text:
Talk:Carlos Martínez (actor)

Untitled
For an October 2004 deletion debate over this page see Votes for deletion/Carlos Martínez

Hello, I was the one who published that article about Carlos Martínez, with the permission of the management of C.M. and the author of the biography. If you have any questions, please contact me: FabJF. The webmaster of the mentioned link was not the one who created this article about Carlos Martínez!!! Kind regards, Jenny F. (FabJF)

 * Ok, I've reverted the copyvio. And listed the page in the "Poster claims to be the author or to have permission" list on Copyright problems. Sander123 11:27, 14 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Concerning: If there was permission to use this material under terms of our license or if you are the copyright holder of the externally linked text, then please indicate so on this page's talk page.

 * We don't ever seem to have resolved the potential copyright violation from as far as I can tell. Have we ever gotten permission to use it under GFDL? A listing has been sitting on Copyright problems in the "Poster claims to be the author or to have permission" section since October. -- Infrogmation 21:30, 26 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Re-write
page has been re-written to resolve copyright questions. --Duk 20:31, 14 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * Hi Duk, sorry for responding to you so late. I haven't been on wikipedia so often the past months. Anyway, I had this page tagged as an copyvio originally. As a result I had a discussion with his agent. The text used for the basis of the page is also used in other publications. This is probably what you have found on the internet. We received permission to use it under the gfdl. Sander123 15:31, 25 Apr 2005 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Carlos Martínez (actor)


text:
Talk:Protistor

from VfD:

 * I wrote a new article semiconductor_fuse, which covers the „Protistor“ article. Besides „Protistor“ is a trademark, not a general denomination like „semiconductor fuse“. Peter Kämmerling 09:34, 13 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Redirect. —Rory ☺ 15:19, Oct 13, 2004 (UTC)

end moved discussion

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Protistor


text:
Franco-Spanish War

Franco-Spanish War may refer to any war between France and Spain, including:

title: Franco-Spanish War


text: Category:Croatian painters

title: Category:Croatian painters


text:
Yosef Hayyim

Yosef Hayim (1 September 1835 – 30 August 1909) (Iraqi Hebrew: Yoseph Ḥayyim; יוסף חיים מבגדאד) was a leading Baghdadi hakham (Sephardi rabbi), authority on halakha (Jewish law), and Master Kabbalist. He is best known as author of the work on halakha Ben Ish Ḥai ("Son of Man (who) Lives"), a collection of the laws of everyday life interspersed with mystical insights and customs, addressed to the masses and arranged by the weekly Torah portion.

Biography
Hayim initially studied in his father's library, and, at the age of 10, he left the beth midrash and began to study with his uncle, David Hai Ben Meir, who later founded the Shoshanim LeDavid yeshiva in Jerusalem. In 1851, he married Rachel, the niece of Abdallah Somekh, his prime mentor, with whom he had a daughter and two sons.

When Hayim was only twenty-five years old, his father died. Despite his youth, the Jews of Baghdad accepted him to fill his father's place as the leading rabbinic scholar of Baghdad, though he never filled the official position of ''Hakham Bashi. ''The Sephardic Porat Yosef Yeshiva in Jerusalem was founded on his advice by Joseph Shalom, of Calcutta, India—one of Hayim's patrons.

Hayim clashed with the reformist Bavarian Jewish scholar Jacob Obermeyer, who lived in Baghdad from 1869 to 1880, and Hayyim excommunicated him. Part of the contention was due to Obermeyer and Hayim's conflicting views on promotion of the Zohar.

Works
The Ben Ish Hai (בן איש חי) is a standard reference in some Sephardi homes (functioning as "a Sephardi Kitzur Shulchan Aruch") and is widely studied in Sephardi yeshivot. Due to the popularity of this book, Hakham Yosef Hayim came to be known as Ben Ish Hai. The book is a collection of homilies he gave over two years discussing the weekly parsha or Torah portion. Each chapter begins with a mystical discussion, usually explaining how a Kabbalistic interpretation of a certain verse relates to particular halakha, and then continuing to expound on that halakha with definitive rulings.

Hakham Yosef Hayim authored over thirty other works, and there are many published Iraqi rite siddurim (prayer books) based on his rulings, which are widely used by Sephardi Jews. Amongst the best known of his works are:

 * Me-Kabtziel (Miqqabṣiʾel): an esoteric exposition of Jewish law providing a more detailed explanation of the reasoning underlying certain decisions. It has been speculated that Yosef Hayim's insistence on having all his works printed in the Jerusalem Sanjak prevented this essential work from being published.
 * Ben Yehoyada (Ben Yəhoyadaʻ) and Benayahou: his commentary on the Talmud, considered a basic resource in understanding the Aggada (narrative sections of the Talmud).
 * The responsum (She'elot U-Teshuvot) Rav Pe'alim (Rab Pəʻalim) and Torah Lishmah.
 * (reprinted in 1994)

The names Ben Ish Hai, Me-Kabtziel, Rav Pe'alim and Ben Yehoyada derive from 2 Samuel 23:20. He chose these names because he claimed to have been a reincarnation of Benayahu ben Yehoyada, described as Ben Ish Hayil "son of a valiant man"; the man in whose merit, it is said, both the first and second Temple in Jerusalem stood.

Yosef Hayim was also noted for his stories and parables. Some are scattered through his halakhic works, but have since been collected and published separately; others were published as separate works in his lifetime, as an alternative to the European-inspired secular literature that was becoming popular at the time. His Qânûn-un-Nisâ (قانون النساء) is a book filled with parables concerning self-improvement. The book, directed towards, but not limited to women, is rare since it was composed in Baghdad Jewish Arabic. It was last published in Israel in the 1940s.

title: Yosef Hayyim


text:
WC3

WC3 may stand for:
 * Wing Commander III: Heart of the Tiger, a 1994 space combat simulation computer and video game
 * Warcraft III: Reign of Chaos, a 2002 real-time strategy computer game
 * Warcraft III: The Frozen Throne, expansion pack to Reign of Chaos
 * Warcraft III: Reforged, the remastered of edition for both Warcraft III: Reign of Chaos and The Frozen Throne
 * A common misspelling of W3C, World Wide Web Consortium
 * Wayne County Community College District, community college in the Detroit area

title: WC3


text:
Power Line

Power Line is an American conservative  or right-leaning political blog,  founded in May 2002. Its posts were originally written by three lawyers who attended Dartmouth College together, namely John H. Hinderaker, Scott W. Johnson, and Paul Mirengoff. Contributors initially wrote under pen names; John Hinderaker, for example, wrote as "Hindrocket." The site is published by Joseph Malchow, also a Dartmouth graduate.

The site gained recognition for its role in covering the Killian documents story that aired during the 2004 Presidential campaign about forged documents relating to President George W. Bush's term of service in the Texas Air National Guard.

In 2004, Power Line was named Time magazine's first-ever "Blog of the Year". When AOL added blogs to their news website in 2007, Power Line was one of the five blogs included. A 2007 memo from the National Republican Senatorial Committee described Power Line as one of the five best-read national conservative blogs. CBS News described Powerline as "a prominent conservative blog."

Contributors
The main contributors to Power Line are John H. Hinderaker, Scott W. Johnson, Steven F. Hayward, and Lloyd Billingsley. Susan Vass, writing under the name "Ammo Grrrll", contributes a humor column to the site every Friday.

In 2007, Forbes recognised Hinderaker as the #19th "biggest and brightest star on the web" on the strength of Powerline's work on Rathergate.

Rathergate
Power Line gained widespread recognition during the 2004 Killian documents controversy relating to a CBS report on George W. Bush's service in the Texas Air National Guard, starting with a post entitled "The Sixty-First Minute"; Powerline is credited with helping break the story. Conservatives (including Power Line, National Review Online and Little Green Footballs) referred to the controversy as "Rathergate". The blogs and their readers questioned the authenticity of the documents, presenting hints of supposed forgery. After noting that the alleged documents used a proportional font, Power Line helped advance the story, triggering coverage by mainstream media outlets. Dan Rather apologized and resigned from the CBS anchor chair.

title: Power Line


text:
Talk:Tidal bore

Comments
This is an interesting phenomenon that is worth explaining to us, if you understand the dynamics of a tidal bore. Wetman 09:32, 13 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * I'm just writing an article on solitons, so hope to have more detail. One thing to say immediately; bores =/= solitons. Usual soliton definition is a single wave that's level water both before and behind. Bores are height discontinuities. Sometimes a bore is just a turbulent step in water height (like a travelling waterfall); that isn't a soliton. Other times it's called "undular", where there's a smooth leading shockwave followed by a train of solitons. Raygirvan Apr 30 2005

In some places 2m is converted to 6 ft, others 7ft on this page. It's possible that the 6ft/7ft discrepancy comes because precision is lost when converting to meters, but it could also be the case that someone just converted m->ft differently. Anyone know which it is? LactoseTI 16:41, 2 August 2006 (UTC)

The following unsourced, anonymous comment was in the "Asia" section :-

"Tidal bores occur in lakes and rivers. They only occur in the coast becasue there is a bigger tide range."

Do they? Does anyone know what it means? Or where it comes from? Or why it's in the Asia section? Swanny18 (talk) 12:38, 28 November 2007 (UTC)

More bores.
There are a heck of a lot more bores than this, it's just that they are either difficult to get to or they are very small. For example, Sydney Harbour has a bore almost every day (depending on the moon phase) near the Olympic Village in Homebush, but it's only 15cm (six inches) high. Old_Wombat (talk) 08:54, 11 October 2011 (UTC)

There is nothing prohibiting you from adding the Sydney Harbor bore and any others to the listing on the page. Feel free to add it (make sure to reference your source). SEKluth (talk) 22:55, 14 May 2019 (UTC)

Help! How does a Tidal Bore Develop?
I just read the entire article and I still have no idea what hydraulic mechanism precipitates the initial wave. If that is unknown, the article should clearly state it, up front. If it is known there should be some verbal and pictorial representation. Since there is nowhere in the world that the ocean tide just instantly "leaps up", there must be some trigger of some sort that initiates the wave. I would really like to know how it forms. Thanks. — Preceding unsigned comment added by N0w8st8s (talk • contribs) 23:54, 8 June 2013 (UTC)

 * It's not a "trigger", just a nonlinear wave propagation mechanism. Sort of like how waves break on a beach.  Here is some math about it, in case you'd like to add that to the article. Here is another.  Dicklyon (talk) 03:23, 9 June 2013 (UTC)

You don't need that much math. The key concept is that waves on water travel faster in deeper water. You can see this over looking a beach - as the waves approach shallow water, they rise up vertically, and they slow down, so they get closer together.

This is what happens in a bore. Wave #1 travels up the river. As it does, it travels over shallower ground and so slows down a little. If the tide and the water depth and river width and the river depth profile and all (and I do mean ALL, which is why it doesn't happen everywhere all the time) the circumstances are right, according to that maths stuff, then when the wave passes, the water level behind it has now gone up a fraction. So wave #2, following, is travelling on ever-so-slightly deeper water and is therefore ever-so-slightly not slowed down as much, and ever-so-slightly catches up. And it leaves deeper water still, so wave #3 following it gets he same effect and so wave #3 catches up to #2. And #4 to #3. And so on and so on. Eventually, the waves are almost on top of each other and you have the bore. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 121.218.242.170 (talk) 08:32, 8 July 2014 (UTC)

 * Now, THAT was an explanation! That text (or a version thereof) could well be included in the article. (I have walked through life, knowing of bores for decades, been fascinated by them but never even heard an explanation.) Fomalhaut76 (talk) 21:13, 10 February 2024 (UTC)

impact of salinity changes of tidal bores?
Is there any information available along these lines for the article? HammerFilmFan (talk) 05:30, 6 July 2013 (UTC)

Byline
i dont know how to fix it but in the suggested search pull down for this page, the byline is "i love trains" — Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.169.49.236 (talk) 20:42, 13 June 2018 (UTC)
 * Thank you for the heads-up. I've fixed the vandalism (that been around for several months, ugh). Chris857 (talk) 20:47, 13 June 2018 (UTC)

Jalmandal
Hindi 223.191.42.26 (talk) 12:52, 22 December 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Tidal bore


text: Category:Croatian actors

title: Category:Croatian actors


text:
Ticlopidine

Ticlopidine, sold under the brand name Ticlid, is a medication used to reduce the risk of thrombotic strokes. It is an antiplatelet drug in the thienopyridine family which is an adenosine diphosphate (ADP) receptor inhibitor. Research initially showed that it was useful for preventing strokes and coronary stent occlusions. However, because of its rare but serious side effects of neutropenia and thrombotic microangiopathy it was primarily used in patients in whom aspirin was not tolerated, or in whom dual antiplatelet therapy was desirable. With the advent of newer and safer antiplatelet drugs such as clopidogrel and ticagrelor, its use remained limited.

It was patented in 1973 and approved for medical use in 1978.

Medical uses
Ticlopidine is indicated for the prevention of strokes and when combined with aspirin, for people with a new coronary stent to prevent closure.

Stroke
Ticlopidine is considered a second-line option for the prevention of thrombotic strokes among patients who have previously had a stroke or TIA. Studies have shown that it is superior to aspirin in the prevention of death or future strokes. However, it also has more frequent and serious side effects compared to aspirin, so it is reserved for those patients that cannot take aspirin.

Heart disease
When a patient needs to have a stent placed in one of the vessels around their heart, it is important that that stent stay open to keep blood flowing to the heart. Therefore, patients with stents must take medications after the procedure to help maintain that blood flow. Ticlopidine, taken together with aspirin, is FDA approved for this purpose, and in studies it has been shown to work better than aspirin alone or aspirin with an anticoagulant. However, ticlopidine’s serious side effects make it less useful than its cousin, clopidogrel. Current recommendations no longer recommend ticlopidine’s use.

Contraindications
The use of ticlopidine is contraindicated in anyone with: Because of the increased risk of bleeding, patients taking ticlopidine should discontinue the medication 10–14 days before surgery.
 * Increased risk of bleeding (i.e. frequent falls, gastrointestinal bleeds)
 * History of hematological disease
 * Severe liver disease
 * History of allergic reaction to ticlopidine or any thienopyridine drug such as clopidogrel

Adverse effects
The most serious side effects associated with ticlopidine are those that affect the blood cells, although these life-threatening complications are relatively rare. The most common side effects include: Ticlopidine may also cause an increase in cholesterol, triglycerides, liver enzymes, and bleeding.
 * Diarrhea
 * Nausea
 * Dyspepsia
 * Rash
 * Abdominal pain

Hematological
Use of ticlopidine has been associated with neutropenia, thrombocytopenia, thrombotic microangiopathy (TMA), and aplastic anemia. Because of this risk, patients who are started on ticlopidine are typically monitored with blood tests to test their cell counts every two weeks for the first three months.

Pregnancy and lactation
Ticlopidine is a FDA pregnancy risk category B. There have been no studies done in humans. Studies in rats show that high drug levels could cause toxicity in both mother and fetus, but there are no known birth defects associated with its use.

There have been no studies to test whether ticlopidine goes into breast milk. Studies in rats have shown that it is passed in rats’ milk.

Interactions
Ticlopidine interacts with several classes of medications. It increases the antiplatelet effects of aspirin and other NSAIDs. Taking ticlopidine at the same time as antacids decreases the absorption of ticlopidine. Ticlopidine inhibits liver CYP2C19 and CYP2B6 and thus can affect blood levels of medications metabolized by these systems.

Mechanism of action
Ticlopidine is a tetrahydro-thienopyridine which, when metabolized by the body, irreversibly blocks the P2Y12 component of the ADP receptor on the surface of platelets. Without ADP, fibrinogen does not bind to the platelet surface, preventing platelets from sticking to each other. By interfering with platelet function, ticlopidine prevents clots from forming on the inside of blood vessels. Anti-platelet effects start within 2 days and reach their maximum by 6 days of therapy. Ticlopidine’s effects persist for 3 days after discontinuing ticlopidine although it may take 1–2 weeks for platelet function to return to normal, as the medication affects platelets irreversibly. Therefore, new platelets must be formed before platelet function normalizes.

Pharmacokinetics
Ticlopidine is ingested orally with 80% bioavailability with rapid absorption. Even higher absorption can occur if ticlopidine is taken with food. It is metabolized by the liver with both renal and fecal elimination. Clearance is nonlinear and varies with repeated dosing. After the first dose the half life is 12.6 hours, but with repeated dosing the maximum half life is 4–5 days. Clearance is also slower in the elderly. The drug is 98% reversibly bound to proteins.

Chemical properties
Ticlopidine's systemic name is 5-[(2-chlorophenyl)methyl]-4,5,6,7-tetrahydrothieno[3,2-c]pyridine. Its molecular weight is 263.786 g/mol. It is a white crystalline solid. It is soluble in water and methanol and somewhat soluble in methylene chloride, ethanol, and acetone. It self-buffers in water to a pH of 3.6.

History
Ticlopidine was discovered in the 1970s in France by a team led by Fernand Eloy and including Jean-Pierre Maffrand at Castaigne SA that was trying to discover a new anti-inflammatory medication. Pharmacology developers noted that this new compound had strong anti-platelet properties. Castaigne was acquired by Sanofi in 1973. Starting in 1978 the drug was marketed in France under the brand name Ticlid for people at high risk for thrombotic events, who had just come out of heart surgery, were undergoing hemodialysis, had peripheral vascular disease, or who were otherwise at risk for strokes and ischemic heart disease.

Ticlopidine was brought to market in the US by Syntex, which got the drug approved in 1991. Syntex was acquired by the Roche group in 1994. The first generic ticlopidine hydrochloride was FDA approved in 1999. As of April 2015, Roche, Caraco, Sandoz, Par, Major, Apotex, and Teva had discontinued generic ticlopidine and no ticlopidine preparations were available in the US.

Research
Soon after its release, studies regarding ticlopidine found it had the potential to be helpful for other diseases including peripheral vascular disease, diabetic retinopathy, and sickle cell disease. However, none had enough evidence for FDA approval. Due to the blood cell side effects associated with ticlopidine, researchers for treatments for these conditions have turned to other avenues.

title: Ticlopidine


text:
Dipyridamole

Dipyridamole (trademarked as Persantine and others) is a nucleoside transport inhibitor and a PDE3 inhibitor medication that inhibits blood clot formation when given chronically and causes blood vessel dilation when given at high doses over a short time.

Medical uses

 * Dipyridamole is used to dilate blood vessels in people with peripheral arterial disease and coronary artery disease.
 * Dipyridamole has been shown to lower pulmonary hypertension without significant drop of systemic blood pressure.
 * It inhibits formation of pro-inflammatory cytokines (MCP-1, MMP-9) in vitro and results in reduction of hsCRP in patients.
 * It inhibits proliferation of smooth muscle cells in vivo and modestly increases unassisted patency of synthetic arteriovenous hemodialysis grafts.
 * It increases the release of tissue plasminogen activator from brain microvascular endothelial cells.
 * It results in an increase of 13-hydroxyoctadecadienoic acid and decrease of 12-hydroxyeicosatetraenoic acid in the subendothelial matrix and reduced thrombogenicity of the subendothelial matrix.
 * Pretreatment it reduced reperfusion injury in volunteers.
 * It has been shown to increase myocardial perfusion and left ventricular function in patients with ischemic cardiomyopathy.
 * It results in a reduction of the number of thrombin and PECAM-1 receptors on platelets in stroke patients.
 * Cyclic adenosine monophosphate impairs platelet aggregation and also causes arteriolar smooth muscle relaxation. Chronic therapy did not show significant drop of systemic blood pressure.
 * It inhibits the replication of mengovirus RNA.
 * It can be used for myocardial stress testing as an alternative to exercise-induced stress methods such as treadmills.

Stroke
A combination of dipyridamole and aspirin (acetylsalicylic acid/dipyridamole) is FDA-approved for the secondary prevention of stroke and has a bleeding risk equal to that of aspirin use alone. Dipyridamole absorption is pH-dependent and concomitant treatment with gastric acid suppressors (such as a proton pump inhibitor) will inhibit the absorption of liquid and plain tablets.

However, it is not licensed as monotherapy for stroke prophylaxis, although a Cochrane review suggested that dipyridamole may reduce the risk of further vascular events in patients presenting after cerebral ischemia.

A triple therapy of aspirin, clopidogrel, and dipyridamole has been investigated, but this combination led to an increase in adverse bleeding events.

 * Vasodilation occurs in healthy arteries, whereas stenosed arteries remain narrowed. This creates a "steal" phenomenon where the coronary blood supply will increase to the dilated healthy vessels compared to the stenosed arteries which can then be detected by clinical symptoms of chest pain, electrocardiogram and echocardiography when it causes ischemia.
 * Flow heterogeneity (a necessary precursor to ischemia) can be detected with gamma cameras and SPECT using nuclear imaging agents such as Thallium-201, Tc99m-Tetrofosmin and Tc99m-Sestamibi. However, relative differences in perfusion do not necessarily imply any absolute decrease in blood supply in the tissue supplied by a stenosed artery.

Other uses
Dipyridamole also has non-medicinal uses in a laboratory context, such as the inhibition of cardiovirus growth in cell culture.

Drug interactions
Due to its action as a phosphodiesterase inhibitor, dipyridamole is likely to potentiate the effects of adenosine. This occurs by blocking the nucleoside transporter (ENT1) through which adenosine enters erythrocyte and endothelial cells.

According to Association of Anaesthetists of Great Britain and Ireland 2016 guidelines, dipyridamole is considered to not cause risk of bleeding when receiving neuroaxial anaesthesia and deep nerve blocks. It does not therefore require cessation prior to anaesthesia with these techniques, and can continue to be taken with nerve block catheters in place.

Overdose
Dipyridamole overdose can be treated with aminophylline or caffeine which reverses its dilating effect on the blood vessels. Symptomatic treatment is recommended, possibly including a vasopressor drug. Gastric lavage should be considered. Since dipyridamole is highly protein bound, dialysis is not likely to be of benefit.

Mechanisms of action
Dipyridamole has two known effects, acting via different mechanisms of action:
 * Dipyridamole inhibits the phosphodiesterase enzymes that normally break down cAMP (increasing cellular cAMP levels and blocking the platelet aggregation, response to ADP) and/or cGMP.
 * Dipyridamole inhibits the cellular reuptake of adenosine into platelets, red blood cells, and endothelial cells, leading to increased extracellular concentrations of adenosine.

Experimental studies
Dipyridamole is currently undergoing repurposing for treatment of ocular surface disorders. These include pterygium and dry eye disease. The first report of topical dipyridamole's benefit in treating pterygium was published in 2014. A subsequent report of outcomes in 25 patients using topical dipyridamole was presented in 2016.

title: Dipyridamole


text:
Talk:TRON Project

This page should
This page should probably be moved/renamed to TRON Project or TRON (Operating System Architecture) or TRON (Operating System Framework) or similar as TRON isn't really an operating system but a (mostly finished) project to develop a series of specifications of operating systems architectures based on the foundational framework originally developed by Ken Sakamura. E.g. the Introduction to the ITRON Project at the ITRON Project Home Page lists a dozen or so concrete implementations of ITRON-specifications for a wide range of microprocessors. Tobias Bergemann 07:15, 2004 Oct 14 (UTC)

 * I have begun editing and improving this article, it should be much better soon. Wackymacs 19:39, 24 Mar 2005 (UTC)

I've removed the following text. The first two things are unconfirmed and I can't find references for. The third part needs to be rewritten if its to be added back to the article if it even belongs here. - User:DNewhall

(to tell the truth, an acronym for "Tokyo Real-time Operating System Nucleus)"

But the conception was in 70'. In 70' latter halves, the presentation is presented inside for many companys of the world. The project's goal is tacit computer, and is to create an ideal computer architecture and network, to provide for all of society's needs.

==TRON for a Cyber Society== The TRON project assumes that we will develop an advanced computerized society, a cyber society, in the near future. In cyber society, all devices, equipment, and tools that we use in our daily lives have built-in microcomputers, and many different aspects of human activities are supported by having these devices operate cooperatively, by interconnecting them via computer networks. Devices with built-in computers and connected to networks are termed 'intelligent objects', and the whole system in which such objects are interconnected and operate cooperatively is termed a Highly Functionally Distributed System: HFDS. Realizing HFDS is the most important goal of the TRON project.

Specification or source
The specification of TRON is open, but the code generators are not required to make their source free unlike with the GNU General Public License.

Is this a fair comparison? TRON only provides set of interfaces and design guidelines, but no source. Does this mean that an operating system written from scratch, designed after an GPL'ed kernel, for example Linux has to be GPL'ed too? 129.241.138.64 14:34, 20 March 2006 (UTC)
 * Depends whether it's a "derivative work" which is probably something you'd need lawyers to argue about. Kundor 04:40, 11 April 2006 (UTC)

 * No, I think the comparison depends on whether TRON's source code is publicly available or not. If TRON's specification is only publicly available and not its source code, then there's no sense comparing it with the requirements of the GNU GPL.  It's better to compare it with a standard like TCP/IP, not with a copyright license. --71.254.10.81 15:28, 13 June 2006 (UTC)

 * Keep in mind there is no "TRON's source code". There are many different implementations of of TRON. In many cases iTRON is simply implemented as a compatibility layer on top of an existing commercial RTOS. The comparison to TCP/IP is apt, though better comparisons would be to OSEK or POSIX. To answer the original question, one wouldn't bother taking about the GPL status of POSIX.192.88.165.35 14:19, 12 July 2007 (UTC)

US Government Blockage?
Does anyone know anything about this ? 24.13.69.212 02:10, 3 June 2006 (UTC)
 * Yeah, I know. The USTR included TRON into their list of "Super 301 clause of the Omnibus Trade Act" in 1989, and warned Matsushita and other companies to be risen importing taxes up towards their products. As these companies exported their products to the US, they have no choice except stop joining from the TRON project. You can find some articles by googling keywords such as "super 301" and "tron". --Eveningmist 16:32, 15 November 2007 (UTC)

Licensing issues?
Isn't it possible to add any info regarding TRON's licensing issues? At the moment there isn't a single shred of info covering that and, being a vital property of today's sofware, it should be mentioned in the article, specially regarding TRON's royalties. --Mecanismo | Talk 19:12, 30 July 2007 (UTC)

Incorrect link
The link to Ubiquitous computing center is incorrect. It should point to http://www.uidcenter.org/index-en.html whereas it currently points to http://www.uidcenter.org/index.html. Jalsagujals (talk) 06:44, 21 November 2007 (UTC)--Jason. Fixed the link. Jalsagujals (talk) 06:49, 21 November 2007 (UTC) --Jason

"The TRON system [...] is one of the world's most used operating systems" The source of that statement is a web page which says nothing about the real usage of the operating system in the world. Should we remove the statement ? - phi —Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.52.214.50 (talk) 19:58, 27 February 2008 (UTC)

Where is it used?
As of 2003, the TRON system (or more specifically the ITRON derivative) is one of the world's most used operating systems, being present in millions of electronic devices.

Even though a link to a source where this statement comes from is given, the article should at least list some example devices that actually use TRON. --Abdull (talk) 15:02, 2 August 2008 (UTC)

title: Talk:TRON Project


text: Category:Members of the House of Representatives of Puerto Rico


text: Category:Polish geodesists

title: Category:Polish geodesists


text:
Socialism and Liberty Party

The Socialism and Liberty Party (Partido Socialismo e Liberdade, PSOL ) is a left-wing political party in Brazil. The party describes itself as socialist and democratic.

The party leader is Juliano Medeiros and the federal deputies Ivan Valente, Talíria Petrone, Sâmia Bomfim, Fernanda Melchionna, Glauber Braga, Luiza Erundina, Erika Hilton, Chico Alencar, Célia Xakriabá, Guilherme Boulos, Pastor Henrique Vieira, Tarcísio Motta and Luciene Cavalcante, besides the mayor of Belém Edmilson Rodrigues and the minister of the Native People Sônia Guajajara, with a number of well-known Brazilian left-wing leaders and intellectuals, such as, Hamilton Assis, Michael Löwy, Luciana Genro, Vladimir Safatle, Renato Roseno, Carlos Nelson Coutinho, Ricardo Antunes, Francisco de Oliveira, João Machado, Pedro Ruas and others.

PSOL was formed after Heloísa Helena, Luciana Genro, Babá and João Fontes were expelled from the Workers' Party after voting against the pension reform proposed by Lula. They opposed the decisions of Lula's government, considering them to be too liberal, and the Workers' Party alliances with controversial right-wing politicians, such as the former presidents José Sarney and Fernando Collor.

After collecting more than 438,000 signatures, PSOL became Brazil's 29th officially recognized political party, the first to do so by this method.

Ideology and support
The ideology of the party varies between the left and the far left. The programmatic elements found in the party are related to socialism, anti-capitalism, and anti-imperialism. There are Marxist, Trotskyist, eco-socialist, and labor unionism tendencies within the party. Among other things, the party program includes the reduction of working hours, agrarian and urban reform, increased spending on health, education and infrastructure, and a break with the International Monetary Fund. It also seeks to decriminalize abortion. Because it is a party formed by trends that possess the political spectrum of the left in common, they represent distinct divisions in question of origin, geographical location and composition of its leaderships. The formation of tendencies provided for in the party statute can be freely organized without direct interference from the party leadership, allowing autonomy of intra-party groups, provided they follow the political prerogatives of the party's statute and program.

Internal tendencies
PSOL also allows certain unregistered political parties to launch candidates through its TSE registry number. These organizations, however, cannot participate in the party's congresses. This is some organization that used PSOL electoral legend in some moment:

Members of the National Congress
As of October 2023.

Mayors
Clécio Luís, Mayor of Macapá, left the party to join Sustainability Network.

2006
PSOL launched Heloísa Helena to run for president in 2006 elections. The vice-presidential candidate was intellectual César Benjamin. The party ran in a left-wing ticket along with two other parties: Trotskyist United Socialist Workers' Party (PSTU) and Marxist–Leninist Brazilian Communist Party (PCB).

The alliance was extended to gubernatorial elections. In Minas Gerais, for instance, Vanessa Portugal, from the PSTU, ran for governor with PSOL's support, although not with PCB's. Prominent PSOL gubernatorial candidates were Plínio de Arruda Sampaio in São Paulo, Milton Temer in Rio de Janeiro and Roberto Robaina González in Rio Grande do Sul. However, they were all defeated.

Heloísa Helena finished the presidential race in the third place, receiving 6.5 million votes throughout the country (6.85% of the valid votes). Three federal deputies, Luciana Genro, Chico Alencar and Ivan Valente, managed to get re-elected.

2010
In the 2010 candidate for presidential election Plínio de Arruda Sampaio received 888.000 votes (0.87%). Plinio presented an agrarian reform project in 1964 when he was federal deputy, but the 1964 Military Coup ended the project and Plinio lost his mandate. Although he received very few votes Plinio became famous after the elections because he was qualified as an anti-candidate.

PSOL elected three deputies again, Chico Alencar, Ivan Valente and Jean Wyllys.

Toninho do PSOL from Federal District got the best gubernatorial result. He finished in third place with 14.25%.

2012
In 2012 PSOL got its best results so far. Clecio Luis and Gelsimar Gonzaga were elected mayors in Macapá, Amapá's state capital, and Itaocara.

In the northern second largest city Belém and in Rio de Janeiro, PSOL finished second and elected four city councillors – the second largest group in those councils. In Belem Edmilson Rodrigues got 43.39% and in Rio de Janeiro Marcelo Freixo got 28.15%, almost 1 million votes.

Other places like São Paulo, Fortaleza, Campinas, Belo Horizonte, Curitiba, Salvador, Natal, Florianópolis, Niterói, São Gonçalo and Pelotas, PSOL got respectable results in 2012, 49 city councillors from PSOL were elected.

2014
PSOL initially nominated Randolfe Rodrigues, the Senator for Amapá, as their candidate for President in 2014, with former federal deputy and party co-founder Luciana Genro as his running mate. Federal deputy Chico Alencar of Rio de Janeiro and attorney Renato Roseno also ran for the party's nomination. However, he was replaced at the top of the ticket by Genro, a member of the Left Socialist Movement faction. She got 1,612,186 votes finishing in 4th place.

Genro's campaign received the support of important Brazilian intellectuals and celebrities. These included like Chico de Oliveira, Rogério Arantes, Vladimir Safatle, Michel Löwy, Gregorio Duvivier, Valesca Popozuda, Zélia Duncan, Karina Buhr, Clara Averbuck, Marina Lima, Juca Kfouri, Preta Gil, Laerte Coutinho, Marcelo Yuka and the international popstar Jessica Sutta. Her candidacy was well-regarded in the LGBT community.

PSOL elected 5 federal deputies and 12 state deputies. Marcelo Freixo (RJ) received the highest vote for a state deputy in Brazil with 350,408 votes. Carlos Giannazi was the leftist most voted in São Paulo with 164,929 votes.

Gubernatorial candidates Tarcísio Motta (RJ) with 8.92% (14.62% in city of Rio Janeiro) and Robério Paulino (RN) with 8.74% (22.45% in capital Natal) got excellent results. Senate candidate Heloísa Helena (AL) got 31.86%, but she lost the election to former Brazilian president Fernando Collor de Mello, who was impeached.

2018
In 2018, PSOL chose prolific labor leader Guilherme Boulos as their nominee for the presidency. Boulos's close affiliation with former President Lula led to concern that his nomination would erode PSOL's distinct identity. It was alleged that party leadership pushed Boulos at the expense of other pre-candidates for the party's nomination, including economist (and son of 2010 presidential nominee Plínio de Arruda Sampaio) Plínio de Arruda Sampaio Jr., activist and educator Hamilton Assis, and academic Nildo Ouriques. Indigenous leader Sônia Guajajara, who initially sought the party's nomination, was chosen to serve as his vice presidential running mate.

2022
On 30 April, PSOL made official its support for the pre-candidacy of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) for the presidency. The party approved its support during electoral conference. On the 7 May, PT made official the pre-candidacy of ex-president Lula and ex-governor of São Paulo Geraldo Alckmin (PSB) to run for president. In June, a group of PSOL affiliates created a dissident movement of the party in protest against the support to the pre-candidacy of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) and former governor Geraldo Alckmin (PSB) for the presidency.

title: Socialism and Liberty Party


text:
Jonathan Clements

Jonathan Michael Clements (born 9 July 1971) is a British author and scriptwriter. His non-fiction works include biographies of Confucius, Koxinga and Qin Shi Huang, as well as monthly opinion columns for Neo magazine. He is also the co-author of encyclopedias of anime and Japanese television dramas.

Background
Clements speaks both Chinese and Japanese, and many of his works relate to East Asia. He wrote his Master's degree at the University of Stirling on manga and anime exports, predicting the rise of several trends in the international industry including back-to-front printing, direct American investment in anime, and the proliferation of attempts to substitute non-Japanese products. Subsequently, he translated over 70 anime and manga works for British distributors, and worked as a voice director and actor. He wrote his PhD at the University of Wales on the industrial history of Japanese animation, later published by the British Film Institute as Anime: A History.

He served two years at Titan Books in London as the editor of Manga Max magazine, an experience he would later fictionalise as the Judge Dredd adventure Trapped on Titan. In 2000, he received the Japan Festival Award for Outstanding Contribution to the Understanding of Japanese Culture, specifically for his work on Manga Max.

Broadcast work
Shortly after leaving the editorship of Manga Max magazine, he became a presenter on the Sci-Fi Channel's Japan-themed magazine show Saiko Exciting. He has been a consultant and talking head on numerous TV shows, including New Secrets of the Terracotta Warriors (Channel 4), Koxinga: Sailing into History (National Geographic), China's Jade Empire (Channel 4), and Chinese Chariot Revealed (PBS). In 2016, he became the presenter of three seasons of Route Awakening (National Geographic Asia), a series investigating the origins of several key Chinese cultural icons.

In 2019, he appeared on Christmas University Challenge as a member of the winning Leeds University team, alongside Henry Gee and Timothy Allen, captained by Richard Coles.

Script work
Although Clements has written a couple of novels, much of his fiction work is CD audio drama or radio under the auspices of Big Finish Productions, including the Strontium Dog series, starring Simon Pegg, and the Doctor Who spin-off Sympathy for the Devil, starring David Warner and David Tennant.

 * Down to Earth (London: Big Finish, 2002; web, BBCi, 2005) (Strontium Dog)
 * Trapped on Titan (London: Big Finish, 2002) (Judge Dredd)
 * Unbound: Sympathy for the Devil (London: Big Finish, 2003) (Doctor Who)
 * Fire From Heaven (London: Big Finish, 2003 web, BBCi, 2005) (Strontium Dog)
 * 99 Code Red (London: Big Finish, 2003) (Judge Dredd)
 * Pre-Emptive Revenge (London: Big Finish, 2004) (Judge Dredd)
 * Solo (London: Big Finish, 2005) (Judge Dredd)
 * Snake Head (London: Big Finish, 2005) (Doctor Who: UNIT)
 * Red Devils (London: Noise Monster, 2005) (Space 1889)
 * Immortal Beloved (London: Big Finish, 2007; radio, BBC7, 2008) (Doctor Who)
 * Brave New Town (London: Big Finish, 2008; radio, BBC7, 2009) (Doctor Who)
 * The Destroyer of Delights (London: Big Finish, 2009) (Doctor Who)
 * The Tiger's Tail (London: Big Finish, 2009) (Robin Hood)
 * The Deer Hunters (London: Big Finish, 2009) (Robin Hood)
 * Secret of the Sword (London: Big Finish, 2009) (Highlander)
 * Survival of the Fittest (London: Big Finish, 2010; radio, BBC Radio 4 Extra, 2012) (Doctor Who)
 * The Devil's Playground (London: Big Finish, 2010) (Judge Dredd)
 * Year Zero (London: Big Finish, 2010) (Bernice Summerfield)
 * Death Note: die hörspielreihe (Cologne: Lübbe Audio, 2018-19) (Death Note, 12-part series released in German and French)

Other work includes the script for the comic Tastes Like Chicken in the Judge Dredd Megazine, as well as assorted short stories both there and in Doctor Who anthologies. His most famous work, Schoolgirl Milky Crisis, was the name for a fictional TV series that Clements often used in his Newtype USA columns in order to avoid breaking various non-disclosure agreements regarding real titles that he had worked on as a writer, director or translator. The name was later used as the title to a collection of Clements's articles and speeches.

Books
Clements's many non-fiction publications, on subjects ranging from the history of the Vikings to the life of Chairman Mao Tse-tung, serve as research for his fiction. His books have been translated into a dozen languages, including Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, and Korean. His major works include:
 * The Moon in the Pines (2000, reprinted in paperback as Zen Haiku, 2007)
 * The Anime Encyclopedia: A Guide to Japanese Animation Since 1917 (1st ed. 2001, 2nd ed. 2006, 3rd ed. 2015, with Helen McCarthy)
 * The Dorama Encyclopedia: A Guide to Japanese TV Drama Since 1953 (2003, with Motoko Tamamuro)
 * The Pirate King: Coxinga and the Fall of the Ming Dynasty (2004, publ. in paperback as Coxinga, 2005)
 * Confucius: A Biography (2004, expanded 2nd ed. 2017)
 * A Brief History of the Vikings (2005)
 * The First Emperor of China (2006, 2nd ed. 2015)
 * Wu (2007, 2nd ed. 2014)
 * Beijing: The Biography of a City (2008, 2nd ed. as An Armchair Traveller's History of Beijing, 2016; 3rd ed. as A Short History of Beijing, 2022)
 * Mannerheim: President, Soldier, Spy (2009)
 * A Brief History of the Samurai (2010)
 * Admiral Togo: Nelson of the East (2010)
 * A Brief History of Khubilai Khan (2010)
 * Sun Tzu's Art of War: A New Translation (2012)
 * An Armchair Traveller's History of the Silk Road (2013)
 * Anime: A History (2013, 2nd ed. 2023)
 * An Armchair Traveller's History of Finland (2014, 2nd ed. as A Short History of Finland, 2022)
 * Christ's Samurai: The True Story of the Shimabara Rebellion (2016)
 * A Brief History of the Martial Arts (2016)
 * A Brief History of Japan: Samurai, Shōgun and Zen: The Extraordinary Story of the Land of the Rising Sun (2017)
 * A Brief History of China: Dynasty, Revolution and Transformation: From the Middle Kingdom to the People's Republic (2019)
 * The Emperor's Feast: A History of China in Twelve Meals (2021)
 * Japan at War in the Pacific: The Rise and Fall of the Japanese Empire in Asia (1868–1945) (2022)
 * Rebel Island: The Incredible History of Taiwan (2024)

In 2011, he became a contributing editor to The Encyclopedia of Science Fiction 3rd edition, with special responsibility for Chinese and Japanese entries.

title: Jonathan Clements


text:
Eugen Dühring

Eugen Karl Dühring (12 January 1833, Berlin – 21 September 1921, Nowawes in modern-day Potsdam-Babelsberg, aged 88) was an antisemitic German philosopher, positivist, economist, and socialist who was a strong critic of Marxism.

Life and works
Dühring was born in Berlin, Prussia. After a legal education he practised law in Berlin until 1859. A weakness of the eyes, ending in total blindness, led him to take up the studies with which his name is now connected. In 1864, he became docent of the University of Berlin, but, in consequence of a quarrel with the professoriate, was deprived of his licence to teach in 1874.

Among his works are Kapital und Arbeit (1865); Der Wert des Lebens (1865); Natürliche Dialektik (1865); Kritische Geschichte der Philosophie (von ihren Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart) (1869); Kritische Geschichte der allgemeinen Principien der Mechanik (1872), one of his most successful works; Kursus der National und Sozialokonomie (1873); Kursus der Philosophie (1875), entitled in a later edition Wirklichkeitsphilosophie; Logik und Wissenschaftstheorie (1878); and Der Ersatz der Religion durch Vollkommeneres (1883). He also published Die Judenfrage als Racen-, Sitten- und Culturfrage (1881, The Jewish Question as a Racial, Moral, and Cultural Question).

He published his autobiography in 1882 under the title Sache, Leben und Feinde; the mention of Feinde ('enemies') is characteristic. Dühring's philosophy claims to be emphatically the philosophy of reality. He is passionate in his denunciation of everything which, like mysticism, tries to veil reality. He is, in the words of historian Carlton J. H. Hayes "almost Lucretian in his anger against religion" which would withdraw the secret of the universe from our direct gaze. His substitute for religion is a doctrine in many points akin to Auguste Comte and Ludwig Andreas Feuerbach, the former of whom he resembles in his sentimentalism.

Dühring's economic views are said to derive largely from those of Friedrich List. On other matters, particularly their attitudes toward Jews, the two men held very different opinions.

Thought
He was "deeply" influenced by Schopenhauer throughout his career. Dühring's opinions changed considerably after his first appearance as a writer. His earlier work, Natürliche Dialektik (Natural Dialectics), is entirely in the spirit of critical philosophy. Later, in his movement towards positivism, beginning with the publication of Kritische Geschichte der Philosophie (Critical History of Philosophy), he rejects Immanuel Kant's separation of phenomenon from noumenon and claims that our intellect is capable of grasping the whole reality. This adequacy of thought to things is because the universe contains but one reality, i.e. matter. It is to matter that we must look for the explanation both of conscious and of physical states. But matter is not, in his system, to be understood with the common meaning, but with a deeper sense as the substratum of all conscious and physical existence; and thus the laws of being are identified with the laws of thought. In this idealistic system Dühring finds room for teleology. The end of nature, he holds, is the production of a race of conscious beings. From his belief in teleology he is not deterred by the enigma of pain. As a determined optimist, he asserts that pain exists to throw pleasure into conscious relief.

In ethics, Dühring follows Auguste Comte in making sympathy the foundation of morality. In political philosophy, he teaches an ethical communism and attacks Herbert Spencer's principle of Social Darwinism. In economics, he is best known by his vindication of the American writer H. C. Carey, who attracts him both by his theory of value, which suggests an ultimate harmony of the interests of capitalists and labourers; and also by his doctrine of national political economy, which advocates protection on the ground that the morals and culture of a people are promoted by having its whole system of industry complete within its own borders. His patriotism is fervent, but narrow and exclusive. He idolized Frederick the Great, and denounced Jews, Greeks, and the cosmopolitan Goethe. His writing has been characterized as clear and incisive, "though disfigured by arrogance and ill-temper, failings which may be extenuated on the ground of his physical affliction".

Throughout his life, Dühring was a vehement antisemite and was one of the first proponents of racial antisemitism in Germany. In 1881 Dühring's pamphlet Die Judenfrage als Racen-, Sitten- und Culturfrage (The Jewish Question as a Question of Race, Morals and Culture) was published. It was a pseudo-scientific attempt to give antisemitism as a political movement a biological, historical, and philosophical foundation. He described the "Jewish question" similarly to Wilhelm Marr, as an expression of an irresolvable racial antagonism, and openly advocated for the "murder and extermination" of Jews as a solution to the Jewish question.

Legacy
He is chiefly remembered among English-speakers because of Engels' criticism of his views in Anti-Dühring: Herr Eugen Dühring's Revolution in Science. Engels wrote his Anti-Dühring in opposition to Dühring's ideas, which had found some disciples among the German Social Democrats. He is also the most prominent representative of the socialism of that era attacked by Nietzsche in his later works. Most of Dühring's work remains unavailable in English, aside from his work on the Jewish question. Dühring's writing on the Jewish question influenced later antisemites and racist thinkers such as Theodor Fritsch, Houston Stewart Chamberlain and Georg von Schönerer. Through this legacy, Dühring's antisemitic views later found their way into the racial doctrines of Nazism.

Friedrich Nietzsche heavily criticized Dühring's opinions on morality in his work On the Genealogy of Morality:

"I again remind readers who have ears to hear of that apostle of revenge from Berlin, Eugen Dühring, who makes the most indecent and disgusting use of moral clap-trap of anyone in Germany today: Dühring, today's biggest loudmouth of morality, even amongst his kind, the anti-Semites."

"Heroic materialism" characterized Dühring's philosophy. He attacked capitalism, Marxism, and organized Christianity and Judaism. Many scholars believe that Dühring's invention of a modern-sounding antisemitism helped persuade Theodor Herzl that Zionism was the only answer: "Herzl acknowledged this over and over in his diaries and correspondence: "I will fight anti-Semitism in the place it originated—in Germany and in Austria," he said in one letter. He identified the genealogy of modern, racist antisemitism in the writings of the German social scientist Dr. Eugen Duehring in the 1890s."

title: Eugen Dühring


text:
Otokar Fischer

Otokar Fischer (20 May 1883 – 12 March 1938) was a Czech translator, playwright, poet and critic.

He was born in Kolín, then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

He made new translations of Goethe, Shakespeare and Villon. He was a professor at Prague university and the director of Bohemian National Theatre in Prague.

Died of a heart attack in theatre in Prague, as he learned that Hitler's army had occupied Austria.

title: Otokar Fischer


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Thomas ling

Thomas ling
Article about a "15 year old web design" who uses all the newest technologies. I guess we can safely assume non-notability :P -- Ferkelparade π 09:46, 13 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * Question: What does it mean when the link to the article is red, did someone speedy delete this without commenting on it here? func(talk) 04:50, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Yes, it was speedy deleted, tho' a borderline case IMHO. Content included "Has been bullied in school since people called him a Homosexual" and "considering hes a bed wetter with the attention span of a normal house hold pet rock.", which could qualify it using the unofficial, but sometimes used, reason of "personal attack" for speedy. Niteowlneils 19:38, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/SourceEdge Software Technologies Pvt. Ltd.

SourceEdge Software Technologies Pvt. Ltd.
SourceEdge is a fast growing offshore software development and technology consulting company headquartered at Bangalore, India. It offers world-class services like Software Development, Product Development, Web Development, Strategic Outsourcing and Technology Consulting services to clients across the globe. Through its dedicated development center in India, business partners' offices extending to North America, Europe, Scandinavia and Asia Pacific region, SourceEdge provides custom specific industry solutions tailored to region or global focused businesses of customers. -Shan www.sourceedge.com


text: Category:Polish theologians

title: Category:Polish theologians


text: Category:Social ethics

title: Category:Social ethics


text:
Leonel Brizola

Leonel de Moura Brizola (22 January 1922 – 21 June 2004) was a Brazilian politician. Launched into politics by Brazilian president Getúlio Vargas in the 1930–1950s, Brizola was the only politician to serve as elected governor of two Brazilian states. An engineer by training, Brizola organized the youth wing of the Brazilian Labour Party and served as state representative for Rio Grande do Sul and mayor of its capital, Porto Alegre. In 1958 he was elected governor and subsequently played a major role in thwarting a first coup attempt by sectors of the armed forces in 1961, who wished to stop João Goulart from assuming the presidency, under allegations of communist ties. Three years later, facing the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état that went on to install the Brazilian military dictatorship, Brizola again wanted the democratic forces to resist, but Goulart did not want to risk the possibility of civil war, and Brizola was exiled in Uruguay.

One of the few Brazilian major political figures able to overcome the dictatorship's twenty-years ban on his political activity, Brizola returned to Brazil in 1979, but failed in his bid to take control of the reemerging Brazilian Labour Party as the military government instead conceded it to Ivete Vargas. Brizola founded the Democratic Labour Party on a democratic socialist, nationalist and populist platform descended from Getúlio Vargas' own trabalhismo legacy, promoted as an ideology he called socialismo moreno ("tanned socialism"), a non-Marxist, Christian and markedly Brazilian left-wing political agenda for a post-Cold War setting. In 1982 and 1990 he was elected governor of Rio de Janeiro, after a failed 1989 bid for the presidency, in which he narrowly finished third, after Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. In the 1990s, Brizola disputed for preeminence in the Brazilian left with future president Lula Workers' Party, later briefly integrating his government in the early 2000s. He was also vice-president of the Socialist International and served as Honorary President of that organization from October 2003 until his death in June 2004. Known for his sharp, energetic rhetoric and frank, direct style, Brizola is considered one of the most important historic figures of the Brazilian left.

Early life and rise to prominence (1922–1964)
Brizola's father José Brizola was a small-scale farmer who was killed when fighting as a volunteer in 1923 in a local civil war for the rebel leader Assis Brasil against Rio Grande's dictator, Borges de Medeiros. Brizola was named Itagiba, but early in life he adopted the alias Leonel, which he took from the rebel warlord Leonel Rocha who had commanded the cavalry column in which José Brizola served. Brizola left his mother's house at the age of eleven; he worked in Passo Fundo and Carazinho as a newspaper deliverer, shoeshiner and at other occasional jobs. Aided by the family of a Methodist minister, he received a scholarship that allowed him to complete high school in Porto Alegre and enter college. He graduated with a degree in engineering but never worked in that trade. Still as an undergraduate, he entered professional politics in his early twenties, entering the youth organization of the Brazilian Labor Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB)) in 1945. In 1946 an undergraduate, he was elected to the Rio Grande State Legislature. The Labor Party had been created in order to offer political support for former President/dictator Getúlio Vargas among the working classes, and Brizola, who was busy with creating party organizations across Rio Grande, at the time developed ties to the Vargas family through his personal friendship with Vargas's son Maneco as well as with Vargas's brother Espartaco, such friendships opening his way to make friends with Vargas himself, who was in internal exile after having been toppled from power in late 1945. As a member of the State Legislature, Brizola made a speech from the tribune in which he launched nationwide the candidacy of Vargas to the incoming 1950 presidential elections.

In 1950, Brizola married Neusa Goulart—João Goulart's sister—and had Vargas as his best man. Through this marriage, Brizola became a wealthy landowner and a regional leader of the PTB. After Vargas's 1954 suicide during his second presidential term, Brizola inherited the undisputed regional leadership of his party while his brother-in-law ruled the PTB national caucus. Both perpetuated Vargas' populist tradition; in Brizola's case, the practice of a direct personal link between charismatic leader and the general public. In quick succession, Brizola filled various positions, being a member of the Rio Grande State Legislature for two terms (and as such leader for the PTB), State Secretary for Public Works, (interim) Federal Congressman for Rio Grande in 1955 and Mayor of Porto Alegre from 1956 to 1958. In 1958 he would resign from his mayoralty in order to present himself as a contender at the elections for State Governor. From a regional leadership, Brizola would then ascend, during the presidency of Goulart (1961–1964) to the role of an important national supporter of his brother-in-law; first as governor and later as a deputy in the National Congress of Brazil.

As governor of Rio Grande do Sul (1959–63), Brizola rose to prominence for his social policies that included the quick building of public schools in poor neighborhoods across the state (brizoletas). He supported policies directed towards improving the conditions of small-scale, autonomous farmers and landless rural workers, and the sponsorship of the creation of the corporation MASTER (Rio Grande Landless Rural Workers Movement).

Brizola gained nationwide attention by acting in defense of democracy and Goulart's rights as president. When Jânio Quadros resigned from the presidency in August 1961, the Brazilian military ministers in the Cabinet tried to prevent Vice-President Goulart from becoming president on the grounds of his alleged ties with the Communist movement. After winning support from local army commander General Machado Lopes, Brizola forged the cadeia da legalidade (legality broadcast) from a pool of radio stations in Rio Grande do Sul, which issued a nationwide call from Palácio Piratini denouncing the intentions behind the Cabinet ministers' actions and encouraging common citizens to protest in the streets. Brizola surrendered the State Police Force to the regional army command and began organizing paramilitary Committees of Democratic Resistance, and considered handing out firearms to civilians. After twelve days of impending civil war, the attempted coup failed and Goulart was inaugurated as president.

Nationalizations of industrial utilities in Rio Grande and Cold War politics
Brizola gained international attention for his nationalist policies; as governor he developed his plan for quick industrialization of the state, a program for the constitution of state-owned industrial utilities, that led him to nationalize American public utilities trusts' assets in Rio Grande, such as ITT and Electric Bond & Share (local branch of American & Foreign Power Company (Amforp for short), itself owned by the holding Electric Bond and Share Company ).

At the time as well as later, many scholars believed such nationalizations to express socialist policy. However, the reason offered by Brizola for the nationalization - in fact almost an expropriation, as the compensation given was of only one monetary unit, pending settlement by a Brazilian court - was simply that both American enterprises, although profiting from previously existing infrastructures, nevertheless supplied limited quantities of utilities at the highest possible rates to final consumers and reinvested a tiny fraction of their profits, the remaining "excess" profits being "repatriated".Therefore, these foreign contractors were considered by Brizola as unreliable for playing a role as tools in a longterm blueprint for industrialization. Earlier, Brizola had offered ITT to participate in a new mixed, state-private ownership telephone company, which would be financed through the selling of new shares to the State of Rio Grande as well as to the general public - in this new company, ITT would remain with a 25% share. As Leacock writes, this proposal probably failed because ITT CEOs didn't want to participate in a joint venture they would not control. That Brizola's avowedly reasons corresponded to his actual goals is supported by a later American scholar, who considers that Brizola's administration, albeit "marred" by these "controversial" nationalizations, was nevertheless "vigorous and constructive". Other American scholar remembers that the same rightist military government that would later exile Brizola found it necessary to nationalize the entire Brazilian telecommunications system in other to develop necessary infrastructures.

Of the two major American contractors involved in Brizola's nationalization, Amforp was far more accommodating; it had been operating at a loss in Brazil and was confident of striking a deal with the Federal government -i.e. Goulart - in order to close its Brazilian operation. ITT had been also operating at a loss; nevertheless, as it had already been taken by surprise by the expropriation of its property in Cuba by Fidel Castro, the nationalization of its Brazilian operation - no matter how unprofitable - was seem by it as something that could set a precedent to the whole of Latin America.Therefore, the fact that ITT decided to enlist for support from Washington

The Brizola nationalizations became headline news in the American press when the John F. Kennedy administration was trying to counter the "Communist infiltration" in Brazil by striking a deal with Goulart that included U.S. financial aid to the Brazilian federal government. In this context, Brizola's actions became a diplomatic embarrassment, which turned Brizola's State government into an intended target of the Hickenlooper Amendment. Goulart gave in to American pressure on the issue, accepting to pay what the Left considered excessive compensations to both ITT & Amforp in exchange for financial aid, Brizola presented his in-law as a defector from the nationalist cause.

Through his domestic and foreign politics, Brizola became a major player in Brazilian politics, eventually developing presidential aspirations he could not legally fulfill at the time; Brazilian law did not allow close relatives of the acting President to stand for the following term of office. Between 1961 and 1964, Brizola acted as the radical wing of the independent left, where he pressured the office for an agenda of radical social and political reforms and for a change in the electoral legislation that allowed for his presidential candidacy in 1965. He was seen as personally authoritarian and quarrelsome, and capable of dealing with his enemies using physical aggression; for example he hit rightwing journalist David Nasser at Rio de Janeiro airport. Brizola acted as an adventurer in the political game around the Goulart government, being feared and hated by the political moderate Left and Right. This role was especially visible when Brizola moved his constituency from Rio Grande do Sul to a national political center, winning a landslide victory (269,384 ballots or a quarter of the State's electorate) in the 1962 election to Congress as a representative for the State of Guanabara—the Rio de Janeiro municipality reorganized as a city-state after the national capital had been moved to Brasilia. A layer of lore quickly developed around Brizola's efforts to "steal" his brother-in-law's Goulart "political thunder".

Radical leadership and friction with Goulart (1963–1964)
Goulart had been sworn as President in 1961 by means of a compromise, in which he was head of State in a parliamentary system. On 6 January 1963, however, a plebiscite scheduled earlier restored Goulart to the position of head of government and extinguished the cabinet. At the same time, in a move to vye with Goulart for political leadership, Brizola started a weekly Friday talkshow on the Rio radio broadcast Mayrink Veiga that was owned by Congressman from São Paulo State Miguel Leuzzi, which he used to broadcast nationwide, and planned to constitute a network of political cells composed of small groups of armed men; the "elevensome" Grupos de Onze—paramilitary parties modeled on a soccer team. These were supposed to act as grassroots organizations that would "defend and diffuse" the chief points of a reformist agenda that would have to be achieved "by hook or by crook" (na lei ou na marra). Brizola's using of metaphors from the world of soccer was one of the instances of his apt rhetoric, that rendered him at the time a master of the broadcasts. So apt, actually, as to make the whole of contemporary political specter to fear his bid at preeminence: in the words of a contemporary journalist, "Brizola was willing to pay any price to retain the ball" (ser o dono da bola).

Brizola's posturing and rhetoric seemed to justify the classification developed by Goulart's Foreign Minister and leader of the moderate left, San Tiago Dantas: Brizola was a paragon of a "negative left" which, in its uncompromising, ideological defense of social reform, forsook any compromise with democratic institutions. Dantas' aversion to Brizola was reciprocated: Dantas and Goulart's War Minister General Amaury Kruel and Commerce Minister Antônio Balbino formed an "anti-reformist tripod" of "traitors to the national interests". Dantas, who negotiated the 1963 U.S.-Brazil financial agreement, had been received in Washington "more like a head of state than a minister of finance", and expected to be greeted at his homecoming "with appreciation if not fanfare"; a hope Brizola quickly dashed with "venomous attacks".

Notwithstanding his alleged radicalism, Brizola was not an ideologue or doctrinaire. Generally, he stood for an extreme Left Nationalism; land reform, extension of the franchise for illiterates and NCOs; and for tight controls over foreign investment that caused the American ambassador to Brazil, Lincoln Gordon, to dislike Brizola and compare his propaganda techniques with those of Joseph Goebbels; a mood mirrored by most of contemporary American media. Many contemporary American intellectuals also disliked Brizola; John dos Passos said Brizola tried to "starve" Rio de Janeiro by retaining rice consignments from Rio Grande do Sul during his governorship.

In late 1963, after the failure of a conservative plan of economic adjustment (Plano Trienal) devised by the Ministry of Planning Celso Furtado, Brizola involved himself in a bid for power by toppling Goulart's economically conservative Minister of Finance Carvalho Pinto to take the post himself. Brizola wanted to foster his radical agenda, saying, "if we want to make a revolution, we must have the key to the safe". Brizola's bid for the Ministry failed; the post was given to an unpolitical Banco do Brasil CEO. This helped radicalize contemporaneous Brazilian political life; the country's most politically conservative newspaper O Globo said it was as though "the task of putting down the fire fell to the chief arsonist". During late 1963 and early 1964, a division between Brizola and his brother-in-law opened; Brizola became convinced that Goulart intended to stage a coup backed by loyalist military commanders, to stop the ongoing process of political radicalization, and that the only way to pre-empt Goulart's move was a grassroots revolutionary movement.

According to many authors, Brizola's uncompromising radicalism denied his brother-in-law's government the ability to "compromise and conciliate" and to adopt a feasible reformist agenda. According to American scholar Alfred Stepan, Brizola's "rhetoric of resentment" gained Goulart a few supporters, but also many powerful and strategically located foes - as was the case when Brizola, out of a public rostrum, called a commanding general, to his face, a "gorilla". Some say Brizola's reasons for this were egotistical; according to Rose, "Leonel Brizola was concerned only with Leonel Brizola". Other authors say Brizola advocated a reformist agenda centered on concrete issues (land reform, extension of the franchise, foreign capital controls), whose acceptance was regarded as unbearable and indigestible by the ruling classes and their international allies, and whose deployment was foreign to the contemporaneous political system. In a March 1964 State Department telegram sent to the American ambassador in Brazil, U.S. support of the incoming military coup was equated with denying Goulart and Brizola a position of democratic legitimacy that allowed them to adopt their "extremist" plans. Some earlier American policymakers had expressed their repugnance at the prospect of supporting Goulart's agenda of reforms as "an attempt to force the US to finance an inimical regime". According to José Murilo de Carvalho, Brizola's aggressive stance towards the reforming process was more coherent than Goulart's, who supported a reformist agenda but eschewed the necessary use of force to foster it. Goulart's ambivalence towards his in-law did not win him any international support: U.S. Ambassador Lincoln Gordon regarded Goulart as an opportunist who was "mesmerized" by Brizola.

Exile and return (1964–1979)
In April 1964, a coup d'état overthrew Goulart. Brizola was the only political leader to support for the president, sheltering him in Porto Alegre and hoping a bid to rouse the local army units towards the restoration of the toppled régime could be made. Brizola engaged himself in schemes to confront the military putschists, including giving a fiery public speech at the Porto Alegre City Hall, exhorting army NCOs to "occupy barracks and arrest the generals", which earned him the lasting hatred of the dictatorship's military commanders. After an unsuccessful month in Rio Grande, Brizola fled in early May 1964 to Uruguay, where Goulart was already in exile after offering little support to Brizola's attempts at armed resistance.

As a political loner during his early Uruguayan exile, Brizola eventually preferred insurrectionist politics to reformism, and appeared to be a belated revolutionary leader. In early 1965, a group of Brizola's sympathizers—mostly Army NCOs— tried and failed to articulate a theater of guerrilla warfare in the Eastern Brazilian mountains around Caparaó, which was only underground military training that was suppressed without incident. Another group of Brizolista guerrillas dispersed after a shoot-out with the army in Southern Brazil. This event raised suspicions about Brizola's mis-management of funds offered to him by Fidel Castro. Except for this episode, Brizola spent the first ten years of the Brazilian military dictatorship mostly alone in Uruguay, where he managed his wife's landed property and kept abreast of domestic news from various opposition movements in Brazil. He rejected attempts at being recruited into the Frente Ampla (Broad Front), a mid-1960s informal caucus of pre-dictatorship leaders intent on pressuring for re-democratization, which included Carlos Lacerda and Juscelino Kubitschek. Brizola broke the few remaining ties with his brother-in-law and fellow exile, João Goulart, over the attempted recruitment.

U.S. rescue from Uruguay, exile in the U.S. and Europe (1977–1979)
Since the beginning of his exile, Brizola had been closely watched by Brazilian intelligence, who pressured the Uruguayan government on a regular basis. In the late 1970s, nevertheless, the emergence of a military dictatorship in Uruguay allowed the Brazilian government to work together with the Uruguayan military to seize Brizola as part of Operation Condor, the cooperation between Latin American dictatorships for hounding leftist opponents.

Until the late 1970s, American intelligence had helped the efforts of the Latin American dictatorships to keep a check on Brizola: the 1960s Brazilian ambassador in Uruguay was later outed by Philip Agee as a CIA operative. Brizola may have survived his exile because US Latin American policy had meanwhile changed, with the efforts of the Jimmy Carter administration to curb human rights abuses. This intervention, for which Brizola held a lifelong gratitude to Carter. amounted to a sharp change in Brizola's politics, to the immediate disapproval of his leftist friends: the filmmaker Glauber Rocha said Brizola had made friends with "Carter, the Van Johnson of politics".

Between late 1976 and early 1977, the fact that all three most prominent members of the Frente Ampla - Juscelino Kubitscheck, João Goulart himself and Carlos Lacerda - had all died in succession and in somewhat mysterious circumstances, made Brizola feel increasingly threatened in Uruguay. Faced with impending withdrawal of his asylum, he sought the American Embassy In Uruguay, where he held talks with political counselor John Youle. Youle, over the opposition of Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Terence Todman, granted Brizola a transit visa that allowed Brizola, who in mid-1977 was deported from Uruguay for alleged "violations of norms of political asylum", to travel to—and eventually be given immediate asylum in—the United States.

Brizola's rescue from Uruguay is acknowledged as one of the successes of Carter's Human Rights rhetoric. It was typical of Brizola's political pragmatism and was shunned, again, by Glauber Rocha as "a demonstration of cultural colonization". After his rescue by Carter, Brizola would not directly oppose American policies towards Brazil, contenting himself with denouncing vague "international losses" incurred by Brazil through unfair terms of exchange imposed by multinational corporations.

According to recent declassified Brazilian diplomatic documents, on 20 September 1977, on the way to the U.S., Brizola and his wife went to Buenos Aires, a dangerous place for Latin American exiles. The Brizolas were followed by American CIA agents and stayed overnight in a CIA safe house and boarded a nonstop flight to New York City on 22 September. Shortly after arriving in New York, Brizola met with U.S. Senator Edward Kennedy, who helped gain Brizola permission to stay in the U.S. for six months. From a suite at the Roosevelt Hotel, Brizola profited from his American stay by organizing a network of contacts with Brazilian exiles and American academics interested in ending military rule in Brazil.

Later, Brizola moved to Portugal, where, through Mario Soares, he approached the Socialist International leadership and sided with a Social-Democratic, reformist plan for post-dictatorship Brazil. During his time in the U.S., Brizola was contacted by Afro-Brazilian activist Abdias do Nascimento, and became acquainted with identity politics, which would influence his post-dictatorship career. In a political manifesto launched in Lisbon—the Charter of Lisbon that stated his intention of re-founding a Labor Party in Brazil—Brizola adhered to race politics by stating that Blacks and Native Brazilians suffered from more unjust and painful forms of exploitation than regular class exploitation and needed special measures that addressed their plights. Other identity groups were sought for special attention; Northeastern Brazilians, marginalized children and females in general— which made the intended party appear to be vying for mass appeal rather than a core trade unionist base. That was a break with the usual introspection of Brazilian party politics, although Brizola remained attached to the "quintessentially Brazilian" Vargoist tradition.

In the late 1970s. the Brazilian military dictatorship was waning; in 1978, passports were quietly given to prominent political exiles but Brizola, alongside a core group of alleged radicals described as "public enemy number one", remained blacklisted and was refused the right of return. In 1979, after a general amnesty, his exile came to an end.

Late Brizolismo (1979–1989)

Brizola returned to Brazil with the intention of restoring the Brazilian Labour Party as a radical, nationalist, left-wing, mass movement and as a confederacy of historical Getulist leaders. He was hampered in this by the emergence of new grassroots movements, such as the new trade unionism centered around the São Paulo metalworkers and their leader Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, and the Catholic grassroots organizations of the rural poor spawned by the National Conference of Catholic Bishops (CNBB). Brizola was denied the right to use the historical name of the Brazilian Labour Party, previously conceded to a rival group centered around a military dictatorship-friendly figure, Congresswoman Ivete Vargas—the grand-niece of Getúlio Vargas. Instead, Brizola founded an entirely new party, the Democratic Labour Party (Partido Democrático Trabalhista, PDT). The party joined the Socialist International in 1986, and since then the party symbol has been the fist and rose, the emblem of the SI and of a number of its member parties.

Brizola quickly restored his political prominence in Rio Grande do Sul and gained political pre-eminence in the State of Rio de Janeiro, where he sought a new basis of political support. Instead of associating himself with the organized working class—either by means of corporatist trade unionism or by vying with Lula and the WP for the support of the new trade unionism—Brizola sought a basis of support among the unorganized urban poor by means of an ideological tie-in between traditional radical nationalism and a charismatic lumpen-friendly populism, in what one scholar called "the aesthetics of the ugly". For his opponents, Brizola and his Brizolismo stood for shady deals with the "dangerous", resentful, "overrebellious" underclasses; for his supporters, they stood for the paternalistic empowerment of the destitute—the lowest, least organized and poorest of the working classes. According to Sento Sé, "Politics, from a Brizolista viewpoint, is above all to assume a radical option for the poor and the meek".

Brizola shunned the class-based, corporatist character of his early populism and adopted a Christian rhetoric of friendship to the people in general—akin to the Russian narodniks than to classical Latin American populism. This new radical populism was seen as a threat to more orderly, liberal-democratic politics. It suffered from a lacking mastery of less personal mass politics techniques and required Brizola's charismatic and personal leadership of Brizola to function effectively. In Brizola's absence—or that of his persona —the PDT could not become a contender to power, hampering its development on the national level.

In 1982, Brizola stood for governor of the State of Rio de Janeiro in the first free, direct, gubernatorial elections in that state since 1965. He ran a ticket of candidates for Congress that tried to compensate for his party's lack of cadres by offering a roster of people with no previous ties to professional politics, such as the Native Brazilian leader Mário Juruna, the singer Agnaldo Timóteo, and a sizeable number of Afro-Brazilian activists. He was aware that this last foray into race politics contradicted his previous, more conventionally radical policies. Brizola nicknamed his ideology Socialismo Moreno ("Socialism of Color" or "mixed-race socialism"). Brizola centered his personal campaign on issues such as education and public security, offering a candidacy that had clear, oppositional overtones and proposed to upheld the Vargoist legacy. By developing a nucleus of combative militants around himself—the so-called Brizolândia—Brizola led a campaign that melded violent confrontations and street brawls with a paradoxically festive mood, expressed by the motto Brizola na cabeça—a pun between "Brizola at the head of the ticket" and "High on Brizola", brisola being a contemporary slang for a small parcel of cocaine.

To have his victory in the 1982 elections acknowledged, Brizola had to publicly denounce what the paper Jornal do Brasil described as an attempt at fraudulent accounting of the ballots by the private contractor Proconsult—a computer engineering firm owned by former military intelligence operatives—contracted by the electoral court to offer speedy electoral statistics. During the early ballot-counting process, Proconsult repeatedly supplied media with communiqués offering belated voting statistics from rural areas, where Brizola was at a disadvantage, which were immediately echoed by TV Globo. By denouncing this alleged fraud at press conferences, interviews, and public statements—which included a discussion with Globo CEO Armando Nogueira on live television— Brizola pre-empted the scheme of any chance of success, as official ballot numbers eventually gave him the lead.

Brizola then proceeded to keep and expanded his nationwide political visibility during his controversial first term as governor of Rio (1983–1987). He developed his early education policies on a grander scale with an ambitious programme of construction of large high-school buildings, the so-called CIEPs ("Integrated Centers for Public Education") whose architect was Oscar Niemeyer. The schools were intended to be open all day, providing food and recreational activities to students. Brizola also developed policies for providing public services and recognized housing property for dwellers in shanty towns. Brizola opposed policies for shantytowns based on forcible resettlement to housing projects, and instead proposed—in the words of his chief adviser Darcy Ribeiro, that "shanty towns are not part of the problem, but part of the solution" - a "bizarre" solution, but nevertheless one that "allowed shanty people to be near to their working places and live as a regular human community". Therefore, once property rights were acknowledged and basic infrastructure provided, it was up to the shanty town dwellers to find solutions to house-building problems.

Brizola also adopted a radical new policy for police action in the poor suburbs and favelas in the Rio de Janeiro metropolitan area. Alleging old relations and modus operandi were founded on repression, conflict and disrespect, he ordered the state police to refrain from random raids in favelas and repressed the activities of vigilante death squads that included policemen on leave. The right opposed these policies, saying they made slums an open territory for organized crime represented by huge gangs like Comando Vermelho (Red Command), by means of a conflation between common criminality and leftism. It was alleged that gangs had originated through the association of convicted petty criminals and leftist political prisoners in the 1970s. Other scholars argue that this "politicization" of common crime had been the work of the military dictatorship, which, by incarcerating together common criminals and political prisoners, offered the former the opportunity to mimic the organization strategies of underground resistance groups.

Brizola's policies included porkbarrel, poor management, personalism, wild spending of public funds, and displaying a tendency at opportunistic, short term solutions. They prepared him for the political gravitas required for running for president in 1989.

Amid the economic crisis and rampant inflation of 1980s Brazil, many conservative observers took Brizola as chief radical bogey—a throwback to 1960s populism. Brizola, as the left in general at the time, sought an accommodation with ruling elites by avoiding taking a firm position on issues such as land reform and nationalization of private banking systems, therefore qualifying for taking power through elections. From the viewpoint of mass electoral politics, it was during the 1989 presidential election Brizola's charismatic leadership exposed its shortcomings when he finished the first run third, losing the second position that would have qualified him for a runoff, by a narrow margin to Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, whose Workers' Party had the cadres, the professional activism and the penetration of the organized social movements that Brizola's lacked. Fernando Collor de Mello was eventually elected in the runoff. Brizola carried the first-round elections regionally, winning huge majorities in Rio Grande do Sul and in Rio de Janeiro State, but only received 1.4% of the votes from São Paulo state. Lula used his stronghold in the most industrialized areas of the Southeast as a springboard and gathered new voters in the Northeast, where Brizola was practically a no-show candidate. Lula won the right to stand against Collor in the runoff elections, surpassing Brizola by a mere 0.6% of the electorate.

Brizola was a staunch supporter of Lula's candidacy in the 1989 run-off elections, which he justified with a declaration before PDT cronies that became part of Brazilian political lore: "I will be candid: a politician from the old school, Senator Pinheiro Machado once said that politics is the art of swallowing toads (engolir sapo). Wouldn't that be fascinating to force-feed Brazilian élites and having them to swallow the Bearded Toad, Lula?" Brizola's support was crucial in increasing votes for Lula in Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul, where Lula passed from a first round 12.2% in Rio de Janeiro and 6.7% in Rio Grande to a second round 72.9% in Rio and 68.7% in Rio Grande.

Political decline and death (1989–2004)

After the 1989 election there were still chances Brizola could achieve his dream of winning the Presidency if he could overcome his party's lack of national penetration. Some of his advisers proposed him a candidacy to the Senate in the ensuing 1990 elections, which could offer him national highlights. Brizola refused, preferring to present himself as a candidate to the gubernatorial elections in the same year, winning a second term as Governor of Rio de Janeiro by a first-round majority of 60.88% of all valid ballots. Brizola's second term as Rio's governor was a political failure, marked by instances of disorganized management caused by Brizola's ultra-centralism and distaste for proper bureaucratic procedure and the support Brizola eventually offered to the Collor administration in exchange for funds for public works. Brizola was charged with collaborating with the embezzlement schemes that led to Collor's 1992 impeachment.

Bereft of national support and forsaken by close associates such as Cesar Maia and Anthony Garotinho, who abandoned Brizola for the sake of their personal careers, Brizola again ran for president on the PDT's ticket, amid the success of Minister of Finance and presidential candidate Fernando Henrique Cardoso's anti-inflation Plano Real. The 1994 presidential elections were a failure for Brizola, who scored fifth place. Cardoso was elected in the first round by an absolute majority. It was the end of Brizolismo as a national political force; some weeks before the election, a kiosk in downtown Rio de Janeiro where Brizolandia cronies met was demolished by City Hall officers and was never rebuilt. During Cardoso's first term, Brizola remained a critic of his neoliberal policies of privatization of public companies, saying in 1995, "if there is no civil reaction to privatization, there will be a military one". When Cardoso ran for re-election four years later, Brizola contented himself with a vice presidential candidacy on Lula's ticket, and both lost to Cardoso.

In his final years, Brizola's fractured relationship with Lula and the Workers' Party changed; he refused to support them in the first round of the 2002 presidential election, supporting instead the candidacy of Ciro Gomes for president, while contesting a seat in the Senate. Gomes finished third, Lula was elected president, and Brizola lost his bid for the Senate, bringing an end to his regional force. Brizola supported Lula in the second round of the 2002 election, therefore qualifying for joining with other pre-eminent political figures. He came to be regarded as a veteran of leftist popularism and a secondary character in his last two years. Despite supporting Lula at some periods during his first term, at his last public appearances, Brizola criticized him for what he termed neoliberalist policies and for neglecting traditional left-wing and workers' struggles. Brizola's late comments on Lula took on a personal character. During May 2004, he was one of the sources for a Larry Rohter story on Lula's alleged alcoholism; he told a New York Times correspondent about having advised Lula "to get hold of this thing and control it".

Brizola died on 21 June 2004, after a heart attack. He planned to run for the presidency in 2006 and, although ailing, had just received his former associate Anthony Garotinho and his wife Rosinha Garotinho the day before.

On 29 December 2015, a congressional bill was approved by President Dilma Rousseff inscribing Brizola's name in the Book of Heroes of the Motherland, the official registry of all deceased Brazilians "who offered their lives to the Motherland, her defense and building, with exceptional commitment and heroism".

title: Leonel Brizola


text: Category:Croatian sculptors

title: Category:Croatian sculptors


text:
Nelson de la Rosa

Nelson de la Rosa Martínez (September 6, 1968 – October 22, 2006), a.k.a. Mahow, was a Dominican actor and one of the shortest men of the 20th and 21st centuries. Nelson measured 71 centimeters tall (about 2 feet 4 inches). His stature was caused by Seckel syndrome.

Acting career
De la Rosa starred in the 1987 feature Italian horror film made in Dominican Republic called Ratman. During the 1990s Nelson continued his path to international success by becoming a staple guest at Venevision's television show Súper Sábado Sensacional in Venezuela, and, later on, he would be invited as a guest to Don Francisco's show, Sábado Gigante, and to other Univision shows. His popularity took him to other Hispanic countries such as Argentina, where he featured several times in Susana Giménez show, Puerto Rico, Mexico, Spain and others. He married, and had a son.

He had a minor role in the poorly received remake The Island of Dr. Moreau, where he shared scenes with Marlon Brando, among others. This role is said to be the inspiration for the Austin Powers movie character Mini-Me, as well as Kevin who accompanies Dr. Alphonse Mephesto in South Park. Another very popular appearance was in the video for the song Coolo by the Argentine hip hop group Illya Kuryaki and the Valderramas. De la Rosa had been approached by many American media operators and television shows, such as ESPN and others, for a feature about his life. So far, however, no plans to film a documentary about him have been completed.

Life
De la Rosa befriended then Boston Red Sox pitcher and fellow Dominican, Pedro Martínez, who began to take de la Rosa to playoff games as a good luck charm during the 2004 MLB playoffs.

He was a main attraction in the "Hermanos Mazzini" and "Las Águilas Humanas" circuses, which marketed him as the Guinness World Record-holder for world's smallest man at 54 cm (21.25 inches), though this organization does not endorse this claim.

Death
He died at the age of 38, October 22, 2006, in Providence, Rhode Island, USA, reportedly from heart failure. He is survived by his wife, Jennifer De Leonel, and son who was 9. His remains were transferred to the Dominican Republic, and buried in the Cristo Redentor cemetery.

title: Nelson de la Rosa


text:
Tiziano Fratus

Tiziano Fratus (born 1975 in Bergamo) is an Italian poet and publisher.

Work
He wrote the poetic and dramatic cycle The Molossus (2000–2005) comprising the monologue in verse autumn for eleni, the collection of poems lumina, the long dramatic poem the inquisition, the prison poem the cry, the collection shipwreck at times of colonies. Autumn for eleni (2002) was staged in Turin Velan Center and Arezzo Wave. The Molossus is published in 2007 as a long modern poem divided into 52 bocche or mouthes. Fratus directed the videopoems into the man (2004) presented in Genoa International Poetry Festival, in Rome Contemporary Art Museum (Macro), catalogued in the Scottish Poetry Library in Edinburgh and in Poets House in New York, and the slogger (2005) presented in Parco Poesia in Riccione and Ars Poetica in Bratislava.

He won the XII Poetry Biennal in Alessandria. He worked with the theatre company OzooNo for the show V, part of the 2005/2006 season at Turin’s Teatro Stabile. A inquisiçao was translated into Portuguese and presented at Casa Fernando Pessoa, Lisbon; in French and presented in Paris. His poetry was translated, published and/or performed in English, French, Portuguese, Slovak, Polish, German, Spanish and Japanese. He edited essays on contemporary Italian theatre and drama, conversations. He freelanced for Outis – National Centre for Contemporary Drama in Milan and made lecture tours throughout Europe. He lived in different cities as Turin, Venice and Milan directing the observatory ManifatturAE; he directs the contemporary season Dissection in Teatro Fondamenta Nuove (Venice) and the Festival Torino Poesia (Turin).

In 2006, he published the short poetry collection torsion presented at Turin Gay Pride 2006 and the long collection i kiss your scars. In March 2008 he published a new collection of poems, Flesh Gospel that he presented all around Italy (Turin, Milan, Genoa, Venice, Rome, XXI Turin International Bookfier) and in Europe; his poems will be published on French magazines Les Citadelles in Paris, Frau und Hunt in Germany, DiVersos in Portugal, on polish literature review Studium, ion the Literary Review Singapore, in Hong Kong' mag Softblow. In 2007, he founds the independent poetry press Edizioni Torino Poesia.

In autumn 2008, Swiss publisher Edizioni Le Ricerche published the bilingual anthology Italian/French ''Poésies murmurées sur la berge du Pô. Six poètes de Turin Poésie, presented in Paris (in collaboration with the review Borborygmes), in Montepellier (Salon du Livre 2009) and in Marseille (Italian Institute of Culture); the independent American publisher Farfalla Press published Fratus's poem A Room in Jerusalem touring the US in New York (Bowery Poetry Club), Burlington (University of Vermont) and Chicago (TH!NK art gallery, in collaboration with The Poetry Center), the bilingual anthologies Italian/English Double Skin (Ethos Books, Singapore, edited with Alvin Pang) and 5PX2'' (Edinburgh, present in April 2009 at the Italian Cultural Institute, in collaboration with The Scottish Poetry Library).

In 2010 a selection of his poetry was translated into English by Francesco Lavato, executive director of the Poetry Center in Chicago, and published in the volume Creaturing presented in New York (Columbia University, Bowery Poetry Club), Minneapolis (Open Book), St Paul (Macalester College), Chicago (University of Illinois, Istituto Italiano di Cultura), Grosse Pointe / Detroit (Ewald Library), San Diego (San Diego State University) and Santa Crux (Felik Kulpa Art Gallery).

Poetry
a inquisiçao long poem (2004)

''Double Skin. New Poetry Voices from Italy and Singapore'' bilingual anthology (2009)

''5PX2. Five Italian Poets and Five Scottish Poets'' bilingual anthology (2009)

''Viaggio in Italia. Ocho poetas italianos contemporaneos'' bilingual anthology (2009)

''Creaturing. Selected Poems'' bilingual volume (2010)

Theatre and Drama
Lo spazio aperto conversations (2002)

L'architettura dei fari essay (2003)

Os teatros que vem de Italia anthology (2004)

Salmagundi by Marco Martinelli play (2004)

''Studi per esseri umani. Il teatro di Peter Asmussen'' plays anthology (2005)

Teatro di Stefano Angelucci Marino plays anthology (2006)

title: Tiziano Fratus