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Tudeh Party of Iran

The Tudeh Party of Iran is an Iranian communist party. Formed in 1941, with Soleiman Mirza Eskandari as its head, it had considerable influence in its early years and played an important role during Mohammad Mosaddegh's campaign to nationalize the Anglo-Persian Oil Company and his term as prime minister. From the Iran crisis of 1946 onwards, Tudeh became a pro-Soviet organization and remained prepared to carry out the dictates of the Kremlin, even if it meant sacrificing Iranian political independence and sovereignty. The crackdown that followed the 1953 coup against Mosaddegh is said to have "destroyed" the party, although a remnant persisted. The party still exists but has remained much weaker as a result of its banning in Iran and mass arrests by the Islamic Republic in 1982, as well as the executions of political prisoners in 1988. Tudeh identified itself as the historical offshoot of the Communist Party of Persia.

Ideological profile
The party has generally been described as "communist" by historians (for example: "The Tudeh Party was a classical pro-Soviet Union communist party, but wrapped itself at the time in nationalism to be more attractive to Iranians" ), but is sometimes described simply as "leftist" or even "left-leaning" by more sympathetic sources. Various academic sources have described the party as "Stalinist".

Birth of the communist movement in Iran
The history of the communist movement in Iran dates back to the late 19th century, when Marxism first became introduced to the nation's intellectual and working classes as a result of the rapid growth of industry and the subsequent transformation of the country's economy from a feudalistic system into a capitalistic one. Being close to the Soviet Union and the Caucasus, northern Iran became the primary center of underground Marxist and social democrat political activity, and many such groups came into being over the years.

The Communist Party of Iran was founded in June 1920 in Bandar-e Anzali, in the province of Gilan, as a result of the first congress of Iranian social democrats. Haydar Khan Amo-oghli, who was one of the leaders of the Constitutional Revolution of Iran, became the national secretary of the new party. At the same time, Mirza Kuchik Khan, another major leader of the Constitutional Revolution and also the leader of the revolutionary Jungle "Jangali" Movement (Foresters' Movement), established the Socialist Soviet Republic of Gilan with the assistance of the Red Army of the Soviet Union.

With the defeat of both the newly formed Soviet Republic of Gilan and the Communist Party, communist and social democrat activity once again went underground. In the early 1920s the Qajar dynasty finally collapsed, and Reza Shah ascended to the throne in 1925, establishing the Pahlavi dynasty. The new Shah introduced many reforms, such as limiting the power of the Shia clergy, but also in turn established an authoritarian dictatorship.

In 1929–30, the party organized strikes in an Isfahan textile mill, the Mazandaran railways, Mashhad carpet workshops, and most importantly, in the British-owned oil industry. The government cracked down heavily and circa 200 communists were arrested; 38 were incarcerated in Qasr Prison in Tehran. Along with the Stalin purges, which took a heavy toll on Iranian communist exiles living in the Soviet Union, these arrests meant the Communist Party of Iran "ceased to exist for all practical purposes outside the walls of Qasr."

Foundation of the Tudeh Party
The British-Soviet Allied invasion of 1941–42 resulted in the end of Reza Shah's reign and his forced exile to South Africa. Many political prisoners subsequently received general amnesty by his son and successor Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and under this new atmosphere, nationalist and socialist groups once again flourished. Members of the Marxist "Group of the 53 members" comprised a portion of these political prisoners. In Iran's post-Reza Shah era, the latter became a component of Soviet strategy, interests, and plans. Following their release, some of the "Group of the 53 members" including Iraj Iskandari met with a Soviet representative at the residence of Soleiman Eskandari to form the Hezb-e Tudeh-ye Iran ("the Party of Iranian masses"), a Marxist–Leninist party appealing to the broad masses. They founded the Tudeh party on 29 September 1941, electing Soleiman Eskandari as party president.

Initially the party was intended to be "a liberal rather than a radical party", with a platform stressing the importance of "constitutional" and "individual rights", protecting "democracy" and "judicial integrity" from fascism, imperialism, and militarism. "At Soleiman Eskandari's urging", the party initially attempted to appeal to non-secular masses by barring women from membership, organizing Moharram processions, and designating "a special prayer room in its main clubhouse." This orientation did not last and the party moved "rapidly to the left" within months of its founding.

Early peak
In 1944, the party entered the 14th Majlis elections and eight of its candidates were elected. It also established the secret Tudeh Party Military Organization of Iran, or TPMO (Sazman-e Nezami-ye Hezb-e Tudeh-ye Iran) made up of officers in the military. The TPMO provided the party with intelligence and information from the military to protect it from the security forces and give it military strength, though historians believe the party had no plan at that time to use the TPMO to stage a coup.

At the same time, Tudeh took a strong stand in favor of women's rights, starting in 1943. This included advocating for equal pay for equal work, two months of maternity leave for female workers and otherwise standing for women's social rights, working with those who had been fighting for these goals for years and were socialist. Even so, issues of reproduction, sexuality, and other elements within family life were not discussed.

From this point on the party grew immensely and became a major force in Iranian politics. By early 1945, the party had managed to create the first mass organization in Iran's history. Police records later revealed it had an estimated 2,200 hard-core members – 700 of them in Tehran – "10,000s of sympathizers in its youth and women's organizations, and 100,000s of sympathizers in its labor and craft unions." Its main newspaper, Rahbar (Leader), boasted a circulation of more than 100,000 – triple that of the "semi-official newspaper" Ettela'at. British ambassador Reader Bullard called it the only coherent political force in the country, and the New York Times reckoned it and its allies could win as much as 40% of the vote in a fair election.

This period has been called the height of the party's intellectual influence which came in large part from the prestige and propaganda of the Soviet Union as "the world's most progressive nation." Few intellectuals "dared oppose" the party "even if they did not join." Marking the end of the "near hegemony of the party over intellectual life" in Iran was the resignation from the party of celebrated writer Jalal Al-e-Ahmad c. 1948 to form a socialist splinter group –Third Force– in protest against the Tudeh's "nakedly pro-Soviet" policies.

Tarnishing the appeal of the Tudeh in the next two years 1944–46 were Soviet demands for a petroleum concession in northern Iran and the Soviet sponsoring of ethnic revolts in Kurdestan and Azerbaijan. Despite the fact that Tudeh deputies in the Majles had previously vigorously demanded the nationalization of the whole petroleum industry, the Tudeh party supported granting the Soviet petroleum industry in Iran its wishes on grounds of "socialist solidarity", "internationalism," and "anti-imperialism."

From the Iran crisis of 1946 onwards, Tudeh became a pro-Soviet organization and remained prepared to carry out the dictates of the Kremlin, even if it meant sacrificing Iranian political independence and sovereignty. Based on increasingly available archival material from Russia, Iranologist Soli Shahvar contends that this was true much earlier—dating back to the Tudeh Party's inception, not just during the Fourteenth Majlis election campaign.

International Cold War context
During this time the rest of the international communist movement was also thriving. The communist world expanded dramatically in the decade following World War II with Eastern Europe, China, North Korea, and Vietnam all becoming states dominated by their respective communist parties, usually via military victory. In the United States, Iran was seen as the holder of reserves of petroleum with "vital strategic" value to western countries, and as part of "a Northern Tier" of countries (along with Greece and Turkey) that constituted a geopolitical "first line of defense" for the Mediterranean and for Asia, To counter the activities of the USSR, the CIA established Operation TPBEDAMN in the late 1940s, funded at $1 million a year. It prepared both "disguised (`gray` propaganda) or deliberately misrepresented black propaganda" in the form of "newspaper articles, cartoons, leaflets, and books" which it translated into Persian, most of which "portrayed the Soviet Union and the Tudeh as anti-Iranian or anti-Islamic, described the harsh reality of life in the Soviet Union, or explained the Tudeh's close relationship with the Soviets and its popular-front strategy." In addition, it paid "right-wing nationalist organizations" and some Shia religious figures. Its agents provoked "violent acts" and blamed them on the communists, and hired "thugs to break up Tudeh rallies." Nonetheless, the party was able to fill the streets of Tehran and Abadan "with tens of thousands of enthusiastic demonstrators" for May Day in 1946.

1949 crackdown
In February 1949, there was an attempt on the life of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. The party was blamed by the government and banned. The government "confiscated its assets, dissolved affiliated organizations, especially the Central Council and rounded up some 200 leaders and cadres."

The party continued to function underground however and by 1950 it had organized its supporters under the banner of the Iran Society for Peace (Jam'iyat-e Irani-ye Havadar-e Solh) and was publishing three daily papers, Razm, Mardom, and Besui-ye Ayandeh. In December 1950, the TPMO, its military organization, managed "to arrange for the escape of key members of the party leadership who had been in jail since early 1949."

Such suppression was assisted by conservatives detesting the Tudeh Party, which was later outlawed and allied with Mossadegh. One Iranian conservative newspaper even editorialized:

"'...the Tudeh Party, with its satanic doctrine of class struggles, has incited ignorant workers to violate the sacred right of private property and inflict social anarchy upon the center of the country. This uprising proves that Tudeh is an enemy of private property, of Iran, and of Islam. If the government does not stamp out Tudeh, the local revolt will inevitably spread into a general revolution.'"

Mosaddegh era, his overthrow and aftermath
The party played an important role both directly and indirectly during the pivotal era of Iranian history that began with the 1951 nationalization of the British Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), and ended with the 1953 overthrow of Mohammad Mosaddegh by a CIA-led coup d'état. The party's policy "fluctuated", first attacking Mosaddeq as 'an agent of American imperialism', then giving him some support during and after the July 1952 uprising. On 15 August a coup attempt against Mosaddeq was thwarted thanks in part to information uncovered by the Tudeh TPMO military network, but two days later party militants inadvertently helped destabilized the government by staging demonstrations to pressure Mosaddeq to declare Iran a democratic republic. As this would have overturned Iran's constitutional monarchy, Mosaddeq reacted by calling out troops to suppress the demonstrators. The party then demobilized late the next day making it unavailable to fight the coup the day after. By 1957 the TPMO was crushed and thousands of party members had been arrested.

Oil nationalization
Following World War II, Iranian public support was growing for the nationalization of the British Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) whose profits had greatly exceeded its royalty payments to the Iranian government.

In 1951, Mohammad Mosaddegh, head of the nationalist movement known as the National Front of Iran, led parliament in the nationalization of AIOC, and shortly after was appointed prime minister by the Shah. Mosaddegh oversaw the takeover of British oil facilities and rising economic difficulty and polarization in Iran as the AIOC withdrew its employees and retaliated with a boycott of Iranian oil.

In early April 1951, the Tudeh revealed its "true strength" by launching strikes and riots protesting low wages and poor housing and delays in the nationalization of the oil industry. There were "street demonstrations and sympathy strikes in Tehran, Isfahan, and the northern cities." Police opened fire on demonstrators. A result was "panic" in Iran's parliament at the power of Marxist forces in Iran. With this, it became apparent that Mossaddegh was not a communist and that the Tudeh did not control the government, nor did the party want to overthrow him even as it was establishing a broad public base.

During this period the Tudeh followed a "leftist" rather than "popular front" strategy, refusing to ally with Mosaddegh. Despite the fact that Mosaddegh had introduced a new policy of tolerance toward the party, that both the Tudeh and Mosaddegh had worked for nationalization of the AIOC, and that expropriation of capitalist Western-owned resource extracting corporations by poor countries was central to Marxist–Leninist doctrine, the party vigorously and relentlessly opposed Mosaddegh and his program. In a June 1950 article in its daily Mardom it described the effects of Mosaddegh's policy thusly:

"Already we can be sure that revisions in the southern oil contract will not be in favor of our people and will only result in the consolidation of England's position in our country. ... The solution to the oil question is related to the victory of our party, that is, the people of Iran."

On 16 July 1952, Mosaddegh resigned after the shah refused to accept his nomination for War Minister. Mosaddegh appealed to the general public for support, but Tudeh press continued to attack him, describing his differences with the shah "as merely one between different factions of a reactionary ruling elite." It was only after the explosion of popular support for Mosaddegh in the street that "many rank-and-file" Tudeh party members "could see first hand Mosaddegh's popularity", and came to his aid.

According to one observer: "although diverse elements participated in the July uprising, the impartial observer must confess that the Tudeh played an important part—perhaps even the most important part. ... If in the rallies before March 1952 one-third of the demonstrators had been Tudeh and two-thirds had been National Front, after March 1952, the proportions were reversed."

Ayatollah Abol-Ghasem Kashani, who later switched sides and supported the Shah, "sent a public letter to the pro-Tudeh organizations thanking them for their invaluable contribution" during the uprising toward Mosaddegh's victory.

Mosaddeq capitalized on the uprising to establish an emergency rule, which allowed him to bypass the Majles, and also to institute socialist reforms. With the Soviets not wanting to back or "shore up" Tudeh, and Truman refusing demands to overthrow Mosadegh from Clement Attlee and Winston Churchill, it would take the inauguration of Dwight Eisenhower to change the tune, greenlighting the coup operation.

1953 coup
During this time the US government became more and more frustrated with Mosaddeq and the stalemate over negotiations with the UK government on control and compensation, with the American ambassador even questioning Mosaddeq's "mental stability". At the same time the Cold War struggle continued to dominate foreign policy thinking in the west. Soviet tanks crushed an anti-communist uprising of strikes and protests in East Germany in June 1953.

As Americans gave up hope on Mosaddeq, their propaganda and covert action campaign against the Tudeh, called TPBEDAMN, expanded to include him. In 1953, American CIA and British intelligence agents, began plotting to overthrow Mosaddeq in a coup d'état, in large part because of their fear that "rising internal tensions and continued deterioration ... might lead to a breakdown of government authority and open the way for at least a gradual assumption of control by Tudeh," just as a local communist party had led a coup in Czechoslovakia in 1948, replacing a democratic regime and constitution with a pro-Soviet, one-party Communist government.

The Tudeh also sensed a coup might be coming, and created "vanguard cells" that along with the TPMO, "identified key military installation, army depots, and command and control centers in the capital" Tehran "to react violently to any coup attempt." Recently released photographs by William Arthur Cram show that Tudeh organized huge demonstrations in August before the coup occurred.

The plotters' first attempt involved persuading the shah to issue an edict dismissing Mosaddegh and replacing him with retired General Fazlollah Zahedi, while arresting Mosaddegh and taking over other possible centers of opposition. On 15 August the plot was uncovered by Tudeh supporters in the military, and a contingent sent to arrest Mosaddegh was intercepted and arrested themselves. Colonel Mohammad Ali Mobasherri, was a member of the TPMO's (secret) three-man secretariat, but also an active member of Tehran Military Governor, the center of the coup operation. Major Hehdi Homaouni served in the shah's Imperial Guard and discovered and reported the August plot to the party. In a recent set of documents released by the National Security Archive, which noted pro-Shah demonstrators sacked pro-Tudeh and pro-Mossadegh establishments, it was noted that British and American intelligence agents infiltrated Tudeh so it could blunt Mossadegh. These documents also noted that Eisenhower and Truman differed in their assessments of Mossadegh, with Eisenhower feeling he could not as effectively counter Tudeh as Truman and the CIA in August 1953 downplaying "the likelihood of a Tudeh overthrow attempt" but fears the Tudeh taking power in a more long-term fashion.

The coup attempt created a backlash against its perpetrators, including the shah. The already anti-monarchical Tudeh supporters were radicalized and on the morning of 17 August "an angry crowd began to attack symbols of the monarchy" and demanded its abolition. Mosaddegh, who was aware of Western fears of the Tudeh and who had worked to limit the power of the shah but had "never suggested he was in favor of abolishing the constitutional monarchy," saw these attacks as a challenge, as removing the shah would violate the constitution. The next day his regime ordered the military into the streets, and "up to 600 mid and low-level Tudeh activists were arrested in Tehran alone." With its network "severely damaging" the party reversed course once again, and "ordered a demobilization" of its preparations to fight a coup.

Taking advantage of the quiet, the CIA and its Iranian allies struck again, and on 19 August the coup d'état replaced Mosaddegh with Zahedi. The coup was a major event in Third World and 20th Century history and there is debate as to how much of the blame for the overthrow can be traced to bribes paid by the CIA and how much to domestic dissatisfaction with Mossadegh. Whatever the motivations, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi thereafter assumed dictatorial powers and banned most political groups, including Mosaddegh's National Front, which along with the Tudeh Party, continued to function underground.

Crackdown following coup
The mass arrests, destruction of its organization and execution of some 40–50 leaders following the coup has been said to have "destroyed" the Tudeh. Between 1953 and 1957, Iranian security forces using "brute force, together with the breaking of the cryptographic code – probably with CIA know-how – … tracked down 4,121 party members." This constituted the whole Tudeh underground and "more than half the party membership". Tudeh infiltration of the military by the TPMO totaled 477 members in the armed forces, "22 colonels, 69 majors, 100 captains, 193 lieutenants, 19 noncommissioned officers, and 63 military cadets." Ervand Abrahamian notes that none of these was in the "crucial tank divisions around Tehran" that could have been used for a coup d'état and which the Shah had screened carefully. "Ironically, a Tudeh colonel had been in charge of the Shah's personal security – as well as that of Vice President Richard Nixon when he visited Iran. The Tudeh had the opportunity to assassinate the Shah and the U.S. vice president but not to launch a coup." Maziar Behrooz is more optimistic about the party's chances of stopping the coup, saying that while "most of the Tudeh officers were in non-combat posts," they "were in a position to access and distribute weapons. In their memoirs, TPMO high- and middle-ranking members have confirmed their ability to distribute weapons and even assassinate key Iranian leaders of the coup. Hence, with a disciplined party membership, backed by military officers with access to weapons, the Tudeh had a strong hand."

With the TPMO decimated, the Tudeh network was compromised as the TPMO had "acted as a shield for the party" and helped preserve it immediately after Mosaddeq's overthrow. "Many high- and middle-ranking Tudeh leaders were arrested or forced to flee the country. The arrest and execution of Khosro Roozbeh in 1957-8 signaled the end of this process."

Tudeh verdict
After the fact, the party engaged in self-criticism of its policies toward Mosaddeq at its Fourth Plenum held in Moscow in July 1957. They found them "sectarian and leftist" and did not to recognizing "the progressive nature" of the oil nationalization movement.

Late 1950s and 1960s
The Sino–Soviet split caused some splintering of the party in the early 1960s, with at least one Maoist group breaking away. In the mid-1960s, the U.S. State Department estimated the party membership to be approximately 1500.

In 1965, the party faced a second division between the mainstream of the organization and the splinter faction, which advocated a violent struggle against the government by arming the tribes of southern Iran. This faction caused a great deal of damage and three years passed before the unity of the party was restored. The remnants of this faction are known as the Labour Party of Iran.

In 1966, several party members, including Ali Khavari and Parviz Hekmatjoo of the Central Committee, and Asef Razmdideh and Saber Mohammadzadeh, were arrested and sentenced to death. This sparked an international outcry and hunger strikes in Europe which forced the government to reduce the sentences to life imprisonment. These events created much international sympathy for the worker's struggle in Iran and helped unify the party after the split. The Tudeh Party from this point on becomes established as one of the strongest underground movements and helps to pave the way for the forthcoming Iranian Revolution of 1979.

Iranian Revolution of 1979
In the early 1970s, the Iranian guerrilla movement began in northern Iran in the province of Mazandaran. The 1970s also witnessed the birth of widespread worker strikes and demonstrations, and university campuses became a hotbed of revolutionary activity. In 1973, Tudeh released a brochure titled "Oil from Iran and imperialist oil monopolies," likely advocating for oil nationalization. The Tudeh Party drastically increased its activities, recruiting many youths and organizing regional committees, supporting the Islamic Revolution when others on the left opposed it.

Islamic Republic
During the revolution, many political prisoners were freed and the Tudeh Party and other leftist groups were able to participate in the presidential and parliamentary elections for the first time in many years. However, the majority of seats in the Majlis were won by the Islamic Republican Party of Ayatollah Beheshti and leftist and nationalist organizations were forced out of the loop. The newly elected president, Abolhassan Banisadr, who had originally been close with Ayatollah Khomeini, also became increasingly frustrated with the developments that had been taking place and opposed the domination of the clergy and the religious factions in Iranian politics. In addition, the party denounced Amnesty International's call to end the summary executions and called it "blatant interference in Iranian affairs".

In 1981, the Majlis, dominated by the Islamic Republican Party, forced Banisadr out of office, which initiated a wave of protests and demonstrations from all segments of the populace. Banisadr later fled the country. Armed revolutionary committees loyal to Khomeini (which came to be known as the Pasdaran) arrested many thousands of youth and activists from both nationalist and leftist groups, many of whom were later tried by Lajevardi, known as the Hanging Judge, and executed.

At this point in the history of the Tudeh Party, the Christian and Azeris within the population were prominent.

Suppression
While other leftist parties opposed the Islamist forces at this time and were suppressed as a result, Tudeh Party leadership as well as the Fadaian Aksariat decided to support the new clerical theocratic regime. This may have been to try to follow the pro-Tehran line of the Soviet Union.

In 1982, however, the Tudeh broke ranks. The Islamist government of Iran had closed down the Tudeh newspaper and purged Tudeh members from government ministries. According to the Mitrokhin Archive, Vladimir Kuzichkin, a KGB officer stationed in Tehran, had defected to the British in 1982. MI6 used this information and shared the information with the CIA. Their information was then shared with the Iranian government by the CIA, which was secretly courting Iran, as part of the Iran–Contra affair.

Quite quickly the government arrested and imprisoned its leadership and later more than 10,000 members of the party. In February 1983, the leaders of the Tudeh Party were arrested and the Party disbanded, leaving Iran effectively a one-party state. The Tudeh arrests revealed that once again the party had managed to find supporters among the armed forces, as a number of officers, prominent among them Admiral Bahram Afzali, commander of the Iranian navy, were arrested. These arrests ended the alliance between the Tudeh Party and the ruling clergy of Iran and it collapsed, even as the Soviets worked with the Iranians to build up their nuclear capabilities. Even with this agreement, the Iranian government saw the Soviets as "atheistic devils" and the Soviets did not like the government because it had suppressed the Tudeh.

International media, such as UPI, reported that along with the banning of the Tudeh party, 18 Soviet diplomats were expelled from the country for "blatant interference." At the same time, Tudeh was accused of working on behalf of "foreign powers," with the suppression praised by Khomeini.

From 1 May 1983 to 1 May 1984 almost all of the Tudeh leadership appeared in videos, first individually and then jointly in an October 1983 "roundtable discussion," confessing to "treason", "subversion", "horrendous crimes", praising Islam and proclaiming Islamic government's superiority over atheistic Marxism–Leninism. British officials supported Iran's crackdown and joked about the state torture techniques used to extract the confessions. British officials were pleased by the repression not primarily because they were concerned about Soviet influence in the country since they knew that Iran was quite independent of that, but because they wanted to curry favor with the Iranian regime.

In 1 May 1984 Ehsan Tabari, appeared on television. A man with "50 years of leftist experiences" told viewers he had read "great Islamic thinkers" such as Ayatollah Motahhari in prison following the 1982 crackdown and had now come to repudiate the works he had written over the past 40 years. He now realized that his entire life's work was 'defective', 'damaging', and 'totally spurious' because it had all been based on unreliable thinkers – Freemasons nourished by the Pahlavis; secularists such as Ahmad Kasravi; Western liberals and Marxists linked to 'imperialism' and 'Zionism' …

In his recantation, Tabari made frequent references to religion, the Twelve Imams and Islamic thinkers and "praised Islam for its `great spiritual strength.`"

The suspicions of outside observers that the confession was not given freely were reinforced by the absence of Taqi Keymanash and "13 other members" of the Tudeh central committee, who died during prison interrogation. The rapid disintegration of the Tudeh at the hands of the state, and the confessions of its leaders led the opposition and remaining party members to seek answers. Explanations ranged from ideological capitulation to the use of Stalinist methods of trial. The remnant of the party outside the country resorted to strange explanations that special drugs created by the CIA and MI-6 were used. The simplest explanation came several years after the television recantations, from a prison visit by a United Nations' human rights representative (Galindo Pohl) to Iran. The Tudeh Party General Secretary Noureddin Kianouri was reported to have told the representative that he and his wife had been tortured to give false confessions. As evidence, he held up his badly set broken arm. Pohl added that Maryam Firuz had difficulty hearing, swallowing food, and sitting down because of beatings suffered eight years earlier at the hands of the Shah's secret police. Kianouri later wrote an open letter to the Ayatollah detailing his mistreatment.

As a result of these purges, a great number of party members left the country into exile. As the party represented the "Soviet view of a preferred leftist movement" that holds a pro-Soviet ideological line and responds to Soviet foreign policy in a supportive manner, the Soviet Union was likely disappointed at the development. It is likely many hundreds Tudeh prisoners were killed during the 1988 executions of Iranian political prisoners when thousands of Mojahedin and leftist prisoners were killed. One report lists 90 Tudeh killed in just some blocks of Evin and Gohar Dasht prisons.

Current status
Despite the repression, the party has managed to survive. Though since the Iranian Revolution the party is officially banned in Iran and individuals found to be affiliated with communist or socialist groups risk imprisonment, active members have remained and it continues to operate as an underground political organization there. This was mentioned in an Amnesty International report on political prisoners in Iran.

Today, the party leadership is mainly based in exile, as is the new Central Committee, elected in 1992. The party has taken positions against privatization, criticizes the electoral system in the country, and "anti-labor" legislation. In 2017, the party supported Jean-Luc Mélenchon as a leftist force in France, commemorated the Russian Revolution, pledged solidarity with the Venezuelan Communist Party, and criticized Iranian reformists for betraying their ideals. Additionally, the party condemned the missile attacks on Syria in April 2017 by Donald Trump, the only element of the Iranian opposition to do so, and has many wide-ranging party anthems on their website. In 2020, the party condemned the Trump Administration's airstrike which killed Qasem Soleimani, while simultaneously criticizing the Iranian government for intervening in both Iraq and Lebanon.

title: Tudeh Party of Iran


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Ethical_challenges_to_autism_treatment--challenged
Please check out the article Ethical_challenges_to_autism_treatment -- I'm challenging its neutrality, it needs sources, and I'm proposing merging it back into the Autism_rights_movement. Please provide your thoughts/comments. Josh.Pritchard.DBA (talk) 23:52, 1 January 2008 (UTC)

Quotes
Why did you rmove my quotes? how do you know there not sliders quotes?

--Gabby the kitty (talk) 14:59, 20 January 2008 (UTC)

Disputed fair use rationale for Image:Larry Appleton and Jennifer Lyons.jpg
Thanks for uploading Image:Larry Appleton and Jennifer Lyons.jpg. However, there is a concern that the rationale you have provided for using this image under "fair use" may be invalid. Please read the instructions at Non-free content carefully, then go to the image description page and clarify why you think the image qualifies for fair use. Using one of the templates at Fair use rationale guideline is an easy way to ensure that your image is in compliance with Wikipedia policy, but remember that you must complete the template. Do not simply insert a blank template on an image page.

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Autism rights movement
Hi, Q0. I noticed a lot of your recent edits marked as "minor" (see the edit summaries with an m). You might have something set in your preferences which is forcing your edits to be marked as minor, even when they're not? When deleting (rightly) a lot of uncited text, I don't think the edits are supposed to be marked as minor, so you may need to review your preference settings. Keep up the good work; slowly but surely those articles are getting cleaned up and cited, and hopefully future additions will conform to policy. Sandy Georgia (Talk) 15:49, 17 February 2008 (UTC)
 * Sorry about that. Actually, I did not have my settings that forces my edits to be marked as minor. I misunderstood the purpose of the 'minor' tag. I had the impression that adding or removing a sentence or two was a 'minor' edit, and in some cases I guess I underestimated the amount I was removing. I recently reread WP:MINOR and now see that even adding or removing one word is usually more than a minor edit, let alone a whole sentence, and that minor edits are edits to change spelling, punctuation, and formatting. It appears that I have incorrectly marked a number of my edits as minor when they are not. In the future, I'll try to be more careful about using the minor tag according to the rules in WP:MINOR. I'm sorry if my incorrect use of the minor tag has caused any confusion. Q0 (talk) 14:04, 22 February 2008 (UTC)

Congrats!
You were today's first edit, at exactly 00:00 you added 3 letter to an article :) -- Alisyn talk 00:05, 15 March 2008 (UTC)

Quinn Mallory
Why did you remove this quote?

 * Quinn: That wave cousin Tasha that doing here in California
 * Tasha: old man was happening somewhere here and I decided to visit you cousin
 * Quinn: Old man! we are going to the pizzaria to present you to my friends
 * Tasha: suuuper!

--The Cool Pirate (talk) 14:29, 15 March 2008 (UTC)

List of fictional characters by IQ
You can't use wikipedia articles as a reference for another wikipedia article! I shall remove the circular references. Theresa Knott | The otter sank 21:49, 26 March 2008 (UTC)
 * All the references are to the episodes of the television shows. It is not intended to use the Wikipedia pages as references. It just links to those pages because the articles exist so linking is relavent. Q0 (talk) 21:51, 26 March 2008 (UTC)
 * I've no problem with linking but don't add them using reference tags. Theresa Knott | The otter sank 21:53, 26 March 2008 (UTC)
 * I don't understand what you mean. Are you saying I cannot link from within a ref tag? Q0 (talk) 21:57, 26 March 2008 (UTC)
 * It does say on Television episodes:
 * An actual episode may be used as a source for information about the episode and constitutes a primary source. Such use does not constitute original research if it is used to verify a fact. However, the episode cannot be used to justify an interpretation.
 * Q0 (talk) 22:00, 26 March 2008 (UTC)

 * Yes but although the episode can be used as a primary source, Our article about it can not. Ideally a source should be easily to check. Ideally a link to the television network website that confirms the data if that's possible.Theresa Knott | The otter sank 07:50, 27 March 2008 (UTC)
 * I never had any intention of using Wikipedia's articles about the television episode as a reference. I only intended to use the television episodes as references. I wrote an explanation on Talk:List_of_fictional_characters_by_IQ. I am having trouble understanding why you think I had ever intended to use the Wikipedia articles about the television episodes as references. Q0 (talk) 08:19, 27 March 2008 (UTC)
 * Just because you used the reference tags that's all. Theresa Knott | The otter sank 08:38, 27 March 2008 (UTC)
 * I used the reference tags because I intended to use the television episodes as references. I thought that writing the title of the television episode in reference tags was the way to use a television episode as a reference. Is the page sufficient the way it is? Even though they no longer link to the Wikipedia articles about the television episode, they still use ref tags. If not, what am I supposed to do to make it clear that I intend to use the episodes as references and not the articles the episodes as references? Q0 (talk) 08:45, 27 March 2008 (UTC)
 * I think the page looks OK now. It's much clearer now IMO. I think you add links to the wikipedia articles, not as part of the reference, but as further info. Theresa Knott | The otter sank 19:41, 27 March 2008 (UTC)

AfD nomination of List of fictional characters by IQ
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AfD nomination of List of fictional characters by IQ
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Jim Sinclair (activist)
Excuse me, but aren't you the primary author of most of the text in the article Jim Sinclair (activist)? If so, do you mind answering a few questions about it? It turns out it might be a very important article. Chrisrus (talk) 19:00, 26 August 2009 (UTC)

Nomination of List of fictional characters on the autism spectrum for deletion
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ArbCom elections are now open!
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license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:Q0


text:
Partial thromboplastin time

The partial thromboplastin time (PTT), also known as the activated partial thromboplastin time (aPTT or APTT), is a blood test that characterizes coagulation of the blood. A historical name for this measure is the kaolin-cephalin clotting time (KCCT), reflecting kaolin and cephalin as materials historically used in the test. Apart from detecting abnormalities in blood clotting, partial thromboplastin time is also used to monitor the treatment effect of heparin, a widely prescribed drug that reduces blood's tendency to clot.

The PTT measures the overall speed at which blood clots form by means of two consecutive series of biochemical reactions known as the intrinsic pathway and common pathway of coagulation. The PTT indirectly measures action of the following coagulation factors: I (fibrinogen), II (prothrombin), V (proaccelerin), VIII (anti-hemophilic factor), X (Stuart–Prower factor), XI (plasma thromboplastin antecedent), and XII (Hageman factor).

The PTT is often used in conjunction with another measure of how quickly blood clotting takes place called the prothrombin time (PT). The PT measures the speed of clotting by means of the extrinsic pathway and common pathway.

Methodology

Partial thromboplastin time is typically analyzed by a medical technologist or a laboratory technician on an automated instrument at 37 °C (as a nominal approximation of normal human body temperature). The test is termed "partial" due to the absence of tissue factor from the reaction mixture.
 * Blood is drawn into a test tube containing oxalate or citrate, molecules which act as an anticoagulant by binding the calcium in a sample. The blood is mixed, then centrifuged to separate blood cells from plasma (as partial thromboplastin time is most commonly measured using blood plasma).
 * A sample of the plasma is extracted from the test tube and placed into a measuring test tube.
 * Next, an excess of calcium (in a phospholipid suspension) is mixed into the plasma sample (to reverse the anticoagulant effect of the oxalate enabling the blood to clot again).
 * Finally, in order to activate the intrinsic pathway of coagulation, an activator (such as silica, celite, kaolin, ellagic acid) is added, and the time the sample takes to clot is measured optically. Some laboratories use a mechanical measurement, which eliminates interferences from lipemic and icteric samples.

Interpretation
The typical reference range is between 25 seconds and 33 s (depending on laboratory). Longer times of up to 50 s do apply to infants. Shortening of the PTT is considered to have little clinical relevance, but some research indicates that it might increase risk of thromboembolism. Normal PTT requires the presence of the following coagulation factors: I, II, V, VIII, IX, X, XI and XII. Notably, deficiencies in factors VII or XIII will not be detected with the PTT test.

Prolonged aPTT may indicate:
 * use of heparin (or contamination of the sample)
 * antiphospholipid antibody (especially lupus anticoagulant, which paradoxically increases propensity to thrombosis)
 * coagulation factor deficiency (e.g., hemophilia)
 * sepsis — coagulation factor consumption
 * presence of antibodies against coagulation factors (factor inhibitors)

To distinguish the above causes, mixing tests are performed, in which the patient's plasma is mixed (initially at a 50:50 dilution) with normal plasma. If the abnormality does not disappear, the sample is said to contain an "inhibitor" (either heparin, antiphospholipid antibodies or coagulation factor specific inhibitors), while if it does disappear a factor deficiency is more likely. Deficiencies of factors VIII, IX, XI and XII and rarely von Willebrand factor (if causing a low factor VIII level) may lead to a prolonged aPTT correcting on mixing studies.

The aPTT is usually normal in pregnancy but tends to slightly decrease in late pregnancy.

aPTT-based APC resistance test
The aPTT-based activated protein C (APC) resistance test is used in the diagnosis of APC resistance (APCR). It involves a modified aPTT test performed in the presence and absence of APC. The ratio of these aPTT values is calculated and is called the APC sensitivity ratio (APCsr) or simply APC ratio (APCr). This ratio is inversely related to the degree of APC resistance. The aPTT-based APC resistance test was developed in 1993.

History
The PTT was first described in 1953 by researchers at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

title: Partial thromboplastin time


text:
User talk:Chira

Hi, I'm not in right now, please leave a message after the beep.

re: ply
re: I like your work at Charles Peirce and Talk:Charles Peirce, thank you. -- Chira

thanks, chira, that's very e-couraging. interesting angles at your pages which i hope to get to when i get my current slate of work done. jon awbrey

Nonviolent Communication
I noticed that you contributed to the Nonviolent Communication article at some time. A friend just recommended this book to me because she felt I could use it for my attempts to mediate for Sri Lanka related articles. Since I'm just reading it, I need some help from people who have more experience with NVP. You could help Wikipedia, Sri Lanka, the nonviolence movement and me greatly by looking at some of my edits and giving me honest feedback on User talk:SebastianHelm/NVC. This may also be interesting for yourself and anyone else interested in NVC, because applying the techniques to Wikipedia-style communication has its own challenges. — Sebastian 19:28, 10 January 2007 (UTC)

title: User talk:Chira


text: Category:Parks in Quebec

title: Category:Parks in Quebec


text:
Wow-Wow sauce

Wow-Wow Sauce (sometimes referred to as Bow wow sauce) is a sauce for which the first known recipe was published by William Kitchiner of London in 1817. It contains port, wine vinegar, parsley, pickled cucumbers or pickled walnuts, English mustard and mushroom ketchup in a base of beef stock, flour and butter. A recipe appears in Enquire Within Upon Everything (88th edition, 1894).

It is parodied as a sauce of the same name in the Discworld novels of Terry Pratchett, in which ingredients including sulphur and saltpetre render it highly explosive. A variant of the above real-world recipe is published in The Discworld Companion and Nanny Ogg's Cookbook.

title: Wow-Wow sauce


text: Category:Saratoga County, New York

title: Category:Saratoga County, New York


text: File:PrattAndWhitneyLogo.png

title: File:PrattAndWhitneyLogo.png


text:
Talk:Autistic culture

Not notable
this is not a notable subject matter come on now —Preceding unsigned comment added by 24.10.105.239 (talk • contribs) 20:09, 31 May 2007

I believe something should be written about the history of autistic culture, although I am not knowledgable about its history, so it will need to be written by someone with more knowledge than I have. Q0 07:26, 25 Oct 2004 (UTC)

I had to model after the Deaf culture article to write the "Is Autistic Culture a Real Culture" section. I hope this was ok. Q0 17:51, 24 Oct 2004 (UTC)

The first guy is right, this article is pretty much a joke. A passing glance reveals that the article is self-serving and masturbatory. This article appeals to a very small group of people and the information contained within it is trivial, it should be deleted. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.15.51.214 (talk • contribs) 11:46, 18 July 2007

I disagree with those who say that the topic is not notable. However, I believe it would be more appropriate to merge this article into autistic community and/or sociological and cultural aspects of autism rather than to delete. Q0 08:04, 19 July 2007 (UTC)

Unverified information in "Relation to Geeks and Nerds"
A quote from the article: "Unlike the Deaf culture, which recognizes and accepts many people who are hearing, the Autistic culture generally shuns neurotypical people (NTs), and the sentiment among the Autism rights movement generally considers people who have self-diagnosed to be part of a fad which considers Autism/Asperger's as a mere personality type."

That contains two separate assertions that are at odds with what I've seen of autistic culture, and one that is somewhat at odds with what I've seen of Deaf culture. There are no citations backing these things up, either.

Basically, there are segments of the Deaf community that do shun "hearies". And large segments that consider some hearies (especially hearing children of Deaf parents, and interpreters) part of Deaf culture. (I don't have a cite for that but I'm sure this could be found somewhere.) So there's a fair amount of diversity of opinion about hearing people among Deaf people, and while the statement as general is probably true, it shouldn't be used in contrast to autistic culture.

Because the segments of autistic culture that reject NTs are, like in the Deaf community, only small segments, with most of us not bearing any malice, hatred, rejection, etc towards NTs. Many people in the autistic community have had to go to great lengths to show that we do not in fact hate NTs. The following article: http://web.syr.edu/~jisincla/History_of_ANI.html is a history of one autistic community that was fairly formative for modern autistic culture, and they're explicit about not hating or shunning NTs. I'm sure if you look around you can find other citations that are equally explicit.

The second part of the statement that causes trouble, is that the sentiment among the autism rights movement generally considers people who have self-diagnosed to be part of a fad... etc. You'd again need to cite sources for that, and if you looked for sources, you'd find that there's a great diversity of opinion about self-diagnosis. One autistic man who does not as far as I know consider himself part of the autism rights movement urged conference organizers to verify an official diagnosis for all autistic people speaking at their conferences, and many people within the autistic community responded to this by refusing to show our official diagnosis as a display of solidarity with people who could not obtain one but were equally autistic. Many people in the autism rights movement signed that letter (in fact, more than are on there right now because I've been too busy to update the signatures): http://www.autistics.org/library/whoisautistic.html

So you'd have to find cites to back those statements up, and I suspect if you looked around, you'd find more cites (like the two I provided) refuting those statements.

Silentmiaow 15:14, 8 November 2006 (UTC)

External links section too big
I think the external links section is way too large. When the Aspergian Pride's list was separate from the external links section I thought that was ok because then people would still have a shorter list that is easier to go through. But now with the two links sections there is only one hard to sort through list. I think either the links needs to be divided back into separate "external links" and "aspergian pride links" sections like it was before, or the external links list needs to be cut shorter, or the external links section needs to be divided into subsections to make it easier to sort though. Q0 08:57, 16 Jan 2005 (UTC)
 * There shouldn't be any Aspergian Pride section. There should be only a list of relevant links. People have huge link lists and link farm in Eikipedia. Such lists are also against the purpose of Wikipedia.
 * I have tried to remove less relevant or minor links from this article, but some users keep putting them back without telling any reason. If this continues, I have to complain somewhere. -Hapsiainen 14:40, Mar 23, 2005 (UTC)
 * Most of the links here are already in the autism rights movement article anyway, so I think I'll remove all external links here except those specifically in the "autistic culture" category. Q0 21:21, 23 Mar 2005 (UTC)

views opposed to the existence of autistic culture
At the moment we've got a bare statement that some people dispute the existence of the autistic culture, but no explanation of these views. That section is in dire need of expansion. Are there any statements of that viewpoint that could be referred to? 195.224.75.71 16:39, 7 October 2005 (UTC)

Removal of the word aspiette
A protest about the instant deletion of the word aspiette:

Oy RN, you do realise that the word aspiette is a real word, it is part of autistic culture, and you have ABSOLUTELY NO RIGHT to undo my actions as you just did right now! This is supposed to be a world of free speech, and yet you just took away my right to put this word here! Geez mate!

(cur) (last) 08:09, 8 October 2005 RN (rv - aspiette was taken out by even Joe, so its obviously not used enough to be in the terms here....)

That is a VERY bad call - and if this goes away, I will contact the admin here! Kitkatsavvy

As the inventor of the word aspiette, I am very sad to see it being redirected to the "Autistic culture" section. Now RN, I don't care how much of a bigwig you THINK you are, this word does get used to call a female aspie an aspiette! Now why don't you GIVE me the right to have my word as it's own listing - just like it is right here - http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/aspiette. Now would you please give me a separate page for the word aspiette again or I will report you!

 * Dear Kitkat - Wikipedia is not the place for every new word that someone has coined - it is for widely established words in some form. Ryan Norton T 16:07, 8 October 2005 (UTC)

 * Respectfully Kitkatsavvy, if you can demonstrate from an authoritative source that it is used in prevalence, that word can stay. For example, if the word is printed in an authoritative source not on the internet, then it is considered factual and relevant to creating this encyclopedia. Otherwise, it will have to be removed, likely as a neologism. --HappyCamper 16:24, 8 October 2005 (UTC)

 * A Google search for the word shows only this:
 * A bunch of Italian documents, because "aspiette" is apparently a word in Italian
 * A bunch of web pages that say things like this:

 * "I AM the official inventor of the word Aspiette! There are some of you out there saying that just because my word aspiette is not in Google yet, it doesn't mean that it shouldn't be in the dictionary! Why do you trust your faith in google so much! Does that mean that from now ON, a word HAS to be FOUND in a search engine in order to be classified as a new word? I don't think so, and if you do, you are an absolute idiot who has defeated the whole purpose of inventing ITSELF!", see also  and

 * So basically, you made a word and you want it in the dictionary and wikiepedia. It doesn't work that way. Words get to be included in reference material when they have established significant usage. One or two people doesn't cut it. (If it did, all the goofy family slang my family has would qualify!) "Aspiette" can be shown to be used only by you and maybe one or two others. That's not appropriate for WP or the dictionary -- in fact, I think it should be removed from Wiktionary as well.

 * Anyone can invent a word. The hard point is to get your neologism used. Good luck with that. ManekiNeko | Talk 00:21, 11 October 2005 (UTC)

 * Personally, I'm not wild about turning "aspie" into a gendered adjective and a diminutive gender at that. I know there's controversy about the majority of autistics being male, and they're still trying to figure out if that's true or if there are just a lot of autistic girls slipping under the radar. Maybe that's why you want to have a gendered adjective stating I am not just autistic, I am a female autistic. It's the affix "ette" that bothers me. Most of the autistic women I know are anything but -ettes, and the only other thing "aspiette" brings to mind is something used for personal hygiene. I know this isn't the issue, and the real issue is that I've never seen "aspiette" before. It's going to have to be used a lot more, by a lot more people, before it can be considered part of the general jargon. Look at the trouble we've had getting people to accept that neurotypical is legitimate and not POV inspeak. Bluejay Young 02:47, 12 February 2006 (UTC)

209.129.49.65 03:21, 9 March 2006 (UTC) Prometheuspan 03:22, 9 March 2006 (UTC) I have Aspergers, and I am familiar with the issues. In this case, Neurotypical defies the conventions of neologism because it is a neccessary glossary word to even have a legit discussion. Aspiette is a pronoun affecation, and Aspie allready applies to both males and females. I think actually that you really accidentally ended the case when you called yourself the words originator. That means it is def a Neologism. Don't get me wrong, I am a pro Neologisim person, but the limits of writing >>textbooks<< aren't the fault of the Wikibookians or Wikimedia, they are the conventions the public has come to expect, and if we don't conform to those conventions, what we end up with is a whole lot of people that won't respect us. The truth be told, You have been given enormous berth, allready this is pushing the limit of the difference between a Encyclopedia and A collection of group memoirs. I'd like to see you continue, and I am fascinated and amused to find so many aspies here. Please quit beating the WikiPedianss about the ears for doing their jobs. As an interesting aside, there are fun ways to cheat. For instance, you could write a paragraph on Aspie culture, and include a bit about words and neologisms of that culture. In that context, you become simply a reporter of undisputable facts. 209.129.49.65 03:21, 9 March 2006 (UTC) Prometheuspan 03:22, 9 March 2006 (UTC)

Merge
I noticed that someone merged autistic community and autistic culture without a discussion on the talk page. It is not appropriate to merge without discussion. First, there needs to be a proposal on the talk page, and people need a chance to state objections. Q0 18:44, 7 December 2005 (UTC)

To avoid duplication, please discuss the proposed merge in Talk:Autistic community. 195.224.75.71 09:49, 8 December 2005 (UTC)

Insults
Can Autie and Aspie be used as insults like "You nigger loving Aspie/autie."?
 * Like "That page was written by one of those dumb auties" or "all those aspies ought to be locked up" -- that sort of thing? I have never yet heard it. Most people I knew who wanted to insult autistics called us retards or spastics because they didn't see the difference. --Bluejay Young 01:16, 20 June 2006 (UTC)

Living away from metro areas
I think not living in a metropolitan area is one part of the culture.

 * What? Are you the person who wrote this:

 * Popular misconception is that autistic people live away from other people due to the lack of socialization, and their tendency to like solitude. For example, such as living in an rural area rather than a urban area, however there has been some autistics that can maintain living in suburb or large city like Los Angeles. However if an autistic lives in urban and/or suburban area he/she might be more prone to poverty and bullying, which is what most autistics suffer from. It is unknown why, but it has been proven that the closer an autistic is to a metropolitan area the more likely he/she will have more difficulty in life.

 * It has been "proven"? If so, you have to state by whom. Removed until further notice. --Bluejay Young 05:10, 25 August 2006 (UTC) Good golly, miss molly.....

More books to mention?
What about the hard sci fi novel "Distress" by Greg Egan? It has an explicitly aspie activist character, a main character who I think is aspie too, and an aspie narrative voice. There has been speculation about the author in an article about AS on Locus online, and a well-known technology pioneer who is though to be autistic has cited Egan as a favourite author.

What about all of those well-known autie and aspie autobiographies? THese are the most prominent form of literature about autistics.

Moved to talk page
I've moved this into the talk page, because frankly it looks like the person who added this was trying to start a discussion, which is not what Wikipedia articles are for.

Is autistic culture a real culture?
Not everyone agrees on what a culture is, or what should be its defining characteristics. However, most cultural anthropologists as of 2006 define a culture as follows: (1) Culture is based on symbols, abstract ways of referring to and understanding ideas, objects, feelings, or behaviors -— and the ability to communicate with symbols using language. (2) Culture is shared. People in the same society share common behaviors and ways of thinking through culture. (3) Culture is learned. While people biologically inherit many physical traits and behavioral instincts, culture is socially inherited. A person must learn culture from other people in a society. (4) Culture is adaptive. People use culture to flexibly and quickly adjust to changes in the world around them. (Source: Encarta article on culture)

Some argue that autistics are perhaps in the beginning stages of forming a real culture. Many features of what are commonly called cultures are visible in the autistic culture. There are shared beliefs, organisations, language, and art that are specific to the group, and there is a tendency to marry within the group. Autistic culture can be learned via the growing number of books and websites, and through gatherings such as Autreat. An ability to rely on other autistics for emotional reinforcement or pragmatic support may allow autistics to adjust more easily to the world-at-large. Jim Sinclair's history of Autism Network International includes an explanation of autistic culture.

Nevertheless, there are some who dispute the existence of an autistic culture. More discussion of this issue is required.

Robrecht 16:04, 16 April 2007 (UTC)

 * so pretty much what you're saying is it's some nerd shit that's come about thanks to internet groupthink / internet community mass reinforcement, i don't think that's exactly notable (not that this article is in any danger of being deleted with the "aspies" guarding it of course) 64.251.141.215 10:01, 29 July 2007 (UTC)

 * It should be noted that all I did was move this from the actual article to the talk page. I did not write this. Robrecht 12:29, 18 September 2007 (UTC)

 * As a matter of fact that is not what I meant at all. When I wrote those paragraphs, the article contained some mention of controversy over whether or not 'autistic culture' was a real culture, so I inserted a definition of what constitutes a culture according to current standards in anthropology. People could then judge for themselves. If there is need for the paragraphs to be removed that's fine, but there is no need to get hostile about it. Culture is not 'groupthink' and is not merely a question of 'mass reinforcement', that's the whole point of the definition. If you think the article as a whole should be deleted, then by all means propose a deletion and invite comment as per standard Wikipedia procedures. --Bluejay Young 20:22, 21 September 2007 (UTC)

You might be interested
The Culture of Autism Focus on autistic art

title: Talk:Autistic culture


text:
Fabrizio De André

Fabrizio Cristiano De André (18 February 1940 – 11 January 1999) was an Italian singer-songwriter and the most-prominent cantautore of his time. His 40-year career reflects his interests in concept albums, literature, poetry, political protest, and French music. He is considered a prominent member of the Genoese School. Because of the success of his music in Italy and its impact on the Italian collective memory, many public places such as roads, squares, and schools in Italy are named after De André.

Biography
Fabrizio De André was born in Pegli, Genoa, Italy, to an upper-class family. He had a warm, deep voice, and started playing guitar at the age of 14. His father gave him some Georges Brassens records, whose songs influenced the style of his first songs. Brassens also inspired De André to become a libertarian and a pacifist, which was influential in his music and later, more-sophisticated productions.

1960s
When he was a student in February 1961, De André debuted, singing two songs in a theater in Genoa. The two songs were later recorded as his first single, "Nuvole barocche" b/w "E fu la notte", which was released in 1961 and was an imitation of Domenico Modugno. In his following recordings in the early 1960s, De André found a more personal style, mixing literature with traditional songs (in particular Medieval ones), presenting himself as a contemporary troubador and storyteller. His narrative centered on the stories of marginalized people and antiheroes. He later recorded protest songs such as La ballata del Miché ("Mickey's Ballad"), which he co-wrote with his friend Clelia Petracchi; La Guerra di Piero ("Piero's War"), an anti-war song, with contributions from Vittorio Centenaro and others. Some of the songs were inspired by his city, Genoa, such as La Città Vecchia ("The old (side of the) city"), which he co-wrote with Elvio Monti; and Via del Campo, with the music of Enzo Jannacci. He has also wrote two songs with his life-long friend Paolo Villaggio, Il Fannullone and Carlo Martello (ritorna dalla battaglia di Poitiers) ("Charles Martel Returns from the Battle of Poitiers"), in 1963.

In 1962, his first son Cristiano De André was born to his first wife Enrica "Puny" Rignon, who married in the same year.

His first song to find commercial success was La canzone di Marinella ("The song of Marinella") in 1967, thanks to a television performance by Mina. In 1984, Joan Baez sang "Marinella" during an Italian television program. Following this first success, it was released in 1967 on his first album of new songs Volume 1. The album opens with "Preghiera in Gennaio", which is dedicated to De André's friend the singer Luigi Tenco, who committed suicide before the album's release during his participation in the Sanremo Festival. Despite the popularity of this festival, De André refused to participate in any song competition by principle, and rarely appeared on television. In 1966, De André's first compilation Tutto Fabrizio De André was released.

In 1968, De André released Tutti morimmo a stento, a concept album sung in Italian, with orchestral arrangements of Gian Piero Reverberi—a first for De André. The lyrics of the first song Il Cantico dei Drogati ("Junkies' Canticle") were co-written with poet Riccardo Mannerini, one of the most-significant persons in De André's life. De André and Mannerini also co-wrote lyrics for the 1968 album of the band New Trolls, Senza orario Senza bandiera. In 1969, he released the album Volume 3; due to their lyrics, some of his songs were censored by the national Italian television channel but were broadcast by Vatican Radio.

1970s
In 1970 was released the song Il pescatore ("The Fisherman"). The same year, he released La buona novella, another concept album that was inspired by the life of Jesus Christ as reported mainly by the Apocryphal gospels. It was followed in 1971 by Non al denaro non all'amore né al cielo which was inspired by the Spoon River Anthology, a collection of short poems from Edgar Lee Masters, with the collaboration of Nicola Piovani for the music and Giuseppe Bentivoglio for the lyrics. The album's booklet contains an interview from Fernanda Pivano, the Italian translator of Master's works. In 1973, De André wrote the concept album Storia di un impiegato, which is about the protests of those years, also involving Piovani and Bentivoglio. In 1974, he released the album Canzoni, which includes re-recording of many old songs and new translations of songs of Brassens, Leonard Cohen ("Suzanne" and "Joan of Arc"), and Bob Dylan ("Desolation Row"), thanks to the collaboration of Francesco De Gregori). In 1975, the experimental (both musically and linguistically ) album Volume/8 was a collaboration with the songwriter Francesco De Gregori, and includes a translation of a song by Leonard Cohen ("Seems so long ago, Nancy").

In 1975, De André made his concert debut at "La Bussola" in Viareggio. Before that event, De André refused to perform live concerts because he considered himself more a songwriter than a performer. In the same period, he moved Genoa to Sardinia. In 1978, his new concept album Rimini, which he co-wrote with singer-songwriter Massimo Bubola was released; it includes a translation of Bob Dylan's "Romance in Durango" (Avventura a Durango). For the first time, he wrote a song in Gallurese, a local language related to Corsican, Zirichiltaggia ("Lizard Den"), inspired by the Ballu tundu, beginning to show his passion for minority languages and music traditions.

In 1977, his daughter Ludovica Vittoria (nicknamed simply Luvi) was born to his partner Dori Ghezzi. Between December 1978 and January 1979, De André toured with the Italian progressive rock band Premiata Forneria Marconi (PFM), from which two live albums (In Concerto - Arrangiamenti PFM, vol. 1 and 2) were released. Many years ago, in 2020 was found and published as DVD a video taken from that tour, under the title "Fabrizio De André e PFM - Il concerto ritrovato".

On 27 August 1979, De André and Dori Ghezzi were kidnapped in Sardinia. They were released only on December.

1980s
Together with Sergio Bardotti De André translated the song "Famous Blue Raincoat" with the title La Famosa Volpe Azzurra, which was performed by Ornella Vanoni on her album Ricetta di donna (1980).

In 1981, De André and Massimo Bubola released the single Una storia sbagliata, which was dedicated to Pier Paolo Pasolini and appeared as an opening theme to an Italian television program. Later in 1981, De André released an album without a title, also known as L'Indiano (The Indian) due to the cover reproducing the painting The Outlier by Frederic Remington. The album is more inspired by rock music than De André's earlier ones, partly because of the collaboration in songwriting with Bubola. The arrangements were done by the American-born musician Mark Harris, who also sings Ave Maria in Sardinian. The track Hotel Supramonte was inspired by the De André's kidnapping experience. In 1982, De André, who disliked traveling, went on his first and only European tour of Austria, Germany, and Switzerland.

In 1984 was released the album Crêuza de mä, a collaboration with the multi-instrumentalist Mauro Pagani, a former member of PFM. This album is very unusual: its music was inspired by the Mediterranean music played with instruments from many local traditions, resulting in a special kind of world music and entirely sung in Genoese. David Byrne, later talking to Rolling Stone, named the album as one of the most-important releases of the decade. In 1985, De André co-wrote the song Faccia di Cane however unofficially, which was performed by the New Trolls at the Sanremo Music Festival 1985, where it placed third and won the Prize of the Critic. In 1988 De André sung in the song "Questi posti davanti al mare" together with Francesco De Gregori and Ivano Fossati, who also wrote the song, included in Fossati's 1988 album La pianta del tè.

In 1985, De André promised his dying father to stop his abuse of alcohol but he continued to be a heavy smoker. In 1989, De André married Dori Ghezzi. Their marriage testimony was the actor and long-life friend Beppe Grillo. In the same year, Fabrizio's brother Mauro, a corporate lawyer and who also helped Fabrizio with his career, died.

1990s
In 1990 De André released Le nuvole, a collaboration with Pagani. The album was arranged by Piero Milesi. The first half of the album (side A) is sung in Italian while the second half (side B) is sung in Sardinian, Genoese, and Neapolitan. The album is also credited to Francesco Baccini for some verses of the song Ottocento; Baccini later recorded a duet with De André named Genova Blues. In 1991, De André toured released the double live album 1991 Concerti.

In these years, De André collaborated also with other duets in Italian: Navigare with Ricky Gianco (1992) and La Fiera della Maddalena with Max Mandredi (1994).

De André also collaborated with the band Tazenda, singing a song in Sardinian (Etta Abba Chelu) and co-writing the song Pitzinnos in sa gherra ("Children in the War"), both of which were included on their 1992 album Limba. He sang in Old Occitan with the band Troubaires de Coumboscuro (Mis Amour) in 1995. In 1994, he performed the song Cielito Lindo in Spanish as an opening theme for an Italian television show of the same name.

In 1996 he released his last album Anime Salve, a concept album about solitude, in collaboration with Ivano Fossati. The arrangements are by Milesi. Fossati also duets with De André on two of the songs, the tile track and Â cùmba. The first song on the album, Prinçesa, is inspired by the autobiography of the transsexual Fernanda Farias De Albuquerque. This song was awarded the Targa Tenco as Song of the Year. The last song of the album Smisurata preghiera summarizes the work of writer Álvaro Mutis; De André also released a Portuguese version of the song titled Desmedida plegaria, which was included in the score of the film Ilona Arrives with the Rain. The song was awarded the Lunezia Prize.

Also in 1996, De André co-wrote his only novel Un destino ridicolo with writer Alessandro Gennari; in 2008, this novel inspired the film Amore che vieni, amore che vai. In 1997, he recorded a new version of Marinella, this time as a duo with Mina, which is included in the compilation Mi innamoravo di tutto. During the period 1997–1998, De André went on the longest tour of his career, playing in arenas, open spaces, and theaters. Some of the summer dates were opened by poet and songwriter Oliviero Malaspina, with whom he was planning a collaboration for his next studio album. This long tour had to be interrupted because of the first signs of health problems. Then, he was diagnosed with lung cancer.

Fabrizio De André died in Milan on 11 January 1999. Two days later, a public funeral took place in the Basilique of Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano, Genoa, in front of a large audience. De André was buried in the family chapel in the Monumental Cemetery of Staglieno.

Albums

 * Volume 1 (1967)
 * Tutti morimmo a stento (1968)
 * Volume 3 (1968)
 * La buona novella (1970)
 * Non al denaro non all'amore né al cielo (1971)
 * Storia di un impiegato (1973)
 * Canzoni (1974)
 * Volume 8 (1975)
 * Rimini (1978)
 * Fabrizio De André (1981)
 * Crêuza de mä (1984)
 * Le nuvole (1990)
 * Anime salve (1996)

Compilations

 * Tutto Fabrizio De André (1966)
 * La canzone di Marinella (1968)
 * Nuvole barocche (1968)
 * Fabrizio De André (also known as the Black Anthology) (1976)
 * Fabrizio De André (also known as the Blue Anthology) (1986)
 * Il viaggio (1991)
 * La canzone di Marinella (1995, reissue)
 * Mi innamoravo di tutto (1997)
 * Da Genova (1999)
 * Peccati di gioventù (2000)
 * In direzione ostinata e contraria (2005)
 * In direzione ostinata e contraria 2 (2006)
 * Effedia: Sulla mia cattiva strada (2008)

Live albums

 * Fabrizio De André in Concerto (1979)
 * Fabrizio De André in Concerto vol. 2 (1980)
 * 1991 concerti (1991)
 * In concerto (1999) (A selection of songs from De André's last-ever filmed concerts, released in their entirety on the same-titled 2004 DVD)
 * Ed avevamo gli occhi troppo belli (2001)
 * In concerto volume II (2001) (The remaining songs from the 1998 In Concerto final shows)
 * Fabrizio De André & PFM in concerto (2007) (Newly mixed and "de-mastered" reissue of the PFM-led live albums from 1979 and 1980)

Tributes

 * Canti randagi (1995)
 * Äia da respiâ - Genova canta De André (1999)
 * Faber, amico fragile (2003) (2 CDs)
 * Non più i cadaveri dei soldati (Un omaggio a Fabrizio De André) (2003)
 * Mille papaveri rossi (2003)
 * Non al denaro non all'amore nè al cielo (Morgan) (2005)
 * 2004 Creuza de mä (Mauro Pagani) (2004)
 * PFM canta De André (2008) (CD + DVD)
 * De André canta De André (2009) by Cristiano De André
 * De André canta De André vol. 2 (2010) by Cristiano De André
 * Canti randagi 2 (2010)
 * Sogno n° 1 (2011), London Symphony Orchestra directed by Geoff Westley
 * De André canta De André vol. 3 (2017) by Cristiano De André
 * Faber nostrum (2019)

Singles

 * "Nuvole barocche"/"E fu la notte" (1960)
 * "La ballata del Michè"/"La ballata dell'eroe" (1961)
 * "Il fannullone"/"Carlo Martello ritorna dalla battaglia di Poitiers" (1963)
 * "Il testamento"/"La ballata del Michè" (1963)
 * "La guerra di Piero"/"La ballata dell'eroe" (1964)
 * "Valzer per un amore"/"La canzone di Marinella" (1964)
 * "Per i tuoi larghi occhi"/"Fila la lana" (1965)
 * "La città vecchia"/"Delitto di paese" (1965)
 * "La canzone dell'amore perduto"/"La ballata dell'amore cieco (o della vanità)" (1966)
 * "Geordie"/"Amore che vieni, amore che vai" (1966)
 * "Preghiera in Gennaio"/"Si chiamava Gesù" (1967)
 * "Via del Campo"/"Bocca di rosa" (1967)
 * "Caro amore"/"Spiritual" (1967)
 * "La canzone di Barbara"/"Carlo Martello ritorna dalla battaglia di Poitiers" (1968)
 * "La canzone di Marinella"/"Amore che vieni, amore che vai" (1968)
 * "Il gorilla"/"Nell'acqua della chiara fontana" (1969)
 * "Leggenda di Natale"/"Inverno" (1969)
 * "Il pescatore"/"Marcia nuziale" (1970)
 * "La stagione del tuo amore"/"Spiritual" (1970)
 * "Nuvole barocche"/"E fu la notte" (1971, reissue)
 * "Un matto (Dietro ogni scemo c'è un villaggio)"/"Un giudice" (1971)
 * "Suzanne"/"Giovanna d'Arco" (1972)
 * "La cattiva strada"/"Amico fragile" (1974)
 * "Il pescatore"/"Carlo Martello ritorna dalla battaglia di Poitiers" (1978)
 * "Una storia sbagliata"/"Titti" (1980)

Box-sets

 * I concerti (16 CDs) (2012)

Music videos

 * La domenica delle salme (1990) – directed by Gabriele Salvatores
 * Mégu megún (1990) – directed by Gabriele Salvatores, starring: Claudio Bisio
 * Ho visto Nina volare (1997) – directed by Pietro Follini

Concerts

 * Fabrizio De André in Concerto (2004)
 * Fabrizio De André e PFM - Il concerto ritrovato (2020)

Documentaries

 * Effedia: Sulla mia cattiva strada (2008)
 * Dentro Faber (2011) (8 DVDs on different subjects each)
 * Faber in Sardegna & L'ultimo concerto di Fabrizio De André, directed by Gianfranco Cabiddu, 2015

Tributes

 * Omaggio a Fabrizio De André (2006) (tribute concert performed in the Roman Amphitheatre of Cagliari on 10 July 2005)
 * PFM canta De André (2008)

Inspired movies

 * Amore che vieni, amore che vai (2008) – directed by Daniele Costantini
 * Fabrizio De André - Principe libero (2018) – directed by Luca Facchini

Essayes

 * Fondazione Fabrizio De André, Bruno Bigoni, Romano Giuffrida, Accordi eretici, La Nave di Teseo, 2021. ISBN 8893950928.

title: Fabrizio De André