will be the last notification sent about WikiProject X.

Harej (talk) 16:56, 14 January 2015 (UTC)

title: Wikipedia talk:WikiProject School Years


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Skookum

Skookum is a Chinook Jargon word that has historical use in the Pacific Northwest. It has a range of meanings, commonly associated with an English translation of strong or monstrous. The word can mean strong, greatest, powerful, ultimate, or brave. Something can be skookum, meaning "strong" or "monstrously significant". When used in reference to another person, e.g. "he's skookum", it conveys connotations of reliability or a monstrous nature, as well as strength, size or a hard-working nature.

Derivative words
Skookum house means 'jail' or 'prison' (cf. the English euphemism the big house, but here meaning 'strong house'). Skookum tumtum, lit. "strong heart", is generally translated as 'brave' or possibly 'good-hearted'. In the Chinook language, skookum is a verb auxiliary, used similarly to can or to be able. Another compound, though fallen out of use in modern British Columbia English, is skookum lacasset or 'strongbox'.

Skookumchuck means 'turbulent water' or 'rapids in a stream or river', literally 'strong water' (chuck is Chinook Jargon for 'water', 'stream' or 'lake'). It is a common placename in British Columbia, Washington and Idaho. The term is used for tidal-exchange rapids at the mouths of inlets and bays, a regular feature of the Inside Passage, especially Skookumchuck Narrows.

Monsters
A skookum is a variety of mountain giant or monster similar to the Sasquatch or Bigfoot. In the surviving Chinuk-Wawa spoken in Grand Ronde, Oregon, this variant is pronounced differently—skoo-KOOM—but when used in English with this meaning, it is pronounced the same way as the "big and strong" meaning.

Skookums were bad spirits or devils of which crows, eagles, owls, blue jays, various beasts and reptiles could be representations. They could inhabit people and cause serious illness.

Dolls
A derivative usage of the skookum-as-monster context was the application of the name to a souvenir Skookum doll, sometimes simply called "a skookum". Mary McAboy first started making Skookum dolls in 1913 and received a patent for them in 1914. They were popular from the early 1920s until the 1960s. They were factory-made dolls that resembled Native American people and were sold to tourists at trading posts in the western United States.

Early dolls heads were made of dried apples with the bodies made of wood and stuffed with either leaves, straw, twigs or grass stuffed in a muslin sack. Later the dolls were composition dolls and had mohair wigs. Later dolls were made of plastic and had plastic brown shoes. They have "Indian style" blankets as part of their attire. Some had jewelry such as beaded necklaces or earrings. Some dolls have feathered headdresses. The sizes of the dolls ranged from babies inside of cradle boards to large, human size store display dolls. The rule of thumb is the larger the doll, the more valuable/rare they are. The most common sizes range from about seven inches to about 12 inches tall. Skookums were widely imitated. Minnetonka, Milbros or Minnehaha dolls are similar, but not the same. Most Skookum dolls were made so they look to the right. Skookums do not have arms: they are wrapped with blankets and have the suggestion of arms. Skookums never have gray hair, as in "elders". Skookums should have the words "Skookum" either stamped on their brown plastic shoes or a tag with "Skookum" on their foot in the case of the older versions.

Other uses
Skookum, either alone or in the combination skookumchuck, occurs in dozens of placenames throughout the Pacific Northwest region and beyond. A short form used with personal names, "Skook", is found on the map of British Columbia at Mount Skook Davidson near the confluence of the Kechika and Gataga Rivers in northern British Columbia and Mount Skook Jim, near the head of the Stein River in the northern Lillooet Ranges between Pemberton and Lytton. Local lore in any area of British Columbia may have a Skookum Charlie or a Skookum Brown; the most famous of such nicknames was that of Skookum Jim, one of the co-discoverers of the Klondike goldfields in the Yukon. It is also the name given to a 1909 Baldwin 2-4-4-2 Mallet type logging locomotive.

title: Skookum


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Skookumchuck, British Columbia

Skookumchuck is in the East Kootenay region of southeastern British Columbia. This locality straddles both shores of the Kootenay River north of the mouth of the Lussier River. The crossing, on the merged section of highways 93 and 95, is by road about 54 km north of Cranbrook and 193 km southeast of Golden.

Name origin
The name derives from Skookumchuck Creek, which an 1880s account describes the idea as "stream of the rapid torrent". Gold prospectors built cabins on the creek, which is about 2 km west of the present Skookumchuck bridge across the Kootenay River. Prior to erecting this link in the 1920s, the community on the east end was called Springbrook and the general area on the west side was called Skookumchuck. Subsequently, the merged communities adopted the more dominant Skookumchuck identity.

Transportation
Since the 1890s, the basic elements have been similar to Wasa road and river and Wasa rail.

Community
Although mining and logging had attracted settlers, the commencement of rail service in 1915 prompted further growth. John W. Blake was the inaugural postmaster 1915–1921. By 1918, he ran a general store near the station, but the few surrounding houses were soon deserted after the occupants moved farther north or west.

Around 1940, the Springbrook log cabins and a log grocery store were erected. A two-storey motel was added in the mid-1960s, and the log store burned to the ground in the mid-1970s. The rebuild was across the highway. In 1967, the telephone exchange opened.

In 1968, the establishment of the Skookumchuck Pulp Mill near the creek brought new subdivisions at Skookumchuck and new residents to the general area. Mill upgrades totalled $17 million in 1975, $22 million in 1985, and $279 million in 1993. A $50 million woodwaste cogeneration plant opened in 2001. In 2013, Paper Excellence Canada Holdings bought the mill from Tembecs for $89 million. In 2021, the mill was fined over $100,000 for exceeding permitted limits in treated wastewater discharges and air emissions.

The community infrastructure includes a convenience store/gas bar, and a motel/RV park/campground.

Education
Historically, Skookumchuck covered a general area radiating about 2 mi from the train station. Larchwood school was regarded as being in Skookumchuck. However, the school's specific positioning was about 1.2 km east of Larchwood Lake. In 1921, classes began for mill workers' children. Over the years, a series of schoolhouses and residences housed the students. By 1938, the school was farther south near the Skookumchuck train station. Enrolments included children from Torrent. The final school year was 1943/44.

In 1906, Sam Cadieux settled on Sheep Creek (Lussier River) about 3 km north of Premier Lake (9 km northeast of present Skookumchuck). The location was a stage stopping place. The school, which existed 1932–1952, was immediately northwest of Premier Lake. In 1949, a new building was erected. During this era, a school bus ran from Springbrook. In 1952, the new portable building of Springbrook Elementary, replaced the log-cabin school at remote Sheep Creek. Springbrook closed in 1957.

title: Skookumchuck, British Columbia