text:
Talk:Herfindahl–Hirschman index

Hefindahl-Index or Herfindahl-Hirschmann Index (HHI)? - is there any difference? which term is used more often?

/krolik

There is no difference, and the former term, just plain Herfindahl Index, is used more often. -M

CFA study material uses decimals
Decimals are also used in Bruno Solnik & Dennis McLeavey's book "International Investments". see p. 265 Cheers, FSR

Normalized vs. Non-normalized.
I don't know what standard practice in economics is. In math/physics expressing the s\sub{i}'s in the interval [0,1] would yield an in index in that interval i.e. it would already be normalized. If you express the s_i's in percent, as noted above, monopoly = 10,000. Wouldn't that be the unnormalized HI? Then dividing by 10000 would yield the normalized HI?

Then again, I'm just a failed physicist. If normalization goes wrong, I just renormalize :) BTW I did google the net to no avail. I emailed the one hit I was allowed to see for free :)

-r

The non-normalized version is by far the more widely used, at least traditionally. -M

So, the question remains. Since the non-normalized version (o to 10,000) is the most-commonly-used, why on Earth is Wikipedia defaulting to the normalized version? If nothing else, it's just confusing. On top of that, it requires all of the research on HHI, and the antitrust-related work from the Department of Justice, to be normalized before it can be posted onto Wikipedia, causing excess work in order to keep Wikipedia consistent with itself. Can we just change it all to non-normalized, and include the option to normalization as a note? Ben (talk) 21:02, 5 May 2012 (UTC)

- The practice I have seen is to use whole numbers. When people use decimals the result is a decimal and it leads some to believe the result is somehow a percentage. The article has a mistake in converting the result of the calculation into a percentage. The index does not have an intuitive meaning, the units are squared percentages. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 75.149.136.114 (talk) 02:19, 12 June 2013 (UTC)

squared ² / L_2 norm
Why is the L2 norm (squaring each s_i, ²) considered sufficient "stretching" of the importance of concentrated market share? For example you would get even more weight attributed to having a few big firms by cubing ³ the data and less weight attributed to having a few big firms by putting the data to the one-and-a-half power. Why is 2 the right number?

Perhaps there is a proof showing that squaring the data has some nice property. Is this the case?

Also is there any way to test the goodness of this index? E.g., are here correlations between decreasing HHI and decreasing price over time in various markets? Is there a way to test if the index is inappropriate because certain market players fill qualitative niches or for another reason "should" be distributed as e.g. 10-10-80?

Crasshopper 16:43, 18 May 2006 (UTC)

There really isn't a good way to test this for niches, as you describe. The "should" that you are talking about is too conceptual to be born out in the data. -M
 * If I have to speculate, there is no "right" power. Different markets will have a different minimum number of firms that guarantees perfect-competition-like behavior. It would probably make sense to come up with a general HHI metric, which gives the power as a parameter. Then different markets could have different values for the parameter derived from some price elasticity standard, or simply experts' consensus.

Anyway, American regulators have decided to allow different HHIs for different markets and that seems to be sufficient for practical purposes so far. --Cryout 18:50, 10 August 2007 (UTC)

Origin of the name
(I am usually posting on wikipedia NL, but this remark seemed more appropriate with an American audience.) This article is missing a reference to the scientists Herfindahl and Hirschman (Hirschmann ?), either in the form of an internal wikipedia link or bibliographically near the bottom.--158.169.131.14 08:18, 12 September 2007 (UTC) (Lieven Smits)

Tresholds
where is come form those tresholds? (1000, 1800, ...) why 1000? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 80.191.12.33 (talk) 04:54, 20 August 2008 (UTC)

And shouldn't those treshold attain to the adjusted/normalized index? Herfindahl index ranges from 1/n to 1, so if n<10 then no index could be considered as revealing no concentration.

Math Errors in the Examples?
Sorry, but shouldn't the math formulas in the examples-as-stated actually be:

Case 1: Herfindahl index = 6 * 152 + 10 * 12 = 1360

Case 2: Herfindahl index = 1 * 802 + 5 * 22 + 10 * 12 = 6430

Jimad (talk) 19:48, 22 March 2009 (UTC)

No, percents are decimals, but the .1 should be .01 in both cases. I'm gonna fix it. elvo86 (talk) 20:17, 21 December 2010 (UTC)

Herfindahl index of Fractionalization - disambiguation page needed?
There is a variation on the Herfindahl index that is commonly used in political economy analysis of ethnic/linguistic/religious fractionalization in societies (in fact, the Herfindahl ethnic linguistic fractionalization index, or ELF, is considered the most important measure of ethnic fractionalization in the field today).

The computation is similar, substituting ethnic groups for firms, and (attempting) to include all ethnic groups (instead of the 50 largest, as with the firm calculation). To turn this into an index, the sum is subtracted from 1.

My question: does this warrant a separate wikipedia page (and a disambiguation page), since the subject matter is different, or a simply a new section on this page, since it is essentially the same formula?

Zjfstout (talk) 00:04, 10 February 2009 (UTC)Zjfstout

Threshold
Why only use the 50 largest numbers in the definition? This only relates to a practical implementation of the index, as opposed to its definition (because using the 50 largest is simpler and this does not make a big difference to the final number). Lachambre (talk) 14:34, 17 April 2009 (UTC)

I've made a change in the Decomposition paragraph that specifies the need of having all the market divided by the N firms. Otherwise the correct formula would be $$H =\frac1N\left(2\sum_{i=1}^Ns_i-1\right)+N V$$ instead of just $$H =\frac1N+N V$$. I suggest to not restrict the definition to 50 firms but write in the header that in practice only the first 50 firms are examined. There isn't such a restriction in the definition in Wikipedia in other languages as well. Cheater no1 (talk) 22:05, 9 November 2011 (UTC)

title: Talk:Herfindahl–Hirschman index


text:
Talk:Russell Tribunal

Talk:Russell Tribunal/Archive1 Talk:Russell Tribunal/Archive2

Article seems to deny credibility of the topic
I'm not clear what psychiatric care has to do with state actors conducting warfare. While I acknowledge that it is an article of faith for Scientology that psychiatric care is bad, for us unbelievers it seems irrelevant to the topic and calls into question the legitimacy of these sort of gatherings, more so than than the basic premise.

Came here to try and understand the reference in the following Russia Today article http://rt.com/news/192552-israel-jsil-twitter-isis/. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2602:306:CFB6:ACB0:F960:3458:4495:BAFF (talk) 07:30, 7 November 2014 (UTC)

Influence on justice system
I found this article trying to learn out about the effects of these tribunals on (inter)national justice systems, such as the International Criminal Court in The Hague. Leaving this as feedback, that I think it'd be useful to add if knowledge about such effects is available, and if so, what those effects have been. Joris Landman (talk) 22:23, 13 May 2014 (UTC)

too short, Israel
I think the article is too short. It needs to tell us more about the tribunal itself, its arguments and its findings. Also the historical surrounds should be mentioned, like the 1967 Israel vs Egypt war which wiped the issues of the pages of the international press. I expect Wikipedia to be highly inquisitive and at least mention ALL REALITIES 210.54.239.10 06:59, 7 November 2007 (UTC)

It really should be pointed out that the 2010 Tribunal on Gaza was completely racist in nature - these people should be ashamed of themselves. Interestingly, the only real media coverage it received was on Press TV. Interesting bedfellows! —Preceding unsigned comment added by 93.186.23.241 (talk) 23:16, 26 February 2011 (UTC)

Archive
Any material here prior to my signature has been moved to Archive 2. Please go there if you would like to see the past history of the article. KC9CQJ 04:11, 16 May 2005 (UTC)

For a short history of popular or peoples' tribunals and hearings See "Women Testify: A Planning Guide for Popular Tribunals & Hearings. I. En-gendering Popular Tribunals/Hearings", available online at  http://www.cwgl.rutgers.edu/globalcenter/womentestify/chapter%20I.pdf.

The tradition established by Russell and others in 1967 is similar to the 'truth commissions' set up in South Africa and other countries which have suffered from state-inflicted human atrocities. It is, in part, a way of making a record of testimony of people affected by atrocities. This, in a very small, way helps to balance the traditional histories created by state authorities having the power to write their views of history for posterity. Even if no law is created, and certainly there is no power of enforcement, real witnesses can testify, and others can interpret it howsoever they wish. The fact that it is not 'legal' is really irrelevant when viewed in this way. Unfortunately, the vast majority of the world will never have the opportunity to hear these other sides of the stories we hear about on our news. This allows the state-perpetrated myths to predominate.

-To the critical commentator in your archives, why doesn't he/she look into the birth deformities suffered by children born after the Vietnam War. Is this on your news? Is the US free of responsibility for this? This is only the tip of the iceberg of the repercussions of that war [and all war, especially in contemporary times] on a people seeking to be free of foreign domination, and with irreparable fallout on the world's environment, and for what?! .......

There is a wealth of literature on truth commissions, and numerous universities offer law courses in this area of human rights. A sample of some of this literature follows:

Martha Minow, Between Vengeance and Forgiveness (1998)

Rotberg, R.I. and Thompson, D. (eds.), Truth v. Justice: The Morality of Truth Commissions (2000)

Truth and Econociliation Commission of South Africa: Final Report (1998).

Villa-Vicencio, C. and Verwoerd, W. (eds.), Looking Back, Reaching Forward: Reflections on the Truth Commission of South Africa (2001)

Wilson, R.A., The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa (2001).

Taylor, T., The Anatomy of the Nuremberg Trials: A Personal Memoir (1993).

James, W. and Van der Vijver, L. (eds.), After the TRC: Reflections on Truth and Reconsiliation in South Africa (2000).

Des Forges, A., Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda (1999), Human Rights Watch (see their website)

Buergendahl, T., "The United Nations Truth Commission for El Salvador," 27 Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law 497 (1994). [User BKW 22 Nov 2005]

I think the Richard Falk quote characterizing the tribunal as "a juridical farce" in the criticism section should be thrown out; he's actually quite amenable to the idea of truth commissions and the quote may be taken out of context, recently in Al Jazeera he said: "The Russell Tribunal was derided at the time as a 'kangaroo court' or a 'circus' because its conclusions could be accurately anticipated in advance, its authority was self-proclaimed and without governmental approval, it had no control over those accused, and its capabilities fell far short of enforcement. What was overlooked in such criticism was the degree to which this dismissal of the Russell experiment reflected the monopolistic and self-serving claims of the state and state system to control the administration of law, ignoring the contrary claims of society to have law administered fairly in accord with justice, at least symbolically. Also ignored by critics was the fact that only such initiatives could overcome the blackout of truth achieved by the geopolitics of impunity." Here's the link(It's near the bottom of the article): http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2011/11/2011111815484766433.html

split this article because of rtop?
it seems that the rtop is a separate and distinct organization: "In April 2011, the association converted to a non-profit organisation, with legal status in Brussels, by Pierre Galand, Jacques Michiels, Jacques Debatty, Nadia Farkh, Henri Eisendrath and Roseline Sonet.[7] The former non-elected PS senator, Pierre Galand, was appointed president of the association."

 * should we separate this out into its own article? (WP:SPLIT) Soosim (talk) 09:20, 13 September 2012 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Russell Tribunal


text:
James Marsden

James Paul Marsden (born September 18, 1973) is an American actor. He began his acting career guest starring in the television shows Saved by the Bell: The New Class (1993), Touched by an Angel (1995), and Party of Five (1995). Marsden gained fame for his portrayal of Cyclops in the X-Men film series (2000–2014) and for his roles in the films The Notebook (2004), Superman Returns (2006), Hairspray (2007), Enchanted (2007), and 27 Dresses (2008). He portrayed John F. Kennedy in the drama film The Butler (2013) and starred in the comedy films Anchorman 2: The Legend Continues (2013), Sonic the Hedgehog (2020) and Sonic the Hedgehog 2 (2022).

Marsden starred in the science fiction series Westworld from 2016 to 2022 and in the black comedy series Dead to Me from 2019 to 2022, for which he received a nomination for the Critics' Choice Television Award in 2023. He played guest roles in the sitcoms Modern Family (2011) and 30 Rock (2012–2013). He starred as a fictionalized version of himself in the mockumentary series Jury Duty (2023), for which he received nominations for a Golden Globe Award and a Primetime Emmy Award.

Early life and family
Marsden was born in Stillwater, Oklahoma, on September 18, 1973, the son of Kathleen (née Scholtz) and James Luther Marsden. His father, a food safety advisor to LexiGene Industries, and his mother, a nutritionist, divorced when he was nine years old.

He has four siblings: two younger sisters and two brothers. He attended Hefner Middle School and Putnam City North High School, in Oklahoma City, and later went on to attend Oklahoma State University, where he studied broadcast journalism. He was also a member of Delta Tau Delta fraternity. Marsden left after one and a half years, opting instead to move to Los Angeles in order to pursue his acting career.

Debut and early career (1993–2003)
Marsden got his first job in a series of episodes of The Nanny as Eddie, Margaret Sheffield's boyfriend. He then starred in the Canadian television series Boogies Diner, which aired for one season. Following the end of that series, he guest starred on television shows such as Saved by the Bell: The New Class and Party of Five. He later starred in the ABC show Second Noah. He lost out to Edward Norton for a role in Primal Fear and auditioned for the lead role in 54, which then went to Ryan Phillippe. He starred in the films Disturbing Behavior opposite Katie Holmes and Gossip opposite Kate Hudson. He also appeared in the television series Ally McBeal as one of the main cast members during the first half of season 5, where he also sang. He also starred in a 1998 episode of "The Outer Limits".

Marsden was cast as Cyclops in the X-Men films. His character is prominent in the comics; his screen time in the films, however, is reduced in the sequels. Marsden also appeared in Bryan Singer's Superman Returns. Singer had dropped out of the third X-Men film to direct Superman and Marsden was cast as Lois Lane's fiancé, Richard White. Due to schedule conflicts, Marsden's screen time in X-Men: The Last Stand was reduced, stirring controversy from fans of the comics. Marsden's portrayal of Cyclops in the films was well received and garnered him a Blockbuster Award for Best Supporting Actor. In 2014 Marsden reprised his role of Cyclops in a brief cameo for X-Men: Days of Future Past, as did other actors from the first film including Anna Paquin and Famke Janssen.

Breakthrough with comedy films (2004–2011)
In 2004, Marsden co-starred with Rachel McAdams, Ryan Gosling, James Garner, and Gena Rowlands in the romantic drama The Notebook as Lon Hammond, Jr., the second man Allie Hamilton (McAdams) falls in love with. In 2007, Marsden played Corny Collins in the film adaptation of the Broadway musical Hairspray, based on the 1988 John Waters film of the same name. In the film, he sang two songs, "The Nicest Kids In Town" and "(It's) Hairspray." Both Hairspray and its soundtrack were critically acclaimed. His next role was with Amy Adams in the Disney hybrid animated/live-action film Enchanted, playing Prince Edward. He sang one song as a duet with Adams at the beginning of the film and a duet with Idina Menzel that was cut from the film. Enchanted was well received critically and proved to be a commercial success, earning more than $340 million worldwide at the box office.

Following his successes in 2007's Hairspray and Enchanted, Marsden played the male lead in the 2008 romantic comedy 27 Dresses opposite star Katherine Heigl, which grossed $160 million worldwide. He also starred in the teen comedy Sex Drive. Though the film was a moderate success, Marsden's performance was heavily praised. Marsden also received a Teen Choice Awards nomination for Choice Movie Actor in a Comedy for his roles in Enchanted and 27 Dresses.

In 2009, Marsden also played the male lead in the film The Box, based on the 1970 short story "Button, Button" by author Richard Matheson, which was earlier made into an episode of The Twilight Zone. He starred opposite Cameron Diaz and reunited with Superman Returns co-star Frank Langella. In 2010, Marsden was cast in the comedy Death at a Funeral, a remake of the 2007 British film of the same name, along with Chris Rock, Luke Wilson, Danny Glover, and Columbus Short.

Marsden made an appearance on Modern Family in January 2011, playing a squatter. In April, Marsden appeared as the male (live-action) lead in Hop, an Easter-themed comedy co-starring Russell Brand as the Easter Bunny. Although the film was considered a commercial success, opening at the top of the weekend box office and grossing over $100 million in the U.S. box office, Hop generally received negative reviews. Later in 2011, Marsden played the lead in Straw Dogs, a remake of Sam Peckinpah's 1971 film; Marsden portrayed the character played by Dustin Hoffman in the original. Straw Dogs reunited Marsden with his Superman Returns co-star Kate Bosworth. The film received mixed reviews and ultimately ended up being a box office flop.

Independent films and television roles (2012–present)

In 2012 and 2013, Marsden appeared in a recurring role in the sixth and seventh seasons of 30 Rock, playing Criss Chros, the boyfriend (and later husband) of the series' main character Liz Lemon. He also appeared in several independent films, including Robot & Frank, Small Apartments, Bachelorette, and As Cool as I Am. In 2013, he co-starred with Denzel Washington and Mark Wahlberg in the action film 2 Guns, which debuted at number one in its weekend release. Soon after, he starred in Lee Daniels' historical drama The Butler as President John F. Kennedy. The film, featuring an ensemble, opened at the top spot and received positive reviews. Marsden played Jack Lime, a rival reporter to Will Ferrell's Ron Burgundy, in Anchorman 2: The Legend Continues. The following year, he reprised his role as Scott Summers for the first time in eight years in X-Men: Days of Future Past in a cameo. He would also star in his second Nicholas Sparks film titled The Best of Me, replacing Paul Walker in the lead role. Marsden performed as the sentient android Teddy Flood in three seasons of HBO's Westworld.

Marsden appeared as Judy Hale's former boyfriend and lawyer Steve Wood in the Netflix dark comedy series Dead to Me. He later starred in a separate role in the same series as Ben Wood from the second season onward. In 2020, he starred in Paramount's Sonic the Hedgehog film and the Paramount+ television miniseries The Stand. Marsden also starred in the FX miniseries Mrs. America as Phil Crane. In 2021, Marsden provided the voice of Hitch Trailblazer in the Netflix animated film My Little Pony: A New Generation. Marsden reprised his role of Tom Wachowski in the 2022 sequel Sonic the Hedgehog 2. He also reprised the role of Edward in the sequel to Enchanted, titled Disenchanted, which was released on Disney+ in November 2022. In 2024, Marsden was announced to return as Tom Wachowski in Sonic the Hedgehog 3. He also starred as Jack LaLanne in Unfrosted, which was released on Netflix in May of that year.

Personal life
Marsden married Mary Elizabeth "Lisa" Linde, daughter of Dennis Linde, on July 22, 2000. The couple have two children: a son born in 2001 and a daughter born in 2005. They divorced in 2011, with Linde citing irreconcilable differences.

He also has a son, born in 2012, with model Rose Costa.

title: James Marsden


text:
Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality

Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality (Правосла́вие, самодержа́вие, наро́дность; transliterated: Pravoslávie, samoderzhávie, naródnost'), also known as Official Nationalism, was the dominant Imperial ideological doctrine of Russian Emperor Nicholas I. The doctrine sought Imperial unity under Orthodox Christianity and the absolute authority of the Emperor, while suppressing ideas deemed destructive to that unity. It followed a broader European reactionary trend that sought to restore and defend political institutions that were overthrown in the Napoleonic Wars.

"The Triad" of Official Nationality was originally proposed by Minister of Education Sergey Uvarov in his April 2, 1833, circular letter to subordinate educators. It was soon embraced by Nicholas and his establishment and gained wide public recognition, vocally supported by intellectuals like Mikhail Pogodin, Fyodor Tyutchev, and Nikolai Gogol.

Critics of the policy saw this principle as a call for Russification. Yet the very fact of its existence, being Russia's first statewide political ideology since the 16th century, indicated the nation's brewing transition to modernity.

Quest for ideology
Nicholas I emerged as the Emperor in the wake of Decembrist revolt; subsequent investigation proved that disloyalty was deeply rooted within the noble estate—the sole foundation of the House of Romanov. His father and grandfather were killed by their own guards and statesmen in palace coups. Keen to eradicate the rebels and ensure his own physical security, Nicholas carefully studied proceedings of the Decembrists investigation and was aware of defects in his predecessor's government that fueled the mutiny. "In one sense, the reign of Nicholas I was a protracted epilogue to the Decembrist rising."

Nicholas, acting in line with his absolutist predecessors of the Age of Enlightenment, developed a state education system and completed codification of the law. He installed a highly regulated but ultimately inefficient government system of "anxious centralization", himself being the chief arbiter between rivalling statesmen. The system created by Nicolas I was unsound and ineffective since the Emperor could not personally oversee all state business and review all papers to be signed.

The Emperor found himself a prisoner of his own system, so he could only rely on his high officials in most of his day-to-day activity. Higher officials relied on officials of lower rank. In most cases government officials, even ministers, did things on their own and paid little attention to general instructions given by the Emperor in one case or another.

The autocracy was exploited by government officials (chinovniki) for their own benefit. The autocracy in fact turned out to be a cover to hide the acts made by officials at all levels. Back in those days, it was chinovniki who had real power, but not the Emperor, who was nothing more but a promulgator of laws. Nevertheless, if a certain law was not lucrative or was disadvantageous for government officials, it was not a problem to make legal obstacles to enforce such law.

Sometimes a law was simply abolished without the Emperor knowing about it, as it was usually the case with the Emperor’s acts regulating commercial activity of Saint Petersburg negotiants (kuptsy). In any case, the Emperor always got a report that everything went well and all his instructions had been implemented. But he also attributed the nobles' disloyalty to a Europe-wide conspiracy aimed at destroying ruling monarchies, religion, and morale. Russia, according to his point of view, succeeded in Napoleonic Wars while more advanced regimes failed and saved Europe from plunging into decay and atheism.

Forging the triad
Sergey Uvarov, Minister of Education and President of the Russian Academy of Sciences since 1818, was also a writer, a scholar and at times was considered a freethinker. Yet, with a change in domestic politics, he easily adjusted to a tightened regime. In 1833 Uvarov forged the Emperor's program into a brief statement of ideology:

"It is our common obligation to ensure that the education of the people be conducted, according to Supreme intention of our August Monarch, in the joint spirit of Orthodoxy, Autocracy and Nationality. I am convinced that every professor and teacher, being permeated by one and the same feeling of devotion to the throne and fatherland, will use all his resources to become a worthy tool for the government and to earn its complete confidence."

Tsar Nicholas I had remembered the Decembrist revolt for all his life. He always suspected secret societies and uprisings to be plotted around him. Such personal feelings of the Tsar had great influence on the development of Russia. In order to meet the demands of the new state of affairs under Nicholas I, the Minister of Public Education S. Uvarov proposed to give new original shape to the national educational system.

He said that Russia needs such educational system which could produce skilled, professional, well prepared executors of the Emperor’s wishes. Such an educational system should not only provide knowledge to people, but also made them unconditionally loyal to the Emperor. Briefly speaking, Uvarov tried to deprive education of its most important integral part: an analytical and critical approach to an environment (specifically to the political environment).

According to Uvarov's theory, the Russian folk (narod) were very religious and devoted to the Emperor, the Orthodox religion, and autocracy as unconditional bases of the existence of Russia. Narodnost (nationality) is deemed to be the necessity to follow independent national traditions and to fight foreign influence. The theory stated that it was necessary to reject western ideas—freedom of thinking, freedom of personality, individualism, and rationalism—which were considered by Orthodox hierarchs as dangerous and rebellious. The chief of Russian political police (the III Department of His Majesty's Personal Chancellery) A. Benckendorff wrote that "the past of Russia was wonderful, the present is splendid and the future is above all dreams". These three concepts were considered as "pillar-walls" of the Russian Empire. Uvarov's triad was the first explicit statement of government ideology in Russian history since the 16th century.

He repeated the triad and elaborated on the topic throughout the 16 years of his ministry and was eventually awarded the title of a count. "Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality" became the Uvarov family motto, decreed by Nicholas. Yet he also did much as a true educator, raising educational standards, establishing new colleges, and increasing the number of scholarships for overseas training. Under Uvarov, the "Russian educational system, with all its fundamental flaws, came to emphasise academic thoroughness and high standards", although it also became more exclusive at all levels.

Components
The three components of Uvarov's triad were

 * Orthodoxy: Orthodox Christianity and the protection of the Russian Orthodox Church.
 * Autocracy: unconditional loyalty to the House of Romanov in return for paternalist protection for all social estates.
 * Nationality: Narodnost can be defined as "fidelity to Russia's distinct cultural heritage" and deference to "aspirations of the common people". It has been also translated as national spirit, and populism. Before its adoption by Nicholas I, narodnost was a central tenet of Russian Romantic writers, the Russian expression of a principle more often called Romantic nationalism.

The sequence of three parts of the triad remained fixed in all circumstances even when the words themselves changed: military cadets were instructed to be "Christians, loyal subjects, and Russians"; the common public motto called "For Faith, Tsar and Fatherland".

The triad was inherently unbalanced in favor of centralized autocracy. The Russian Orthodox Church was impoverished and incapable of being an independent political force. The government remained wary of any philosophy, including theology. Nationality through empowerment of the people was not a choice from the start and became even less probable after the dreaded nationalist Revolutions of 1848 "reduced Nicholas to a state of almost catatonic fear". It also ran against the ever-increasing role of Baltic Germans in the government system; even converted to Orthodoxy, they retained their distinct ethnicity.

Public reception
The press, censored by the state, eagerly embraced the new doctrine and was dominated by it until the end of Nicholas's reign. Stepan Shevyryov, editor of Moskvityanin magazine, asserted that "even if we did pick certain unavoidable blemishes from the West, we have on the other hand preserved in ourselves, in their purity, three fundamental feelings which contain the seed and guarantee of our future development."

Slavophiles, in particular, accepted the anti-European, paternalistic aspect of the doctrine. Mikhail Pogodin explained the paternalistic, peaceful nature of autocracy as seen by Slavophiles: "the secret of Russian history, the secret which not a single Western sage is able to comprehend: Russian history always depicts Russia as a single family in which the ruler is the father and the subjects are children. The father retains full authority over children while he allows them to have full freedom ... there can be no suspicion, no treason; their fate, their happiness, their peace they share in common. This is true in relation to the state as a whole..."

Nikolai Nadezhdin, who initially entertained the Westernised, Schellingian notion of nationality, radically changed his mind in favor of Official Nationality in the wake of the Chaadayev affair (1837), writing that "nationality had always consisted of love of the Tsar and obedience, and which in the future should display in itself, to Europe's dismay, a brilliant lesson of how from the holy unity of autocracy, must arise an exemplary and splendid national enlightenment...".

Nikolai Gogol in his final work Selected Passages from Correspondence with His Friends (1847) extended Official Nationality to relationships between landlords and serfs: "Make them [serfs] see clearly that in everything that concerns them you are acting in accordance with the will of God and not in accordance with some European or other fancies on your own."

Comparisons to Putinism
A number of commentators have compared the ideology of Vladimir Putin, ruler of Russia since 1999, to the doctrine of Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality. Faith Hillis of the University of Chicago has argued that Putin "wants to reconstitute the Russian Empire and its guiding ideologies, which were orthodoxy, autocracy and nationality—except now, under the power of a very sophisticated police state." A 2014 paper in the Journal of Eurasian Studies argued that "Putin has emphasized patriotism, power, and statism to justify centralization of power and authoritarian policies. Putin's policies and rhetoric are strong analogs to those of Nicholas." Stan Grant of Charles Sturt University has argued that it "remains Putin's vision today. The church and the state are inseparable. The head of Russian Orthodoxy, Patriarch Kirill, has called Putin 'a miracle of God'." Foreign Policy journalist Michael Hirsh has stated that the policy "isn’t mentioned in Putin’s speeches and writings—he still likes to pretend Russia is a democracy—but it has been invoked by the far-right thinkers said to influence Putin, including Aleksandr Dugin, Lev Gumilev, Igor Shafarevich, Ivan Ilyin, Konstantin Leontiev, Sergei Petrovich Trubetskoy, and others dating back 200 years."

General sources

 * Uvarov's report (in Russian)
 * Uvarov's report (in Russian)
 * Uvarov's report (in Russian)
 * Uvarov's report (in Russian)

title: Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality


text:
Tower of London tube station

Tower of London was a London Underground station in the City of London that closed in 1884, only two years after opening. It was situated near the Tower of London, on a site now occupied by Tower Hill Underground station.

It was opened on 25 September 1882 during the construction of the Metropolitan Railway (MR) to the north. Two years later, the MR and District Railway (now the District line) were connected to form the Inner Circle (now the Circle line) and a new station was built. This new station was opened on 6 October 1884 with the name Mark Lane (later renamed Tower Hill), just to the west of the Tower of London station, which closed on 12 October.

When the original Tower Hill station was itself closed in 1967, the current Tower Hill station was opened on the site of the closed Tower of London station. The remains of the Tower of London station were demolished during the construction of the new Tower Hill station.

title: Tower of London tube station


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Operation Predator

Operation Predator is an initiative started on July 9, 2003 by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), a division of the Department of Homeland Security, to protect children from sexual predators.

Operation Predator targets foreign national sex offenders (deportable aliens), child traffickers, child-sex tourists, and people involved in all levels of child pornography, from producers to distributors to consumers.

As of January 2007, there have been over 9,300 arrests under Operation Predator. Over 1,000 of those arrests occurred within the first three months of the operation. More than 85% of the arrests made as part of Operation Predator have been arrests of foreign national sex offenders whose crimes make them removable from the United States. Approximately 40% of these are lawful permanent residents and approximately 40% of these are illegal immigrants. To date, more than 5,000 of these predators have been deported. They have also made arrests against human smugglers and child pornographers.

Operation Predator has become the main force behind President Bush's PROTECT Act, which makes it illegal for Americans to travel abroad in order to have sex with a minor. This growing sex tourism industry is fueled by citizens of wealthy countries (mostly Americans, who make up an estimated 25% of all offenders) going to places such as Thailand, Cambodia, and Costa Rica, where they believe they will be protected by lax child protection laws or corrupt law enforcement. Those three nations have been working with ICE and World Vision on a public awareness campaign to stop this industry. Cambodia and Mexico had already been working closely with ICE to stop child sex tourism in their countries.

Some of Operation Predator's other major successes to date include a single web portal to various sex offender registry databases and creating a National Child Victim Identification System. On the international front, they have increased cooperation with INTERPOL and various international governments to combat child pornography and child sex tourism.

There is also an Operation Predator iPhone app to allow users to receive alerts about suspected child sex predators, share the information with friends via email and social media, and submit tips.

The Department of Justice estimates that somewhere between 300,000 and 400,000 U.S. children are sexually exploited every year. The United Nations estimates that one million children are forced into prostitution every year. ICE estimates that child sex tourism victimizes upwards of two million children a year.

National Child Victim Identification System
The National Child Victim Identification System is a massively inter-agency system run by Operation Predator in conjunction with the FBI, the U.S. Postal Inspection Service, the U.S. Secret Service, the Justice Department, and the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children.

This system aims to provide federal and state agencies with a central database of child pornography to aid prosecution, and to positively identify children in child pornography.

The National Child Victim Identification System has been used to convict criminals by proving that the pornographic images the defendants possess are of real children, and not morphed or virtual.

title: Operation Predator


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Léger-Félicité Sonthonax

Léger-Félicité Sonthonax (7 March 1763 – 23 July 1813) was a French abolitionist and Jacobin before joining the Girondist party, which emerged in 1791. During the French Revolution, he controlled 7,000 French troops in Saint-Domingue during part of the Haitian Revolution. His official title was Civil Commissioner. From September 1792, he and Polverel became the de facto rulers of Saint-Domingue's non-slave population. Because they were associated with Brissot’s party, they were put in accusation by the convention on July 16, 1793, but a ship to bring them back in France didn’t arrive in the colony until June 1794, and they arrived in France in the time of the downfall of Robespierre. They had a fair trial in 1795 and were acquitted of the charges the white colonists brought against them. Sonthonax believed that Saint-Domingue's whites were royalists or separatists, so he attacked the military power of the white settlers and by doing so alienated the colonial settlers from their government. Many gens de couleur (mixed-race residents of the colony) asserted that they could form the military backbone of Saint-Domingue if they were given rights, but Sonthonax rejected this view as outdated in the wake of the August 1791 slave uprising. He believed that Saint-Domingue would need ex-slave soldiers among the ranks of the colonial army if it was to survive. On August 1793, he proclaimed freedom for all slaves in the north province. His critics allege that he was forced into ending slavery in order to maintain his own power.

Early life
Born in Oyonnax, France on March 7, 1763, the son of a prosperous merchant, Sonthonax was a lawyer in the Parlement of Paris who rose in the ranks during the French Revolution. Sonthonax's wealth was due to his father's business, which employed many people from the region, and had made his father the richest man of the village. Sonthonax finished his studies at the University of Dijon, becoming a well-known lawyer with the help of his wealthy father. A member of the Society of the Friends of the Blacks, he became connected with Jacques Pierre Brissot and subsequently aligned himself with the Girondists.

Mission
In August 1791, a slave rebellion (the Haitian Revolution) broke out in the northern part of Saint-Domingue, the heart of the island's sugar plantation economy. Saint-Domingue was also wracked by conflict between the white colonists and free people of colour (many of whom were of mixed race), and also between those supportive of the French Revolution and those for a re-establishment of the Ancien Régime — or failing that, for Saint-Domingue's independence.

In 1792, Sonthonax, Étienne Polverel and Jean-Antoine Ailhaud were sent to the colony of Saint-Domingue (now Haïti) as part of the Revolutionary Commission. They were accompanied by Jean-Jacques d'Esparbes, who had been appointed governor of Saint-Domingue. He was to replace governor Philibert François Rouxel de Blanchelande. The expedition included 6,000 soldiers. The commissioners found that many of the white planters were hostile to the increasingly radical revolutionary movement and were joining the royalist opposition. They announced that they did not intend to abolish slavery, but had come to ensure that free men had equal rights whatever their color. D'Esparbes worked against the commissioners and became popular with the royalist planters. On 21 October 1792, the commissioners dismissed d'Esparbès and named the vicomte de Rochambeau governor general of Saint-Domingue.

Their main goal was to maintain French control of Saint-Domingue and enforce the social equality recently granted to free gens de couleur by the French National Convention as part of the decree of 4 April 1792. The legislation re-established French control of Saint-Domingue, granted full citizenship and political equality to free male blacks and free male mulattoes, but did not emancipate the slaves. Instead, he was tasked to defeat slave rebellions and induce the slaves to return to the plantations. Sonthonax had initially decried the abolition of slavery to gain the support of the whites on the island. Upon his arrival, he found that some whites and free people of color were already cooperating against the slave rebels. He did exile many radical whites who would not accept free coloreds as equals and managed to contain the slave insurgency outside of the North.

Sonthonax and Polverel were sent to Saint-Domingue, as they proclaimed when they arrived, not to abolish slavery but to give to the free men, regardless of the color of their skin, equality of rights, granted to them by the decree of April 4, 1792. But ultimately, all slaves in the north province were granted freedom on August 29, 1793, by Sonthonax, and in the west and south provinces, from August 27 to 31 October, 1793, by Polverel. Following the proclamation, Sonthonax wrote a reply to those that were opposed to his and Polverel's decision in 1793 to grant these select slaves this new freedom. He declares his never ending belief that civil rights should be granted to these Africans and defends his decision to free the slaves was not erroneous to do. Sonthonax's Proclamation Au nom de la République explained his role in the Revolution. He was committed to make drastic decisions to prevent Britain and Spain from succeeding in their attempts to assume control over Saint-Domingue.

Emancipation and conflict
In February 1793, France declared war on Great Britain, which presented a new problem for Sonthonax. All those he had alienated in trying to uphold the French Revolution in Saint-Domingue proceeded to try and flee to the British West Indies (primarily Jamaica), where the colonial authorities gave shelter to the French counter-revolutionary émigrés. The white population in the colony declined significantly until only 6,000 remained after June 1793.

On 20 June 1793 a failed attempt to take control of the capital by a new military governor sympathetic to whites, François-Thomas Galbaud, led to the bombardment and burning of Cap-Français (now Cap-Haïtien). The burning was likely done by the roughly 1,000 non-native sailors among Galbaud's forces. Sonthonax made General Étienne Laveaux governor and expelled Galbaud from the colony after a promise of freedom for ex-slaves who agreed to fight on behalf of the commissioners and the French republican regime they represented. Up to this point the commissioners had still been pursuing the fight against the black slaves, whose insurrection had begun in August 1791. Their emancipation was a momentous victory for all slave forces, and oral histories suggest a boost in their morale. On June 24, 1793, 60% of the white population left Saint-Domingue with Galbaud, most never to return. On August 29, 1793, with rumors of emancipation rampant, Sonthonax took the radical step of proclaiming the freedom of the slaves in the north province (with severe limits on their freedom). From August 27 to October 31, 1793, on his side, Polverel progressively emancipated the slaves in the west and south provinces.

It was during this time, and due to the new trend of conceding rights to blacks, that Toussaint Louverture began reforming his political philosophy to embrace France rather than Spain; however, he was cautious and awaited French ratification of emancipation before officially changing sides. On February 4, 1794, the French National Convention ratified this act, applying it to all French colonies, including Guadeloupe. Due to the fact that they were under a decree of accusation, on that day, Sonthonax and Polverel’s names were not pronounced in the convention, not even by Dufay, the deputy of Saint-Domingue sent by Sonthonax to explain to the deputies of the convention why slavery had been abolished in the colony. The enslaved population of Saint-Domingue did not flock to Sonthonax's side as he had anticipated, while white planters continued to resist him. They were joined by many of the free men of color who opposed the abolition of slavery in the colony, many of them being planters themselves. It was not until word of the ratification of emancipation by the French government arrived back in the colony that Toussaint Louverture and his corps of well-disciplined, battle-hardened former slaves came over to the French Republican side in early May 1794.

A change in the political winds back home caused Sonthonax to be recalled to France to defend his actions. Upon his arrival in the summer of 1794, he argued that the free people of colour, whom he had been originally sent to defend, were no longer loyal to France, and that the Republic should place its faith in the freed slaves. Vindicated, Sonthonax returned to Saint-Domingue a second time. The Comte d'Hédouville was sent by France to be governor of the island, but was eventually forced to flee.

Return to France
Toussaint, in the meantime, was consolidating his own position. The black general arranged for Sonthonax to leave Saint-Domingue as one of its elected representatives in 1797. When Sonthonax showed himself to be hesitant, Toussaint placed him under armed escort onto a ship bound for France on August 24. He died in his home town of Oyonnax on July 23, 1813, after sixteen years back in France.

title: Léger-Félicité Sonthonax


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Malmøya

Malmøya is an island 4 km south of Oslo Central Station. Oslo, the capital of Norway. The island is mostly known for its large quantities of fossils from the Cambro-Silurian period and its rare flowers. The name Malmøya is derived from 'malm', or 'ore', due to the extensive amount found on the island.

History
The labour movement had an education center at Malmøya, where the current kindergarten is located. The center was used from the mid 30s to the 50s, however, due to German occupation during the war the center lost its influence.

Facilities
For its relatively small area the island has quite a few different facilities. There is one bus that arrives once an hour (twice during rush hours) that stops in the center of the city of Oslo.

The Island also has a small shop that is open every day. There is a communal beach on the west side of the island, as well as a restaurant/shop that is open during the summers, and a camping site, mainly reserved for handicaps.

The Island also houses a sailing and a rowing club.

Nature and perseverance
Parts of Malmøya are included in the Malmøya og Malmøykalven Nature Reserve, along with the neighbour island Malmøykalven.

title: Malmøya


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Talk:Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality

Concept
I feel that this article is necessary, because the term "Narodnost" is only marginally corresponds to its translations, "Nationality", "Nationalism", and hence requires explanations. I cannot do this right now. It is also quite possible that a better translation exists. Mikkalai 17:26, 12 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * Recently, I happened to re-read a collection of letters by Dostoyevskiy. He was an ardent supporter of this motto and I think he explained his adherence to it somewhere. The thing could be added, though I can't recall any citations right now.--Constanz - Talk 17:08, 12 February 2007 (UTC)

Firstly, the article lists the terms in the wrong order. It is "Pravoslavie, Samoderzhavie i Narodnost'" Since it is an established phrase, we cannot rephrase it by changing the word order. So, the article needs moved. Just FYI: there is a Britannica article on the subject.

As for the translation of "Narodnost'", I am not sure either. Both Nationality (used by EB) and National Character (suggested by Mikka) are not quite exact. Perhaps "National Ethos"? Or another alternative is Pravoslaviye, Samoderzhaviye, I Narodnost, which also has a disatvantage, obviously.

Let's decide on this now since the article needs moved anyway because of the wrong word order. --Irpen 21:18, 12 February 2007 (UTC)
 * Has been a while. Where should I move it? --Irpen 02:29, 3 May 2007 (UTC)
 * Narodnost is difficult to translate, and any translation has its disadvantages. So perhaps leave it at National Character? That would mean changing the title to Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and National Character. Er rab ee 11:52, 3 May 2007 (UTC)
 * Before any move please provide a contemporary (ie 19th century) reference. In modern texts I saw both variants. Judging from the Imperial Russian constitution I have reasonable doubs that "Autocracy" is on the second place. `'mikka 19:21, 4 May 2007 (UTC)

Граф Сергей Уваров

Православие, Самодержавие, Народность О некоторых общих началах, могущих служить руководством при управлении Министерством народного просвещения

Доложено Его Величеству 19 ноября 1833 г.

По вступлению моему с высочайшего Вашего Императорского Величества повеления в должность Министра народного просвещения, употребил я, так сказать, заглавным, местом, лозунгом моего управления, следующие выражения: "Народное воспитание должно совершаться в соединенном духе Православия, Самодержавия и Народности"...

I think it settles it. Moving? --Irpen 01:14, 5 May 2007 (UTC)

this is exactly the same thing as Official Nationality, right?
I'm going to redirect one of them.P4k (talk) 22:59, 10 May 2008 (UTC)
 * Yes, it's almost the same thing. Official Nationality is one of three principles.DonaldDuck (talk) 01:58, 11 May 2008 (UTC)

Untranslateble Russian words

 * There is some strange claim in the article - "Narodnost is not translatable, and it means something different."

In fact the word Narodnost itself appeared in Russian as translation of French term fr:Nationalité and with regard to the similar Polish term pl:Narodowość. And it means exactly the same as english words Nationalism and Populism.DonaldDuck (talk) 02:14, 11 May 2008 (UTC)

 * So it means exactly the same thing as two English words with completely different meanings. This is a good demonstration of why it's accurate to say that Narodnost has no (single) English equivalent. Saying that a word's meaning is lost or altered in translation is not some mystical, obscurantist claim. The fact that it was originally a translation from French is irrelevant. In any case replacing cited content with uncited content is rarely justifiable. Why am I supposed to take your word over that of the authors I cited?P4k (talk) 02:25, 11 May 2008 (UTC)
 * Anyway fuck it. I'm mad but what you wrote is probably not wrong so the article can just incorporate all this information.P4k (talk) 02:32, 11 May 2008 (UTC)
 * Saying that a word's meaning is lost is OK when it is really lost, which is certainly not the case with Narodnost. Narodnost has direct English equivalents. As for authors your cited, Radzinsky is not a reputable historian but a TV personality.DonaldDuck (talk) 02:40, 11 May 2008 (UTC)
 * I have no idea whether he's a reputable historian or not. The book meets Wikipedia's criteria for reliable sources, it isn't really our job to evaluate people's qualifications beyond a very minimal level.  If you don't think he's reputable then leave out that sentence; what about the two other sentences you deleted?
 * One more thing. Russian is not some obscure language. Claims that some russian words has no equivalents and are not traslatable to other languages usually appear when author wants to push some biased view on Russia. In the case with Narodnost it is very simple. This biased view is "French or Polish nationalism, or nationalism of some other nation is good, but Russian nationalism is utterly different thing and Russian nationalism is very bad".DonaldDuck (talk) 02:53, 11 May 2008 (UTC)
 * OK.  If you don't want the article to say that it has no equivalent in English, it won't.  What about the two other sentences you deleted?P4k (talk)

Hedlund writes that it "really means something like a spirit of fusion or of closeseness with the narod, the 'ordinary people,' rather than a sense of belonging to a particular natsiya, or 'nation.
 * I think it is already adequately described by the term Populism. "Populism is a discourse which supports "the people" versus "the elites".

Miller states that it "did not directly signify national identity but reflected the feeling of affiliation of the people to Orthodoxy and the Tsar." -
 * Basically, Miller states that the third part of Uvarov's formula is just the supporting point for the first two points - Autocracy and Orthodoxy. Then why there are three points and not just two? Nationality is not less important for Uvarov then two other points.DonaldDuck (talk) 03:36, 11 May 2008 (UTC)

Doubtful correctness of the translation
I do not think that the translation is close, exactly like the disclosure of the problems that Uvarov formulated. Theory «Pravoslaviye, samoderzhaviye, narodnost'» has a completely different semantic meaning.
 * Pravoslaviye − the people in Russia are religious and respect the clergy on a par with state power. Religion can solve issues that cannot be resolved by the samoderzhaviye;
 * Samoderzhaviye − Uvarov sincerely believed that the Russian people did not share such notions as “tsar” and “country”. For people, this is all one, guaranteeing happiness, strength and glory;
 * Narodnost'  − the basis of Russia lies in the unity of all nations.

First, I suggest leaving transliteration. Semantic meaning is lost during translation absolutely.

Or the second option is the revision of the article, but then we need a discussion about which interpretation of Uvarov’s words is more accurate. MarcusTraianus (talk) 11:07, 30 January 2019 (UTC)

Opinion
This is a very important article, which is full of unfortunate things such as this: “ Briefly speaking, Uvarov tried to deprive education of its most important integral part: an analytical and critical approach to an environment (specifically to the political environment).” Is it really the function of a wikipedia article to pronounce the “most important integral part” of education? Could someone with expertise suited to the task please edit this stuff? 147.160.131.20 (talk) 15:47, 25 May 2022 (UTC)

Anti-absolutist autocracy?
I fail to see how and ideology of autocracy can be described as anti-absolutist. If anyone can provide a rationale, please do so and reinstate the word.

Slavophiles, in particular, accepted the anti-European, anti-absolutist, paternalistic side of the doctrine. Tjobrien.seoul (talk) 13:21, 14 November 2022 (UTC)


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User talk:Mviets83

Welcome!

Hello,, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! Please sign your name on talk pages using four tildes (~~); this will automatically produce your name and the date. If you need help, check out Where to ask a question, ask me on my talk page, or place  on your talk page and someone will show up shortly to answer your questions. Again, welcome!
 * The five pillars of Wikipedia
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title: User talk:Mviets83


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WIPO Performances and Phonograms Treaty

The WIPO Performances and Phonograms Treaty (or WPPT) is an international treaty adopted in Geneva on 20 December 1996. It came into effect on 20 May 2002. The treaty deals with the rights of two kinds of beneficiaries, particularly in the digital environment: performers (actors, singers, musicians, etc.); and producers of phonograms (persons or legal entities that take the initiative and have the responsibility for the fixation of sounds).

As of August 2023, the treaty has 112 contracting parties. The Treaty is open to States members of World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) and to the European Community. The treaty is administered by WIPO.

Content
WPPT was adopted with an objective to develop and maintain the protection of the rights of performers and producers of phonograms in a manner as effective and uniform as possible. This treaty would not disturb the existing obligations that Contracting Parties have to each other under the International Convention for the Protection of Performers, Producers of Phonograms and Broadcasting Organizations done in Rome, 26 October 1961 (Rome Convention). Articles 18 and 19 of the WPPT provide similar obligations for performers and producers of phonograms to contracting states as provided under Articles 11 and 12 of the WIPO Copyright Treaty (WCT).

The Treaty deals with the rights of two kinds of beneficiaries, particularly in the digital environment: performers (actors, singers, musicians, etc.); and producers of phonograms (persons or legal entities that take the initiative and have the responsibility for the fixation of sounds).

 * As far as performers are concerned, the Treaty grants performers economic rights in their performances fixed in phonograms (not in audiovisual fixations, such as motion pictures): the right of reproduction; the right of distribution; the right of rental; and the right of making available.
 * As to unfixed (live) performances, the Treaty grants performers: the right of broadcasting (except in the case of rebroadcasting); the right of communication to the public (except where the performance is a broadcast performance); and the right of fixation.
 * The Treaty also grants performers moral rights (the right to claim to be identified as the performer and the right to object to any distortion, mutilation or other modification that would be prejudicial to the performer's reputation).
 * As far as producers of phonograms are concerned, the Treaty grants them economic rights in their phonograms: the right of reproduction; the right of distribution; the right of rental; and the right of making available.

As to limitations and exceptions, Article 16 of the WPPT incorporates the so-called "three-step test" to determine limitations and exceptions, as provided for in Article 9(2) of the Berne Convention, extending its application to all rights. The accompanying Agreed Statement provides that such limitations and exceptions, as established in national law in compliance with the Berne Convention, may be extended to the digital environment.

The term of protection must be at least 50 years.

The Treaty also obliges Contracting Parties to provide for legal remedies against the circumvention of technological measures (eg, encryption) and against the removal or altering of information (such as identification of performer). It also obliges Contracting Parties to adopt legal measures to ensure the application of the Treaty.

The Digital Millennium Copyright Act is the United States's implementation of the treaty (see WIPO Copyright and Performances and Phonograms Treaties Implementation Act).

title: WIPO Performances and Phonograms Treaty


text:
Sergeant major (fish)

For other uses, see Sergeant major (disambiguation).

The sergeant major or píntano (Abudefduf saxatilis) is a species of damselfish. It grows to a maximum length of about 22.9 centimetres (9.016 in).

Distribution and habitat
Abudefduf saxatilis is found in the Atlantic Ocean. Populations in the western part of the Atlantic Ocean are found from the north eastern coast of the United States south to the Gulf of Mexico, the Bahamas, islands around the Caribbean Sea, the eastern coast of Central and South America all the way to Uruguay. In the eastern Atlantic Ocean, they are found from Portugal, Azores, the Canary Islands, Cape Verde, and western Africa. Its distribution remains unclear in the Mediterranean Sea due to possible confusion with Abudefduf vaigiensis and Abudefduf troschelii. Juveniles are common in tide pools while adults are found over coral reefs. Sergeant majors are found at depths of 0 to 40 m.

Description
Adults can grow up to 22.9 cm at maximum length. Normally, they would grow up to 15 cm. The largest recorded specimen weighed had a weight of up to 200 g. Abudefduf saxatilis has 13 dorsal spines, 12 to 13 dorsal soft rays, 2 anal spines, and 10 to 12 anal soft rays. This fish is white with a yellow top. It has 5 black or dark blue vertical stripes. A faint sixth stripe might be present on the caudal peduncle. Adult males have a more bluish coloration and its stripes are less visible. There is a dark spot around its pectoral fin.

Diet
This fish feeds upon the larvae of invertebrates, zooplankton, smaller fish, crustaceans, and various species of algae. It is also known to feed on the waste and vomit of spinner dolphins.

Behavior
Individuals of this species form shoals of about several hundred individuals. Sometimes, they get cleaned of parasites by fish species such as gobies in the genus Gobiosoma, Bodianus rufus, Elacatinus figaro, and Thalassoma noronhanum. Sergeant majors also clean green sea turtles along with Acanthurus chirurgus and Acanthurus coeruleus.

Predators
Predators of this fish include Plectropomus leopardus, Thalassoma bifasciatum, Cephalopholis cruentata, Epinephelus striatus, Mycteroperca venenosa, and Rachycentron canadum.

In the aquarium
They are found in the aquarium trade but are regarded as difficult to breed.

Reproduction
The sergeant major is an oviparous species in which the males create nests on rocks, reef outcrops, shipwrecks, and pilings where the females lay their egg masses. The males actively chase the females in courtship before the female releases approximately 200,000 ref, ovoid eggs which are attached to the substrate by a filament; the eggs turn greenish after a few days and are guarded by the male. As he guards the eggs the male becomes bluish in colour, guarding them for about a week.

Etymology
Sergeant majors earn their name from their brightly striped sides, known as bars, which are reminiscent of the insignia of a military sergeant major.

title: Sergeant major (fish)


text:
Lists of Irish kings

This page serves as an index of lists of kings of the Gaelic kingdoms of Ireland of the Early Medieval period.

 * List of High Kings of Ireland
 * Kings of Ailech
 * Kings of Airgíalla
 * Kings of Brega
 * Kings of Breifne
 * Kings of Connacht
 * Kings of Dál nAraidi
 * Kings of Dál Riata
 * Kings of Déisi Muman
 * Kings of Desmond
 * Kings of Dublin
 * Kings of East Breifne
 * Kings of Fer Manach
 * Kings of Leinster
 * Kings of Magh Luirg
 * Kings of Mide
 * Kings of Munster
 * Kings of Osraige
 * Kings of Síol Anmchadha
 * Kings of Tara
 * Kings of Thomond
 * Kings of Tír Chonaill
 * Kings of Tír Eoghain
 * Kings of Uí Cheinnselaig
 * Kings of Uí Failghe
 * Kings of Uí Maine
 * Kings of Uisnech
 * Kings of Ulster
 * Kings of West Breifne

title: Lists of Irish kings


text:
Geraki

Geraki (Γεράκι) may refer to the following places in Greece:

 * Geraki, Elis, a village in Elis
 * Geraki, Heraklion, a village in the municipal unit Kastelli, Crete
 * Geraki, Laconia, a village in the municipal unit Geronthres, Laconia
 * Barony of Geraki, a medieval lordship named after the village

title: Geraki


text:
.32 S&W

The .32 S&W cartridge (also known as the .32 S&W Short) was introduced in 1878 for Smith & Wesson pocket revolvers. It was originally designed as a black powder cartridge. The .32 S&W was offered to the public as a light defense cartridge for "card table" distances.

The .32 S&W Short was the basis for several other .32-caliber handgun cartridges. The .32 S&W Short can safely be fired in guns chambered for .32 S&W Long, .32 H&R Magnum and .327 Federal Magnum.

Design
Designed by the Union Metallic Cartridge Company (UMC) as a black powder cartridge using nine grains of black powder, the round has been loaded with smokeless powder exclusively since 1940. It is low-powered and perfect for use in small frame concealable revolvers and derringers. The round remained popular in the United States and Europe long after the firearms chambered for it were out of production. At one time, it was considered to be the bare minimum for a self-defense round and was judged unsuitable for police work.

For defensive uses, the .32 S&W is grouped with other turn-of-the-century cartridges designed for use in "belly guns", which are guns meant for use in point-blank defensive situations, such as in a carriage or an alleyway. These cartridges include the .25 ACP, .22 Short, .22 Long, and .22 Long Rifle. For comparison, the .32 S&W projectile is over 40% larger in diameter and over twice as heavy as the 40 gr lead round-nose bullet used in the standard velocity .22 Long Rifle of its day. The .32 S&W's velocity of approximately 700 ft/s was very close to the .22 Long Rifle's performance from a sub-3 in barrel, but with larger diameter and better sectional density.

Although the .32 S&W's round-nose bullet was less than optimal for defense, the centerfire design did offer a significant improvement in reliability over these other common handgun calibers of the day. This performance made guns chambered in the cartridge very popular as a gentleman's "vest gun" as evidenced by sales of around 5:1 based on surviving examples (.22 rimfire variants are significantly rarer). Having twice the bullet weight and similar velocity of .22 Long Rifle in the same platform, the .32 S&W has around double the muzzle energy of a .22 rimfire in similar-sized handguns.

Derivatives
The .32 S&W Long cartridge is derived from the .32 S&W, by increasing the overall brass case length, to hold more powder. Since the .32 S&W headspaces on the rim and shares the rim dimensions and case and bullet diameters of the longer .32 S&W Long, the .32 H&R Magnum cartridges, and the .327 Federal Magnum, .32 S&W cartridges may be fired in arms chambered for these longer cartridges. Longer cartridges are unsafe in short chambers, so none of these longer and more powerful cartridges should be loaded into arms designed for the .32 S&W.

Use in assassinations
Guns chambered in .32 S&W have been used in at least three notable assassinations:
 * Gaetano Bresci used an Iver Johnson revolver chambered in .32 S&W to assassinate King Umberto I of Italy on July 29, 1900. Bresci hit his victim with four shots.
 * Leon Czolgosz used an Iver Johnson revolver chambered in .32 S&W to assassinate United States President William McKinley at the Temple of Music in Buffalo, New York, on September 6, 1901. McKinley was shot twice in the abdomen at close range, and although he did not die immediately, he eventually succumbed to gangrene on September 14, 1901.
 * Giuseppe Zangara used a United States Revolver Company (a subsidiary of Iver Johnson) revolver chambered in .32 S&W to assassinate Anton Cermak, Mayor of Chicago, on February 15, 1933, in what may have been an attempt to assassinate President-elect Franklin D. Roosevelt. Cermak was shot in the lung and died on March 6, 1933.

Chambered weapons
Notable guns chambered in .32 S&W include:

 * Colt Police Positive
 * Nirbheek
 * Smith & Wesson Lemon Squeezer
 * Smith & Wesson Model 1 1/2
 * Smith & Wesson Model 3
 * Smith & Wesson Model 30
 * Union Automatic Revolver

Other gun types, or gun manufacturers, using .32 S&W include:
 * Forehand & Wadsworth
 * Garrucha
 * Iver Johnson
 * Merwin Hulbert
 * Röhm Gesellschaft
 * Series ALFA Steel

title: .32 S&W