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Nanaia Mahuta

Nanaia Cybele Mahuta (born 21 August 1970) is a New Zealand former politician who served as the Minister of Foreign Affairs of New Zealand from 2020 to 2023. A member of the New Zealand Labour Party, Mahuta served as the Member of Parliament (MP) for 27 years, at first for the party list and then for three different Māori electorates, latterly for Hauraki-Waikato. Mahuta served as Minister of Foreign Affairs from 6 November 2020 to 11 November 2023. She received international recognition as the first woman (and first Māori woman) to hold the Foreign Affairs portfolio. In October 2022, Mahuta became the Mother of the House, having served continuously in the House of Representatives since the 1996 general election. She lost her seat in parliament in the 2023 general election to Te Pāti Māori candidate Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke, who was subsequently Baby of the House.

Mahuta was born into the kāhui ariki in Auckland, the daughter of Sir Robert Mahuta, who was the adopted son of Māori king Korokī. Affiliated to Ngāti Mahuta, her father was the elder brother of the Māori queen Te Atairangikaahu, and she is a first cousin of current Māori monarch Kiingi Tūheitia. Elected to Parliament at the age of 26, Mahuta has had a long and influential career in the Labour Party. She was also Minister of Local Government, Minister of Youth Development and Minister of Customs in the Fifth Labour Government and Minister of Local Government and Minister for Māori Development in the Sixth Labour Government.

Mahuta took a generally progressive platform as Minister of Foreign Affairs. She called on the Israeli government to stop evictions of Palestinian families from their homes in illegally-occupied East Jerusalem. Mahuta introduced the Russia Sanctions Act 2022, which after unanimous approval imposed various sanctions targeting Russian elites and assets deemed to be complicit in the Russian invasion of Ukraine. As part of New Zealand's membership of the Five Eyes alliance, she condemned the disqualification of pro-democracy Hong Kong legislators as a breach of Hong Kong's autonomy and rights under the Sino-British Joint Declaration. She was the first female MP to wear a moko kauae (a traditional Māori facial tattoo), which was widely praised as a powerful symbol of Indigenous women. In 2018, she was listed as one of the BBC's 100 Women. Domestically, she was a proponent of the Three Waters reform programme and co-governance.

Early life and family
Mahuta was born in Auckland in 1970 to Eliza Raiha Edmonds, and (later Sir) Robert Mahuta. Some of her early life was spent in Oxford, where her father was undertaking PhD study.

She was educated at Kura Kaupapa Rakaumanga school in Huntly and later at Waikato Diocesan School for Girls as a boarder. Firstly she studied law at the University of Waikato, but failed three of her seven papers and had to drop out. She then studied social anthropology and Māori business development at the University of Auckland, graduating with an MA (Hons). The title of her 1995 master's thesis was Te poukai o Waahi : an historical background to the Waahi poukai. She also worked at the university as a researcher/archivist.

She has strong links to the Māori King Movement. Her father, Sir Robert Mahuta, was the adopted son of King Korokī and the elder brother of Māori Queen Te Atairangikaahu. She is related to the Māori monarch, Kīngi Tūheitia. Mahuta's sister, Tipa Mahuta, is a long-serving Waikato regional councillor and the co-chair of the Māori Health Authority.

Mahuta is married to William Gannin Ormsby, her first cousin. The couple have had three children together (the first died shortly after birth), plus four children from Ormsby's previous relationship.

In 2016, she acquired a Māori facial tattoo (moko kauae) and became the first female MP to wear one in the New Zealand parliament. Other Māori women in parliament—Metiria Turei of the Green Party and Marama Fox of the Māori Party—spoke of their support.

Political career
Mahuta joined the Labour Party at the request of retiring Western Maori MP Koro Wētere and after hearing Helen Clark speak in Auckland. She was also encouraged to participate in politics by members of the Māori Women's Welfare League.

She contested Te Tai Hauāuru (the replacement seat for Western Maori) in the 1996 elections but lost to New Zealand First's Tuku Morgan. However, with a list ranking of 8, Mahuta was elected as one of the first New Zealand list MPs. Mahuta was aged 26 years and 52 days when she was elected (twelve days younger than Deborah Morris) and was the youngest member of the New Zealand House of Representatives until the election of Darren Hughes in 2002. After completing her first term as a list MP, Mahuta contested Te Tai Hauauru in the 1999 election, and won. She transferred to and won the new Tainui electorate for the 2002 election and held it in 2005. That seat was renamed Hauraki-Waikato ahead of the 2008 general election. She has held the seat since. In October 2022, Mahuta became the Mother of the House, being the longest continuously serving female MP (alongside Father of the House Gerry Brownlee).

Mahuta has been placed in high positions on the Labour list in each election she has contested where she has had a list position. However, she opted not to seek a list position in 2005 following the foreshore and seabed controversy and again in 2017 as part of Labour's Māori electorate strategy.

On 8 December 2022, Mahuta confirmed that she would be contesting the 2023 general election in order "to ensure that the changes that we've [the Labour Government] been putting through can continue to progress".

Foreshore and seabed controversy
In 2004, she joined Tariana Turia, another Labour MP, in voting against the first reading of her party's legislation on the controversial foreshore and seabed issue. She did not, however, join Turia when she quit Labour to found the Māori Party. In the bill's second reading, she again voted against her party, but in the third reading, she changed her position and supported it, saying that it was the politically pragmatic thing to do. In her third reading speech, Mahuta stated that she would withdraw from the Labour Party list at the next election to seek a renewed mandate from her electorate.

Select committee memberships and party portfolios
As a first-term opposition MP, Mahuta was appointed as a member of the regulations review committee and the electoral law committee. She was also the Labour party spokesperson for Māori education. From 1999 to 2005, the first two terms of the Fifth Labour Government, Mahuta was variously a member of the justice and electoral, Māori affairs, education and science, local government and environment committees, and was chair of the Māori affairs committee from August 2004 to August 2005.

Following the defeat of the Labour government in the 2008 election, and Labour's successive losses in 2011 and 2014, Mahuta held various appointments as Labour Party spokesperson for Māori affairs, education, energy and conservation. She was also deputy chairperson of the Māori Affairs select committee in the 51st Parliament.

Mahuta has had three member's bills selected for introduction. Her Resource Management (Enhancement of Iwi Management Plans) Amendment Bill, which proposed giving more weight to Māori in resource-management decisions, was drawn from the members' ballot in 2009. The bill was defeated at its first reading in August. Her Charter Schools (Application of Official Information and Ombudsmen Acts) Bill was drawn and defeated in 2016.

In July 2017, Mahuta's Sentencing (Domestic Violence) Amendment Bill was drawn. The Bill was previously in the name of Sue Moroney and would have allowed judges to consider history of domestic violence when making decisions about sentencing in court. It was withdrawn when the Labour Party formed a new government in October 2017 in favour of broader family violence reforms that were completed in 2018.

Labour leadership election, 2014
Labour lost the 2014 general election with its worst result since ; as a result, David Cunliffe resigned as leader, triggering a leadership election. Mahuta had been a supporter of Cunliffe and sought election as his deputy in his unsuccessful 2011 leadership bid. Mahuta was one of four MPs who sought election as Cunliffe's successor. She announced her candidacy half an hour before nominations closed on 14 October 2014 and was nominated by Louisa Wall and William Sio. Mahuta placed fourth in the election. She considered retiring from politics at the 2017 general election after Maori King Tūheitia Paki changed his allegiance to the Māori Party. However, Mahuta eventually decided to stay on. She was not placed on the Labour Party list at that election in line with Labour's decision for its incumbent Māori electorate MPs to contest the electorate vote only.

Minister in the Fifth Labour Government
Mahuta was appointed a minister in the final term of the Fifth Labour Government. In her contribution to a collection of essays by Māori political leaders, she recalled requesting portfolios other than Māori affairs. She was appointed Minister of Customs, Minister of Youth Affairs, Associate Minister of Local Government and Associate Minister for the Environment in October 2005. She gained the full local government portfolio and also became Associate Minister of Tourism in November 2007.

Mahuta lost her portfolios when Labour was defeated in the 2008 general election.

Minister in the Sixth Labour Government
Mahuta served as a cabinet minister in the Sixth Labour Government. In the government's first term, from 2017 to 2020, she held the portfolios for Local Government and Maori Development and also served as associate minister for the trade and export growth, the environment and housing portfolios.

In the government's second term, beginning in 2020, she was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Local Government and Associate Minister for Māori Development. In a 2023 reshuffle she dropped the local government portfolio and additionally became Minister of Disarmament and Arms Control. Prime Minister Chris Hipkins stated that the change was intended to allow Mahuta to focus on her foreign affairs portfolio and to travel overseas. He also denied that it was motivated by the response to the controversial Three Waters reform programme and confirmed that the Government would continue with the programme.

Māori Development
As Minister for Māori Development, in September 2019, Mahuta delivered a tearful and emotional speech as Parliament officially apologised for a police raid in 1916 on Māori leader Rua Kenana's Iharaira faith's compound in Maungapohatu in the North Island's Bay of Plenty Region.

Tauranga City Council
On 4 December 2020, Mahuta, in her role as Minister of Local Government, informed the Tauranga City Council of her intention to appoint commissioners following infighting within the city council that had led to the resignation of the Mayor of Tauranga Tenby Powell on 19 November. Local Government New Zealand supported the move to appoint commissioners in order to get the city's governance "back on track." On 18 December, Mahuta confirmed that the Government would be appointing commissioners to administer Tauranga since the City Council did not provide "sufficient evidence" about how it was addressing the city's governance issues. However, a review by law firm Russell McVeagh found Mahuta's decision may have been "unlawful" because she failed to adequately consider lesser alternatives, such as the appointment of a crown manager. Then local Tauranga MP, Simon Bridges called the appointment of commissioners "dramatic and draconian."

The commissioners' terms began in early 2021 and were scheduled to run until the 2022 New Zealand local elections in October 2022.

In mid–March 2022, Mahuta confirmed that Tauranga would continue to be run by four commissioners until July 2024, citing the substantial infrastructure challenges in the city and the surrounding Bay of Plenty Region. However, a legal review by Linda Clark from Dentons Kensington Swan argued that relying on infrastructure challenges as a reason to postpone elections "sets the bar very low and would apply to a wide range of local authorities on an indefinite basis." Clark argued that Mahuta's decision was both unlawful and unreasonable; not meeting the statutory test for crown intervention under the Local Government Act 2002.

Local Government New Zealand president Stuart Crosby labelled the extension of the commission's appointment "disgusting" while then Tauranga MP, Simon Bridges, cited “power, convenience and control” as the reasons behind Mahuta's decision, and questioned a lack of achievement since the four-person commission was put in place by Labour in February 2021. Victoria University of Wellington public law expert, Dean Knight, said democracy had taken a hit and "should have been restored forthwith."

On 22 April 2022, Mahuta reappointed the Tauranga Commission's chairwoman Anne Tolley and fellow commissioners Bill Wasley, Stephen Selwood, and Shadrach Rolleston; with elected councillors expected to return in July 2024.

Māori wards and constituencies
On 1 February 2021, Mahuta announced that the Government would pass legislation upholding local councils' decisions to establish Māori wards and constituencies. This new law would also abolish an existing law allowing local referendums to veto decisions by councils to establish Māori wards. This law is intended to come into effect before the scheduled 2022 local body elections.

On 25 February, Mahuta's Local Electoral (Māori Wards and Māori Constituencies) Amendment Act 2021 passed its third reading in Parliament. This Bill eliminates mechanisms for holding public referendums on the establishment of Māori wards and constituencies on local bodies. Mahuta's Bill was supported by the Labour, Green and Māori parties but opposed by the opposition National and ACT parties. National unsuccessfully attempted to delay the bill by mounting a twelve hour filibuster challenging all of the Bill's ten clauses.

Three Waters reform programme
As Minister of Local Government, Mahuta has played an important role in promoting and implementing the Government's contentious Three Waters reform programme, which proposes taking control of water utility services away from local councils and centralising them in four new entities. Mahuta has argued that the Three Water reforms will give Māori a greater say in the administration of water resources, stating the status of water as Taonga in Māori culture. In early October 2021, five Christchurch City councillors demanded that she resign her local government portfolio over the Three Waters reforms. Mahuta rejected their demand, accusing the councillors of "political campaigning."

On 27 October, Mahuta formally launched the Three Waters reforms, which attracted criticism from several local leaders including Mayor of Auckland Phil Goff, Mayor of Christchurch Lianne Dalziel, Mayor of Wellington Andy Foster, and the opposition National and ACT parties. In response to criticism, Mahuta acknowledged that the Three Waters reforms policy was not popular but accused opponents of spreading misinformation. In March 2022, Mahuta acknowledged underestimating the level of public opposition to the Three Waters reforms and problems with the associated promotional advertising campaign.

Mahuta introduced the Water Services Entities Bill in early June 2022. As part of the Three Waters reform programme, this proposed bill would establish the four regional water services entities that would take over management of water infrastructure from local councils. Under the proposed law, councils would retain ownership of their water assets through a "community share" arrangement but the new water service entities would retain effective control over these assets. Mahuta also confirmed that further legislation would also be introduced to facilitate the transfer of assets and liabilities from local authorities to the new water services entities, integrate entities into other regulatory systems, and to ensure economic regulation and consumer protection over the new entities. The National Party, ACT Party, and Communities 4 Local Democracy leader and Manawatū District Mayor Helen Worboy opposed the Water Services Entities Bill, claiming that it would transfer control of water assets from local communities into a new centralised bureaucracy.

In early December 2022, Mahuta supported a controversial Green Party entrenchment clause in the Water Services Entities Bill proposing that any future law change on the ownership of public water assets would require 60% parliamentary support or a referendum. Within New Zealand law, entrenchment clauses have traditionally been reserved for constitutional matters in the Electoral Act 1993 such as the voting age. Mahuta's position went against the Labour Cabinet's position opposing the entrenchment clause. In response, the opposition National Party leader Christopher Luxon called for Mahuta to be sacked from Cabinet for allegedly defying Cabinet's decision not to adopt the entrenchment clause.

Shadow Leader of the House Chris Bishop accused Mahuta of failing to consult Justice Minister Kiri Allan on proposals relating to constitutional arrangements. Prime Minister Ardern defended Mahuta and accused Luxon of misrepresenting Mahuta's actions while reaffirming Labour's opposition to privatising water assets. The Water Services Entities Bill passed its third reading on 7 December with the sole support of the Labour Party. During the final reading, Mahuta argued that the legislation would help address water contamination and quality issues, citing the 2016 Havelock North campylobacter contamination incident and a recent "boil water" notice in the Matamata-Piako District.

Environment and Housing portfolios: alleged conflicts of interest
In late May 2022, The New Zealand Herald reported that the Ministry for the Environment had awarded Mahuta's husband William Gannin Ormsby and several family members contracts worth above NZ$90,000, commencing late October 2020. Ormbsy owned a waste management consultancy service called Ka Awatea Services. In addition, the social housing provider Kāinga Ora paid Ormbsy's company NZ$73,000 for organising hui (social gatherings) and workshops. At the time, Mahuta held the portfolio of Associate Minister of Housing. The opposition National Party accused Mahuta of unfairly awarding contracts to relatives. On 21 June 2022, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern defended Mahuta, claiming that she had abided by Cabinet policies and protocol.

In response to a parliamentary question submitted by National MP Simeon Brown, Environment Minister David Parker confirmed that the Ministry of Environment was investigating the process through which William Ormsby, his nephew Tamoko Ormsby and wife Waimirirangi Ormsby were appointed to a five-member advisory working group researching the application of indigenous Māori knowledge to waste management practices. The Ministry claimed that the Ormsbys had been selected for their role because of their expertise and that cabinet ministers were not involved in the selection process. The Ministry also emphasised that the Mahuta family connection had been disclosed from the beginning and that it had sought external advice on the appointments.

On 21 September 2022, the Public Service Commissioner Peter Hughes launched an investigation into four contracts that Ormsby's Ka Awatea Services had made with four government departments: Kāinga Ora, the Ministry for the Environment, the Department of Conservation and Te Puni Kōkiri (the Ministry for Māori Development). Hughes had commenced the investigation at the request of both National MP Simeon Brown and Mahuta herself. Mahuta emphasised that she had declared any potential conflicts of interest, abided by the Cabinet manual and supported the Public Service Commissioner's investigation.

On 13 November 2022, the Public Service Commission released its report into Ka Wa Atea's government contracts. The report found that Te Puni Kōkiri, the Environment Ministry, and Kāinga Ora failed to manage conflicts of interests by following their own policies and processes while the Department of Conservation had poor contract management practices. However, the Commission's report concluded that it found "no evidence of favouritism, bias, or undue influence over agency decisions" in relation to Ka Awatea Services. In response, Mahuta welcomed the report as a vindication of her assertion that she had no role in approving these contracts. In addition, National MP Brown stated that the Commission's report exposed a "culture of carelessness" in how the public service procured services and managed conflicts of interest.

2020
Mahuta was announced as the next Minister of Foreign Affairs on 2 November 2020. She received international recognition as the first woman (and first Māori woman) to hold the Foreign Affairs portfolio. In addition, she retained her portfolio of Minister for Local Government while becoming Associate Minister of Māori Development.

On 3 November, former Prime Minister Helen Clark and the Māori Council criticised the international media's description of Mahuta as a "tattooed Māori woman" for focusing on her physical appearance and race. On 4 November, right-wing blogger and author Olivia Pierson drew criticism and media coverage for posting a tweet stating that "Facial tattoos, especially on a female diplomat, is the height of ugly, uncivilised wokedom." In response, Race Relations Commissioner Meng Foon criticised Pierson's actions and said that "Mahuta's kauae moko was special to Māori and should be celebrated." Mahuta declined to comment on the issue. Following criticism of Pierson's post on social media, online retailer Mighty Ape delisted Pierson's book Western Values Defended: A Primer. Pierson described the delisting of her book as "cancel culture" and claimed she had received death threats.

On 18 November, Mahuta joined her Australian, Canadian, British and American counterparts in condemning the disqualification of pro-democracy Hong Kong legislators as a breach of Hong Kong's autonomy and rights under the Sino-British Joint Declaration. In response, the Chinese Foreign Ministry's spokesperson Zhao Lijian warned the Five Eyes countries, stating that "No matter if they have five eyes or 10 eyes, if they dare to harm China's sovereignty, security and development interests, they should beware of their eyes being poked and blinded." In response, Mahuta defended New Zealand's commitment to free speech, free media, and democracy.

In mid-December, Mahuta stated during an interview with Reuters that New Zealand would be interested in helping to negotiate a truce between Australia and China, whose bilateral relationship had deteriorated due to Australia legislation on foreign investment and interference, Australian support for an international investigation into the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic, Chinese blocks on Australian imports and a controversial Chinese post about alleged Australian war crimes in Afghanistan. In response, Global Times columnist Qian Feng claimed that New Zealand was not suited for the role of mediator since it was part of the same Western camp as Australia.

2021
On 9 February 2021, Mahuta announced that New Zealand had suspended high-level bilateral relations with Myanmar in response to the 2021 Myanmar coup d'état. The New Zealand Government joined other Western governments in refusing to recognise the new military-led government and called for the restoration of civilian-led rule. In addition, aid projects were diverted away from the Myanmar military and a travel ban was imposed on Myanmar's military leaders.

On 19 April, Mahuta stated that New Zealand would not let the United States-led Five Eyes dictate New Zealand's bilateral relationship with China and that New Zealand was uncomfortable with expanding the remit of the intelligence grouping. Mahuta's statements came amid rising disagreements between the New Zealand and Australian governments on how to manage relations with Beijing. In March 2021, the Australian and New Zealand governments issued a joint statement condemning the treatment of Uyghur minorities in Xinjiang. The Australian Government has since expressed concern about what it perceives as New Zealand Government efforts to undermine Five Eyes attempts to push back on what the Australian Government regards as "increasingly aggressive behaviour from Beijing."

In response to Mahuta's remarks, Prime Minister Ardern stated that New Zealand was still committed to the Five Eyes alliance but would not use the group as its first point for messaging on non-security matters. While British media criticised New Zealand for allegedly leaving the Five Eyes club, the Chinese Global Times praised New Zealand for putting its own national interests over the Five Eyes.

During a visit by Australian Foreign Minister Marise Payne on 22 April 2021, Mahuta discussed the issue of New Zealand deportees from Australia, the ISIL bride Suhayra Aden and the two government's differing approaches towards China.

On 11 May 2021, Mahuta called on Israel to stop evictions of Palestinian families from their homes in Israeli-occupied East Jerusalem and for "both sides to halt steps which undermine prospects for a two state solution".

Following the 2021 Hong Kong legislative election held on 19 December 2021, Foreign Minister Mahuta joined other Five Eyes foreign ministers issuing a joint statement criticising the exclusion of opposition candidates and urging China to respect human rights and freedoms in Hong Kong in accordance with the Sino-British Joint Declaration. In response, the Chinese Embassy in Wellington issued a statement claiming the election was "politically inclusive and fair" and urged the Five Eyes alliance to respect Chinese sovereignty over Hong Kong.

2022
In late January 2022, Mahuta reaffirmed the New Zealand Government's support for Ukraine in response to the Russian military build-up on the Russo-Ukrainian border and urged Russian to reduce tensions in accordance with international law. Following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine in mid February 2022, Mahuta and Ardern joined New Zealand's Western allies in condemning Russian actions against Ukraine. As Foreign Minister, Mahuta introduced the Russia Sanctions Act 2022, which imposed various sanctions targeting Russian elites and assets deemed to be complicit in the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The bill passed into law on 9 March 2022 with unanimous support from all members of the New Zealand Parliament.

In mid-June 2022, Mahuta hosted Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong during her first state visit to New Zealand. The two Foreign Ministers reaffirmed bilateral cooperation in the areas of climate change, indigenous, and Indo-Pacific issues. The opposition ACT Party's foreign affairs spokesperson Brooke Van Velden criticised Mahuta's few international trips during her tenure as Foreign Minister, suggesting that Mahuta was preoccupied with the Three Waters reform programme. By comparison, her Australian counterpart Wong had undertaken a "grand tour" of the Pacific Islands following the election of the Albanese government in late May 2022 to counter recent Chinese diplomatic engagement in the region including a bilateral security agreement with the Solomon Islands.

In early August 2022, Mahuta met with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi at the East Asia and ASEAN summits in Cambodia. In addition to acknowledging 50 years of diplomatic relations between New Zealand and the People's Republic of China, she reiterated New Zealand's concerns about human rights in Xinjiang and Hong Kong, the 2021 Myanmar coup d'état, North Korean missile tests, Sino-Taiwanese tensions following United States Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi's visit, and urged Beijing not to support Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Mahuta also accepted an invitation from Wang Yi to visit China.

2023
In response to the 2023 Turkey–Syria earthquake, Mahuta announced that New Zealand would be contributing NZ$1.5 million to assisting the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement's (IFRC) responses in Turkey and Syria. On 5 February 2023, Mahuta visited India and conducted bilateral talks with Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar. The talks centred around taking the bilateral relationship to the next level, including exploring future economic relationship, cooperation in the International Solar Alliance, improved air connectivity and private sector collaboration. She also promoted New Zealand's education, trade and tourism sector.

In late March, Mahuta met with Chinese Foreign Minister Qin Gang in Beijing. The two foreign ministers discussed issues of concern to China-New Zealand relations including Chinese military aid to Russia during the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, AUKUS, Chinese influence in the Pacific, and New Zealand concerns about the South China Sea dispute, human rights in Hong Kong and Xinjiang, and increasing tensions with Taiwan. In late June, The New Zealand Herald reported that The Australian newspaper claimed that Qin had harangued Mahuta during an hour-long meeting, citing two anonymous sources. One of the sources also claimed that Mahuta had pushed back against Qin's wolf warrior diplomacy. In response to the report, Prime Minister Hipkins confirmed that Mahuta had a "constructive" conversation with Qin but said that Mahuta had not described the meeting as a "dressing down," adding "it was important to be able to have frank conversations."

In early April, Mahuta along with foreign ministers of three other "Indo-Pacific partner countries" Australia, Japan, and South Korea attended the 2023 NATO summit to discuss several global issues including the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Chinese assertiveness in the Asia-Pacific, cybercrime and climate change.

On 8 October 2023, Mahuta expressed deep concern at the outbreak of violence during the 2023 Israel–Hamas war. She called for the immediate halt to violence, the protection of all civilians, and the upholding of international humanitarian law. ACT leader David Seymour criticised Mahuta for not condemning Hamas for its terror attacks against Israeli civilians. In response, Prime Minister Hipkins unequivocally condemned Hamas' terror attacks, stating that the target of civilians and hostage taking violated fundamental international humanitarian principles. He also stated Israel had the right to defend itself. Hipkins also denied that Mahuta was out of step with New Zealand foreign policy and stated it was a matter of timing. In mid November 2023, TVNZ reported that she had rejected advice by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade to use stronger language condemning Hamas' actions on 7 October. During an interview with TVNZ journalist Jack Tame, Mahuta attributed her Tweet to information she had received from an unidentified party and the developing situation.

2023 general election
During the 2023 New Zealand general election, Mahuta contested the Hauraki-Waikato electorate for the Labour Party, which she had retained since 2008. On 4 October, 1 News reported that a Whakaata Māori poll showed that Mahuta was being challenged by Te Pāti Māori's candidate Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke. While the poll found that Mahuta had a narrow lead of 36% over Maipi-Clark's 32%, 43% of those under 40 years preferred Maipi-Clark while 30% preferred Mahuta. However, 43% of those aged 60 years and above preferred Mahuta compared with 12% of the same demographic for Maipi-Clarke. Mahuta was unseated by Maipi-Clarke by 2,911 votes, with Maipi-Clarke set to be the youngest member of Parliament in New Zealand in 170 years. As Mahuta had chosen not to be on the party list, she lost her place in parliament.

On 11 November, Mahuta formally resigned from her ministerial porfolios. Due to the extension of the Labour caretaker government until the conclusion of coalition talks for the incoming National-led government, Grant Robertson assumed Mahuta's foreign affairs portfolio while Willie Jackson assumed the associate Māori development portfolio.

Abortion
In 2020, Nanaia Mahuta exercised her conscience vote in opposing the Abortion Legislation Act 2020, which decriminalised abortion in New Zealand. In June 2022, Mahuta published a Twitter post condemning the United States Supreme Court's decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, which had accorded a constitutional right to abortion in the United States. Mahuta was criticised by Twitter users for hypocrisy on the grounds that she had opposed the Abortion Legislation Act. She supported the Contraception, Sterilisation, and Abortion (Safe Areas) Amendment Act 2022 that established a regulation-making power to set up safe areas around specific abortion facilities on a case-by-case basis.

title: Nanaia Mahuta


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The Machine (social group)

The Machine, the former Alpha Rho chapter of Theta Nu Epsilon at the University of Alabama, is a coalition of Panhellenic sororities and IFC and NPHC fraternities that formed a secret society with some degree of influence over campus and Alabama state politics. The group, which has operated in varying degrees of secrecy since 1914 (though its roots run deeper into the 19th century), is credited with selecting and ensuring the election of candidates for Student Government Association, Homecoming Queen, and other influential on-campus and off-campus offices, including the Student Government Association Senate. It was evidently first publicly noted as "a political machine" in 1928 by Alabama's campus newspaper, The Crimson White. Then in a 1945 article in the newspaper, it was referred to as "the machine", and the name has stuck ever since. It is alleged that The Machine plays a real role in both the politics of the student community and in the political careers of numerous Alabama politicians.

History
The Alpha Rho chapter of Theta Nu Epsilon was founded at the University of Alabama in 1888.

The Alpha Rho Chapter was illegitimately founded without formal permission of the society. In 1902, it contacted the governing authority of the society, the Alpha Chapter at Wesleyan University, and was accepted as a legitimate chapter. It was subsequently accepted by the administration and university community, and in 1905, the chapter hosted its first annual promenade, which was a successful public event. In 1909, on February 14, The Alpha Rho Chapter created a new society, this one for members of the senior class, called The Skulls. The Skulls replaced the Theta Nu Epsilon chapter. Both the earlier and later organizations were publicly recognized by the university, and appeared each year in the university yearbook.

The Skulls was considered a legitimate student group until 1922. The organization officially ceased to exist at that time.

Esquire devoted its April 1992 cover story to an exposé of The Machine.

Machine influence
By their own estimates, Theta Nu Epsilon claims to have a "voter block of 8,000 students."

It is known that the Machine vets all SGA candidates ahead of any elections. Some Bama alumni suggest that the Machine has previously chosen future SGA presidents from as early as high school, moving them up through the ranks at the collegiate level.

Machine opposition
Over the years, numerous campus political groups have been formed in an attempt to motivate independent students to vote for non-Machine candidates.

While a law student, future Congressman Carl Elliott of Vina, Alabama, ran for the high-profile position of president of the student government. With the support of the growing number of out-of-state students and women, Elliott became the first person ever to defeat the Machine. In 1936, Elliott completed his term as SGA president and graduated with his law degree.

The University Party was formed by Ed Still and Jack Drake in 1967. Drake lost the SGA Presidency to Ralph Knowles and Still lost to Joe Espy.

An anti-machine group called "The Coalition" formed in 1968 and operated through 1972. This was a joint effort by the men's dormitories, small non-machine fraternities, International Students Association, women students, and the Afro-American Association. It was formed by Steve Windom (later lieutenant governor), Tommy Chapman (later district attorney), Steve "Red" Wadlington (later political campaign operative), Don Gilbert (later head of Alabama Trial Lawyers Association) and Jim Zeigler (later public service commissioner and a member of the Mallet Assembly). The Coalition succeeded in 1969 in electing Joe Estep as vice-president over the Machine's George Culver. It elected Henry Agee as secretary-treasurer over the Machine's Phil Reich. In 1970 it elected Zeigler as president of SGA as an independent. It also elected Windom to the Student Senate and almost 50% of the Student Senate in 1970–71. In 1972 the coalition senators led by Fred Benjamin got the SGA to recognize and fund the Afro-American Association. Benjamin co-won Senator of the Year award along with a machine senator. He lost election for vice president of the SGA later that year.

Another anti-Machine group was the Alabama Student Party (ASP), which was founded by SGA Senators Fred L. Gibson, Jr. and O. Kevin Vincent in 1985. ASP intended to run a full slate of independent candidates, but its efforts were temporarily thwarted when the Machine orchestrated a takeover of ASP by flooding its first general campus meeting at Ferguson Center with fraternity pledges and members and electing Neal Orr, a freshman member of a fraternity (Delta Tau Delta) that belonged to the Machine, as its president. Orr's fraternity was also the fraternity of the then SGA President, George Harris. Control of ASP was then subsequently retaken by independents later in the year, and it then played a pivotal role as a force for independents in upcoming elections. ASP successfully challenged the Machine with the election of John Merrill, an independent, as president in 1986, as well as a number of SGA senators. Merrill was opposed by the Machine when he ran for SGA Senator, had been backed by the Machine for vice president in 1985, and was then opposed by the Machine for president in 1986.

The Alabama Student Party subsequently was involved in the federal court case of Alabama Student Party v. Student Government Association of the University of Alabama, 867 F.2d 1344 (11th Cir. 1989). The Mallet Assembly, originally a men's honors program founded by Dean of Men John Blackburn in the early 1960s, is traditionally opposed to Machine influence, and has campaigned for several candidates under the banner of the "Blue Door Party". Jim Zeigler, who defeated The Machine in 1970 for SGA President, was a member of the Mallet Assembly and actually lived in old Mallet Hall, where his room was burned in 1971.

One of the most controversial elections took place in 1976, when Cleo Thomas, an African-American student and member of an historically black fraternity, was elected to the SGA presidency with the support of the Mallet Assembly and a coalition of several sororities. In 1979, the Machine weathered an internal disagreement about who should be the Machine-endorsed candidates, which resulted in three fraternities electing to leave the Machine to run their own candidates.

In 1989, independent Joey Viselli lost a very close election for president to a candidate who was reportedly the first-ever Machine-backed female candidate for the office. Many people, including Tuscaloosa County election workers assisting with the election, believed there were definite irregularities. Viselli took a challenge of the results to the administration, which ruled against a new election, but did remove future student elections from student control. Later that spring, Viselli was elected president of the Residents Hall Council after a challenge by James Adams, a freshman member of a fraternity (Delta Tau Delta) that belonged to the Machine. Viselli's father Fran was a popular community figure who was the founder and owner of Bama-Bino's Pizza in the Tuscaloosa area. It has been widely believed that the Machine initiated a retaliatory boycott against Bama-Bino's following the election which, when combined with new competition, soon led to the closure of all Bama-Bino's.

1992 and suspension of the SGA
In 1992, Phi Mu sorority member Minda Riley (daughter of former Alabama Governor Bob Riley) ran against Machine-backed candidate and Beta Theta Pi fraternity member Neil Duthie. In that election, Minda Riley made claims of harassment and physical assault, even though she belonged to a Machine-aligned sorority. Following the physical assault of Riley, resulting in her fleeing campus, the university nevertheless suspended the Student Government Association altogether, and did not reinstitute it until 1996. Minda Riley's brother Rob Riley was elected president of the SGA as a Machine candidate.

In 1999, African American Fabien “Fab” Zinga, a candidate for the SGA presidency, claimed that he was personally threatened and that his campaign signs were defaced. CNN covered the story, with references to the alleged history of intimidation attributed to the Machine.

Prior to the 2002 SGA election, the phrase "Let your life be a counter-friction to stop the machine" from Henry David Thoreau's essay "Resistance to Civil Government" was chalked on the outer wall of the Amelia Gayle Gorgas Library. This caused a group of students, calling themselves "The Counter-friction," to interrupt then university president Andrew Sorenson's epidemiology class while chanting words of protest against The Machine.

Internet voting debuted in 2003, but the results were ruled invalid after allegations of fraud and the election was repeated with paper ballots the following week. During the next election in 2004 SGA senate candidate Emeline Aviki, a member of Chi Omega who openly refused to be affiliated with the Machine, detailed the alleged harassment she received for the Crimson White, which used it for an exposé entitled "You don't want to mess with us." Though Aviki's campaign was successful, "the emotional and psychological toll the event caused" led her to transfer to Duke University, where she went on to serve as class president.

Allegations of interference in Tuscaloosa municipal elections
Controversy surrounding The Machine reemerged in August 2013, when sororities and fraternities were mobilized to elect two former SGA presidents, Cason Kirby and Lee Garrison, in closely contested municipal school board races. Before election day, questions about illegal voter registration were raised when evidence emerged that indicated eleven fraternity members fraudulently claimed to be living in a single house in a specific school district. And on election day, leaked emails suggested that sorority/fraternity members may have been provided incentives to vote—including free drinks at local bars. As a result of possible voter fraud, Kirby's and Garrison's opponents refused to concede, and University of Alabama faculty have questioned whether The Machine has corrupted the democratic process in the City of Tuscaloosa.

Election of Elliot Spillers
In 2015, independent student Elliot Spillers was elected to the presidency, beating the Machine for the first time since Merrill. His election was followed by political stagnation, including the Senate initially blocking the confirmation of his chief of staff, Chisolm Allenlundy, before the administration forced the confirmation. The incident was reported in a few media outlets, and calls again came pressuring the university administration to take action against the organization.

Election of Jared Hunter
In 2017, the Machine backed an African American, Jared Hunter, for SGA President for the first time in its history. Hunter acknowledged his support from the Machine in an op-ed for the Crimson White during campaign season. Despite calls for his withdrawal over the article, as well as allegations of campaign finance violations, Hunter won the election and subsequently served until his resignation over a DUI arrest in early 2018.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: The Machine (social group)


text:
User talk:Laharl

Hello and welcome to Wikipedia! Hope you like it here, and stick around.

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[[User:Meelar|Meelar (talk)]]

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title: User talk:Laharl


text:
Behind the Mask (album)

Behind the Mask is the fifteenth studio album by British-American rock band Fleetwood Mac, released on 9 April 1990. It was the first album released by the band after the departure of guitarist Lindsey Buckingham (although he did play acoustic guitar on the album's title track). He was replaced by Billy Burnette and Rick Vito, both guitar players, singers and songwriters. Fleetwood Mac thus became a six-piece band with four singer/songwriters. The album was not as successful as its predecessor, Tango in the Night, nor did it spawn any big hit singles, although "Save Me" made both American and Canadian Top 40, while "Love Is Dangerous" and "Skies the Limit" enjoyed some airplay. Though Behind the Mask barely reached the US Top 20, the album entered the UK Albums Chart at number 1 and achieved platinum status there. Following the album's release and subsequent world tour, band members Stevie Nicks and Rick Vito left the band, though Nicks would rejoin in 1997.

The cover for the album was created by photographer Dave Gorton. He stated that the band did not wish to appear on a front picture and Mick Fleetwood himself suggested that he create an image that "spiritually symbolised" the band instead. The cover earned a Grammy nomination in 1991 for "Best Album Package".

The song "Freedom" was written by Stevie Nicks with Tom Petty and the Heartbreakers guitarist Mike Campbell. Campbell would join Fleetwood Mac in 2018.

The original CD release for the album was one of the first to be encoded with the CD+G format, which allows graphics to be shown on a TV screen in time with the music, such as pictures and lyrics.

Background
In 1987, shortly after the release of Tango in the Night, long-time guitarist/vocalist/producer Lindsey Buckingham had left the band. For the accompanying tour, the band recruited Billy Burnette and Rick Vito to replace him. Once the tour wrapped up, Fleetwood Mac went into the studio to record two new songs for their Greatest Hits compilation album, released in 1988. The new members got the opportunity to record a full album in 1989 when the band began the Behind the Mask sessions.

In need of a new producer, the band first selected Don Gehman, who had produced for John Mellencamp and R.E.M. The initial sessions did not work out, so the band instead hired Greg Ladanyi, who previously worked with Don Henley on his solo albums. Ladanyi was suggested by George Hawkins, who played and sang on Mick Fleetwood's first two solo records. Although Buckingham did play acoustic guitar on the title track, Behind the Mask deviated from the ornate production found on earlier Fleetwood Mac albums in favor of adult-oriented rock. As noted by Nicks, the album was easier to record compared to their other work. "It's not that we didn't take as much time, it's more that the time that we did take was quality time. So it therefore did not seem to take nearly as long." The band spent around eight months making Behind the Mask.

Critical reception
The album received mixed to negative reviews. AllMusic retrospectively gave the album 1.5/5 stars, their lowest rating of any Fleetwood Mac album, calling Buckingham's departure "a severe blow" for the band and saying that "the songs are among the least inspired the band ever recorded." Other critics, however, praised the new line-up. The Los Angeles Times gave the album 3.5/5 stars, commenting that "[w]ithout Buckingham's obsessively unique vision, the group has embraced an all-for-one, one-for-all attitude for what sounds like the most truly group effort since Rumours, or perhaps even since 1972's Bare Trees." Rolling Stone rated it as 4/5 stars, claiming that "the addition of Rick Vito and Billy Burnette is the best thing to ever happen to Fleetwood Mac" and that "[n]ot since Rumours has Fleetwood Mac recorded pain so unwaveringly and sounded this together."

Personnel
Fleetwood Mac
 * Stevie Nicks – vocals
 * Christine McVie – vocals, keyboards
 * Rick Vito – lead guitars, vocals
 * Billy Burnette – guitars, vocals
 * John McVie – bass guitar
 * Mick Fleetwood – drums, percussion, spoken word on "In the Back of My Mind"

Additional musicians
 * Stephen Croes – keyboards, Synclavier programming
 * Dan Garfield – keyboard programming
 * Lindsey Buckingham – acoustic guitar on "Behind the Mask"
 * Okyerema Asanté – percussion on "Freedom"

Production

 * Fleetwood Mac – producers
 * Greg Ladanyi – producer, engineer, mixing
 * Tim McCarthy – assistant producer
 * Bob Levy – engineer
 * Dennis Mays – engineer
 * Craig Porteils – assistant engineer
 * Duane Seykora – assistant engineer
 * Brett Swain – assistant engineer
 * Paula Wolak – assistant engineer
 * Stephen Marcussen – mastering at Precision Lacquer (Hollywood, California)
 * John Courage – studio coordinator
 * Dennis Dunstan – studio coordinator
 * Steve Dikun – guitar technician
 * Michael Randolph Reed – drum technician
 * Dave Gorton – cover photography
 * Jeri Heiden – art direction

title: Behind the Mask (album)


text:
Talk:Camel

Use of Camel in Art
I think there ought to be a section discussing the camel's representation in art, at least briefly. Here is an example:

The camel, which transported luxury goods, became a symbol for wealth and camel statues would adorn the graves of the rich during the Han period of Ancient China. The practice peaked in the Tang period before fading away. The Mantle of Roger II, produced in 1133/1134, shows mirrored image of a lion dominating on the back of a camel. The piece is thought to represent the Christian rule over Sicily and North Africa, and the camels are bridled, suggesting domestication. In Renaissance art, the camel represents the exotic and biblical.

Semi-protected edit request on 12 August 2023 (2)
Under Evolution, final sentence, please either change ‘which containing’ to ‘containing’ or delete ‘which’. 88.106.166.148 (talk) 07:09, 12 August 2023 (UTC)
 * ✅ Removed "which containing" as the wording simply doesn't make sense, and is in relation to the preceding wording.  — Paper9oll  (🔔 • 📝)  10:32, 12 August 2023 (UTC)

After Biblical, in the last sentence, add how How essential it is to managing and utilizing the range of plants in camel-feeding systems by understanding the variation of intake during seasons.

Semi-protected edit request on 9 May 2024
There is a large, empty space between the title Extant Species and the table of the three camel species. It would appear that it's formatted too close to the quick facts sidebar, which pushes it down far past where it's supposed to be Fadran (talk) 23:07, 9 May 2024 (UTC)
 * ✅ I slightly reduced the width of the table so that it no longer overlaps the infobox, which was causing it to render below the infobox. Thanks. Jamedeus (talk) 23:46, 9 May 2024 (UTC)

"Extant species" table
The "Size and ecology" column of this table is empty of data, each row has the same template included below.

Size:

Habitat:

Diet: 38.92.150.242 (talk) 02:04, 11 July 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Camel


text: Category:Olympic swimmers for China

title: Category:Olympic swimmers for China


text: Category:Olympic swimmers by year

title: Category:Olympic swimmers by year


text:
Riquewihr

Riquewihr (Alsatian: Richewihr; Reichenweier ) is a commune in the Haut-Rhin department in Grand Est in north-eastern France.

A popular tourist attraction for its historical architecture, Riquewihr is also known for the Riesling and other wines produced in the village. Riquewihr looks today more or less as it did in the 16th century. It is located on the Route des Vins (The Wines Road), close to Colmar.

Geography
Riquewihr is 11 km from Colmar and close to other Alsatian villages such as Ribeauvillé, Hunawihr, Eguisheim and Kaysersberg.

History
Originally the property of the Dukes of Württemberg, the town was converted to Protestantism in the 16th century. Historically, Riquewihr served as a Winzerdorf or "wine village" as a trading hub for Alsatian and German wine.

Sights
Riquewihr was one of the few towns in the area not to be badly damaged during World War II. The town is surrounded by its medieval fortifications and is overlooked by a castle from the same period that is today a museum.

There is a museum about Alsace during World War II and a torture chamber (La salle de torture).

The village is a member of the Les Plus Beaux Villages de France ("The most beautiful villages of France") association.

People

 * Karoline Herder (1750-1809), German editor

title: Riquewihr


text:
File:Snout at Falls01 05A.jpg

Photo taken by myself. Snout playing at 2001 Falls Festival, Victoria.

title: File:Snout at Falls01 05A.jpg


text: File:Fleetwood Mac - The Dance.jpg

title: File:Fleetwood Mac - The Dance.jpg


text:
Manteca (band)

Manteca is a Canadian jazz fusion band that toured during the 1980s and 1990s. It was formed by percussionist Matt Zimbel and bassist Henry Heillig in 1979.

Their repertoire consisted of pieces composed by keyboardist Aaron Davis and Rick Tait, and, after he replaced Davis on keyboards in 1992, Gordon Sheard. In addition to having horn sections and Latin and African percussion, they included synthesizers, creating music in a "pan-fusion" style, essentially jazz improvisation drawing from salsa, samba, funk and tribal influences.

The band began playing in Toronto in 1979, and by 1987 were touring annually in Canada. Their US debut was at the Concord Jazz Festival in 1989, and they played at the North Sea, Pori and Stockholm jazz festivals in 1990.

They received a Juno award in 1989 for Instrumental Artist of the Year.

After a hiatus, Manteca released a new album, Onward in 2007, and resumed touring. Onward included some different instruments, such as EWI (Electronic Wind Instrument) and pennywhistle. Guest composers for this album are Gord Sheard and Doug Wilde.

Other members of the band have included keyboardist Aaron Davis, saxophonist John Johnson, Gordon Sheard, Wayne Baker, Herb Koffman, Rick Tait, Steve McDade, Kirk MacDonald, Ralph Bowen, Gary Boigon, Phil Dwyer, Earl Leader, Norman Jones, Art Avalos, Mike Sloski, David James and Charlie Cooley.

Discography

 * 1980 - Manteca
 * 1984 - Strength in Numbers
 * 1986 - No Heroes
 * 1987 - Fire Me Up
 * 1989 - Perfect Foot
 * 1990 - Extra, Extra
 * 1992 - Later is Now!
 * 1996 - No Net
 * 2007 - Onward
 * 2008 - Fun Fun - A Night in Montreal
 * 2013 - Monday Night at the Mensa Disco
 * 2016 - Twelfth of Never
 * 2020 - Augmented Indifference
 * 2023 - The Offspring Project

title: Manteca (band)


text:
User talk:Mycophile

Hello and welcome to Wikipedia! Hope you like it here, and stick around.

Here are some tips to help you get started:

 * Try the Tutorial, and feel free to experiment in the test area.
 * If you need help, post a question at the Help Desk
 * Eventually, you might want to read the Manual of Style and Policies and Guidelines.
 * Remember Neutral point of view
 * Explore, be bold in editing pages, and, most importantly, have fun!

Good luck!

[[User:Meelar|Meelar (talk)]]

P.S. One last helpful hint. To sign your posts like I did above (on talk pages, for example) use the '~' symbol. To insert just your name, type ~~~ (3 tildes), or, to insert your name and timestamp, use ~~~~ (4 tildes).

title: User talk:Mycophile


text:
Escuela de Artes Plásticas y Diseño de Puerto Rico

The Escuela de Artes Plásticas y Diseño de Puerto Rico (School of Plastic Arts and Design of Puerto Rico) is an institution of higher learning engaged in the training of students in the visual arts. It is located in Old San Juan, San Juan, Puerto Rico. The school was founded in 1965 as part of the Institute of Puerto Rican Culture. Painter José Antonio Torres Martinó was one of the school's co-founders. The school's first director was Miguel Pou.

As an autonomous school it was created by an amendment of legislation by the Legislative Assembly of Puerto Rico in 1971, and achieved its definitive form and autonomy under Public Law 54 of August 22, 1990.

The school offers bachelor degrees in seven concentrations: graphic arts, photography and design (with specialties in digital graphic design and photography and motion), art education, sculpture, painting, industrial design and fashion design. Today, the school is Puerto Rico's foremost institution of higher education in the visual arts. The building used to be the Insular Madhouse or Manicomio Insular.


text:
File:The Americans (2nd printing).jpg

Cover scan of The Americans by Robert Frank, 1969 2nd printing.

Fair use in The Americans
Though this image is subject to copyright, its use is covered by the U.S. fair use laws because:
 * 1) It illustrates an educational article about The Americans, the book from which the cover illustration was taken.
 * 2) The image is used as the primary means of visual identification of the article topic.
 * 3) The image illustrates an early edition of the book, in the context of an academic and historical explanation of that book.
 * 4) The use of the cover will not affect the value of the original work or limit the copyright holder's rights or ability to distribute the original. In particular, copies could not be used to make illegal copies of the book.
 * 5) It is a low resolution image.
 * 6) The image is only a small portion of the commercial product.
 * 7) The book and its contents are copyrighted, so this image is not replaceable with an uncopyrighted or freely copyrighted image of comparable educational value.

title: File:The Americans (2nd printing).jpg


text:
Damien O'Connor

Damien Peter O'Connor (born 16 January 1958) is a New Zealand Labour Party politician who served as Minister of Agriculture, Minister for Biosecurity, Minister for Trade and Export Growth, Minister for Land Information and Minister for Rural Communities in the Sixth Labour Government. He previously served as a cabinet minister in the Fifth Labour Government. He had been a member of Parliament since 1993 and represented the West Coast-Tasman electorate. He is now on the Labour list.

Early years
O'Connor was born in Westport in 1958. He attended primary school in his home town before going on to St Bede's College, Christchurch, a Roman Catholic school, and Lincoln University.

Before becoming an MP, he worked in a variety of jobs in farming and tourism. During a five-year stint in Australia, he worked as a machinery operator and in sales. On his return to New Zealand he established Buller Adventure Tours, an adventure tourism company, which he owned and operated in a partnership.

Fourth National Government, 1993–1999
He was first elected to Parliament in the 1993 election, recapturing the West Coast seat for Labour after the upset victory of National's Margaret Moir in the 1990 election.

When Helen Clark successfully challenged Mike Moore for the party leadership after the election, O'Connor supported Moore. Later, he said in 2018 that this had set his career back. Unlike other MPs who entered Parliament in 1993, O'Connor was not named a minister in Clark's first ministry in 1999. He was, however, appointed as chair of the Primary Production select committee.

He won the reconfigured West Coast-Tasman seat in the 1996 election, and was the MP for the electorate until he lost it to National's Chris Auchinvole during the 2008 election.

Fifth Labour Government, 1999–2008
After the 2002 election he was appointed an associate minister in four portfolios: agriculture, health, racing and rural affairs. He succeeded Annette King as Minister for Racing in a 2003 reshuffle.

After the 2005 election, in what would become the final term of the Fifth Labour Government, O'Connor was promoted to be Minister of Corrections and Minister of Tourism. He lost the Corrections role in 2007, following calls for his resignation over the previous year over the murder of Liam Ashley in a prison van and a scandal where he was found to have brought a suspended prison officer on a parliamentary rugby tour.

Fifth National Government, 2008–2017
At the 2008 general election, the Labour government was defeated by the National Party and O'Connor lost the West-Coast Tasman electorate to National Party list MP Chris Auchinvole by 971 votes. At this election O'Connor also stood as a list candidate for the first time since 1996; however, his position of 37 was too low for him to return to Parliament as a Labour Party list MP immediately. O'Connor eventually returned to Parliament after the retirement of former deputy leader Michael Cullen in May 2009. He retook West-Coast Tasman for Labour in 2011 and has held the seat since, defending challenges from former Westland District Mayor Maureen Pugh in 2014 and 2017.

In Opposition between 2009 and 2017, O'Connor held various spokesperson roles including agriculture, biosecurity, fisheries, food safety, primary industries and rural affairs.

Sixth Labour Government, 2017–2023
When the Labour Party formed a coalition government with New Zealand First and the Greens in 2017, O'Connor was appointed Minister of Agriculture, Minister for Biosecurity, Minister for Food Safety, Minister for Rural Communities and Associate Minister (later Minister of State) for Trade and Export Growth. An early challenge for O'Connor in the Agriculture portfolio was managing the 2017 Mycoplasma bovis outbreak, opting to attempt eradication to save the projected $1.3 billion cost in lost production to the industry over 10 years, with ongoing productivity losses across the farming sector. On Agriculture, O'Connor has said there is a new “collective wisdom through generational change in farming, which means we are more closely aligned than some on the fringes wish to portray’’.

During the 2020 general election, O'Connor was re-elected in West Coast-Tasman by a final margin of 6,208 votes, defeating National's candidate Maureen Pugh. In early November 2020, O'Connor maintained his Agriculture, Biosecurity, and Rural Communities ministerial portfolios while becoming the lead Minister for Trade and Export Growth and assuming the Land Information ministerial portfolio.

In late January 2021, O'Connor drew media attention when he stated during an interview with CNBC's Asia Squawk Box "Australia "should follow us [New Zealand] and show respect to China." His comments came at a time of heightened Australian-China tensions relating to Australian legislation targeting foreign investment and Chinese trade sanctions against Australia. O'Connor's remarks were criticised as unhelpful to Australia and "at odds with reality" by Liberal MP Dave Sharma. While the Chinese state-owned newspaper Global Times praised Wellington's perceived openness towards Beijing, O'Connor's remarks were criticised by Victoria University of Wellington academic Robert Ayson, International Service for Human Rights director Phil Lynch and Human Rights Watch director Elaine Person for implying that New Zealand was prioritising trade with China over human rights. Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, O'Connor has since said it is important New Zealand does not send ministers to the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympic Games, stating "we've been very strong on those issues around human rights and unnecessary discrimination. We should continue to do that."

O'Connor has led various trade negotiations across the world in his role as Minister for Trade and Export Growth, including an historic $1.8 Billion EU Free Trade Agreement in 2022. O'Connor was the Facilitator of the Fishing Subsidy negotiations at the 12th World Trade Organisation Conference and delivered an agreement with new rules barring countries from subsidising illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing.

At the 2022 Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum ministers’ meeting, O'Connor joined a staged walkout when the Russian Minister spoke, with the shared statement including “We condemn in the strongest terms, the unprovoked war of aggression by Russia against Ukraine."

In early July 2023, O'Connor accompanied Prime Minister Chris Hipkins to Brussels for the signing of the New Zealand-European free trade agreement. He described the agreement as a "bloody good deal" that had involved several years of tough negotiations. The European Parliament subsequently ratified the NZ-EU free trade agreement on 23 November 2023.

During the 2023 New Zealand general election, O'Connor was unseated by National MP Maureen Pugh, who won the West Coast-Tasman by a margin of 1,017 votes. Despite losing his seat, O'Connor was re-elected to Parliament on the Labour Party list.

In mid November 2023, O'Connor represented New Zealand at the 2023 APEC summit since incoming Prime Minister Christopher Luxon was unable to attend due to ongoing coalition-forming negotiations with the ACT and New Zealand First parties.

Sixth National Government, 2023–present
Following the formation of the National-led coalition government in late November 2023, O'Connor became spokesperson for trade and associate spokesperson for foreign affairs and transport in the Shadow Cabinet of Chris Hipkins.

In late June 2024, O'Connor received a 60,000-strong petition at Parliament demanding that the National-led government not proceed with plans to reverse the previous Labour government's ban on live-animal exports.

Political views
O'Connor is regarded as an "economic dry" on the right of the Labour Party. His approach to life and politics in New Zealand is very “upfront and honest’’.

In April 2011 O'Connor attracted criticism from Labour Party leader Phil Goff after describing the list MP selection process as being run by "self-serving unionists and a gaggle of gays." O'Connor was disappointed the system did not deliver better results for rural and provincial candidates, such as himself, who were outside the party's power blocs, and apologised for his comments. He is a staunch advocate for the rural and provincial people with strong family ties to the Labour Party's establishment.

He has stated that the “timing and decisions’’ on some of Parliament’s conscience votes may have portrayed him as something else, but that’s “a long way from the truth’’. In 2012, he was one of four Labour MPs who voted against the Marriage Amendment Bill, which permitted same sex marriage in New Zealand. He has since attended the Pride Parade in London with his daughter who, in 2012, publicly challenged him on his vote stating "Why should they be denied the same human right everyone else is entitled to just because they love someone the same sex?"

In 2014, O'Connor voted with the governing National Party (and against the Labour Party) to support the West Coast Windblown Timber Bill, which allowed the Government to recover storm-blow timber on the West Coast following Cyclone Ita.

O'Connor does not oppose euthanasia, but has voted cautiously on the matter to ensure legislation is strong enough to protect society's most vulnerable. He voted against Michael Laws' Death with Dignity Bill in 1995, Peter Brown's Death with Dignity Bill in 2003 and David Seymour's End of Life Choice Bill in 2019. He also opposed the Abortion Legislation Bill in 2020, but voted in favour in its first reading. He has since stated he "absolutely do[es] support New Zealand's laws on abortion" and, relating to the overturning of Roe v Wade in the United States, said "what we see coming from the US is clearly disturbing and shocking". O'Connor has stated he believes in a woman's right to choose without judgement, but believed the bill required a "technical protection" for the premises of gender or disability.

In December 2023, O'Connor described Israel's actions in Gaza during the 2023 Israel-Hamas war as amounting to genocide. He stated "that no person with any ounce of moral courage can see this as anything but horrific, nothing more than a genocide." In response, Labour leader Chris Hipkins and fellow Labour MP Phil Twyford clarified that O'Connor's remarks did not represent the Labour Party's position on the conflict.

Business activities
O'Connor is past president of the Buller Promotion Association, a member of the West Coast Tourism Development Group, a member of the West Coast Business Development Board and a founding director of Buller Community Development Company. He also won West Coast Young Farmer of the Year.

Personal life
O'Connor separated from his wife Vicky after twelve years of marriage in 2004. The couple had four children. He has a daughter with his new partner, Sharon Flood. Labour Party MP for Ōhāriu and former Police Association president Greg O'Connor is his cousin.

title: Damien O'Connor


text:
Raymond Speaker

Raymond Albert "Ray" Speaker, (born December 13, 1935) is a Canadian politician. Speaker was born and raised in Enchant, Alberta, where he farms to this day. He was an elected official at the federal and provincial levels for 34 years, and never lost an election.

Provincial politics
A graduate of the University of Alberta, Speaker taught in local schools until 1962. He entered politics in the 1963 provincial election when he was elected as a Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) for the Social Credit Party of Alberta from the mostly rural riding of Little Bow. He was named to Ernest Manning's cabinet as minister without portfolio in 1967, becoming Minister of Health and Social Development and Minister of Personnel in 1968. He also became Chairman of the Human Resources Development Authority in 1969 under Manning's successor, Harry Strom.

He remained a Social Credit MLA for many years after the party lost power in the 1971 election, usually winning handily even as the party's support ebbed away in the rest of the province. When party leader Robert Curtis Clark returned to the backbench in 1980, a few months after losing the 1979 election, Speaker became parliamentary leader of the party and hence Leader of the Opposition. However, in 1982, Speaker announced that Social Credit would be sitting out the next provincial election due to dwindling support for the party. A few months earlier, Clark's former seat had been resoundingly lost in a by-election, costing Social Credit official party status. Speaker's announcement was disavowed by party officials. A motion to dissolve the party failed. Soon after the writs were dropped for the election, Speaker and Walt Buck resigned from the party and were reelected as independents.

Denied funding guaranteed to political parties, Speaker and Buck formed a new right-wing party, the Representative Party of Alberta. It branded itself as a modern version of Social Credit without the social credit monetary policy, and was intended to be a home for former Socreds who had also left what remained of the party. Speaker was elected its leader. However, in 1989, Speaker crossed the floor to the Progressive Conservative Association of Alberta. He was reelected with 70 percent of the vote in 1989, his highest total. Following that election, he was named to the cabinet as Minister of Housing and Urban Affairs.

Speaker was the last surviving member of what would be the last Socred government, as well as the last parliamentary survivor of the Manning and Strom governments.

National politics
Speaker resigned from the Legislative Assembly in 1992 after winning the Reform Party of Canada nomination for the seat of Lethbridge in the House of Commons of Canada. He won handily, and served as finance critic and then House Leader of the Reform caucus. He retired from politics at the 1997 election.

After politics
In 1999, Speaker was appointed to the Security Intelligence Review Committee, an agency which provides an external review of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, and was named to the Queen's Privy Council for Canada.

In 2001, he was made an Officer of the Order of Canada.

In 2003, he received an Honorary Doctorate from the University of Lethbridge, Honorary Doctorate of Laws.

After the Conservative Party won a plurality of seats in the 2006 federal election, Speaker was appointed to the Prime Minister's transition team. He also was the chair of the Conservative-Canadian Alliance merger.

He was appointed as a mentor for the Trudeau Foundation of Canada in January 2008.

title: Raymond Speaker


text:
A Taste of Armageddon

"A Taste of Armageddon" is the twenty-third episode of the first season of the American science fiction television series Star Trek. Written by Robert Hamner and Gene L. Coon and directed by Joseph Pevney, it was first broadcast on February 23, 1967.

In the episode, the crew of the Enterprise visits a planet engaged in a completely computer-simulated war with a neighboring planet, but the casualties, including the Enterprise's crew, are supposed to be real.

Plot
The USS Enterprise travels to Eminiar VII in "star cluster NGC 321", bringing Ambassador Robert Fox to establish diplomatic relations. Little is known about Eminiar VII, beyond the fact that they have been at war with a neighboring planet, Vendikar.

Nearing Eminiar VII, the Enterprise receives a message from the planet warning them not to approach, but Ambassador Fox orders Captain Kirk to proceed. Kirk, First Officer Spock, and additional security personnel beam down to the planet, where they are met by representatives Mea 3 and Anan 7. During a supposed attack by Vendikar, Anan 7 explains that the war is conducted as a computer simulation, and that the Enterprise has been "destroyed" in the attack. The two planets have a treaty, according to which they must kill the "victims" of every simulated attack. The crew are therefore expected to report to Eminiar's disintegration chambers for execution, and Kirk's party is taken captive. Spock telepathically plants a suggestion in their jailer's mind, allowing them to escape.

Anan 7 uses a voice duplicator to imitate Kirk's voice and order the crew to transport down. Scotty, suspicious, has the ship's computer analyze the message and confirms it is fake. He orders shields raised. When the crew fails to transport down, Eminiar fires upon them, but the attack is deflected by the shields. Anan 7 then contacts the Enterprise, claiming the attack was due to a malfunction. Ambassador Fox, deciding to believe Anan, beams down and is taken to a disintegration chamber, where Spock and the security officers rescue him.

Kirk confronts Anan 7 but is overpowered by guards and taken to the Eminian council chamber. When Anan 7 opens a channel to the Enterprise, Kirk orders Scotty to execute "General Order 24" before being cut off. Kirk explains that he has ordered the ship to destroy everything on the planet within two hours. Panic ensues, allowing Kirk to disarm the guards. Spock arrives, and they destroy the war simulation computers. Anan 7, horrified, protests that a real war will inevitably follow, but Kirk points out that Vendikar is no doubt just as horrified, and that both sides now have an incentive to make peace. He suggests that Anan 7 call a ceasefire and begin peace negotiations, and Fox agrees to act as a neutral mediator.

Reception
The title of "Armageddon Game", a 1994 episode of Star Trek: Deep Space Nine, was chosen by writer Robert Hewitt Wolfe as an homage to this episode.

Zack Handlen of The A.V. Club gave the episode a "B+" rating. He described the story as "one of Trek's classic allegorically powerful, common sense implausible scenarios." Handlen criticised a premise that had "a few too many holes to sustain its attempts at profundity" but praised the story's ambition.

In 2016, The Hollywood Reporter rated "A Taste of Armageddon" the 53rd best television episode of all Star Trek franchise television prior to Star Trek: Discovery, including live-action and the animated series, but not counting the movies. Out of just the original series episodes, they ranked it the 18th best episode. In 2016, Business Insider ranked "A Taste of Armageddon" the 11th best episode of the original series.

In 2017, it was rated the 8th most hopeful Star Trek, which despite some grim scenes culminates in the ending of a 500-year-old war. In 2017, Business Insider listed "A Taste of Armageddon" as one of the most underrated episodes of the Star Trek franchise.

In 2018, Collider ranked this episode the 8th best original series episode.

In 2020, ScreenRant ranked it as the 8th best episode of TOS to re-watch.

In 2021, Den of Geek ranked this the number one episode of the original series. That year, the episode was quoted by characters in the science fiction show For All Mankind, in the episode "Triage," where "A Taste of Armageddon" was compared to the series' alternate history Cold War setting.

title: A Taste of Armageddon


text: Category:Olympic swimmers for the Netherlands


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Mahara Okeroa

Te Whakamaharatanga Okeroa (born 1946) is a former New Zealand politician of the New Zealand Labour Party. He represented the Te Tai Tonga Māori electorate as a Member of Parliament from 1999 to 2008.

Early life and career
Okeroa was born in Waitara, Taranaki and grew up in Parihaka. He has iwi affiliations to Te Ātiawa, Ngāti Maniapoto, Taranaki, Ngāti Ruanui and Ngā Rauru. He trained and worked as a teacher before joining the Ministry of Education as a Māori education advisor and Te Puni Kōkiri as director for the Taranaki region.

Member of Parliament
Okeroa contested Te Tai Tonga, the Māori electorate covering the South Island and Wellington city, for the Labour Party at the 1999 general election. He was successful, defeating the incumbent Tu Wyllie of the New Zealand First Party. Okeroa held the electorate in 2002 and 2005.

In his first term as an MP, Okeroa was deputy chair of the Social Services select committee and a member of the Māori Affairs committee. In his second term, he was chair of the Māori Affairs committee and a member of the law and order committee. From July 2004, he held additional appointments as parliamentary under-secretary to the Minister of Māori Affairs and to the Minister of Education.

After the 2005 general election, Okeroa was appointed a minister outside of Cabinet holding associate ministerial portfolios for Arts, Culture and Heritage; Conservation and Social Development and Employment.

In the 2008 general election, Rahui Katene of the Māori Party out-polled Okeroa by a margin of 1,049 votes. Okeroa's party list placement of 40 meant he was not able to immediately be elected as a list MP. He declined to re-enter Parliament as a list MP after the resignation of Darren Hughes in 2011 and did not stand for the general election later that year. He was succeeded as Labour's Te Tai Tonga candidate by Rino Tirikatene.

Post-parliamentary career
Okeroa was elected to the Port Nicholson Block Settlement Trust in 2009 and succeeded Sir Ngātata Love as chair in October 2012 after the latter was removed, following a Serious Fraud Office investigation. Okeroa held the chair until October 2013 when he was replaced by Neville Baker. Okeroa's resignation from the Trust was announced the following year.

He has also been a trustee of the Wellington Tenths Trust.

title: Mahara Okeroa


text:
User:JonMoore/Tables

Navigate: | Main Page | Tables | Useless | Works in Progress | Photos | In Progress: | Salt Lake City Public Library |

title: User:JonMoore/Tables


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John J. Beckley

John James Beckley (August 4, 1757 – April 8, 1807) was an American political campaign manager and the first Librarian of the United States Congress, from 1802 to 1807. He is credited with being the first political campaign manager in the United States and for setting the standards for the First Party System.

Early years
Born in London, Beckley's parents sent him at the age of 11 to the Colony of Virginia as an indentured servant. John James Beckley was sold to the mercantile firm of John Norton & Son in response to a request for a scribe by John Clayton, and he arrived in Virginia just before his 12th birthday. Clayton guided Beckley's continuing education, and in working with Clayton, Beckley was introduced to many influential members of the colony. When Clayton died in December 1773, Beckley chose to remain in Virginia rather than return to London.

Contrary to many reports, he was never a student at the College of William and Mary. The Phi Beta Kappa Society had its beginning at the College of William and Mary on December 5, 1776. Since Beckley was not a student at the college, he was not eligible for membership. On December 10, 1778, the constitution of the society was broadened to permit the election of non-students, and a few months later, on April 10, 1779, Beckley was elected. Within a month, as might have been predicted, he was chosen clerk, or secretary.

Career
In June of 1782, Beckley participated in the first election of the city of Richmond, Virginia and was one of the 12 elected councilmen. In 1783, he was elected mayor of Richmond, a role in which he would serve three times. By this time, he had amassed 49000 acre of rich, unoccupied land in the west, but it was tied up in litigation. Beckley was a Freemason, and in 1785 participated in a fundraising effort which was responsible for constructing Mason's Hall in Richmond.

James Madison sponsored him as Clerk of the House in 1789. When the position of Librarian of Congress was established on January 26, 1802, President Thomas Jefferson asked his friend and political ally John Beckley—who also was serving as the Clerk of the House of Representatives—to fill the post. As the first Librarian of Congress he was paid $2 a day. Beckley served concurrently in both positions until his death in 1807. He associated with the radicals (especially fellow immigrants) and became an enthusiastic supporter of the French Revolution. He wrote frequently for Philip Freneau's National Gazette and Benjamin Bache's General Advertiser, becoming known as an articulate exponent of American republicanism. He used the press energetically to denounce Hamilton and the Federalists as crypto-monarchists whose corruption was subversive of American values.

He was elected to the American Philosophical Society in 1791.

Political activities
By 1792, he had started a propaganda machine for the new Republican party that Jefferson and Madison were forming. Thus, he told Madison in May 1795, "I enclose eight copies of the 'Political Observations.' I brought two dozen from New York and have distributed them all. I expect 50 more in a day or two, and shall scatter them also—they were bought and dispersed in great numbers there, and are eagerly enquired after by numbers here—it will be republished in Boston, Portsmouth, Vermont, and at Richmond." Also in 1792, he brought to light Alexander Hamilton's relationship with James Reynolds and his wife Maria. This led to James Monroe, Congressmen Muhlenberg (PA) and Venable (VA) confronting the Treasury Secretary on December 15, 1792. Hamilton denied any financial wrongdoing but admitted to an affair with the wife Maria and paying hush money to her husband. The Republicans agreed to keep the matter confidential and it did not become public until 1797.

In 1795, he took the lead in denouncing Jay's Treaty and had emerged as the most visible spokesman of the new Republican Party. Writing under the sobriquet of "A Calm Observer," in 1796 he charged that, among other heinous offenses, George Washington had stolen public funds and that he richly deserved impeachment.

In 1796, he managed the Jefferson campaign in Pennsylvania, blanketing the state with agents who passed out 30,000 hand-written tickets, naming all 15 electors (printed tickets were not allowed). Thus, he told one agent, "In a few days a select republican friend from the City will call upon you with a parcel of tickets to be distributed in your County. Any assistance and advice you can furnish him with, as to suitable districts & characters, will I am sure be rendered. He is one of two republican friends, who have undertaken to ride thro' all the middle & lower counties on this business, and bring with them 6 or 8 thousand tickets." Beckley thus became the first American professional campaign manager. Federalists had him removed as House clerk in 1797. His allies in Pennsylvania soon found him a state job and he became even more active in promoting the Jefferson candidacy in 1800. Jefferson rewarded him with his old post of Clerk of the United States House of Representatives; Beckley got the House to add on the title of Librarian of Congress.

Family
Beckley married Maria Prince, the daughter of a retired ship captain, just before Congress moved from New York to Philadelphia, where the two would live from 1791 until 1801. Their son, Alfred Beckley, was born May 26, 1802. Alfred would go on to found the town of Beckley on the western lands (now in West Virginia), and named it in honor of his father. His home, Wildwood, was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1970.

title: John J. Beckley


text:
David Parker

David Parker may refer to:

 * David C. Parker (born 1953), theology professor and textual critic
 * David Parker (attorney) (born 1954), North Carolina politician and attorney
 * David Parker (Australian politician) (born 1953), Australian politician from Western Australia
 * David Parker (New Zealand politician) (born 1960), New Zealand politician
 * David Parker (director) (born 1947), Australian cinematographer
 * David Parker (climatologist), head of climate monitoring at the Hadley Centre
 * David Parker (sound engineer) (born 1951), American sound engineer
 * David Parker (swimmer) (1959–2010), British Olympic swimmer
 * David Parker (football manager) (born 1984), English football manager
 * David Stuart Parker (1919–1990), Governor of the Panama Canal Zone
 * David J. Parker (born 1947), former leader of the Alberta Green Party
 * David Parker (Pennsylvania politician), American politician
 * David Parker (Mississippi politician) (born 1969), American optometrist and politician
 * David Parker (chemist) (born 1956), English chemical scientist and academic
 * David Parker, convicted murderer of Arthur Warren
 * David Parker, malodorant researcher and credited inventor of Israeli riot-control weapon Skunk (weapon)
 * David Parker, American musician known as Busy Bee Starski
 * David H. Parker, memorialized at Camp Grohn for heroism

Dave Parker may refer to:
 * Dave Parker (born 1951), American baseball player
 * Dave Parker (rock musician) (born 1978), record producer, keyboard and guitar player used to play with Coheed and Cambria in their live shows
 * Dave Parker (rugby) (1935–2018), rugby league footballer of the 1960s for Great Britain, and Oldham
 * Dave Parker (politician) (born 1940), Canadian politician
 * Dave Parker (pornographic actor), actor in gay pornography

title: David Parker


text:
List of Major League Baseball players from Nicaragua

This is an alphabetical list of 15 baseball players from Nicaragua who appeared in Major League Baseball between 1976 and 2019.


text: Category:Olympic swimmers for Hungary

title: Category:Olympic swimmers for Hungary


text:
Talk:Free State of New hampshire

What happened to the Free State of New Hapshire page. The page was for information regarding the libertarian movement to take over the political power in the state.

title: Talk:Free State of New hampshire


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Île aux Cygnes

Île aux Cygnes (Isle of the Swans) is a small artificial island on the river Seine in Paris, France, in the 15th arrondissement. It was created in 1827 to protect the bridge named the pont de Grenelle. It should not be confused with an earlier Île des Cygnes that was attached to the Champ de Mars in the late 18th century.

The uninhabited island is 850 metres (2,789 ft) long and 11 metres (36 ft) at its widest point, making it the third-largest island in Paris. A tree-lined walkway, named L'Allée des Cygnes (Path of Swans), runs the length of the island. Since 2012, there has been a public workout space with bicycles and a climbing wall underneath the Pont de Grenelle, close to a Statue of Liberty replica.

The island is crossed by three bridges: the Pont de Grenelle, the Pont Rouelle and the Pont de Bir-Hakeim. It is served by the Passy and Bir-Hakeim Métro stations.

Statue of Liberty replica
A notable feature is a quarter-scale replica of Frédéric Auguste Bartholdi's Liberty Enlightening the World, commonly known as the Statue of Liberty on the Île aux Cygnes. The replica is 11.50 meters (37 feet 9 inches) tall and faces west in the direction of its larger rendition in New York City. Inaugurated by President Marie François Sadi Carnot on 4 July 1889, nearly three years after its US counterpart, it was donated to the city by the Parisian expatriate community in the US. A restoration project in 1986 marked the centennial of the original (as stated on the plaque).

The statue originally faced east, toward the Eiffel Tower, but it was turned west in 1937 for the world's fair hosted in Paris that year. At its base is a commemorative plaque, and the tablet in its left hand bears the inscription IV Juillet 1776 = XIV Juillet 1789, recognizing the American Independence Day and the French Bastille Day.

In 1998 to celebrate the "Year of France in Japan", the 14-ton statue was transported to Japan and displayed on Odaiba, an artificial island in Tokyo Bay, before returning to Paris the following year. The statue was used as a plot point in the 1988 film Frantic and the 2007 film National Treasure: Book of Secrets.

title: Île aux Cygnes


text:
List of German-language films

This is a list of films in the German language. For a more comprehensive list see Category:German-language films
 * 10 Sekunden, 2008
 * 2030 – Aufstand der Alten, 2007
 * 2030 – Aufstand der Jungen, 2010
 * 3 Engel für Ali, 2003
 * 89 Millimeter, 2005
 * Ab Morgen, 2011, a short film
 * Abschied von gestern, 1966
 * Absolute Giganten (Gigantic), 1999
 * Advertising Rules! (Viktor Vogel – Commercial Man), 2001
 * Agnes and His Brothers (Agnes und seine Brüder), 2004
 * Aguirre: The Wrath of God (Aguirre, der Zorn Gottes), 1972
 * Aimée and Jaguar (Aimée und Jaguar), 1999
 * The American Friend (Der amerikanische Freund), 1977
 * Der amerikanische Soldat, 1970
 * Anatomy, 2000
 * The Baader Meinhof Complex, 2008
 * Barfuss, 2005
 * Berlin Blues (Herr Lehmann), 2003
 * Der bewegte Mann (Maybe, Maybe Not), 1994
 * The Bitter Tears of Petra von Kant (Die Bitteren Tränen der Petra von Kant), 1972
 * The Blindflyers (Die Blindgänger), 2004
 * The Blue Light (Das Blaue Licht), 1932
 * Blueprint, 2003
 * Das Boot, 1981 (150 minutes; Director's Cut of 1997: 208 minutes)
 * The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari (Das Cabinet des Dr. Caligari), 1920
 * Coming Home (Mein Vater), 2003
 * Coming Out, 1989
 * Christiane F. (Christiane F. - Wir Kinder vom Bahnhof Zoo), 1981
 * Day 26 (Tag 26), 2002, a short film
 * Deutschland im Jahre Null, 1948
 * Distant Lights (Lichter), 2003
 * Doctor Praetorius (Frauenarzt Dr. Prätorius), 1950
 * Downfall (Der Untergang)
 * The Edukators (Die fetten Jahre sind vorbei)
 * Elementarteilchen (Atomized)
 * Finsterworld, 2013
 * En Route (Unterwegs)
 * The Enigma of Kaspar Hauser (Jeder für sich und Gott gegen alle)
 * Enlightenment Guaranteed (Erleuchtung garantiert, 2000)
 * Das Erdbeben in Chili, 1975
 * Europa, 1991
 * Even Dwarfs Started Small (Auch Zwerge haben klein angefangen, 1970)
 * Das Experiment, 2001
 *  Felidae, 1994
 * Fack ju Göhte, 2013
 * Fack ju Göhte 2, 2015
 * Faust (Faust – eine deutsche Volkssage), 1926
 * Fear Eats the Soul (Angst essen Seele auf), 1974
 * Das Fest des Huhnes (Festival of the Chicken), 1992
 * Fitzcarraldo, 1982
 * Flügel und Fesseln, 1984
 * Football Under Cover, 2008
 * Four for Venice (2 Männer, 2 Frauen - 4 Probleme!?)
 * Germany, Pale Mother (Deutschland bleiche Mutter, 1980)
 * Getting My Brother Laid (Mein Bruder, der Vampir)
 * Go for Zucker! (Alles auf Zucker!)
 * The Goalkeeper's Fear of the Penalty, 1972
 * Good Bye Lenin!
 * Götter der Pest, 1970
 * Grave Decisions (Wer früher stirbt ist länger tot), 2006
 * Grosse Freiheit Nr. 7, 1944
 * Harte Jungs, 2000
 * Head-On (Gegen die Wand)
 * Heart of Glass
 * Heimat (Heimat - Eine deutsche Chronik), 1984;
 * Leaving Home (Die Zweite Heimat - Chronik einer Jugend), 1992;
 * Heimat 3 - Chronik einer Zeitenwende, 2004
 * Heller Wahn, 1983
 * Hippie Masala, 2006
 * Hitler, ein Film aus Deutschland, 1977
 * Hundstage, 2001
 * If It Don't Fit, Use a Bigger Hammer, 2002
 * Im toten Winkel
 * In July (Im Juli, 2000)
 * In Diesem Moment (Im Dec, 2013)
 * Journey Into Bliss
 * Der junge Törless
 * Katze im Sack
 * Katzelmacher, 1969
 * Klassenverhältnisse
 * Kleinruppin forever, 2004
 * Lammbock, 2001
 * L'Animale, 2018
 * Lessons of Darkness (Lektionen in Finsternis, 1992)
 * The Lives of Others (Das Leben der Anderen)
 * Liebe ist kälter als der Tod, 1969
 * Life is All You Get (Das Leben ist eine Baustelle, 1997)
 * Lola, 1981
 * Love in Thoughts (Was nützt die Liebe in Gedanken)
 * Lulu, 1962
 * M, 1931
 * The Legend of Paul and Paula (Die Legende von Paul und Paula)
 * The Man (Der Typ)
 * Men Like Us (Männer wie wir)
 * The Marriage of Maria Braun (Die Ehe der Maria Braun)
 * Mein Herz – niemandem!, 1997
 * Mephisto, 1981
 * The Miracle of Bern (Das Wunder von Bern)
 * Mostly Martha (Bella Marta)
 * The Net (Das Netz)
 * Netto
 *  (Die Nacht singt ihre Lieder)
 * No Mercy, No Future (Die Berührte), 1981
 * Nowhere in Africa (Nirgendwo in Afrika)
 * Oi! Warning, 1999
 * Pappa ante Portas, 1991
 * The Princess and the Warrior (Der Krieger und die Kaiserin)
 * Das Versprechen, 1995
 * The Red Jacket (Die rote Jacke)
 * Toni Erdmann, 2016
 * Razzia in Sankt Pauli, 1932
 * Requiem, 2006
 * Roma città aperta, 1945
 * Rosa Luxemburg, 1986
 * Rosenstrasse
 * Run Lola Run (Lola rennt)
 * Die Scheinheiligen
 * Das schreckliche Mädchen (The Nasty Girl) 1989
 * Schultze Gets the Blues
 * Schwestern oder Die Balance des Glücks, 1979
 * Die Sehnsucht der Veronika Voss, 1982
 * Sonnenallee
 * Sophie Scholl: The Final Days (Sophie Scholl – Die letzten Tage)
 * The Sons of the Great Mother Bear (Die Söhne der großen Bärin)
 * Soul Kitchen 2009
 * Stroszek
 * Summer Storm (Sommersturm, 2004)
 * The Tin Drum (Die Blechtrommel, 1979)
 * The Third Generation (Die Dritte Generation, 1979)
 * This Very Moment (Milchwald)
 * Triumph of the Will (Triumph des Willens), 1935
 * Tornado (2007)
 * Unsichtbare Gegner, 1977
 * Unter dem Pflaster ist der Strand, 1975
 * Verfolgt, 2006
 * Warnung vor einer heiligen Nutte, 1971
 * Die Welle (The Wave), 2008
 * What To Do In Case Of Fire (Was Tun, Wenn's Brennt)
 * When We Leave (Die Fremde, 2010)
 * Das wilde Leben
 * Who Am I – No System Is Safe (Who Am I – Kein System ist sicher, 2014)
 * Wings of Desire (Himmel über Berlin)
 * Das zweite Erwachen der Christa Klages, 1978

title: List of German-language films