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Alan Kulwicki

Alan Dennis Kulwicki (December 14, 1954 – April 1, 1993), nicknamed "Special K" and the "Polish Prince", was an American auto racing driver and team owner. He started racing at local short tracks in Wisconsin before moving up to regional stock car touring series. Kulwicki arrived at NASCAR, the highest and most expensive level of stock car racing in the United States, with no sponsor, a limited budget and only a racecar and a borrowed pickup truck. Despite starting with meager equipment and finances, he earned the 1986 NASCAR Rookie of the Year award over drivers racing for well-funded teams.

After Kulwicki won his first race at Phoenix International Raceway, he debuted what would become his trademark "Polish victory lap". Kulwicki won the 1992 Winston Cup Championship by what was then the closest margin in NASCAR history. He died early in 1993 in a light aircraft accident and therefore never defended his championship. He has been inducted into numerous racing halls of fame and was named one of NASCAR's 50 greatest drivers.

Kulwicki was known for being a perfectionist and doing things his own way. An engineer by trade, his scientific approach to NASCAR racing inspired the way teams are now run. Despite lucrative offers from top car owners, he insisted on driving for his own race team, AK Racing, during most of his NASCAR career. Described by his publicist as "a real hard type of person to get to know", he remained a bachelor throughout his life.

Early life
Kulwicki grew up in Greenfield, Wisconsin, a suburb of Milwaukee known for its Polish-American neighborhoods, near the Milwaukee Mile racetrack. After his mother died, his family moved in with his grandmother, who died when Kulwicki was in seventh grade. A year later, his only brother died of a hemophilia-related illness. Kulwicki attended Pius XI High School, a Roman Catholic high school in Milwaukee and received a bachelor of science degree in mechanical engineering from the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee in 1977. His knowledge of engineering has been cited as a contributing factor to his success as a driver, as it helped him better understand the physics of a racecar. He first raced on local tracks as an amateur while in college before becoming a full-time professional racer in 1980. A devout Roman Catholic, Kulwicki always competed with a Saint Christopher (the patron saint of travelers) devotional medal in his car.

Early racing career
Kulwicki began his racing career as a 13-year-old kart racer. His father built engines as the crew chief for Norm Nelson and Roger McCluskey's United States Automobile Club (USAC) racecars. Because his work involved travel, Kulwicki's father was unable to help his son at most kart races, so Kulwicki's resourcefulness was often tested trying to find someone to transport his kart to the track. Even when Kulwicki asked his father for advice, he typically ended up doing most of the work himself. "I showed him how", Gerry Kulwicki said. "And he said: 'Why don't you do it? You can do it better.' And I said, 'Well, if you do it for a while, you can do it better.'"

Many local-level American racetracks host their own season championships. In Wisconsin, numerous locations held dirt and asphalt short track racing. Kulwicki started driving stock cars at the local level at the Hales Corners Speedway and Cedarburg Speedway dirt oval tracks. In 1973 he won the rookie of the year award at Hales Corners and the next year started racing late models – the fastest and most complicated type of stock cars raced at the local level – at the same track. That season, he won his first feature race, at Leo's Speedway in Oshkosh.

Kulwicki moved from dirt tracks to paved tracks in 1977. He also teamed up with racecar builder Greg Krieger to research, model, engineer and construct an innovative car with far more torsional stiffness than other late models. The increased stiffness allowed the car to handle better in the corners, which increased its speed. Racing at Slinger Super Speedway, he won the track championship in 1977. In 1978, Kulwicki returned to Slinger; that same year he started racing a late model at Wisconsin International Raceway (WIR), finishing third in points in his rookie season at the track. In 1979 and 1980, he won the WIR late model track championships.

In 1979, Kulwicki began competing in regional to national level events sanctioned by the USAC Stock Car series and the American Speed Association (ASA), while remaining an amateur racer through 1980. When Kulwicki raced against future NASCAR champion Rusty Wallace in the ASA series, the two became friends. Kulwicki's highest finish in the ASA season points championship was third place, which he accomplished in both 1982 and 1985, with five career victories and twelve pole positions.

Early 1980s
Kulwicki raced in four NASCAR Busch Grand National Series (now Xfinity Series) races in 1984. At the time, the Busch Grand National Series was considered NASCAR's feeder circuit, a proving ground for drivers who wished to step up to the organization's premiere circuit, the Winston Cup (now NASCAR Cup Series). Kulwicki qualified second fastest and finished in second place at his first career NASCAR race, which took place at the Milwaukee Mile, several city blocks from where he grew up. Later that year, he finished seventh at Charlotte and fifth at Bristol. The following year, Kulwicki placed sixteenth in the season-opening Busch Series race at Daytona. Although he won the pole position at that year's event in Milwaukee, he finished fourteenth because of engine problems. Kulwicki's Busch Series successes caught car owner Bill Terry's eye and he offered Kulwicki a chance to race for him in several Winston Cup events.

In 1985, Kulwicki sold most of his belongings, including his short track racing equipment, to move approximately 860 mi to the Charlotte area in North Carolina. He kept only a few things; his pickup truck was loaded to tow a trailer full of furniture and tools. An electrical fire two days before he left destroyed his truck, so Kulwicki had to borrow one to pull the trailer. After arriving in the Charlotte area, he showed up unannounced at Terry's shop ready to race. Veteran NASCAR drivers were initially amused by Kulwicki's arrival on the national tour: He was a driver from the northern United States when the series was primarily a southern regional series, he had a mechanical engineering degree when few other drivers had completed college and, with only six starts, had limited driving experience in the junior Busch Series. Kulwicki was described as very studious, hard working, no-nonsense and something of a loner. He frequently walked the garage area in his racing uniform carrying a briefcase. Kulwicki made his first career Winston Cup start at Richmond on September 8, 1985, for Bill Terry's No. 32 Hardee's Ford team. That season he competed in five races for Terry, with his highest finish being 13th.

1987–1989
Kulwicki started his rookie season in 1986 with Terry, who switched his car number from 32 to 35 and had received sponsorship from the restaurant chain Quincy's Steak House. After Terry decided to end support for his racing team mid-season, he sold the team to his driver. Kulwicki as an owner started out as essentially a one-man team, as he had to serve as driver, team administrator, crew chief and chief mechanic. Kulwicki had difficulty acquiring and keeping crew members because he found it difficult to trust them to do the job with the excellence that he demanded and because he was hands-on in the maintenance of racecars to the point of being a "control freak". He sought out crew members who had owned their own racecars, believing they would understand what he was going through: working long hours and performing his own car maintenance with a very limited budget. Notable crew members include his crew chief, Paul Andrews and future Cup crew chiefs, Tony Gibson and Brian Whitesell. Future crew chief and owner, Ray Evernham, lasted six weeks with Kulwicki in 1992. Evernham later said, "The man was a genius. There's no question. It's not a matter of people just feeling like he was a genius. That man was a genius. But his personality paid for that. He was very impatient, very straightforward, very cut-to-the-bone." With one car, two engines, and two full-time crew members, Kulwicki won the 1986 Winston Cup Rookie of the Year award. He had competed in 23 of 29 events, with four top 10 finishes, three races not completed (Did Not Finish – DNF), an average finish of 15.4, and had only one result below 30th place. Kulwicki finished 21st in the Winston Cup points standings for the season.

For the 1987 season Kulwicki secured primary sponsorship from Zerex Antifreeze and changed his car number to seven. He picked up his first career pole position in the season's third race, at Richmond. Later that season, he again qualified fastest at Richmond and Dover. Kulwicki came close to winning his first Winston Cup race at Pocono, finishing second after winner Dale Earnhardt passed him on the last lap. With nine top 10 finishes, eleven DNFs and an average finish of 18.2 in 29 events; Kulwicki finished 15th in the Winston Cup points standings for the season.

In 1988 Kulwicki hired Paul Andrews as his crew chief after Andrews was recommended by Rusty Wallace at the 1987 NASCAR Awards banquet. That year Kulwicki won his first NASCAR Winston Cup race in the season's second-to-last race at Phoenix International Raceway after race leader Ricky Rudd's car had motor problems late in the race. Kulwicki led 41 laps and won by 18.5 seconds. After the race finished, he turned his car around and made, what he called, a "Polish victory lap" by driving the opposite way (clockwise) on the track, with the driver's side of the car facing the fans. "This gave me the opportunity to wave to the crowd from the driver's side", Kulwicki explained. Andrews recalled, "He had wanted to do something special and something different for his first win and only his first." "It's been a long road and it's taken a lot of hard work to get here, but this has made it all worthwhile. When you work for something so hard for so long, you wonder if it's going to be worth all of the anticipation. Believe me, it certainly was. And what do you think of my Polish victory lap? There will never be another first win and you know, everybody sprays champagne or stands up on the car. I wanted to do something different for the fans." He finished the 1988 season with four pole positions in 29 events, nine top 10 finishes including two second-place finishes, twelve DNFs, and an average finish of 19.2. Kulwicki finished 14th in the Winston Cup points standings for the season. Kulwicki started his own engine-building program for the 1989 season. He had four second place finishes that season and held the points lead after the fifth race of the season. The team dropped from fourth to fifteenth in points by suffering nine engine failures during a sixteen-race stretch in the middle of the season. In 29 races, he had six pole positions, nine top 10 finishes, and finished 14th in season points. The team had a new workshop built during the season.

1990–1991
Junior Johnson, owner of one of the top NASCAR teams, approached Kulwicki at the beginning of the 1990 season to try to get him to replace Terry Labonte in the No. 11 Budweiser Ford. Kulwicki declined, stating that he was more interested in running his own team. He won his second Cup race at Rockingham on October 21, 1990, and finished eighth in points that year, his first finish in the top 10 points in a season. In 29 races, he had thirteen top 10 finishes and one pole position.

After the 1990 season, Kulwicki lost his primary sponsor after Ashland, Inc., the makers of Zerex, chose instead to use its Valvoline motor oil brand to replace Folgers Coffee and sponsor Mark Martin at Roush Racing. He once again received an offer from Junior Johnson, this time for $1 million, but as he had before he rejected the overture. Part of the reason for Kulwicki’s decision was tied to a sponsorship deal with Kraft General Foods to carry the company’s Maxwell House Coffee brand, which had yet to be finalized. Johnson, angry at being spurned again by Kulwicki, then went to Maxwell House himself and obtained the sponsorship for his new car, which Sterling Marlin was hired to drive instead. Kulwicki was forced to begin the season without a sponsor, paying all of the team's expenses out of his own pocket.

At the opening race of the season, the 1991 Daytona 500, five cars raced with paint schemes representing different branches of the United States military to show support for the American forces involved in the Gulf War in what was the first ever instance of special liveries being used in NASCAR; Kulwicki was one of the five drivers, striking an agreement with the Army to sponsor his car for the race. He went on to finish in eighth place, climbing from 27th. Kulwicki then finished fifth at Richmond and seventeenth at Rockingham, running a plain white car carrying only his team’s insignia on it.

The next race, the Motorcraft Quality Parts 500, was at Atlanta, and Kulwicki caught a break that would result in a long-term partnership. Kulwicki placed his unsponsored #7 on the pole for the race, for which 47 cars attempted to qualify. Among these was the #82 Hooters Ford, which was being driven by Mark Stahl (like Kulwicki, an owner-driver) and had failed to qualify for the first three events of the season. Atlanta Motor Speedway was considered to be Hooters’ home track, as the restaurant chain is based in Atlanta, and having a car make the event would help give them some visibility both at the track and for the home television audience. They would not get it from Stahl, as he once again failed to qualify.

Since Hooters executives desired a spot in the race, and Kulwicki needed a sponsor, both sides met to discuss terms for the polesitter. The principals agreed to at least a one-race deal, which became a much longer term deal when Kulwicki recorded an eighth-place finish in the race. Later in the season, Kulwicki won the Bristol night race for his third career win. In addition to the win, Kulwicki finished the season with 11 top 10 finishes, four poles, and a 13th place points finish.

1992: Championship Season
Kulwicki started out the year by having to take one of two provisional starting positions at the Daytona 500; he ended up finishing fourth. He passed Dale Jarrett with 27 laps left at the Food City 500 race on April 5 at Bristol to take a narrow victory. It was his fourth Winston Cup victory. After that race, he never left the top five in season points. Andrews attributed Kulwicki's consistently strong finishes to the steady performance of newly adopted radial tires throughout their lifespan. He said, "It was hard to control them, and the driver's ability to work with that car during practice in order to get the car set up meant so much more than it ever did." Kulwicki's second victory in the season was at the first race at Pocono, which was the first time he had won on a superspeedway. Discounted as a contender for the season championship during the year, Kulwicki was expected to fade from contention as Bill Elliott and Davey Allison, both of whom had won more races than Kulwicki and who had traded the points lead between them, were both having strong seasons and looked to be the favorites for the Winston Cup. He did not, however, and remained in the top 5 in the series standings.

He qualified on the pole position for the Peak AntiFreeze 500 race on September 20 at Dover, but crashed early in the race and finished 34th. At the conclusion of the race, Kulwicki trailed points leader Elliott by 278 points and second place Allison by 124. He seemed to resign himself to another season without a championship, saying to reporters, "This probably finishes us off in the championship deal."

However, Kulwicki was able to benefit from bad fortune that would befall Elliott in the weeks ahead. The next week at Martinsville, Elliott fell out of the race with a blown engine while Kulwicki finished fifth. Kulwicki followed that up with a twelfth-place run at North Wilkesboro, a second place at Charlotte, and another twelfth-place finish at Rockingham. While Elliott managed a fourth place finish at Rockingham, he ran twenty-sixth at North Wilkesboro with handling problems and thirtieth at Charlotte after his car's sway bar broke. Allison too had not run well over the same four races; brake failure late in the race at Martinsville left him 16th, ill-handling cars relegated him to 11th and 19th at North Wilkesboro and Charlotte, and he could only manage 10th place at Rockingham. This left Kulwicki just 70 points behind Elliott and a mere 15 points behind Allison with two races left.

Then, at Phoenix, Kulwicki ran fourth while Elliott suffered overheating problems and a cracked cylinder head. He once again finished outside of the top 30. Allison won the race, retaking the points lead, but Kulwicki’s performance left him within striking distance of the points lead. When the points standings were tabulated after the race, Kulwicki had surpassed Elliott in the standings and stood thirty points behind Allison.

Thus, the stage was set for the final race of the season, the Hooters 500 at Atlanta. Before the race, Kulwicki received approval from NASCAR and Ford to change the "Thunderbird" lettering on his bumper for the race to "underbird" because he felt like the underdog in the contention for the championship.

Kulwicki qualified for the race in fourteenth position, three spots behind Elliott and three spots ahead of Allison. Allison simply needed to finish fifth or better to clinch the Cup, regardless of what his cohorts did. Atlanta, however, was not one of his better tracks, as he had a string of inconsistent finishes there. He had, however, finished fourth in the spring race won by Elliott. Kulwicki needed to outpace both Elliott and Allison and put as much distance as he could between the two drivers because he not only had to make up the thirty points on points leader Allison, but also needed to put distance between himself and Elliott, who trailed him by only ten points.

Kulwicki narrowly avoided an incident on the second lap of the race as front row starters Rick Mast and Brett Bodine spun out. However, trouble would eventually find him on the first round of pit stops. As Kulwicki was getting ready to leave his pit box after service, he shifted into first gear and his car stalled. He got a push start from his crew and upshifted into fourth gear, which enabled him to refire the car and head back out. Andrews later said, "We had to leave pit road in fourth gear, because we had broken metal parts in there, and only by leaving it in fourth are you not going to move metal around as much. We could only hope that the loose piece of metal didn't get in there and break the gears in half. We had three or four pit stops after it broke. I held my breath all day long." While Kulwicki had no choice but to keep his car in top gear, which caused his pit stop times to be much slower than usual, he was one of the faster drivers on track that day and he quickly gained positions once back up to speed. He eventually caught up to Elliott, who was also running well, and the two began jockeying back and forth for positions; eventually, Kulwicki found his way to the front of the field and held onto the lead despite the best efforts of the #11 team. Then, on lap 255, Kulwicki got a break he desperately needed. Allison was running in sixth place at the time, and since he had led a lap during the course of the event was still leading the championship. As he was coming off of turn four, Ernie Irvan spun out in front of the field on the frontstretch. Irvan, who had been running three laps down at the time, came down in front of Allison, who was unable to avoid him and the two made contact and crashed into the inside wall near the start/finish line. Allison’s car was badly damaged in the incident, and although the damage would be able to be repaired in the garage his chances of winning the Winston Cup were over.

Under the ensuing caution, Kulwicki and Andrews went to work on discussing strategy for the remainder of the race. With Allison now out of the championship picture, maximizing track position and points became Kulwicki’s focus. He and Elliott had each gained five bonus points for leading a lap, and five additional bonus points were available for the driver who led the most laps during the race. However, despite the possibility for more caution periods, Kulwicki would have to pit at some point to get enough fuel in the car to make it to the advertised distance. Therefore, Kulwicki and Andrews decided to stay out as long as they could and lead as many laps as possible. Once the race resumed, Kulwicki was able to maintain his lead on Elliott despite the best efforts of the latter.

On lap 310, after leading 101 consecutive laps and 103 overall, Kulwicki came down pit road for a fuel-only stop. Since the team did not need a full twenty-two gallon load of fuel to make it to the end and they needed to save as much time as they could, Andrews made the determination to put approximately half a can of gasoline into Kulwicki’s tank; this could be done in a little over three seconds and with only two crew members. Fuel man Tony Gibson and catch can man Peter Jellen waited as Kulwicki pulled in. There was a problem with the fuel relay, however, and Gibson was not certain of the amount of gasoline that made it into the tank. Kulwicki came back onto the track in third place, behind front runner Elliott and second place Terry Labonte. He had not fully secured the five bonus points for leading the most laps, since Elliott had an opportunity to tie Kulwicki’s total. In that case, both drivers would receive the points. Elliott also had to come down to top off his fuel tank.

But as he had done with the adjustment following the broken gearbox and the accident that took Allison out of the race, Kulwicki once again caught a break that affected his chances in a significant way. Tim Brewer, Elliott’s crew chief, had lost track of Labonte, as had the ESPN television broadcast. Brewer called Elliott in on lap 314, unaware that Labonte was still on the race track. Labonte was able to pass Elliott while he pitted, then pitted himself one lap later. Elliott reassumed the point with twelve laps remaining, which when added to the ninety he had already led would only add up to 102. However, even if Elliott had waited an additional lap to pit, he still would've only led 103 laps, the same as Kulwicki. Under the rules in place at the time, if two drivers tied for the most laps led during a race, both would be awarded the 5 bonus points. This would still have left Elliott behind Kulwicki on points if they stayed running as they were, but also would have taken away some margin for error from Kulwicki as he needed to stay in a position where he would finish ahead of Elliott in the points; a tie, which was possible, would be broken by whoever won more races and Kulwicki's two wins would not be enough.

Kulwicki was told that he had clinched the five extra points several laps later. Andrews warned him of the fuel relay issue, however, and told Kulwicki to conserve whatever fuel he could as no one knew for certain whether or not Gibson had done the job. Kulwicki was running in second, far enough ahead of third place Geoff Bodine that he was not a factor, and thus all he had to do was hold position in order to win the championship. Elliott won the race and Kulwicki stretched his fuel to finish second. Kulwicki won the 1992 Winston Cup Championship by maintaining his 10-point lead over Elliott. He celebrated the championship with his second Polish victory lap. Always conscious of his appearance for potential sponsors, Kulwicki combed his hair, making a national television audience wait for him to emerge from his car.

Kulwicki had overcome the 278-point deficit in the final six races of the season by ending with a fifth, a fourth, and two second-place finishes. Kulwicki won the championship because of his consistent high finishes. It was the closest title win in NASCAR Cup Series history until the implementation of the Chase for the Cup format in 2004. Kulwicki was the last owner-driver to win the title for nearly two decades, the first Cup champion with a college degree, and the first Cup champion born in a northern state. He started from the pole position six times during the season, which was the most for any driver. The song that played during a short salute to Kulwicki at the year-end awards banquet was Frank Sinatra's "My Way".

Championship honors
Kulwicki returned to his hometown, Greenfield, for Alan Kulwicki Day in January 1993. The gymnasium at Greenfield High School was filled and surrounded by four to five thousand people. Local television crews filmed the event. Kulwicki signed autographs for six hours.

In celebration of his championship, sponsor Hooters made a special "Alan Tribute Card" that was used at all of the autograph sessions during the 1993 season.

1993
Kulwicki did not significantly change his spending habits after winning the 1992 championship. "The only thing I really wanted to buy was a plane", he said, "but it turns out Hooters has a couple I can use." Kulwicki negotiated a lease agreement with Hooters Chairman Robert Brooks for the use of one of his aircraft. The Swearingen Merlin III twin turboprop Kulwicki leased was painted with Hooters livery, and its FAA registry changed from N300EF (for Eastern Foods, another of Brooks's companies) to N300AK.

After the first five races of the 1993 NASCAR Winston Cup Series had been completed, Kulwicki was 9th in overall points. Kulwicki had concerns about how often he was being allowed to use the airplane he had leased, and other financial concerns he wanted to bring up with his sponsor, Hooters. The PR representative for both Hooters and Kulwicki, Tom Roberts, suggested that Kulwicki bring up his concerns to Hooters leadership while in flight from Knoxville to Bristol on the evening of April 1, 1993, en route to the 1993 Food City 500. Roberts himself, in an attempt to avoid a conflict of interest between the two sides, did not board the chartered flight, and took a commercial flight to Bristol instead.

Death
Kulwicki died in an airplane crash on Thursday April 1, 1993. He was returning from an appearance at the Knoxville Hooters on the Kingston Pike, in a Hooters corporate plane on a short flight across Tennessee before the Sunday spring race at Bristol. The plane slowed and crashed just before final approach at Tri-Cities Regional Airport in a field off of Interstate 81 near Blountville. The National Transportation Safety Board attributed the crash to the pilot's failure to use the airplane's anti-ice system to clear ice from the engine inlet system.

Kulwicki was buried at St. Adalbert's Cemetery in Milwaukee; the funeral was attended by NASCAR President Bill France Jr. and numerous drivers. Kulwicki's racecar transporter was driven from the rainy track later that Friday morning while other teams and the media watched it travel slowly around the track with a black wreath on its grille. As the transporter passed the start / finish line, the flagman waved a checkered flag. In 2008, Kyle Petty described the slow laps as "the saddest thing I've ever seen at a racetrack... We just sat and cried." Kulwicki had competed in five NASCAR races that season with two Top 5 finishes, and was ranked ninth in points at his death. In his career, he had won five NASCAR Winston Cup races, 24 pole positions, 75 Top 10 finishes, and one championship in 207 races.

His car was driven by road course specialist Tommy Kendall on road courses and by Jimmy Hensley at the other tracks. It was raced for most of the 1993 season until the team was sold to Geoff Bodine, who operated it as Geoff Bodine Racing.

Kulwicki had been selected to compete in the 1993 International Race of Champions (IROC) series as the reigning Winston Cup champion. He competed in two IROC races before his death, finishing ninth at Daytona and eleventh at Darlington. Dale Earnhardt raced for Kulwicki in the final two IROC races, and the prize money for those races and their fifth place combined points finish was given to the Winston Cup Racing Wives Auxiliary, Brenner Children's Hospital and St. Thomas Aquinas Church charities.

Legacy
Three days after Kulwicki's death, Bristol race winner Rusty Wallace honored his former short track rival by performing Kulwicki's trademark Polish victory lap. Davey Allison died on July 13, 1993; competitors who had been carrying a No. 7 sticker in memory of Kulwicki added a No. 28 sticker for Allison. After the final race of the season, series champion Dale Earnhardt and race winner Wallace drove a side-by-side Polish victory lap carrying flags for Kulwicki and Allison. Kulwicki finished 41st in the final points standings despite competing in only five races. Racing Champions issued a die-cast version of Alan Kulwicki's No. 7 car that was a tribute to Kulwicki's 1992 title.

The USAR Hooters Pro Cup championship (now CARS Tour) held the "Four Champions Challenge" in memory of the four victims of the plane crash. Established in 1997, the challenge was a four-race series, with each race named after one of the four who died in the crash: Kulwicki, Mark Brooks (son of Hooters owner Bob Brooks), Dan Duncan, and pilot Charles Campbell. Milwaukee County honored Kulwicki in 1996 by creating Alan Kulwicki Memorial Park, located near the corner of Highway 100 and Cold Spring Road in Greenfield (Area Map). Hooters chairman Robert Brooks donated $250,000 to build the 28 acre park, which features a Kulwicki museum inside the Brooks Pavilion.

Since 1994, the University of North Carolina at Charlotte has awarded the Alan Kulwicki Memorial Scholarship to one incoming student each year. Scholarship winners are outstanding high school seniors who plan to major in mechanical engineering. By 1998, UNC Charlotte created an automotive and motorsports engineering program.

In October 2009, the Kulwicki family donated nearly $1.9 million to benefit motorsports engineering education at UNC Charlotte. In honor of the gift, the university's Board of Trustees renamed the existing motorsports research facility the Alan D. Kulwicki Motorsports Laboratory. The donation funded the construction of a second motorsports engineering building, which opened in January 2012.

Bristol Motor Speedway named its grandstand in turns one and two in honor of Kulwicki, as well as a terrace above the grandstand. The 2004 Busch Series race at the Milwaukee Mile was named the "Alan Kulwicki 250" in honor of Kulwicki. Wisconsinite Paul Menard turned his car around after winning the 2006 Busch Series event and performed a Polish victory lap to honor Kulwicki. Slinger Super Speedway has held an annual Alan Kulwicki Memorial race since 1994.

Kulwicki was posthumously inducted into the International Motorsports Hall of Fame in 2002. He was inducted in the Lowe's Motor Speedway Court of Legends in 1993, the Wisconsin Athletic Hall of Fame in 1993, Talladega-Texaco Hall of Fame in 1996, Bristol Motor Speedway Heroes of Bristol Hall of Fame in 1997, the National Polish-American Sports Hall of Fame in 2001, and the Motorsports Hall of Fame of America in 2010. Kulwicki was inducted into the NASCAR Hall of Fame in 2019.

Kulwicki's success as an owner-driver sparked a small trend among NASCAR veterans. Geoff Bodine, his younger brother Brett, Ricky Rudd, Bill Elliott, and Joe Nemechek all began racing teams shortly after Kulwicki's death. However, none were as successful as Kulwicki's. Robby Gordon frequently mentions Alan as an inspiration for him as an owner-driver, and selected car No. 7 as a tribute to Kulwicki.

Slinger Super Speedway began an Alan Kulwicki Memorial night in 1993; it has continued the annual memorial as of 2016. In 2010, the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee created the Alan Kulwicki Memorial Student Center in their Engineering and Mathematical Sciences Building. The center, along with a scholarship for engineering students, was made possible in part by a donation from Thelma H. Kulwicki, the late racer's stepmother, who also donated numerous items of memorabilia located in the center.

In May 2012, the Milwaukee County Historical Society announced plans for a special exhibit celebrating the life and career of Kulwicki to open in early 2013. The exhibit is called "Alan Kulwicki: A Champion's Story".

Alan Kulwicki Driver Development Program
In 2015, Kulwicki's friends began the Alan Kulwicki Driver Development program to "help worthy drivers along the way in reaching their dream...while at the same time keep Alan Kulwicki's memory and legacy alive." The field is narrowed to 15 applicants and the program gives $7777 to support seven drivers' career advancement. Drivers are judged based on their on-track performance as well as off-track activities, social media presence, and community involvement. The winner receives seven times $7777 ($54,439) and a trophy. It was cancelled for the 2020 season because of COVID-19 concerns. The program winners were:

Media
Father Dale Grubba, the priest who had presided over Kulwicki's funeral, released a biography of his friend entitled Alan Kulwicki: NASCAR champion Against All Odds in 2009. The book was the basis for a low-budget feature film, Dare to Dream: The Alan Kulwicki Story, released on April 1, 2005. The film chronicles Kulwicki's life from racing late models at Slinger Super Speedway, through his rise to NASCAR champion, and ends with his death. The movie was created by Kulwicki's Wisconsin fans for less than $100,000. The star of the film, Brad Weber, was a Kulwicki fan and credits the late driver with being his inspiration to become an actor.

NASCAR
(key) ( Bold – Pole position awarded by qualifying time. Italics – Pole position earned by points standings or practice time. * – Most laps led. )

International Race of Champions
(key) ( Bold – Pole position. * – Most laps led. )

title: Alan Kulwicki


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Seattle Japanese Garden

The Seattle Japanese Garden is a 3.5 acre Japanese garden in the Madison Park neighborhood of Seattle. The garden is located in the southern end of the Washington Park Arboretum on Lake Washington Boulevard East. The garden is one of the oldest Japanese gardens in North America, and is regarded as one of the most authentic Japanese gardens in the United States.

History
Proposals to construct a Japanese garden in Seattle date back to the 1909 Alaska–Yukon–Pacific Exposition, which included a temporary Japanese Pavilion with a garden for the world's fair. The new Washington Park Arboretum was proposed as the site of the garden by 1937, but its construction was not undertaken at the time due to racial tensions and the onset of World War II. The Arboretum Foundation began fundraising for the project in 1957 ahead of the 1962 World's Fair and consulted with Japanese diplomats based in Seattle to solicit donations and potential designs. Fujitaro Kubota, a local gardener and landscaper who later donated Kubota Garden to the city, provided the initial cost estimates to the foundation. A team of six landscape architects and designers, led by Kiyoshi Inoshita and Juki Iida, were selected by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government and presented their plans for the Seattle garden in 1958.

Iida selected Japanese American contractors for the project due to their familiarity with the Japanese language and aesthetics; they included William Yorozu for plants, Richard Yamasaki for stone setting, and Kei Ishimitsu for garden structures. The teahouse was gifted to the city by the Tokyo government and shipped in pieces in March 1959; it was assembled for temporary display at a trade fair the following month before construction of its permanent home began on May 19. The first tea ceremony was conducted on July 4, 1959, by visiting Urasenke grand master Sen Sōshitsu XV.

Construction began in late 1959 and used primarily local materials, including 600 ST of granite boulders from Bandera Mountain that were selected by Iida during a trip to the Snoqualmie Pass area. The boulders ranged in size from 1,000 pounds to 11 tons and were wrapped in bamboo matting to be transported to Seattle. They were arranged to complement a variety of culturally appropriate azaleas, rhododendrons, camellias, mosses, and ferns that were planted beginning in March 1960; some 100 flowering trees were donated by members of the public, primarily from Japanese American associations. The garden was dedicated by Seattle mayor Gordon S. Clinton on June 5, 1960.

During their October 1960 stop in Seattle, the Japanese Crown Prince Akihito and Crown Princess Michiko visited the newly opened garden. Together, they planted a cherry tree and a white birch, the latter a symbol (o-shirushi) of the Princess's family. Access to the garden was initially free until turnstiles with a 10-cent fee were installed in May 1961.

The original teahouse was burned by vandals on April 9, 1973, and reconstructed by Yasunori "Fred" Sugita in 1980 and 1981. It took eight years for the Arboretum Foundation to raise $175,000, with assistance from the Urasenke Foundation, until the teahouse was ready to be rebuilt. The teahouse was rededicated by Sen Sōshitsu XV on May 16, 1981, and named "Shoseian".

The garden has undertaken several other infrastructure improvements, including a new gatehouse and community meeting room. Several paths were modified to comply with wheelchair accessibility requirements in the late 1990s. The garden underwent a major renovation from 2001 to 2002 to restore the eroded pond and replace deteriorating bridges and plants. The Gatehouse project was completed in 2009. The new structure includes a bronze gate designed by a local Seattle sculptor Gerard Tsutakawa. As part of planning for the project, the garden was designated as a city historical landmark by the Seattle Landmarks Preservation Board on May 21, 2008.

The garden was awarded the Japanese Foreign Minister's Commendation for its contributions to the promotion of mutual understanding between Japan and the United States on December 1, 2020.

Cultural events
The Seattle Japanese Garden hosts several cultural celebrations throughout the year, including:
 * Kodomo no Hi (Children's Day)
 * Tanabata
 * Wondering and Wandering
 * Otsukimi (Moon Viewing)
 * Keiro no Hi (Respect for Elders Day)
 * Momijigari (Maple Viewing)

These special cultural events feature local performers, including calligraphers, taiko ensembles, dance troupes, and traditional musicians.

Community partners
The Seattle Japanese Garden is a partnership between the City of Seattle, the Associated Recreation Council (The Seattle Japanese Garden Advisory Council) and the Washington Park Arboretum.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Seattle Japanese Garden


text:
Lockheed XB-30

The Lockheed XB-30 (company model L-249) was the design submitted by Lockheed after the request by the United States Army Air Forces for a very heavy bomber, the same request that led to the Boeing B-29 Superfortress, the Douglas XB-31 and Consolidated B-32 Dominator.

Design and development
Around 1938, General Henry H. "Hap" Arnold, the head of the United States Army Air Corps, was growing alarmed at the possibility of war in Europe and in the Pacific. Hoping to be prepared for the long-term requirements of the Air Corps, Arnold created a special committee chaired by Brigadier General Walter G. Kilner; one of its members was Charles Lindbergh. After a tour of Luftwaffe bases, Lindbergh became convinced that Nazi Germany was far ahead of other European nations.

In a 1939 report, the committee made a number of recommendations, including development of new long-range heavy bombers. When war broke out in Europe, Arnold requested design studies from several companies on a Very Long-Range bomber capable of traveling 5000 miles. Approval was granted on 2 December 1939.

Based on the design of the Lockheed L-049 (subsequently adopted by the United States Army Air Forces as the C-69), the L-249 never progressed past the design stage, mainly because Boeing had a head start with its Boeing B-29 Superfortress, using the same Wright R-3350 Duplex-Cyclone radials as the XB-30 was intended to use. Only a scale model was built. Retaining the wings and tail surfaces of the Model 49, the Model 249-58-01 was to have had a new fuselage with up to six gun turrets (one in the nose, two above and two below the fuselage, and one in the tail) housing ten .50-caliber guns—twinned up in each turret for the nose, dorsal, and ventral emplacements; and one 20-mm cannon for the tail defensive position. Ventral bomb bays were to accommodate eight 2000 lb bombs.

title: Lockheed XB-30


text:
Sociocultural anthropology

Sociocultural anthropology is a term used to refer to social anthropology and cultural anthropology together. It is one of the four main branches of anthropology. Sociocultural anthropologists focus on the study of society and culture, while often interested in cultural diversity and universalism.

Sociocultural anthropologists recognise a change in the nature of the field and that a previous focus on traditional tribal perspectives has shifted to a contemporary understanding. Methodologies have altered accordingly, and the discipline continues to evolve with that of society. Globalisation has contributed to the changing influence of the state on individuals and their interactions.

Overview
The rubric cultural anthropology is generally applied to ethnographic works that are holistic in approach, are oriented to the ways in which culture affects individual experience, or aim to provide a rounded view of the knowledge, customs, and institutions of a people. Cultural anthropology focuses on how individuals make sense of the world around them using knowledge, beliefs, morals, arts, laws and customs of groups.

Social anthropology is a term applied to ethnographic works that attempt to isolate a particular system of social relations such as those that comprise domestic life, economy, law, politics, or religion, give analytical priority to the organizational bases of social life, and attend to cultural phenomena as somewhat secondary to the main issues of social scientific inquiry.

Sociocultural anthropology, which is understood to include linguistic anthropology, is concerned with the problem of difference and similarity within and between human populations. The discipline arose through the expansion of European colonial empires, and its practices and theories have been questioned and reformulated along with processes of decolonization. Such issues have re-emerged as transnational processes have challenged the centrality of the nation-state to theorizations about culture and power. New challenges have emerged as public debates about multiculturalism and the increasing use of the culture concept outside of the academy and among peoples studied by anthropology.

History
The synergy of sociology and anthropology was initially developed during the early 1920s by European scholars. Both disciplines shared a common search for a science of society. During the 20th century, the disciplines diverged further to as cultural studies were integrated, centralising geographical and methodological features.

1920s-50s
'Social' and 'cultural' anthropology was developed in the 1920s. It was associated with the social sciences and linguistics rather than the human biology and archaeology studied in anthropology. Specialists in the respective fields of social and cultural anthropology were elemental in the foundations of the later developed synergy. Radcliffe-Brown and Bronislaw Malinowski marked the point of differentiation between social and cultural anthropology in 1930, evident in texts from this period. In the 1930s and 40s, an influx of monographs and comparative studies of 'tribal societies' emerged. Meyer Fortes and Edward Evans Pritchard described and classified African societies in African Political Systems (1940). Their comparative anthology aimed to provide a basis for sociological knowledge by classifying kin-based bans instead of relying on empirical observation.

Claude Lévi-Strauss, used structuralism as a way to analyse cultural systems in terms of their structural relations, including that of kinship. In 1949, he attempted to classify marriage systems from diverse locations. Structuralism was applied to anthropology by Lévi-Strauss to reaffirms the coexistence between the individual and society and categorise information about cultural systems by the formal relationships among their elements. Structuralism remains a central concept involved in the study of sociocultural anthropology.

1960s–90s
Before WWII, 'social' anthropology and 'cultural' anthropology were still separate entities in the field. The war called upon anthropologists from all countries to assist in the war effort. Anthropologists were extensively involved in resettlements in Europe and consulting issues of racial status in occupied areas. Ethical issues surrounding the allies involvement were topical among anthropologists and institutional development and practiced methodologies were altered by programs in 'developing countries'. As developing countries grew independence, they grew a dislike for an apparent imperialistic nature of anthropological studies, declining work in the field. After the war, anthropologists collaborated ideas and methodologies to form the collective 'sociocultural anthropology'. Topical interests included that of religion, kingship, acculturation, function, and community studies.

During the 1970s, public spending was increased in most industrialised counties which expanded social rights, produced dramatic rises in wealth, living standards and overall equity. This neoliberal globalisation movement followed through until the 1990s. Increased spending assisted to provide academic opportunity in anthropology during 1974–1990. After this period, a steady decline in anthropology opportunity is the continued trend. The drastic growth of students in Ph.D. and M.A. programs, decline in university funding, downward shift in birth rates and decreased government funding are contributors to anthropologies current state.

2000s–present
Traditional methodologies used to study sociocultural anthropology have changed with the shift in culture in modernised society. Individuals undergo daily routines differing to that of previous decades. Individuals participate in minority groups within which only certain aspects relate to the broader national culture. Anthropologists are unable to receive a holistic ethnography, as individuals return to the private sphere after interacting within their minority groups. Impacts of globalisation, neoliberalism, and capitalism have contributed to the decline in anthropology field work.

The job market of the 2000s is centralised around those occupations that are income generating, reducing the number of university students in the social science fields. In accordance, universities have reduced funding for many anthropological programs. The 2008 global financial crisis enhanced this effect as universities had to decline spending as income generation was lesser. Decreased spending in the anthropological sector in combination with an increasing trend of anthropology university students has results in decreasing job opportunities.

Sociocultural anthropological study of the 21st century, produces facts created by an intersection of cultural classification systems and heterogenous and dynamic societies. A contributor to this dynamic societal environment is the media. The influence of the media produces accessibility for all to gather experience and evidence, however charged political conditions sway social discourse. Anthropologists use theory such as structuralism to decipher epistemological obstacles. Considering that systems are defined by the laws of their constitutive elements rather than the content alone is a lens through which modern society is studied.

Concepts
Sociocultural anthropology divides into a broader national level and minority of subcultural groups to ethnographically study societies and cultures. The national culture is emitted through formally organised institutions including those of government forms and legal systems, economic institution, religious organisation, educational systems, law enforcement and military organisations. National achievements are influential on sociocultural integration however can be limited to upper class relevance only. Subcultural segments are groups of individuals behaving within the national culture. Subcultural groups are observed through vertical lens, differentiation because of national development, and horizontal lens, class and occupational divisions structured by societal hierarchy.

Human Migration
Human migration is a topic of anthropology which produced a macro and micro impact on society and its culture. Human migration is ‘the movement of persons away from their place of usual residence, either across an international border or within a state’. An interplay of social, political, economic, demographic, cultural and geographical factors remain central to the movement of individuals. Boas (1920) in his article The Methods of Ethnology (1920) states that it is the migration and dissemination of peoples rather than evolution that provides the basis for ethological research. Migration is accepted as the cause for the similarities of languages the dissemination of ideas and inventions across continents. The process of migration is responsible for the carrying of culture whilst the adaptation of culture to societies in different environments.

Linguistics
The discipline of linguistics is interrelated with the study of society and culture. Both fields share a common intellectual origin in 19th Century scholarship as archaeologists and early folklorists looked for origins of culture in folktales and shared memory. These early anthropologists narrowly focused on the influence structural codes had on the distinction between communities. The comparison of societies prompted early linguistic enquiries. In the 20th century, there became a distinction between linguistic anthropology and formal linguistics, with greater focus placed on the cultural and behaviour lens of language. Formal linguistics remains to be studied through a cognitive viewpoint. Linguistic anthropology looks at how language is used in the social and cultural life of people in different societies.Speech is used in societies as a system to indicate the series of certain events and how role relations effect such events.

Sociology
Sociocultural integration studies the interaction of the spheres and draws comparisons with alternate societies and cultures. Sociocultural anthropology is closely aligned with sociology sharing theoretical generalisation for social science and reflection of human lives. The 20th Century saw the separation of the two as differences in research topics, geographic focus and methodological emphasis diverged. Commonly, sociocultural anthropology centralises study of broader political, ethical, and economic subjects within small-scale societies whereas sociology looks at societies as a whole. Sociologically trained ethnographers have less regard for anthropological theory and place greater emphasis on empirical data. Recently, the two have reconverged as globalisation has aligned subject ideas and methodologies.

Methodologies
The traditional anthropological research method is to gather what people say and do through initial observations. Participant observation hinges on a synthesis of subjective insider and outsider elements. Insider elements rely on the fieldworker to learn what behaviour means to the people. Outsider elements are gathered through observations and experiences drawing comparisons with internal cultural customs and behaviours with alternate cultures. These observations are transferred into a monograph of elements sorted by importance and studied in relation to anthropological theories or questions. The process is controlled, and a hypothesis is tested reporting results after every return. Alternatively, the process may be more fortuitous if unique or unexpected events occur, and the writing processes is extended to make sense of elements.

Since the 1960s, anthropologists have recognised the importance of collaboration through reflections of experiences in the field, relationships with informants and contexts used to gather material. The reflections provide a better understanding for readers of ethnographic texts and anthropologists in practicing with awareness of their own biases and emotions when writing. This has led to advancements in the field of sociocultural anthropology.

The Marxist and Structuralist theories are methods for gathering anthropological information are being challenged. Marxism validifies the necessity for conventional field work, exploring the intersection between empirical observation and theoretical frameworks with the aim of improving each. Lévi-Straussian structuralists (Lévi-Strauss 1969) are more concerned with theoretical structures.

title: Sociocultural anthropology


text:
Michael Breaugh

Michael James Breaugh (September 13, 1942 – November 22, 2019) was a Canadian politician. He served in the Legislative Assembly of Ontario from 1975 to 1990, and in the House of Commons of Canada from a 1990 by-election until 1993.

Background
Breaugh was one of four sons of Thomas Breaugh and Marion Rush; his brothers were Harold, Patrick, and Tom. He was educated at Peterborough Teachers' College, Queen's University, and the University of Toronto. A teacher by training, he served as an executive of the Ontario English Catholic Teachers Association.

Politics
He was first elected to public office in the 1975 Ontario election. A New Democrat, he won an easy victory in the working-class riding of Oshawa, while the NDP became the principal legislative opposition to the long-established Progressive Conservative government. He was re-elected in the 1977 election.

The NDP had seemed poised for an electoral breakthrough in 1977, but instead fell from second to third-place status in the legislature. When Stephen Lewis stepped down as Ontario NDP leader in 1978, Breaugh ran to succeed him. He received 499 votes at the 1978 NDP leadership convention, finishing a strong third in a field of three candidates. Most of his supporters went to Michael Cassidy rather than presumed frontrunner Ian Deans on the second ballot, giving Cassidy a narrow victory.

Breaugh was re-elected in the 1981 election, though by a narrower margin than before.

Breaugh had a poor relationship with Bob Rae, who succeeded Cassidy as party leader in 1982. The NDP experienced a modest recovery under Rae in the 1985 provincial election, and Breaugh was again re-elected by a significant margin in Oshawa. In the 1987 election, he defeated Liberal candidate Cathy O'Flynn by the reduced margin of 2,916 votes as the Liberals won a landslide provincial majority.

Breaugh often clashed with Rae in the 1980s, criticising his leadership. In 1990, he left Queen's Park and ran for a seat in the House of Commons of Canada, in a by-election called in the federal Oshawa riding to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of former federal NDP leader Ed Broadbent. Breaugh again defeated O'Flynn, now running for the Liberal Party of Canada, to win the by-election, which was held on August 13, a month before the 1990 Ontario election that brought Rae's NDP to power.

Rae's government was largely responsible for Breaugh's defeat at the polls in 1993. The provincial NDP had by this time lost much of its support from organized labour, through austerity legislation known as the Social Contract. This had a detrimental effect on the federal NDP, which lost all ten of its Ontario seats in the 1993 federal election. Breaugh was unseated being reduced to a fourth-place finish in Oshawa, where the local branch of the Canadian Auto Workers had previously disaffiliated from the NDP.

He supported Howard Hampton as leader of the Ontario NDP in 1996.

Breaugh died on November 22, 2019.

title: Michael Breaugh


text:
Talk:Democracy/Archive 5

Proposed refactoring
See detail in Archive 3

What do you all think? -- Mathieugp 04:42, 2 May 2004 (UTC)

 * Yes, it is a good idea, the current article is not very good. The definition section definetly needs expansion, it even lacks mentions of procedural view of democracy (the one that concentrates on democracy as a type of government, like definitions of Schumpeter, Huntington, Lipset) and political view of democracy (aka substantial, the one that asks in whose name and for what purpose the power is held) (see works of Dahl, Gurr, Sartori). --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus 13:35, 19 Sep 2004 (UTC)

Direct Democracy
Am not a great fan of US politics in general but from what I could gather here from the problems facing Arnie, the state of California seems to practice a very direct democracy with referendums. Isn't this the best known modern example rather than citing a parish council? --(talk)BozMo 11:53, 13 May 2004 (UTC)

 * However, it should be noted that the definition used to classify countries as "democratic" was crafted by Europeans and is directly influenced by the dominating cultures in those countries; care should be taken when applying it to other cultures that are tribal in nature and do not have the same historical background as the current "democratic" countries.

This paragraph I find highly subjective. There are democratic states representing every religion and on every continent, most of them closely follow the so-called "European variant" mentioned here. Some undemocratic states have however maintained their system by claiming that "our culture is incompatible with the Western one, therefor we cannot have a democracy". Regardless of whether you think Western-style democracies are the greatest thing in the world or not, or whether you think they originated in the West, there are a lot of people who hold the POV that democracy is a natural state of mankind, compatible with human nature and not with certain "cultures", and that the values of democracy have been infused in European culture, not the other way around (if at all). Anyone know how the paragraph could be altered, to reflect both POVs? Should it be removed outright? Should it be left untouched? Am I a nutball who has just read the "Open Society and Its Enemies" one time too many? --Gabbe 17:54, May 24, 2004 (UTC)

Gabbe -- it is never "nutty" to read Karl Popper -- he is wonderfully clear and often right. --Christofurio 23:14, Jun 2, 2004 (UTC)

What about this for annoyingly POV, though?

"They" [opponents of democracy] "hold this view" [that majorities can be dangerous] "despite the fact that majorities and minorities are different on every issue—that is, persons in the majority usually take care to not oppress a minority, lest they ultimately are part of a minority on a future democratic decision." Despite that fact? Hmmmm. --Christofurio 23:14, Jun 2, 2004 (UTC)

 * So you suggest that majorities and minorites are the same on any given issue? -- Stevietheman 15:26, 3 Jun 2004 (UTC)

 * No, I'm saying that it isn't a FACT that they are different on EVERY issue.

For example, a relatively affluent minority can find itself on the losing side again and again, its affluence making it a target for the formation of coalitions from which it is excluded. This is sometimes true of ethnically Chinese in other East Asian countries and has all too often been true of Jews in European history. Who is the "majority" and who is the "minority" for relevant purposes stays the same across time, and the mere possibility that it may someday change is a poor preventative for oppression.

 * I may be wrong in the analysis implicit in the above paragraph, but to say I am wrong as a simple matter of "fact" would obviously be POV. --Christofurio 14:35, Jun 3, 2004 (UTC)
 * OK, I'll go along with that. But note that my attempt was to make a POV paragraph into NPOV, and my first attempt was admittedly sloppy.  That said, the scenario you describe would certainly be a concern in an illiberal democracy, but in a modern liberal democracy, votes on issues that target a protected minority (religion, race, etc.) wouldn't be allowed in the first place. -- Stevietheman 15:27, 3 Jun 2004 (UTC)

That, of course, is not true. The removed text should be restored to the article. -- Stevietheman 23:34, 2 Jun 2004 (UTC)
 * I rewrote the text to remove POV. It's important for this article to note that not everyone holds the view that democracy = majoritarianism. -- Stevietheman 23:58, 2 Jun 2004 (UTC)

To step away from symantics and politics for a moment... democracy originally was practiced directly (i.e. participants vote on individual issues... not leaders that will make all their decisions for the next four years). Just because we happen to have representative type governments today (that indeed have democratic elements) does NOT make it the same. I can call blue red eventually... and just because everyone agrees... it does not make them the same. I stand by my original changes that there is significant debate. Furthermore you changed it back without offering proof to your stance. Please point me to a reputable study that supports your stance rather than just piorii reasoning. Lack of evidence (for or against) would support eliminating the line entirely rether than just supporting your personal stance.

Here a couple of reputable examples of opinions that differ from your own. The first link is to an article reviewed by Richard M. Pious, M.A., Ph.D.Professor, Graduate Faculties, Columbia University, Barnard College. Pay special attention to

" Although often used interchangeably, the terms democracy and republic are not synonymous. Both systems delegate the power to govern to their elected representatives. In a republic, however, these officials are expected to act on their own best judgment of the needs and interests of the country. The officials in a democracy more generally and directly reflect the known or ascertained views of their constituents, sometimes subordinating their own judgment."

http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761575112/Democracy.html#p2

This second link is to a speech to the U.S. senate and much of the reason as to why I believe you are misinformed.

http://www.senate.gov/~byrd/speech-repub.htm

Again. You don't have to agree with me.... but unless you provide empirical evidence to support your stand.. it's a non-fact that shouldn't be included. I will continue to challengit until you do so or until it is phrased acceptably.

''According to most political scientists today (and most common English speakers), the term "democracy" refers to a government chosen by the people, whether it be direct or representative. ''

 * Look in any dictionary for the contemporary usage of "democracy":
 * From http://www.cogsci.princeton.edu/cgi-bin/webwn?stage=1&word=democracy :
 * 1. democracy -- (the political orientation of those who favor government by the people or by their elected representatives)
 * 2. democracy, republic, commonwealth -- (a political system in which the supreme power lies in a body of citizens who can elect people to represent them)
 * 3. majority rule, democracy -- (the doctrine that the numerical majority of an organized group can make decisions binding on the whole group)

 * From http://www.aph.gov.au/find/glossary.htm :
 * a way of governing a country in which the people elect representatives to form a government on their behalf
 * a country with such a government
 * the idea that everyone in a country has equal rights

 * From http://education.yahoo.com/reference/dictionary/entries/34/d0123400.html :
 * 1. Government by the people, exercised either directly or through elected representatives.
 * 2. A political or social unit that has such a government.
 * 3. The common people, considered as the primary source of political power.
 * 4. Majority rule.
 * 5. The principles of social equality and respect for the individual within a community.

Show me any major dictionary which does not include "elected representative" government (or some variation) as a type of democracy. older ≠ wiser 03:08, 22 Jun 2004 (UTC)

A dictionary has many uses for a word that are not always applicable for a specific example.

Thus Dictionary.com defines Cat as....

A small carnivorous mammal (Felis catus or F. domesticus) domesticated since early times as a catcher of rats and mice and as a pet and existing in several distinctive breeds and varieties. Any of various other carnivorous mammals of the family Felidae, which includes the lion, tiger, leopard, and lynx. The fur of a domestic cat. Informal. A woman who is regarded as spiteful. Slang. A person, especially a man. A player or devotee of jazz music. A cat-o'-nine-tails. A catfish. Nautical. A cathead. A device for raising an anchor to the cathead. A catboat. A catamaran.

Are all these the same?

Furthermore dictionaries are used as quick reference material that highlight usage... but not under the scope a professional would look at it. Stealing to a lawyer is not the same as that identified under a dictionary because it is too vague.

 * In the italicized words above, I mistakenly inserted the previous version. The words I intended to use there are In contemporary usage, the term "democracy" refers to a government chosen by the people, whether it be direct or representative. I really don't care what the majority of political scientists think. It's largely irrelevant. In contemporary usage, there democracy is a large, baggy concept that include elected representative forms of government. The finer distinctions between these forms, including historical usage, are made clear in this article. older ≠ wiser 03:26, 22 Jun 2004 (UTC)

It's good that you don't care what the majority of political scientists think... because I don't care about popular contemporary usage... which is rhetoric (not contant) driven. Although I still think it's still a bit misleading, I suppose the lines in question are now vague enough to compromise.

Just something I thought about that would make me a little happier on this point. Would you be adverse to the addition of the word "popular" between the beginning words "In" and "contemporary"?

i.e. 'In contemporary usage, the term "democracy" refers to a government chosen by the people...yada..yada

Please add this if you think it would be more fair to my point... which I think we see eye to eye on

 * I support leaving something like the original text in, as indeed "representative democracy" isn't a term that somebody just coined, but instead it's an indisputable form of democracy. I don't think empirical evidence is required here to support an overwhelmingly obvious point that appears in all dictionaries. -- Stevietheman 04:45, 22 Jun 2004 (UTC)

---

Your original statement remains unproven...that MOST political scientists would agree with your usage of the word. Your statement is specific "political scientists" not "dictionary writers" and remains unproven. You should not include a non-fact for political motivations just as I wouldn't argue the point that popular contemporary usage includes both rep. and direct.

No matter how much I detest it.... a quick poll of dictionaries (as you said) would prove its' factual nature.

If you wish to prove your point... the onus is on you to provide evidence of a scientific poll of political scientists that agree with your point (with the question phrased in the correct manner).... not on me to disprove your point.

At least then I couldn't argue your point... although I could still marvel at their incompetence.

 * It's not _my_ original statement. It was text already existing in the article.  And it's just fact.  Stop trying to create an argument where there is none. -- Stevietheman 12:33, 22 Jun 2004 (UTC)

---  I would then say we have different tolerance levels and precision of what constitutes a "fact' then. (To me) nothing is "just a fact". Unfortunately the laws of deminishing returns forces us to provide some sort of final litmus test of empirical evidence to allow us proceed in choices and definitions. Your "conclusive" evidence is simply a dictionary. I might as well learn physics from one then... using the same reasoning.

I choose a more rigerous model of truth in this particular case because the point is important and fundamental to truly grasping what democracy represents in most peoples minds.... which I believe (unscientifically) to be the "the will of the people".... not "vote for your oligarchy". If not... then let's re-educate the public so at least they are properly informed as to what their government represents. Republics have their good points too. Going off a little on a personal political tangent.... I've heard arguments that (pure if you wish) democracy is in fact undesirable since theoretically the majority could vote your assets and rights away. This of course makes no sense since representative type governments can easily do the same thing... with much less input. Furthermore, it is often also argued that logistics make direct democracy impossible. I would think that something called technoogy may provide help provide a solution to these problems.

I find those that wish to catergorize direct and indirect democracy... under the same umbrella.... wish to eat their moral/political/philosophical cake and have it too. If their is no major differences then why do our systems lag in reform to eliminate the causes of any confusion or suspection?

You can't have it both ways. It makes no sense.

I just happen to pop in. Seems to me this article is one of the messiest in Wikipedia. Lucky are those who understand something.

Sadly, as it is a result of democratic participation, it gives the worst possible image of democracy ;-)).

Hope it will get better. What I suggest is that:
 * somebody starts it all again by giving a basic simple description of democracy (KISS - keep it simple and short), and only the main differentiation criteria between the main types of democracy, without any comment.
 * and that another article be the receptacle of the overflow, under the name "Types of democracies". Here creativity and controversies will have their battle ground ;-)) --Pgreenfinch 18:57, 22 Jun 2004 (UTC)

"Sadly, as it is a result of democratic participation, it gives the worst possible image of democracy ;-)). "

Without a doubt democracy is extremely messy... butI wouldn't be that strong. It's part and parcel of coming to decisions. Sadly when politics and reason collide.... reason often suffers but why not make specific corrections to the article rather than just suggest general principles (which most here probably would agree with you).

You might not find it so easy to define then. Its' no wonder so many people don't believe democratic processes should define symantics.

I've taken the plunge and made some quite large changes. I moved lots of sections about varients of democracy into a new page 'democracy (varieties)'. I am about to create a section for the famous quotes. I hope my changes are welcome. Barnaby dawson 11:14, 26 Jun 2004 (UTC)

 * Good job, Barnaby --Pgreenfinch 17:57, 5 Jul 2004 (UTC)
 * I second this. Brilliant work! -- Stevietheman 19:46, 5 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Why is neutrality disputed
Could somebody explain me, why the neutrality is disputed. I do not see the point and removed the tag. Gangulf 13:06, 3 Aug 2004 (UTC)

146.124.141.250 added the POV message. Let 146.124.141.250 justify why the article is POV on this talk page. Otherwise I don't think a POV message should be put up. Barnaby dawson 14:09, 3 Aug 2004 (UTC)

Since only one anonymous person disputes the neutrality, but was actually adding lots of POV text, there's no need for the tag. The article was fine before he started polluting it. -- Stevietheman 14:15, 3 Aug 2004 (UTC)

Somebody should go to work on this, "Proponents of democracy argue that just as there is a special constitutional process for constitutional changes, there could be a distinction between legislation which would be handled through liberal democracy and the modification of constitutional rights which would have a more deliberative procedure there attached, and thereby less vulnerable to the tyranny of the majority." Do these proponents have names? There is too much "some Xists say A, to which some anti-Xists say B, to which the Xists can respond blah blah blah" especially in all the ideologically sensitive articles in wiki. In this case, it touches on a very sensitive point -- which constitutional rights need how much extra deliberation and why? It would be good to stay grounded in what actual named theorists had to say on point. --Christofurio 15:08, Aug 9, 2004 (UTC)

The main effect on the stature of Democracy is not in the name of the ancestors but the follow through of the people and the way they operate. To recomend that the democracy is false would be to revert over 1200 years of Roman genuity and the people of America.

Americocentrism
During the summer, when I've been rather absent from the world of computers and Internet, this article has undergone some changes. In particular does the following strike me (a European former student of political science) as somewhat disturbing:
 * Traditionally the purpose of democracy is to prevent tyranny (the accumulation of too much authority in the hands of one or a few). That is, democracy rests on a balance of giving enough power for what Hamilton called "vigorous and energetic government" and avoiding giving out so much power that it becomes abused. Democracy often aims in practice for the "least worst" of alternatives. By creating a system where the public can remove administrations, without changing the legal basis for government, democracy aims at reducing political uncertainty and instability, by assuring citizens that however much they may disagree with present policies, they will be given a regular chance to change those who are in power, or change policies with which they disagree. Democracy is related then to the idea of constitutional government, setting limits beyond which a current majority in government may not step.

I am however not interested in puting work into changes that get promptly reverted. My experiences of Wikipedia has in this respect been rather mixed. Therefore I would like to ask those contributors to this article, who have more of an emotional attachment to it than I have, if this is a wording that you are perfectly happy with, and if not, in what direction you would expect this paragraph to evolve.

/Tuomas 07:41, 3 Sep 2004 (UTC)

You'll need to be more specific, the article, as a whole, is a mess. Stirling Newberry 08:09, 3 Sep 2004 (UTC)

I think that the democracy article has been moving in a good direction in that it has become more objective, it has lost some of the 'alternative visions' of democracy that were bunging it up. In particular I think he opening paragraph is now quite well thought out.

The paragraph that you refer to has changed in the last few days from a more considered version (it also seems to ignore democracies with no constitution). I was debating whether to change it back. But I decided not to as its in a pros-cons section. I think perhaps the pros-cons section ought to come last or be moved to another page. I'm also not very happy with other opinion mascerading as information in other sections. I created pros-cons originally to put some opinion sections into but maybe the time has come to properly NPOV it or remove it. Barnaby dawson 14:16, 3 Sep 2004 (UTC)

title: Talk:Democracy/Archive 5


text:
User:Dbastos~enwiki

Dbastos is an active reader of Wikipedia.

title: User:Dbastos~enwiki


text:
Alexandre-Théodore Brongniart

Alexandre-Théodore Brongniart (15 February 1739 – 6 June 1813) was a prominent French architect.

Biography
Born in Paris, France. A prominent member of Parisian society, in 1767, he married Anne-Louise d'Egremont. The couple became friends of the royal portrait painter, Marie Louise Élisabeth Vigée-Lebrun who painted the portrait of their daughter, Alexandrine-Emilie Brongniart that now hangs in the National Gallery in London, Mademoiselle Brongniart 1788. During the Reign of Terror, Vigée-Lebrun hid in Brongniart's home before fleeing the country.

Alexandre-Théodore Brongniart was also a close friend of Jean Antoine Houdon, the pre-eminent French sculptor of the day who sculpted busts of his daughter Alexandrine-Emilie and his son Alexandre Jr. that are now in the Louvre Museum in Paris.

Alexandre-Théodore Brongniart designed hotels, including the Hôtel de Bourbon-Condé and the Hotel de Monaco, and a number of exclusive private residences. In 1781, he was received as a member of the Académie Royale d'Architecture, and in 1782, he was named architect and controller-general of the Ecole Militaire (Military School). In the same year, he refurbished the Hôtel de Besenval. In 1804, he was commissioned by Napoleon Bonaparte to create the layout for the famous Père Lachaise Cemetery. The Emperor was so pleased with his work that in 1807, he chose Brongniart to design the Paris Bourse (the Parisian stock exchange). Brongniart did all of the designs, but it would be his last work and he would not live to see the classical Greek styled building completed in 1825. The building was named "Palais Brongniart" in his honor and remains in use to this day.

Alexandre-Théodore Brongniart died in Paris in 1813 and was interred there in the cemetery he had designed.

Family
Brongniart's son Alexandre went on to become a respected geologist and director of the famous Sèvres porcelain factory. In turn, his son Adolphe Theodore Brongniart became a famous botanist known as the father of paleobotany and a recipient of the Wollaston Medal in science text.

title: Alexandre-Théodore Brongniart


text:
Michael Turner

Michael or Mike Turner may refer to:

Arts and entertainment

 * Michael Le Vell (Michael Robert Turner, born 1964), English actor, plays Kevin Webster in Coronation Street
 * Michael Turner (actor) (1921–2012), South African born actor who played numerous roles on British television
 * Michael Turner (comics) (1971–2008), comic book artist and publisher known for his work on Witchblade and Fathom
 * Michael Turner (illustrator) (born 1934), British motorsport and aviation illustrator
 * Michael Turner (musician) (born 1962), Canadian writer and musician from Vancouver, BC
 * Mick Turner (born 1960), Australian musician and artist
 * Mike Turner (musician) (born 1963), former and founding band member of alternative rock band Our Lady Peace
 * Double K (American musician) (Michael Turner, 1977–2021), one half of hip-hop duo People Under the Stairs.

Politics

 * Mike Turner (Oklahoma politician) (born 1987), member of the Oklahoma House of Representatives
 * Mike Turner (Tennessee politician) (born 1955), Tennessee politician in the Tennessee House of Representatives
 * Mike Turner (born 1960), American politician from Ohio

Sport

 * Michael Turner (American football) (born 1982), American football running back
 * Michael Turner (Australian rules footballer) (born 1954), Australian rules footballer who played for the Geelong Football Club
 * Mike Turner (cricketer) (1934–2015), English cricketer
 * Michael Turner (footballer, born 1983), English footballer
 * Mike Turner (footballer) (born 1938), English former football goalkeeper
 * Michael Turner (swimmer) (1948–2020), British Olympic swimmer of the 1960s
 * Michael Turner (water polo) (born 1951), Australian former water polo player

Other fields

 * Michael Turner (banker) (1905–1980), chief manager of Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank from 1952 to 1963
 * Michael Turner (businessman) (born 1948), former CEO of BAE Systems
 * Michael S. Turner (born 1949), American cosmologist
 * Sir Michael Turner (judge), British barrister and judge

title: Michael Turner


text:
Talk:Daron Malakian

Untitled
Well see, I question whoever commented on his guitars. Because every image I'm seeing of him, Live or in the Studio, he's playing SGs... STOCK SGs. The only difference I've seen is in the colour of the guitar. He probably just has a bunch in different tunings because he's too rich to have to tune his guitar. But yeah, if anyone has any info on this, Change it or something

Daron uses the Drop-C tuning and I don't think he uses any other tunings. --Paul Tew 03:24, 24 January 2006 (UTC)--Paul_Tew 03:17, 24 Jan 2006 (GMT)

Daron plays an Ibanez Iceman custom and a Custom Gibson SG Baritone Guitar (as seen in the Hypnotize video) and according to a Tab book I've seen he plays in Standard E, Drop-D, and C tuning. For example BYOB is listed in an official TAB book I read as Drop-D.- Eric
 * In the Toxity tab book it describes the tuning as Drop-D tuned down a whole step which is Drop-C.

System of A down's Guitar tunings are drop C, in toxicity, system of a down, and Stel this album. But for Mezmerize and Hypnotize they tuned up a semitone to Drop C# or Drop D flat...whichever way yuo want to look at it. /Will

I think we should alter the sentence "in the American/Armenian band System of a Down" to "in the American band System of a Down" because they were formed in the US, and the band's Armenian ancestry is documented further down. I can't remember whether it was Daron but one of SOAD dislikes being referred to as an Armenian band. --Paul Tew 03:24, 24 January 2006 (UTC)--Paul_Tew 03:17, 24 Jan 2006 (GMT)

Actually... You got it wrong, they do not dislike being called an Armenian band at all, in fact they have songs dedicated to their famiyl in Armenia and to the Armenians in the Armenian Genocide. Serj said he dislikes being called "Armenian Metal" as a genre, but not an Armenian band

At the start of the article it claims that he is the only member of SOAD that was born outside the US, yet the John Dolmayan articles claims he was born in Lebanon. One of these statements is obviously incorrect. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 192.148.117.83 (talk) 13:00, 21 September 2010 (UTC)

Engagged?...
Everybody knows that Daron's girlfriend is Jessica miller, but are they engagged??? Or are they broken up?

They broke up in mid-2006 —Preceding unsigned comment added by 213.143.18.224 (talk) 14:04, 30 July 2008 (UTC) No they didnt if you look on the Scars on Broadway album thank you's shes in it and also she is in the World Long Gone video —Preceding unsigned comment added by 206.255.203.122 (talk) 03:44, 1 February 2009 (UTC)

Ugh, are there any better pics then the one on right now? It's so pixelated... Freakinswiit 23:31, 8 September 2007 (UTC)

I got a good picture of him, normal, and it's what he looks like now. It seems appropriate. But I don't know how to upload it <_<--Insaneingus (talk) 22:23, 25 July 2008 (UTC)

 * Go to Upload and then follow the directions. VartanM (talk) 02:37, 26 July 2008 (UTC)

Guys, it only looks weird because he wears eyeliner. --64.231.10.91 (talk) 21:31, 19 March 2009 (UTC)

Nvm, got it up.--Insaneingus (talk) 23:50, 26 July 2008 (UTC)

Random Facts
I removed the following sentences from the third paragraph because they were just thrown in there.
 * He has family living in Iraq. He likes cheesecake, rainbows, and home-made soup. He also enjoys creepy surroundings.

Can someone find a way to use these facts effectively?

Alex 03:57, August 22, 2005 (UTC)

Amplifiers
Does anyone know for sure what kind of amplifiers Daron uses currently? --daisy-berkowitz 05:45 PM, 30 Dec 2005 (UTC)

I'm pretty sure he uses both Mesa Boogie Dual Rectifiers and Marshalls (not sure what model). He's been using Mesas for some while now but I think he is new to Marshall. Some bands do this because the Mesas have a nice low end, but the Marshalls have a mid range "crunch". I've seen pictures of him using Bad Cats but that was back in 2003. --Paul_Tew 03:14 AM, 24 Jan 2006 (GMT)

I've seen him use Marshalls since 2002 a.k.a. Toxicity era. --Gophergun 17:08, 3 March 2006 (UTC)

Darron's first ever amp was a Bad Cat, and he keeps that for sentimental value. He has used a combination of Fender, Marshall and mesa Boogie, amps, heads and cabs over the years. /Will

wait, change here. this here is fact: Plays an Ibanez Iceman custom (loaded with Gibson pick ups). In the studio he plays a Jackson Randy Rhodes model. A Gibson SG. A double-neck Gibson SG. A baritone guitar. Uses Mesa/Boogie amps.< incorrect. Marshall amps most of the time. no boogie. His Carvin amp was his first ever, so he keeps it for senimental reasons.

oops i didnt mean to delete soz

Jail?
Didn't he get in to some trouble? I think he was on parole or something for a while, I heard him say it. If so it should be on the page, it's like a big thing.

He went to jail once for a day for possession of marijuana ^yea daron got busted with weed it was about before the time toxicity came out. So most of the songs written on that CD were directed towards him gettin busted. Ex Prison Song, Psycho...........etc —Preceding unsigned comment added by 198.150.196.157 (talk) 15:52, 13 March 2008 (UTC)

Tunings
Daron uses Drop C for thier self titles, Steal This Album, and Toxicity, then uses Drop C half a step up on Mezmerize and Hypnotize...
 * Dreaming from Hypnotize is actually in Drop C — Preceding unsigned comment added by 86.57.185.181 (talk) 09:58, 18 July 2014 (UTC)

Wording of this paticular part of article
He then attended Roosevelt Middle School and Glendale High School, where he frequently cut class and got into a lot of fights. Daron was a terrible student and barely passed his classes. Daron knew since he was six he wanted to perform music. After the experience he had taken at the high school he noticed one thing,"Hey I'm a sexy man so... I may as well be a sexy rockstar!"

Ok, as if that was the likely outcome. Can someone please source this properly, or should we just remove it completely? -- benzo     ♠♠ 22:37, 11 September 2006 (UTC)

Half Iraqi - Iranian?
Just a question. How was Daron born in Hollywood CA on July 18 1975, when his mother did not move to the United States until after the Iranian Revolution, which happend in 1979, five years after Daron was born? I question the accuracy this information and that of Daron's parents being of Iraqi Iranian origin.

american ancestry?.....theres no such thing!!!

 * I tuned everything up, looks like some person just came and pasted on some bullcrap on this article. I cleaned everything up so that the articles reads smoothly and flows well. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 76.174.200.215 (talk) 23:01, 30 March 2008 (UTC)

Daron Malakian
Daron is not iraqi end of story or was anywhere near there.

 * He isn't Iraqi but he was near there, Armenia. --Trusader 03:12, 29 November 2006 (UTC)

``````let me please explain. his father is an Armenian who lived in iran and hid mother was also an Armenian but lived in iraq. and when they met and married in the u.s. daron was born as an armenian-american. because his parents are armenian who lived in middle easter countries. and its as simple as that.``````` —Preceding unsigned comment added by 76.91.228.196 (talk) 08:58, 29 March 2008 (UTC)

Surname in Armenian script
Hi. I noticed that someone repeatedly changes Daron's surname from Մալաքյան with Մալաքեան. Pls don't do this whithout citing a source. Unless you've got a reliable source which proves this version of his Armenian sripted name, I'm going to revert to Մալաքյան (it corresponds to official Armenian orthography and is much more popular in internet then Մալաքեան). Thanks for understanding. Armatura 10:13, 28 April 2007 (UTC)
 * What source would prove such a thing? He wasn't born in a former Soviet country, which is where that orthography is used. His parents are from Iraq and Iran, both use the traditional orthography. Anyway, I'm removing the script for all band members. I see no point in having it up. Hakob (talk) 08:59, 6 July 2008 (UTC)

EatUrMusic merged
The notability of the article "EatUrMusic" has been questioned, and since no secondary sources were given there, and I did not find any either, I merged the content into here. Sorted as part of the Notability wikiproject. --B. Wolterding 12:44, 5 June 2007 (UTC)

guitars
Is it really encyclopedic, or notable, or sourced, to list all of his guitars? DurinsBane87 01:16, 2 August 2007 (UTC)

No one responded, and I brought the question up at the guitarist wikiproject, and it seems to be a general agreement. So i'll be removing the list of equipment. DurinsBane87 18:11, 13 August 2007 (UTC)

WikiProject class rating
This article was automatically assessed because at least one article was rated and this bot brought all the other ratings up to at least that level. BetacommandBot 11:08, 27 August 2007 (UTC)

"30th greatest metal guitarist of all time"?
I find the referenced article pretty dubious. By its own admission, it "is not a list that ranks who can play the fastest or with the most taste, feeling or technique". It's not clear what actual criteria these guitarists are ranked on other than the personal preference and gut feel of this particular magazine's editors. Personally, I find the claim that Malakian outranks guitarists lke Steve Vai and Joe Satriani laughable. - SoulSkorpion (talk) 02:36, 4 September 2008 (UTC)

 * this article doesn't say he's greater than Steve Vai or Joe Satriani, it just says that Guitar World thinks he is, which is relevant because it speaks of his reputation. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 68.113.150.153 (talk) 00:47, 16 October 2008 (UTC)

Arab descent?
Somebody put him in the category of people of Arabic descent, but I find this to be very dubious. Is there anybody who can verify that Daron or any of his ancestors identified as being Arab? Otherwise this should be removed. - Augustgrahl (talk) 23:25, 13 October 2008 (UTC)
 * The Malacca people are Greek, Malay and Indonesian. He fled to Armenia and then to the US simply because he was so famous there and wanted to relax. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2A02:2149:845C:2300:E22C:B2FF:FEAA:CA41 (talk) 03:28, 9 July 2018 (UTC)

We should add a new section for Scars of Broadway
If really want to have an informative article on wikipedia about Daron, shouldn't we add some stuff about Scars on Broadway, and make a new section for that? Tech43 (talk) 19:15, 17 July 2009 (UTC)
 * There is a section, it just needs expanding.-- SKATER  Speak. 23:44, 13 September 2009 (UTC)

Possible source
I'm not sure what Wikipedia considers reliable sources, but I found a site dedicated to Daron called "http://www.daronmalakianrocks.com/". There may be some things to help verify some facts, and there are many interesting quotations said by him which I think would go well under the quotations sub-section. Hope I helped out. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 204.63.253.198 (talk) 02:05, 4 April 2010 (UTC)

Assessment comment
Substituted at 12:50, 29 April 2016 (UTC)

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Age showing as 46
For some reason his age is still showing as 46 even though he turned 47 on July 18th. Screenshot: https://snipboard.io/1MzF9p.jpg Kernel NickM (talk) 05:33, 24 July 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Daron Malakian


text:
Una

Una and UNA may refer to:

People

 * Una (given name), including a list of people and fictional characters with the name

Arts and entertainment

 * Una (film), a 2016 drama
 * Una, a 1981 novel by Momo Kapor
 * The Una, a woman's rights magazine, launched 1853
 * UNA (band), an American electronica band
 * "Una" (song), by Sponge Cola, 2004

Places

 * Una, Bahia, Brazil
 * Una, Himachal Pradesh, India
 * Una district
 * Una, Himachal Pradesh Assembly constituency
 * Una Himachal railway station
 * Una, Gujarat, India
 * Una, Gujarat Assembly constituency
 * Una, Mississippi, United States
 * Uña, Castile-La Mancha, Spain
 * Una National Park, Bosnia and Herzegovina
 * 160 Una, an asteroid named after the Faerie Queene character

Political groups

 * United for a New Alternative, Argentina
 * United Nationalist Alliance, Philippines
 * United Nationalities Alliance, Myanmar
 * United Negros Alliance, Philippines

Universities

 * Universidad Nacional de las Artes, Argentina
 * Universidad Nacional de Asunción, Paraguay
 * University of North Alabama, United States
 * University of the Netherlands Antilles, now the University of Curaçao

Other businesses and organisations

 * UNA Hotels & Resorts, an Italian hotel chain
 * United Nations Association, a non-governmental organization
 * United Nurses Association, an Indian professional association
 * Ukrainian National Association, a North American fraternal organization

Military uses

 * Una-class submarine, a class of Yugoslav midget submarines
 * Ukrainian People's Army, or Ukrainian National Army, 1917–1921
 * Ukrainian National Army, 1945

Other uses

 * Una (butterfly), a genus of butterflies
 * Una language, or goliath, a Papuan language
 * Una virus, a virus species
 * Una, a Hudson's Bay Company vessel
 * VV UNA, a Dutch football club
 * una-, a proposed SI unit prefix standing for 1033

title: Una


text:
Fjärdhundraland

Fjärdhundraland or the land of the four hundreds is, since 1296, a part of the province of Uppland in Sweden. Its name refers to its role of providing 400 men and 16 ships for the leidang of the Swedish king at Uppsala.

Snorri Sturluson relates that Tiundaland was the richest and most fertile region of Sweden which was the seat of the Swedish kings at Uppsala, the Swedish Archbishopric and from which Uppsala öd had taken its name. All the Swedish lawspeakers were subordinate to the one of Tiundaland.

title: Fjärdhundraland


text:
User talk:Krabbycourtney

jffdshfiorhgio rgr[e tgjreiogjerio tgioerjgi reyteioeyhte

title: User talk:Krabbycourtney