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Constantinos Christoforou

Constantinos Christophorou (Κωνσταντίνος Χριστοφόρου, born in Limassol, Cyprus on 25 April 1977 ) is a Greek-Cypriot singer. He represented Cyprus in Eurovision Song Contest as a solo singer with "Mono Yia Mas" (1996) and "Ela Ela (Come Baby)" (2005) and as part of the boy band formation One with "Gimme" (2002).

Career
Constantinos Christoforou was still a student when his first single, "Tora pou milas" was released in 1994. His first album, O, ti m'afora was released in 1996. The album went three times platinum, making Christoforou the first Cypriot artist ever to receive three times platinum album for an album produced entirely in Cyprus. The same year Christoforou accompanied famous mega star Anna Vissi in Cyprus, as well as in her winter performances with Greek singer Sakis Rouvas in Athens. He was the permanent support act for Vissi in all her Greek and international concerts until 1999.

In 1999, Giorgos Theophanous asked Christoforou to become the lead singer of the pop group One, which he did. The boy-band had number one hits in Greece and Cyprus and released three albums which went Platinum in both Greece and Cyprus.

In 2003 Constantinos decided to leave the band and re-commence his solo career. His first solo album after ONE was released in September 2003, titled I agapi sou paei (Love Suits You), including the song "Pote min les pote", a duet with Anna Vissi. The album was certified Platinum in Cyprus.

In 2004 his next album, Idiotiki Parastasi, was released and entered the top 5 in the Greek charts. In March 2005 the album was re-released including the song "Ela, Ela (Come Baby)" which was the Cyprus entry in the Eurovision Song Contest 2005.

His 2005 album O Gyros tou Kosmou, was released in September.

In spring 2006, Christoforou released his CD single "Thes na kanoume sxesi" which was his first Gold certification as a solo artist in Greece. A greatest hits album was released in September, and Constantinos left EMI starting a new collaboration with Virus Records, the first album of which was his solo album I alithia ine mia!, which was released in February 2007. In summer 2007, at the Cyprus Music Awards, Christoforou was awarded song of the year, "Stasou ena lepto". A few days later, Christoforou was the opening act for Bryan Adams for his grand concert in Cyprus with the song "She's no fool".

In June 2008, Christoforou released an E.P. titled Istoria 2008 (History 2008) which covers three famous Greek songs including the EPs first single, "Afto to vrady tha’ne diko mas" a duet with the Cypriot singer Constantina who originally sung it.

In 2009, after returning to EMI Music, Christoforou released his next solo album, called Allios.

Since 2010, Constantinos released a series of digital singles like "Yia ola ikanos", "Oxigono" (featuring Eleni Dimou), "Rekor", "Na Rotao Ta Kimmata", "Kokkino", "Aneveno" and more. His latest digital single "Ke Vazo Ena Pario" (featuring Giannis Parios) became a hit in both Cyprus and Greece in the summer of 2016.

In 2011, Christoforou performed live at Arhitektoniki with Eleni Dimou. From September 2011 to January 2012, Christoforou took part in the TV show Dancing on Ice, aired by Antenna TV in Greece. In 2013 and 2014 he performed in the show Ola eginan tragoudia with Despina Olympiou. Since 2015 he is a judge on MEGA Channel Cyprus kid's talent show "DanSing Junior".

Many artists recorded songs written by Christoforou: Anna Vissi with the hit "Erimi Poli" in 2003 from her double platinum album Paraksenes Eikones, Giannis Parios with Agapi Mou in 2003, Stamatis Gonidis in his CD with Antio, Giannis Savvidakis with "Ti na sou po", Andreas Ektoras with "Ksimeromata", Stella Georgiadou with "Pes to" and "Akoma mia mera xorista" (lyrics by Zinonas Zintilis), and Eirini Merkouri with "Den exoume tipota pia na poume". He wrote two songs for Katerina Stasini with whom he had worked in the past. One of the songs was “Tou kosmou ta mikrofona”.

Eurovision Song Contest
In 1996 he represented Cyprus in the Eurovision Song Contest 1996 with the song "Mono Yia Mas", placing 9th.

In 2002, he was alongside Demetres Koutsavlakis, Philippos-Constantinos Philippou, Argyris Nastopoulos and Panos Tserpes, as part of the musical formation One representing Cyprus in the Eurovision Song Contest 2002 with the song "Gimme" getting the 6th position.

Christophorou returned to the Eurovision stage as a solo artist in Eurovision Song Contest 2005 with the song "Ela Ela (Come Baby)" finishing in 18th place with a score of 46 points.

At Eurovision Song Contest 2006, he announced the Cypriot televotes. While awarding 12 points to Greece and Anna Vissi's "Everything", Christophorou sang an extract from Vissi's signature song "Dodeka" (Greek for "twelve") from 1985.

In 2010 he participated in the Cyprus final for Eurovision Song Contest, with the song "Angel". He placed second nearly missing the opportunity to represent the country in the 2010 Eurovision Song Contest for the fourth time.

At Eurovision Song Contest 2016 and 2017, he announced the Greek jury votes.

Albums

 * 1996 O,TI M' AFORA (released in Cyprus only) 3× Platinum
 * 2003 I AGAPI SOU PAI – (released in Greece and Cyprus) Cyprus: Platinum
 * 2004 IDIOTIKI PARASTASI – (released in Greece and Cyprus) Cyprus: Gold
 * 2005 O GIROS TOU KOSMOU – (released in Greece and Cyprus)
 * 2006 BEST OF
 * 2007 I ALITHIA INE MIA – (released in Greece and Cyprus)
 * 2009 ALLIOS – (released in Greece and Cyprus)

Maxi-singles/EPs

 * 1995 TORA POU MILAS (released in Cyprus) Platinum
 * 1996 MONO YIA MAS (released in Cyprus) Gold
 * 1998 2000 KERIA (released in Cyprus) Platinum
 * 2003 @LIVE (released in Cyprus)
 * 2005 ELA-ELA (released in Greece and Cyprus)
 * 2006 THES NA KANUME SHESI (released in Greece and Cyprus) Cyprus: Gold, Greece: Gold
 * 2008 ISTORIA 2008 (released in Greece and Cyprus)

With One

 * 1999 ONE (EP)
 * 1999 ONE (album) Greece: Platinum, Cyprus: Platinum
 * 2000 2000ONE (EP)
 * 2001 MORO MOU (album) Greece: Platinum, Cyprus: Platinum
 * 2002 GIMME (single) Greece: Gold, Cyprus: Platinum
 * 2002 DAME (single – released in Spain only)
 * 2002 EHO TOSA NA SOU PO & EHO TOSA NA SOU PO+THE ONE AND ONLY (album) Greece: Platinum, Cyprus: Platinum
 * 2003 BEST OF ONE LIVE STO LIKAVITO (live album)
 * 2020 Billy Bam Bam (Single)
 * 2020 Diskola Ta Pramata (Single)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Constantinos Christoforou


text:
Santa language

The Santa language, also known as Dongxiang, is a Mongolic language spoken by the Dongxiang people in Northwest China.

Dialects
There are no dialects in strict sense, but three local varieties (tuyu) can be found: Suonanba (ca. 50% of all Dongxiang speakers), Wangjiaji (ca. 30% of all Dongxiang speakers) and Sijiaji (ca. 20% of all Dongxiang speakers).

Phonology
Compared to other Mongolic languages, there is no vowel harmony, except for a handful of suffixes. However, the rules governing this phenomenon are by far not as strict as those of Mongolian.

Consonants
Santa has 29 consonants:

 * The aspirated stops, at varying degrees, tend to be affricated before close vowels as respectively:
 * : This has the most noticeable affrication, seen in ghudogvo (knife).
 * : Still commonly affricated, e.g. pixie (belt).
 * : Affrication is salient, but seems to be more apparent with than, as in tiigha  (chicken).
 * : This consonant is the least affricated, but is still attested in kiqie (to lie down).
 * Likewise, before non-close vowels non-aspirated stops do not show affrication e.g. da (to guess), korolon  (footprint), or khalun  (hot).
 * Phonemes are only found in loanwords:
 * is only found in Chinese-derived words, as in cai (vegetable; from Chinese 菜 cài). It is frequently deaffricated to the native.
 * is found within Chinese and Persian borrowings, with Persian زمین zamin (earth) rendered as zemin.
 * in the same way is seen in words of Chinese and Arabic origin, as in renshen (ginseng; Chinese 人參 rénshēn).
 * The nasals assimilate to  before labials, as in unba   (to swim) and banban  (cudgel) respectively.  also has another allophone  before uvulars, cf. zhangha  (walnut).
 * Nasals are commonly deleted in the coda, which is an areal feature around the border between Gansu and Qinghai. Although it is not restricted to word-final situations, it is rarer to find deletion there as the following consonantal onsets somehow reinforce the nasal. It should also be noted that vowels preceding nasal consonants are also nasalized themselves.
 * The central approximants are fricativized  when syllable-initial, mainly before close vowels.  can further be found before front vowels and even low back vowels. An example of fricatization for each is yibai  (one hundred) and weila  (to cry). This phenomenon can also be found in neighboring languages, including Dungan and Monguor.
 * , which is usually realized as a fricative, can be pronounced as an approximant in fast speech.
 * is usually a trill, and length is dependent on the speed of speech; similarly in rapid speech it can become a tap.

Vowels
Dongxiang has 7 vowels. Unlike other neighboring Mongolic languages, it has limited vowel harmony and no distinctions of vowel length.

 * , which is usually a close front vowel, has a backened allophone after retroflex consonants, and a slightly opened one  after alveolar affricates and fricatives. Compare chi  (you [2nd sing.]) with misi  (to fly).
 * Close vowels are devoiced when in an unstressed initial syllable and between voiceless consonants, for example: chighin (ear), sidara  (to catch fire) and khidun  (hard). This is not the case though before a voiced consonant, especially if it is of native Mongolic origin, as evidenced with chila  (to be exhausted) and suma  (arrow).
 * In Chinese loans, devoicing is optional, i.e. chugui (cupboard; from 櫥櫃 chúguì) can be pronounced either or.
 * The mid-central vowel has also been recorded voiceless in the aforementioned environment: pese  (again).
 * Devoicing of can also occur regardless of the following sound and in non-initial syllables, under the condition it occurs after : basi  (tiger) or kewosila  (children). Interestingly, it is not often the case, as in bositu  (pregnant).
 * is always a syllabified as its own, as in ershi (twenty), with the exception of one Arabic loanword with glottal  as the onset: ruhher  (spirit; from رُوح rūḥ).
 * is often pronounced with a considerable degree of labialization, however this can be inconsistent, even in the same utterance; cf. olien (cloud) vs. onghono  (to shout).
 * When stressed, is typically realized as mid-front : enzhegve  (donkey). Before,  is used instead: amen  (rice). Otherwise in unstressed syllables it is mid-central.
 * is typically an open back vowel, e.g. apa (barley), but before alveolar nasals it is fronted to ; an example is dan  (carrying pole with loads). Before velar nasals, as in dan  ([political] party), the back form is used.

Glides
Although true diphthongal sequences (i.e. complex vowel combinations) do not exist in Santa, combinations with the vowels and the glides  do. The glides are phonetically realized as non-syllabic vowels and the vowels have the following phonetic realizations below, regardless of any previous allophonic rules as mentioned above.

Distinct phonetic vowel realizations (note that vowels in other environments take the cardinal form):
 * Before, the vowel is raised to , e.g. khighei (pig), falling somewhere in between  and.
 * If also after, the vowel is optionally dropped, as in ghuilu (to become).
 * After, it is pronounced like stressed ; for instance nie (one) or bierei  (wife).
 * Before, backness is often applied so that it varies between : hotou (maggot).
 * Before, it may be raised, varying from , see bai (to stop), kuaisun  (navel).
 * Before, the vowel is often raised and backed, ranging from in nao  (to hit the mark), oqiao  (old).
 * Before, it may be raised, varying from , see bai (to stop), kuaisun  (navel).
 * Before, the vowel is often raised and backed, ranging from in nao  (to hit the mark), oqiao  (old).

Phonotactics
The general syllable template for Santa is (C)(G)V(G/N), where the brackets represent optional phonemes. C represents any consonant apart from or a glide, G is one of the glides, V is a vowel and G/N is either a glide or a nasal   (occasionally also ). However, there are further constraints to this scheme:

 * The obstruents in words of Monogolic origin can only be found at the beginning of words.
 * Also, can occur at any position syllable-initially, but not after nasals of glides.
 * on the other hand can only occur after vowels. It is also possible for to occur after nasals, but not  due to the sonorant rule.
 * can occur word-initially but between syllables only after vowels.
 * It is impossible for non-compounded words of Mongolic origin for a sonorant (with the exception of the glide ) to follow a nasal after a syllable boundary. However, three exceptions exist: manlou (forehead), danlei  (palate) and chanlie  (to listen).
 * Words borrowed from Mandarin Chinese do not follow this rule, seen with rinmin (people; from 人民 rénmín).

Stress
The majority of words in Santa are stressed on the final syllable. Examples include yawu (to walk), funiegvan  (fox) and agven  (village). Stress also shifts to the suffix when added to a word: funiegvan-ni (fox, genitive case), agven-de  (village, locative case).

However, several exceptions to this rule exist:
 * Certain suffix clitics prevent the stress from shifting to the final syllable, as seen in  (walk!, imperative),   (hammer, instrumental). However, not every clitic follows this rule.
 * The suffixes +jiwo and +senu receive penultimate stress: jawu+jiwo (to walk, progressive) and ire+senu  (as soon as one comes).
 * Similarly, basi (tiger) and bosi  (cloth) are stressed on the initial syllable. There is a minimal pair with bosi where the stress on the final syllable means 'to wake up'.
 * Loanwords may also violate the final stress rule; this is discussed below.

In loanwords
In Chinese loanwords, stress is not predictable; this is likely due to the tonal influence from the original pronunciation. However, these tones are based on the dialects of the Hui people rather than the standard dialect. Examples of non-final stress include hushi (nurse; from 护士 hùshì), daozi  (rice paddy; from 稻子 dàozi) and dadou  (soybean; from 大豆 dàdòu). Minimal pairs, though uncommon, also exist. One example is shizi (persimmon; from 柿子 shìzi) and shizi  (lion; from 狮子 shīzi).

There are a number of Arabic loanwords which also violate ultimate stress; these include aghili (wisdom; from عَقِيْل ʿaqīl), mehheri  (dowry; from مَهْر mahr), ghalebu  (body, form; from قَالَب qālab), etc.

Some words with unknown origin may also stress on other syllables, including tonghori (wild goose), dawala  (urinary bladder) and bawa  (great-grandfather).

Plural marking
~oni, eoni-la
 * -la (remaining of nouns)

sheep, sheep(s) o~in, o~in-sla
 * -sla/-sila (certain nouns and pronouns)

girl, girls gajieiau gajieiau-pi
 * -pi (relatives)

brother, brothers

Cases
Santa has 6 cases.

Active verb

 * Type category (mood or modality)

 * Aspect category (manner or state of verb action)

Voice category (relationship between action and its subject)

Numeral: Singular has no suffix, plural suffix is -ndu, the same as Cooperative voice.

Numbers: Singular has no additional component, plural's additional component is -ndu, the same as the additional component for Cooperative voice.

Syntax
In common with other Mongolic languages, Dongxiang is spoken as an SOV language. In Linxia, however, under the influence of the Mandarin Chinese dialects spoken by the neighbouring Hui people, sentences of the SVO type have also been observed.

Writing system
Knowledge of Arabic is widespread among the Sarta and as a result, they often use the Arabic script to write down their language informally (cf. the Xiao'erjing system that was used by Hui people); however, this has been little investigated by scholars. , the official Latin alphabet for Dongxiang, developed on the basis of the Monguor alphabet, remained in the experimental stage:

Numerals
Some numbers in Dongxiang have been heavily influenced by Mandarin. These include 30 (sanshi) and 40 (sishi). Meanwhile, both khorun and ershi  are used for 20.

The Tangwang language
There are about 20,000 people in the north-eastern part Dongxiang County, who self-identify as Dongxiang or Hui people who do not speak Dongxiang, but natively speak a Dongxiang-influenced form of Mandarin Chinese. The linguist Mei W. Lee-Smith calls this the "Tangwang language", based on the names of the two largest villages (Tangjia and Wangjia, parts of Tangwang Town) where it is spoken and argues it is a creolized language. According to Lee-Smith, the Tangwang language uses mostly Mandarin words and morphemes with Dongxiang grammar. Besides Dongxiang loanwords, Tangwang also has a substantial number of Arabic and Persian loanwords.

Like Standard Mandarin, Tangwang is a tonal language, but grammatical particles, which are typically borrowed from Mandarin, but are used in the way Dongxiang morphemes would be used in Dongxiang, do not carry tones.

For example, while the Mandarin plural suffix -men (们) has only very restricted usage (it can be used with personal pronouns and some nouns related to people), Tangwang uses it, in the form -m, universally, the way Dongxiang would use its plural suffix -la. Mandarin pronoun ni (你) can be used in Tangwang as a possessive suffix (meaning "your"). Unlike Mandarin, but like Dongxiang, Tangwang has grammatical cases as well (however only four of them, unlike eight in Dongxiang).

title: Santa language


text: User talk:61.95.168.20

title: User talk:61.95.168.20


text:
History of Thailand (1932–1973)

The history of Thailand from 1932 to 1973 was dominated by military dictatorships which were in power for much of the period. The main personalities of the period were the dictator Luang Phibunsongkhram (better known as Phibun), who allied the country with Japan during the Second World War, and the civilian politician Pridi Banomyong, who founded Thammasat University and was briefly prime minister after the war.

A succession of military dictators followed Pridi's ouster—Phibun again, Sarit Thanarat, then Thanom Kittikachorn—under whom traditional, authoritarian rule was combined with increasing modernisation and Westernisation under the influence of the US. The end of the period was marked by Thanom's resignation, following a massacre of pro-democracy protesters led by Thammasat students.

From 1939 (excluding a few months in 1946), the official name of Thailand was changed from the Kingdom of Siam to the Kingdom of Thailand, which is still the official name of Thailand today.

Siamese revolution (1932–1939)
The military came to power in the bloodless Siamese revolution of 1932, which transformed the government of Siam from an absolute to a constitutional monarchy. King Prajadhipok initially accepted this change but later abdicated due to his strained relations with the government. Upon his abdication, King Prajadhipok issued a brief statement criticising the regime. His statement included the following phrases—often quoted by critics of the slow pace of Siam's political development:

I am willing to surrender the powers I formerly exercised to the people as a whole, but I am not willing to turn them over to any individual or any group to use in an autocratic manner without heeding the voice of the people.

The new regime of 1932 was led by a group of colonels headed by Phraya Phahon Phonphayuhasena and Phraya Songsuradet. In December they produced Siam's first constitution. Which included a national assembly, half appointed and half indirectly elected. The people were promised that full democratic elections would be held once half the population had completed primary education—which was expected to be sometime in the 1940s. A prime minister and cabinet were appointed and a facade of constitutional rule was maintained.

Once the new government had been established and the constitution put into effect, conflict began to erupt among the members of the new ruling coalition. There were four major factions competing for power: the older conservative civilian faction led by Phraya Manopakorn Nititada (Mano); the senior military faction led by Phraya Phahon; the junior army and navy faction led by Luang Phibunsongkhram; and the young civilian faction led by Pridi Banomyong.

The first serious conflict arose in 1933 when Pridi was given the task of drafting a new economic plan for the nation. His radical programme called for the nationalisation of large tracts of farmland as well as rapid government-directed industrialisation. It also called for the growth of higher education so that entry into the bureaucracy would not be completely dominated by royalty and the aristocracy. However, the plan was condemned immediately by most of the government factions as being communist.

Because of its attack on private property, the members of the conservative clique were the ones most alarmed by Pridi's plan. They urged the Mano government to adopt policies that would reverse the course of the "revolution". However, when Phraya Mano attempted to do this, Phibun and Phraya Phahon launched a second coup that toppled the Mano government. Phraya Pahon was made the new prime minister, and his new government excluded all of the royalists.

Civil War
A royalist reaction came in late 1933 when Prince Boworadet, a grandson of Mongkut and one-time Minister of Defence, led an armed revolt against the government. He mobilised various provincial garrisons and marched on Bangkok, capturing the Don Muang Aerodrome along the way. The prince accused the government of disrespecting the king and promoting communism, and he demanded that the government leaders resign. He had hoped that some of the garrisons in the Bangkok area would join the revolt, but they remained loyal to the government. Meanwhile, the navy declared itself neutral and left for its bases in the south. After heavy fighting in the northern outskirts of Bangkok, the royalists were finally defeated and Prince Bovoradej left for exile in French Indochina.

One effect of the repression of the insurrection was the diminution of the king's prestige. After the revolt started, King Prajadhipok declared in a telegram that he regretted the strife and civil disturbances. It is not clear whether he was motivated by a fear of being captured by rebels, a fear of being viewed as a supporter of the rebels, or a wish to avoid further choices between Phahon and Boworadet. Either way, the fact remains that at the height of the conflict, the royal couple took refuge at Songkhla. The king's withdrawal from the scene of the fighting was interpreted by the victorious party as a sign that he had failed in his duty. By refusing to give his full support to the legitimate government, his credibility was undermined.

A few months later in 1934, King Prajadhipok, whose relations with the new government had been deteriorating for some time, went abroad to receive medical treatment. While abroad, he carried on a correspondence with the government that discussed the terms under which he would continue to serve as a constitutional monarch. He requested the continuation of some traditional royal prerogatives. The government, however, would not agree.

In his abdication speech, Prajadhipok accused the government of having no regard for democratic principles, employing methods of administration incompatible with individual freedom and the principles of justice, ruling in an autocratic manner and not letting the people have a real voice in Siam's affairs. In 1934, the Press Act came into effect, forbidding the publication of any material deemed to be detrimental to the public order or to undermine morals. The law has been strictly enforced to the present day.

Reaction to the abdication was muted. Everybody was afraid of what might happen next. The government refrained from challenging any assertions in the king's abdication statement for fear of arousing further controversy. Opponents of the government kept quiet after the failure of the royalist rebellion.

Having defeated the royalists, the government now was put to the test of living up to the promises on which it had come to power. It took much more aggressive steps to carry out some important reforms. The currency went off the gold standard, allowing trade to recover. Expenditures on education were increased four-fold, thereby significantly raising the literacy rate. Elected local and provincial governments were introduced, and in November 1937 democratic development was brought forward when direct elections were held for the national assembly, although political parties were still not allowed. Thammasat University was founded, at Pridi's initiative, as a more accessible alternative to the elitist Chulalongkorn University. Military expenditure was also greatly expanded, a clear indication of the increasing influence of the military. In the years between 1934 and 1940 the kingdom's army, navy, and air force were equipped as never before.

King Ananda Mahidol (Rama VIII)
After King Prajadhipok left Siam and abdicated the following year, The government then chose Prince Ananda Mahidol, who was at that time in school in Switzerland, as the next king, becoming King Rama VIII,. For the first time in history, Siam was without a resident monarch and was to remain so for the next fifteen years, the Khana Ratsadon believing that he would be more pliable than Prajadhipok.

Rise of Phibunsongkhram
The military, now led by Major General Phibun as defence minister, and the civilian liberals led by Pridi as foreign minister, worked together harmoniously for several years, but when Phibun became prime minister in December 1938 this co-operation broke down, and military domination became more overt. Phibun was an admirer of Benito Mussolini, and his regime soon developed some fascist characteristics. In early 1939 forty political opponents, both monarchists and democrats, were arrested, and after rigged trials eighteen were executed, the first political executions in Siam in over a century. Many others, among them Prince Damrong and Phraya Songsuradej, were exiled. Phibun launched a demagogic campaign against the Chinese business class. Chinese schools and newspapers were closed, and taxes on Chinese businesses increased.

Phibun and Luang Wichitwathakan, the government's ideological spokesman, copied the propaganda techniques used by Hitler and Mussolini to build up the cult of the leader. Aware of the power of mass media, they used the government's monopoly on radio broadcasting to shape popular support for the regime. Popular government slogans were constantly aired on the radio and plastered on newspapers and billboards. Phibun's picture was also to be seen everywhere in society, while portraits of the ex-monarch King Prajadhipok, an outspoken critic of the autocratic regime, were banned. At the same time Phibun passed a number of authoritarian laws which gave the government the power of almost unlimited arrest and complete press censorship. During the Second World War, newspapers were instructed to print only good news emanating from Axis sources, while sarcastic comments about the internal situation were banned.

Fascist Thailand
On 23 June 1939, Phibun changed the country's name from Siam to Prathet Thai (ประเทศไทย), or Thailand, said to mean "land of the free". This was a nationalist gesture: it implied the unity of all the Tai-speaking peoples, including the Lao and the Shan, but excluding the Chinese. The regime's slogan became "Thailand for the Thai."

Cultural Revolution
Modernisation was also an important theme in Phibun's new Thai nationalism. From 1939 to 1942 he issued a set of twelve Cultural Mandates. In addition to requiring that all Thais salute the flag, know the national anthem, and speak the national language, the mandates also encouraged Thais to work hard, stay informed on current events, and to dress in a Western fashion. By 1941 it became illegal, among other things, to ridicule those who attempted to promote national customs. The programme also encompassed fine arts. Fiercely nationalistic plays and films were sponsored by the government. Often these depicted a glorious past when Thai warriors fearlessly gained freedom for the country, defended their honour, or sacrificed themselves. Patriotism was taught in schools and was a recurrent theme in songs and dances.

At the same time, Phibun worked rigorously to rid society of its royalist influences. Traditional royal holidays were replaced with new national events and royal and aristocratic titles were abandoned. Ironically, he retained his aristocratic surname. Even the Sangha was affected when the status of the royally sponsored Thammayuth sect was downgraded.

Meanwhile, all cinemas were instructed to display Phibun's picture at the end of every performance as if it were the king's portrait, and the audience were expected to rise and bow. Another aspect of Phibun's growing personality cult was becoming apparent in official décor. He was born in the year of the cock, and this symbol began to replace the wheel. Similarly, Phibun's auspicious birth-colour, green, was used in official decorations.

Franco-Thai War
In 1940, most of France was occupied by Nazi Germany, and Phibun immediately set out to avenge Siam's humiliations by France in 1893 and 1904, when the French had used force to redraw the borders of Siam with Laos and Cambodia, requiring the Thais to sign a series of unequal treaties. To accomplish that, the Thai government needed Japanese assistance against France, which was secured through the Treaty between Thailand and Japan Concerning the Continuance of Friendly Relations and the Mutual Respect of Each Other's Territorial Integrity, concluded in June 1940. Also concluded in 1940 was the British-Thai Non-Aggression Pact between the governments of Great Britain and the Kingdom of Thailand. On 18 July 1940, the British government accepted Japanese demands to close the Burma Road for three months to prevent war supplies from reaching China. As the government of Thailand was now becoming aligned with the Japanese, the British government concluded the pact with Bangkok so as not to antagonize Tokyo.

Luang Wichit wrote a number of popular dramas that glorified the idea of many ethnic groups belonging to a greater "Thai" empire and condemned the evils of European colonial rule. Irredentist and anti-French demonstrations were incessantly held around Bangkok, and in late 1940 border skirmishes erupted along the Mekong frontier. In 1941 the skirmishes turned into the small–scale Franco-Thai War between Vichy France and Thailand. Thai forces dominated the war on the ground and in the air, but the Thai Navy suffered a crushing naval defeat at the battle of Ko Chang. The Japanese then stepped in to mediate the conflict. The final settlement thus returned most of the disputed areas in Laos and Cambodia to Thailand.

World War II
Phibun's prestige was so increased that he was able to bask in a feeling of being truly the nation's leader. To celebrate the occasion, he promoted himself to field marshal, skipping the ranks of lieutenant general and general.

This caused a rapid deterioration of relations with Britain and the United States. In April 1941 the United States cut off petroleum supplies to Thailand. Thailand's brief period of glory came to an end on 8 December 1941 when Japan invaded the country along its southeastern coastline and from Cambodia. After initially resisting, the Phibun regime gave in and allowed the Japanese to pass through the country to attack Burma and invade Malaya. Convinced by the Allied defeats of early 1942 that Japan was winning the war, Phibun decided to form a military alliance with Imperial Japan.

In return, Japan allowed Thailand to invade and annex the Shan States and Kayah State in northern Burma, and resume sovereignty over the sultanates of northern Malaya which had been surrendered in the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909 with Britain. In January 1942 Phibun declared war on Britain and the United States, though the Thai ambassador to the United States, Seni Pramoj, refused to deliver it to the State Department. Seni denounced the Phibun regime as illegal and formed a Seri Thai Movement in Washington. Pridi, now serving in the role of an almost powerless regent, led the resistance movement inside Thailand, while former Queen Ramphaiphanni was the nominal head in Great Britain.

Secret training camps were set up in remote areas, the majority by the populist politician Tiang Sirikhanth in the northeast region of the country. There were a dozen camps alone in Sakhon Nakhon Province. Clandestine airfields also appeared in the northeast, where Royal Air Force and United States Army Air Forces planes brought in supplies, as well as Special Operations Executive, Office of Strategic Services, and Seri Thai agents, at the same time evacuating escaped prisoners of war. By early 1945, Thai air force officers were performing liaison duties with South East Asia Command in Kandy and Calcutta.

By 1944, it was evident that the Japanese were going to lose the war, and their behaviour in Thailand had become increasingly arrogant. Bangkok also suffered heavily from Allied strategic bombing. Coupled with economic hardships caused by the loss of Thailand's rice export markets, this made both the war and Phibun's regime very unpopular. In July 1944 Phibun was ousted by the Seri Thai-infiltrated government. The national assembly reconvened and appointed the liberal lawyer Khuang Aphaiwong as prime minister. The new government hastily evacuated the British territories that Phibun had occupied and surreptitiously aided the Seri Thai movement, while at the same time maintaining ostensibly friendly relations with the Japanese.

The Japanese surrendered on 15 August 1945. Immediately, Allied military responsibility for Thailand fell to the British. As soon as practicable, British and Indian troops were flown in and rapidly secured the release of surviving POWs. The British were surprised to find that the Japanese soldiers had already been largely disarmed by the Thais.

Britain regarded Thailand as having been partly responsible for the damage dealt to the Allied cause and favoured treating the kingdom as a defeated enemy. However, the US had no sympathy for what they considered British and French colonialism and supported the new government. Thailand thus received little punishment for its wartime role under Phibun.

Post-war Thailand (1946–1957)
Seni Pramoj became prime minister in 1945 and promptly restored the name Siam as a symbol of the end of Phibun's nationalist regime. However, he found his position at the head of a cabinet packed with Pridi's loyalists quite uncomfortable. Northeastern populist politicians like Tiang Sirikhanth and Bangkok upstarts like Sanguan Tularaksa were not the sort that the aristocratic Seni preferred to associate with. They, in turn, viewed Seni as an elitist who was entirely out of touch with Thailand's political realities. Pridi continued to wield power behind the scenes as he had done during the Khuang government. The regent's looming presence and overarching authority rankled the proud, thin-skinned Seni, fuelling a personal animosity that would poison Thailand's postwar politics.

Following the signature by Thailand of the Washington Accord of 1946, the territories that had been annexed after the Franco-Thai War, which included Phibunsongkhram Province, Nakhon Champassak Province, Phra Tabong Province, Koh Kong Province, and Lan Chang Province, were returned to Cambodia and Laos.

Democratic elections
Democratic elections were subsequently held in January 1946. These were the first elections in which political parties were legal, and Pridi's People's Party and its allies won a majority. In March 1946 Pridi became Siam's first democratically elected prime minister. In 1946, after he agreed to hand back the Indochinese territories occupied in 1941 as the price for admission to the United Nations, all wartime claims against Siam were dropped and a substantial package of US aid was received.

Accession of King Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX)
In December 1945, the young King Ananda had returned to Siam from Europe, but in June 1946, he was found shot dead in his bed, under mysterious circumstances. Three palace servants were tried and executed for his murder, although there are significant doubts as to their guilt and the case remains both murky and a highly sensitive topic in Thailand today. The king was succeeded by his younger brother, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who became King Rama IX. In August, Pridi was forced to resign amid suspicion that he had been involved in the regicide. Without his leadership, the civilian government floundered, and in November 1947 the army, its confidence restored after the debacle of 1945, seized power. After an interim Khuang-headed government, in April 1948 the army brought Phibun back from exile and made him prime minister. Pridi, in turn, was driven into exile, eventually settling in Beijing as a guest of the People's Republic of China.

Phibunsongkhram' Second Premiership
Phibun's return to power coincided with the onset of the Cold War and the establishment of a communist regime in North Vietnam. He soon won the support of the US, beginning a long tradition of US-backed military regimes in Thailand (as the country was again renamed in July 1949, this time permanently).

Once again political opponents were arrested and tried, and some were executed. During this time, several of the key figures in the wartime Free Thai underground, including Thawin Udom, Thawi Thawethikul, Chan Bunnak, and Tiang Sirikhanth, were eliminated in extra-legal fashion by the Thai police, run by Phibun's ruthless associate Phao Sriyanond. There were attempted counter-coups by Pridi supporters in 1948, 1949, and 1951, the second leading to heavy fighting between the army and navy before Phibun emerged victorious. In the navy's 1951 attempt, popularly known as the Manhattan Coup, Phibun was nearly killed when the ship where he was held hostage was bombed by the pro-government air force.

New constitution in 1949
In 1949 a new constitution was promulgated, creating a senate appointed by the king (in practice, by the government). But in 1951 the regime abolished its own constitution and reverted to the 1932 arrangements, effectively abolishing the national assembly as an elected body. This provoked strong opposition from the universities and the press and led to a further round of trials and repression. The regime was greatly helped, however, by a postwar boom which gathered pace through the 1950s, fuelled by rice exports and US aid. Thailand's economy began to diversify, while the population and urbanisation increased.

Power play
In 1956, it became clearer that Plaek, allied to Phao, was losing to another influential groups led by Sarit, and consisted of "Sakdina" (royalties and royalists). Both Plaek and Phao intended to bring home Pridi Banomyong to clear his name from the mystery around the death of King Rama VIII. However, the US government disapproved, cancelling the plan. In June 1957, he told one of Pridi's son to "tell your father that I want [him] to come back [and] help me work for the nation. I alone can no longer contest Sakdina."

Sarit dictatorship and the restoration of monarchy (1957–1963)
By 1955, Phibun was losing his leading position in the army to younger rivals, led by Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat and General Thanom Kittikachorn. To shore up his position he restored the 1949 constitution and called elections, which his supporters won. But the army was not prepared to give up power, and in September 1957 it demanded Phibun's resignation. When Phibun tried to have Sarit arrested, the army staged a bloodless coup on 17 September 1957, ending Phibun's career for good.

Sarit restored the monarchy so well that by Thanom's time their rule was a close partnership between the military and the king. In this period the monarchy was restored the power it had before the Siamese revolution in 1932.

Cold War and pro-American period (1963–1973)
Thanom became prime minister until 1958, then yielded his place to Sarit, the real head of the regime. Sarit held power until his death in 1963, when Thanom again took the lead.

Sarit and Thanom were the first Thai leaders to have been educated entirely in Thailand, and were less influenced by European political ideas, whether fascist or democratic, than the generation of Pridi and Phibun had been. Rather, they were Thai traditionalists, who sought to restore the prestige of the monarchy and to maintain a society based on order, hierarchy, and religion. They saw rule by the army as the best means of ensuring this, and also of defeating communism, which they now associated with Thailand's traditional enemies, the Vietnamese. The young King Bhumibol, who returned to Thailand in 1951, co-operated with this project. The Thai monarchy's present elevated status thus has its origins in this era.

U.S. Military bases in Thailand
The regimes of Sarit and Thanom were strongly supported by the US. Thailand had formally become a US ally in 1954 with the formation of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). While the war in Indochina was being fought between the Vietnamese and the French, Thailand (disliking both equally) stayed aloof, but once it became a war between the US and the Vietnamese communists, Thailand committed itself strongly to the US side, concluding a secret agreement with the US in 1961, sending troops to Vietnam and Laos, and allowing the US to use airbases in the east of the country to conduct its bombing war against North Vietnam. The Vietnamese retaliated by supporting the Communist Party of Thailand's insurgency in the north, northeast, and sometimes in the south, where guerrillas co-operated with local discontented Muslims. In the postwar period, Thailand had close relations with the US, which it saw as a protector from communist revolutions in neighboring countries. The Seventh and Thirteenth US Air Forces were headquartered at Udon Royal Thai Air Force Base.

Agent Orange
Agent Orange is a herbicide and defoliant chemical used by the U.S. military as part of its herbicidal warfare program, Operation Ranch Hand. Agent Orange was tested by the United States in Thailand during the war in Southeast Asia. Buried drums were uncovered and confirmed to be Agent Orange in 1999. Workers who uncovered the drums fell ill while upgrading the airport near Hua Hin District, 100 km south of Bangkok.

A declassified Department of Defense report written in 1973, suggests that there was a significant use of herbicides on the fenced-in perimeters of military bases in Thailand to remove foliage that provided cover for enemy forces.

Development during the Vietnam War
The Vietnam War hastened the modernisation and Westernisation of Thai society. The American presence and the exposure to Western culture that came with it had an effect on almost every aspect of Thai life. Before the late 1960s, full access to Western culture was limited to a highly educated elite in society, but the Vietnam War brought the outside world face to face with large segments of the Thai society as never before. With US dollars pumping up the economy, the service, transportation, and construction industries grew phenomenally as did drug abuse and prostitution. The traditional rural family unit was broken down as more and more rural Thais moved to the city to find new jobs. This led to a clash of cultures as Thais were exposed to Western ideas about fashion, music, values, and moral standards.

The population began to grow explosively as the standard of living rose, and a flood of people began to move from the villages to the cities, and above all to Bangkok. Thailand had 30 million people in 1965, while by the end of the 20th century the population had doubled. Bangkok's population had grown tenfold since 1945 and had tripled since 1970.

Educational opportunities and exposure to mass media increased during the Vietnam War years. Bright university students learned more about ideas related to Thailand's economic and political systems, resulting in a revival of student activism. The Vietnam War period also saw the growth of the Thai middle class which gradually developed its own identity and consciousness.

Economic development did not bring prosperity to all. During the 1960s many of the rural poor felt increasingly dissatisfied with their condition in society and disillusioned by their treatment by the central government in Bangkok. Efforts by the Thai government to develop poor rural regions often did not have the desired effect in that they contributed to the farmers' awareness of how bad off they really were. It was not always the poorest of the poor who joined the anti-government insurgency. Increased government presence in the rural villages did little to improve the situation. Villagers became subject to increased military and police harassment and bureaucratic corruption. Villagers often felt betrayed when government promises of development were frequently not fulfilled. By the early 1970s rural discontent had manifested itself into a peasant's activist movement.

Peasant's revolution
The peasant's movement got started in the regions just north of the central plains and the Chiang Mai area (not the areas where the insurgency was most active). When these regions had been organised into the centralised Siamese state in King Chulalongkorn's reign, the old local nobility had been allowed to grab large tracts of land. The end result was that by the 1960s close to 30% of the households were landless.

In the early 1970s university students helped to bring some of the local protests on to the national stage. The protests focused on land loss, high rents, the heavy-handed role of the police, corruption among the bureaucracy and the local elites, poor infrastructure, and overwhelming poverty. The government agreed to establish a committee to hear peasant grief. Within a short time the committee was flooded with more than 50,000 petitions, more than it could possibly handle. Officials called many of the peasants' demands unrealistic and too far-reaching.

Political environment
The political environment of Thailand changed little during the mid-1960s. Thanom and his chief deputy Praphas maintained a tight grip on power. The alliance between these two was further cemented by the marriage of Praphas's daughter to Thanom's son Narong. By the late 1960s, however, more elements in Thai society had become openly critical of the military government which was seen as being increasingly incapable of dealing with the country's problems. It was not only the student activists, but also the business community that had begun to question the leadership of the government as well as its relationship with the United States.

Thanom came under increasing pressure to loosen his grip on power when the king commented that it was time for parliament to be restored and a new constitution put into effect. After Sarit had suspended the constitution in 1958, a committee was established to write a new one, but almost ten years later, it had still not been completed. Finally, in 1968 the government issued a new constitution and scheduled elections for the following year. The government party founded by the military junta won the election and Thanom remained prime minister.

Surprisingly, the assembly was not totally tame. A number of MPs (mostly professionals such as doctors, lawyers, and journalists) began to openly challenge some of the government's policies, producing evidence of widespread government corruption on a number of large projects. As a new budget was being debated in 1971, it actually appeared that the military's demand for more funds might be voted down. Rather than suffer such a loss of face, Thanom carried out a putsch against his own government, suspended the constitution, and dissolved parliament. Once again Thailand had been returned to absolute military rule.

This strongman approach which had worked for Phibun in 1938 and 1947, and for Sarit in 1957–58, would prove to be unsuccessful. By the early 1970s Thai society as a whole had developed a level of political awareness which would no longer accept unjustified authoritarian rule. The king, using various holidays to give speeches on public issues, became openly critical of the Thanom-Praphas regime. He expressed doubt on the use of extreme violence in the efforts to combat insurgency. He mentioned the widespread existence of corruption in the government and expressed the view that coups should become a thing of the past in the Thai political system.

The junta began to face increasing opposition from within the military itself. Being preoccupied with their political roles, Thanom and Praphas had become more removed from direct control of the army. Many officers felt outraged by the rapid promotion of Narong and the fact that he seemed destined to be Thanom's successor. To these officers, it appeared that a political dynasty was being created.

The 1973 democracy movement
Student demonstrations had started in 1968 and grew in size and numbers in the early 1970s despite the continued ban on political meetings. In June 1973, nine Ramkhamhaeng University students were expelled for publishing an article in a student newspaper that was critical of the government. Shortly after, thousands of students held a protest at the Democracy Monument demanding the re-enrolment of the nine students. The government ordered the universities to shut, but shortly afterwards allowed the students to be re-enrolled.

In October another 13 students were arrested on charges of conspiracy to overthrow the government. This time the student protesters were joined by workers, businessmen, and other ordinary citizens. The demonstrations swelled to several hundred thousand and the issue broadened from the release of the arrested students to demands for a new constitution and the replacement of the current government.

On 13 October, the government released the detainees. Leaders of the demonstrations, among them Seksan Prasertkul, called off the march in accordance with the wishes of the king who was publicly against the democracy movement. In a speech to graduating students, he criticized the pro-democracy movement by telling students to concentrate on their studies and leave politics to their elders [military government].

As the crowds were breaking up the next day, on 14 October, many students found themselves unable to leave because the police had attempted to control the flow of the crowd by blocking the southern route to Rajavithi Road. Cornered and overwhelmed by the hostile crowd, the police responded with tear gas and gunfire.

The military was called in, and tanks rolled down Rajdamnoen Avenue and helicopters fired down at Thammasat University. A number of students commandeered buses and fire engines in an attempt to halt the progress of the tanks by ramming into them. With chaos on the streets, King Bhumibol opened the gates of Chitralada Palace to the students who were being gunned down by the army. Despite orders from Thanom that the military action be intensified, army commander Kris Sivara had the army withdrawn from the streets.

The king condemned the government's inability to handle the demonstrations and ordered Thanom, Praphas, and Narong to leave the country, and notably condemned the students' supposed role as well. At 18:10 Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn resigned from his post as prime minister. An hour later, the king appeared on national television, asking for calm, and announcing that Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn had been replaced with Dr. Sanya Dharmasakti, a respected law professor, as prime minister.

title: History of Thailand (1932–1973)


text:
User talk:Crazy lucifer

Wow, I get to talk here. Well done JET for your 6 arias.

title: User talk:Crazy lucifer


text:
Talk:Amanda Vanstone

Possible Wiki Links
I am currently testing an automated Wikipedia link suggester. Ran it on this article, here are the results:

 * Can link the Opposition: ...ing politics. Vanstone was a member of the Opposition Shadow Ministry from 1987 to 1988...
 * Can link service delivery: ...nment pensions and welfare system whose service delivery agency, Centrelink, is a frequent t...

Notes: The article text has not been changed in any way; Some of these links may be wrong, some may be right; You can leave positive feedback or negative feedback; Please feel free to delete this section from the talk page. -- Nickj 08:35, 19 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Poltical position within the Liberal Party
Senator Vanstone is a "moderate" within the Liberal party; some would even call her a "wet". The article should mention this.

Maybe we should also make the point that John Howard has more than once appointed a moderate to a Cabinet position where he or she has to be the public face of an unpopular or controversial policy (eg., putting Ruddock in charge of Migration). Chris Chittleborough 12:42, 10 September 2005 (UTC)

This kind of stuff is inevitably a matter of opinion and therefore cannot be stated as fact. The best way to approach it is to quote someone else as saying it. You could write: "Michelle Grattan wrote in The Age "Senator Vanstone is a "moderate" within the Liberal party; some would even call her a "wet"." This avoids debate about whether the statement is true or not, since Grattan is saying it, not you. Adam 15:23, 10 September 2005 (UTC)

Quite true. I guess I just volunteered to do some Googling. Chris Chittleborough 07:31, 11 September 2005 (UTC)
 * Having just found this in an old to-do list, I'm now un-volunteering; I'll save my energy for other articles I care more about. Anyone else care to have a go? Chris Chittleborough 10:11, 16 February 2006 (UTC)

 * Her dropping from the Ministry makes her faction even less important, so no :) That said, I don't think Vanstone or Ruddock would fit the definition of 'moderate' these days. Perhaps ten years ago, but neither has shown any stomach for moderate policies in more recent times. Ruddock especially is now a classic right-winger. Jeendan 11:30, 23 January 2007 (UTC)

Implication in forced abortion
It's interesting that she signed the order for Zhu Quing Ping to be returned to China, even though she knew that the pregnant woman's baby would be aborted. Sure enough, at eight month's into the pregnancy, the Chinese authorities forced the woman to abort her baby. http://melindatankardreist.com/2010/08/%E2%80%98they-kill-her-baby-and-they-make-her-suffer%E2%80%99-horror-stories-from-china/ - 114.76.227.0 (talk) 12:43, 5 March 2012 (UTC)

External links modified
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title: Talk:Amanda Vanstone


text:
Banbury mutiny

The Banbury mutiny was a mutiny by soldiers in the English New Model Army. The mutineers did not achieve all of their aims and some of the leaders were executed shortly afterwards on 17 May 1649.

Background
The mutiny was over pay and political demands. The pay issue was defused by Oliver Cromwell acknowledging the justice of the soldiers' financial grievances and securing £10,000 towards payment of arrears from Parliament. But 400 troopers under the command of Captain William Thompson who were sympathetic to the Levellers set off from Banbury, where they were billeted, to speak with other regiments at Salisbury about their political demands.

Major White was sent by Cromwell and Thomas Fairfax to mediate with Thompson's troops and give assurances that force would not be used against them. However, on 13 May Cromwell launched a night attack. Several mutineers were killed in the skirmish. Captain Thompson escaped only to be killed a few days later in another skirmish near the Diggers community at Wellingborough. After being imprisoned in Burford Church with the other mutineers, three other leaders were shot: Private John Church, Corporal Perkins, and Cornet James Thompson (William Thompson's brother), on 17 May 1649. This destroyed the Levellers' power base in the New Model Army.

Levellers' Day
Each year since 1975, Levellers' Day has been held in the Oxfordshire town of Burford to commemorate the three Levellers executed there. A different theme is chosen for each Levellers' Day, which is held on the Saturday nearest to 17 May, and speakers are invited to speak on the theme during the morning, this is followed by a procession around the town and a ceremony in the churchyard. In the afternoon there is music and other entertainment usually held in the garden of Warwick Hall which is next to the church. In 1979 a plaque to the three soldiers on the church wall was unveiled by Tony Benn to commemorate the event.

title: Banbury mutiny


text:
1888 in film

The following is an overview of the events of 1888 in film, including a list of films released and notable births.

Events

 * George Eastman files for a patent for his photographic film.
 * Thomas Edison meets with Eadweard Muybridge who proposes a scheme for sound film (February 27, West Orange, New Jersey).
 * Étienne-Jules Marey starts work on his chronophotographe camera with 90 mm wide roll paper film.
 * Charles-Émile Reynaud patents his Théâtre Optique which uses a kind of perforated film to create an animated show.

Films

 * Roundhay Garden Scene, Accordion Player and Traffic Crossing Leeds Bridge, filmed by Louis Aimé Augustin Le Prince in Leeds, United Kingdom, using paper "stripping" film and paper negative film.
 * Horse and Rider Jumping Over an Obstacle (Pferd und Reiter Springen über ein Hindernis) and other sequences, shot by Ottomar Anschütz in Germany.

title: 1888 in film


text:
User:Cf

About Me
I have very little to say.

Scratch Disk
/Sandbox

title: User:Cf


text:
User talk:Cf

I'll try and keep tabs on this, but i cant promise anything. CraigF

List of Scrubs episodes
Awesome job with converting the page! Very nice work indeed. -- light darkness (talk) 23:12, 5 April 2006 (UTC)
 * Wow, thanks. I just spent a fair few hours on it, and only just pushed it live. CraigF 23:14, 5 April 2006 (UTC)

Images
Hey. Thanks for the work you've done on Scrubs. When you upload images, you need to provide teh source on the image description page, along with a fair use rationale. I have done Image:My Choosiest Choice of All.jpg as an example. Cheers. The JPS talk to me  23:40, 8 June 2006 (UTC)

Orphaned fair use image (Image:Coming Home.png)
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Winamp
Hi! I saw you've worked extensively on the article about Winamp, so maybe you can answer my question: .wmv files don't run smoothly on my winamp. This has occurred since I swapped WMP for the other multimedia player, although I have all the minimum system requirements. Could you tell me what the cause of this is? Thank you! -- Daĉjo почта 09:51, 21 January 2007 (UTC) [I'm preparing for an exam, so you'd be very helpful if you corrected my English mistakes in order to make my writing sound more natural! thanks again for your patience]
 * For reference, this message went ignored because I do not answer direct questions for Winamp support. The Winamp Forums are the best place to ask for support due to their peer nature. Should your problems be unique enough that a search would not bring up a previous response, it will aid future users with a similar problem. CraigF (talk)

Image tagging for Image:My_Mentor.jpg
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ArbCom elections are now open!
MediaWiki message delivery (talk) 12:52, 23 November 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:Cf


text:
Alexander Koenig

Alexander Ferdinand Koenig (20 February 1858 – 16 July 1940) was a German naturalist and zoologist. Making use of the family wealth earned from the sugar business, he went on collection expeditions and founded what is now known as the Museum Koenig in Bonn in 1912.

Biography

Koenig was born at St Petersburg, Russia, the third son of his father Leopold (1821–1903) who was a successful merchant involved in the sugar trade. Leopold was the son of Thuringian baker Johann Georg Koenig (1785–1856) and learned to process sugar at a young age. He married Caroline and obtained a loan from his mother-in-law to establish a successful sugar factory and at the height of the business they employed nearly 20000 people and held farms across Ukraine. Alexander Koenig grew up in Bonn where his father owned Villa Koenig (now called Villa Hammerschmidt). Koenig became interested in natural history at an early age and started to collect specimens in a private natural history cabinet at the villa. His schooling involved frequent changes due to conflicts with teachers. In 1873 he went to a school near Kösen, followed by the Arnoldinum at Burgsteinfurt until 1880. He spent the next two years at a gymnasium in Demmin, Pomerania and while on a walk he met Margarethe Westphal, whom he married in 1884. He then studied zoology at the universities of Greifswald, Kiel, Berlin and Marburg, where he received his doctorate in with a thesis on Mallophaga, "Ein Beitrag zur Mallophagenfauna". He funded expeditions to the Spitzbergen region of the Arctic and to Africa, where he visited Egypt and Sudan along with his wife Margarethe — on six separate occasions he traveled to the Nile. His father provided funds for Alexander to conduct his collection expeditions. He also provided money for the construction of a museum building. With his collections he founded the Museum Koenig in Bonn and it was inaugurated on September 3, 1912, the birthday his wife. The building was designed by Gustav Holland. The museum collection includes specimens Koenig collected from even early in his life. Construction of the museum stopped in 1914 following the outbreak of World War I. The family lost all their former assets following the Russian revolution of 1917. The museum served as housing for a military hospital and the collections were kept in the basement. It was reopened only after Koenig was able to negotiate with the German Reich and it was reopened on May 13, 1934. Koenig was given various honours and a street in Burgsteinfurt was named after him. He died at Blücherhof Manor in Mecklenburg Castle which he had purchased in 1904. His wife died on 14 May 1943. As honorary citizens of Bonn, they were buried in the Bonn South Cemetery. Alexander-Koenig-Strasse was named in his honour in Bonn.

Selected works

 * Ein Beitrag zur Mallophagenfauna (1884)
 * Avifauna Spitzbergensis : Forschungsreisen nach der Bären-Insel und dem Spitzbergen-Archipel, mit ihren faunistischen und floristischen Ergebnissen (with Otto Le Roi), 1911 – Birdlife of Spitzbergen: research trips to Bear Island and the Svalbard archipelago, with its faunal and floristic results.
 * Katalog der nido-oologischen Sammlung (Vogeleiersammlung) im Museum Alexander Koenig (4 volumes, 1932) – Catalogue of nido-oological specimens (bird egg collection) in the Alexander Koenig Museum.
 * Die Vögel am Nil : von seiner Mündung bis in das Gebiet seiner Quellflüsse (Weisser Nil) auf Grund eigener Reisen und Beobachtungen in Wort und Bild dargestellt (2 volumes 1936) – The birds of the Nile region.

title: Alexander Koenig


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User:Muthu

My page

title: User:Muthu


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HPF

HPF may refer to:
 * High-pass filter
 * High Performance Fortran
 * High-power field, in microscopy
 * Hindustan Photo Films, an Indian film manufacturer
 * Historic Preservation Fund, in the United States
 * Hours post fertilization, a metric for developmental biology
 * Human Proteome Folding Project
 * Hyperpalatable food

title: HPF


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Nigel Molesworth

Nigel Molesworth is a fictional character, the supposed author of a series of books about life in an English prep school named St Custard's. The books were written by Geoffrey Willans, with cartoon illustrations by Ronald Searle.

The Molesworth books were the result of an approach by Willans to the cartoonist, Searle, to illustrate a series of books based on a column he had been writing for Punch. They appeared in instalments in the children's magazine The Young Elizabethan, described by Molesworth as "the super smashing New Young Elizabethan ahem (advert.)". Searle had grown disillusioned with his highly popular St Trinian's School series but had promised his publisher Max Parrish another Christmas best-seller. While Searle was initially sceptical about another school-based project, he was won over by the examples he was given to read by Willans. Between the initial publication in 1953 and Willans' death in 1958 at the age of 47 three books were completed and most of a fourth (Back in the Jug Agane) written; the Compleet Molesworth anthology was also under way. The first book, Down with Skool!, was published in October 1953 and by that Christmas had sold, according to Searle, 53,848 copies, surpassing the performance of the previous year's The Terror of St Trinian's.

St Custard's
Nigel Molesworth is a schoolboy at St Custard's, a fictional (and dysfunctional) prep school located in a carefully unspecified part of England. It is ruled with an iron fist by Headmaster "GRIMES" (BA, Stoke-on-Trent), who is constantly in search of cash to supplement his income and has a part-time business running a whelk stall. Other masters include Sigismund Arbuthnot, the "mad maths master", who frequently appears as Molesworth's nemesis in his daydreams.

St Custard's, according to Molesworth, "was built by a madman in 1836". The school's traditional local rivals are Porridge Court, who regularly beat St Custard's convincingly in all sporting events.

Molesworth's spelling is consistently poor throughout all the books, as many words are rendered phonetically, including the names of those Molesworth knows. Grimes' name is one of the very few he spells correctly, but he always writes it in all capital letters to signify his fear of him. Regardless, many fans find this feature endearing. The phrase "as any fule kno", appended to many of Nigel's pronouncements, has achieved fame beyond its author and can sometimes be seen in the mainstream British press (usually in a satirical context; the phrase often appears in Private Eye). It was used by J. K. Rowling to end an essay she wrote for Pegasus, the journal of the University of Exeter Department of Classics and Ancient History, reminiscing on her studies there. In fact, Rowling mentions in the essay that she had read the books. (Notably, there is mention of a 'Latin pla' which Molesworth has to read: 'the Hogwarts'. The name also crops up for the headmaster of Porridge Court, who is named 'Hoggwart' in the book. ) The phrase 'as any fule kno' was also used as the title of a Deep Purple song, "Any Fule Kno That".

The books in the series are, in order of original publication:
 * Down with Skool! A Guide to School Life for Tiny Pupils and their Parents (1953)
 * How to be Topp: A Guide to Sukcess for Tiny Pupils, Including All There is to Kno about Space (1954)
 * Whizz for Atomms: A Guide to Survival in the 20th Century for Fellow Pupils, their Doting Maters, Pompous Paters and Any Others who are Interested (1956)
 * Published in the US as Molesworth's Guide to the Atommic Age
 * Back in the Jug Agane (1959)
 * The Compleet Molesworth (1958)
 * Molesworth (2000 Penguin reprint), ISBN 0-14-118600-3

They are part of a British tradition of children's books set at boarding schools (school stories), which includes the Billy Bunter stories, the Jennings novels and most recently the Harry Potter books. Unlike these others, however, the Molesworth books do not consist of linear storylines but rather feature Molesworth's wisdom on a variety of topics as well as his fanciful daydreams. The topics covered extend from boarding-school life to reflections on the culture of 1950s Britain. Television (then still relatively novel to British households), the start of space travel and the atomic age, the Davy Crockett craze and "How to be a young Elizabethan" all feature, as well as more timeless topics such as Christmas, the French, journalism (with "N. Molesworth, Ace Reporter") and "Gurls".

Simon Brett later wrote two sequels to the series in which a grown-up Nigel offered his observations on subjects such as jobs, family, holidays and D.I.Y.
 * Molesworth Rites Again (1983)
 * How To Stay Topp (1987)

The Lost Diaries of Nigel Molesworth
In 2022 Korero Press published the Molesworth diaries that appeared in Punch between August 1939 and December 1942 in one volume titled The Lost Diaries of Nigel Molesworth. They were illustrated by Uli Meyer in the style of Ronald Searle.

Major characters
Some of the pupils at St Custard's:
 * Nigel Molesworth, the self-styled "curse of st custards" and "goriller of 3b".
 * Molesworth 2, his younger brother. Described by Nigel thus "uterly wet and a weed it panes me to think i am of the same blud". He is called George by a "gurl" in the final book.
 * Peason, Molesworth's "grate frend". Molesworth and Peason build numerous inventions together. Considering Molesworth's phonetic spelling, it is possible that Peason's name is actually Pearson.
 * Gillibrand, another of Molesworth's classmates. It is regularly mentioned in passing that his father is a General.
 * Grabber. Head boy of the School, "captane of everything" (especially "foopball") and "winer of the mrs joyful prize for rafia work". His parents are extremely rich and Molesworth cynically opines that Grabber "could win a brownies knitting badge for the ushual amount".
 * Basil Fotherington-Tomas. A goody-goody, a wet and a weed. He has curly blond locks and is prone to skip around the school girlishly saying "Hullo clouds, hullo sky". "Aktually it is only fotherington-tomas he sa Hullo clouds hullo sky he is a girlie and love the scents and sounds of nature tho the less i smell and hear them the better."

Some of the staff at St Custard's: Many of the staff are anonymous.
 * Headmaster GRIMES. Headmasters "are always very ferce and keep thousands of KANES chiz moan drone". Molesworth always writes his name in all capital letters to signify how seriously he takes him.
 * Sigismund Arbuthnot, the mad maths master.
 * The Matron.

In other media
In 1987 the character was reprised for a four-part BBC Radio 4 series, Molesworth. Written by Simon Brett, the series portrayed Molesworth in middle age, still surrounded by many of the characters from his youth. Molesworth was played by Willie Rushton, with Penelope Nice as his wife Louise, and Clive Swift as the now aged ex-headmaster Grimes.

In The League of Extraordinary Gentlemen, Volume III: Century, Basil Fotherington-Tomas cameos in Chapter 2 as a member of the band Purple Orchestra.

title: Nigel Molesworth


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Dorothy E. Smith

Dorothy Edith Smith (née Place; 6 July 1926 – 3 June 2022) was a British-born Canadian ethnographer, feminist studies scholar, sociologist, and writer with research interests in a variety of disciplines. These include women's studies, feminist theory, psychology, and educational studies. Smith was also involved in certain subfields of sociology, such as the sociology of knowledge, family studies, and methodology. She founded the sociological sub-disciplines of feminist standpoint theory and institutional ethnography.

Biography
Smith was born on 6 July 1926 in Northallerton, North Riding of Yorkshire, England, to Dorothy F. Place and Tom Place, who had her and three sons. Her mother was a university-trained chemist who had been engaged in the women's suffrage movement as a young woman, and her father was a timber merchant. One of her brothers, Ullin Place, was known for his work on consciousness as a process of the brain, and another was poet Milner Place.

At the age of twenty-five, Smith entered the work force as a secretary in the book publishing industry, but this left her wanting more. After this realization, Smith completed her undergraduate degree at the London School of Economics, earning her B.Sc. in sociology with a major in social anthropology in 1955. She then married William Reid Smith, whom she had met while attending LSE, and they moved to the United States. They both attended graduate school at the University of California, Berkeley, where she received her Ph.D. in sociology in 1963, nine months after the birth of their second child. Not long afterward she and her husband were divorced; she retained custody of the children. She then taught as a lecturer at UC Berkeley from 1964 to 1966. Smith started teaching sociology and was the only female teacher in a faculty of 44.

Following the divorce, Smith was lacking in day care and family support while trying to raise her two children alone. As a result, she decided to move back to England in the late 60s. While she was there, she gave lectures on sociology at the University of Essex, Colchester. In 1968, Smith moved with her two sons to Vancouver, British Columbia to teach at the University of British Columbia, where she helped to establish a Women's Studies Program. In 1977 Smith moved to Toronto, Ontario to work at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, where she lived until she retired. In 1994 she became an adjunct professor at the University of Victoria, where she continued her work in institutional ethnography. Smith served on the international advisory board for the feminist journal Signs.

Smith died of complications due to a fall at her home in Vancouver on 3 June 2022, at the age of 95.

Familial Influence
Dorothy Smith came from a long line of feminist activists. Each of these familial figures had an impact on Smith’s sociological theories and ideas. Most notably were Margaret Fox, Lucy Ellison Abraham, and Dorothy Foster Place.

Margaret Fox née Fell was the feminist leader of the 17th century Quaker movement. Often referred to as the “mother of Quakerism” she opened her home to be used as one of the first headquarters for the Quaker religious Society of Friends. Lucy Ellison Abraham and Dorothy Foster Place were Dorothy Smith’s grandmother and mother respectively. Both were members of the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) and engaged in militant suffrage activism. Abraham participated mostly in the organizational and office work, while Place was more active, even getting arrested once during a window breaking campaign.

Smith’s own identity as a Marxist-feminist developed during the 1970s, when her life history and the on going women’s movement merged to contribute to her life and sociological practices. The Vancouver Women’s Movement from 1968 to 1977 proved to be a key moment in the development of Smith’s identity. The combination of Smith’s feminist ancestry and her own experiences in women’s movements went on to shape her standpoint theory. Taking into account how the influential female figures in her life addressed feminism and gender inequality, Smith was able to compile her experiences into a theory. Smith’s standpoint theory argues that the origin of standpoint came from women’s experiences as housewives. Each of her three ancestors were housewives and that added to and shaped their approach to feminism and activism.

Outside Influence
Smith had influential ties to theorists such as Karl Marx and Alfred Schütz. Building on top of Marxist theory, Smith evolved alienation into gender-stratified capitalism, explaining in her work Feminism and Marxism how "objective social, economic and political relations ... shape and determine women's oppression". From Schutz, Smith explains, "Individuals are experienced as 'types'", developing upon his concept of umwelt and mitwelt relations. In The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology, Smith explains mitwelt and umwelt relations of male dominance claiming, "women's work conceals from men the actual concrete forms on which their work depends". Smith was also influenced by George Herbert Mead after taking one of his classes, as well as Maurice Merleau-Ponty, after stumbling upon one of his books.

Connection to Marxism
Smith took on a similar mindset as Karl Marx, founder of Marxism. She took a similar approach of Marxism and applied it to feminism. One of the papers written by Smith, draws upon Marx’s ideologies. In the paper, “The Ideological Practice of Sociology”, Smith explains the distinction between ideology and social science, taking upon some of Marx’s ideas. Furthermore, Smith gave a talk relating to “feminism and Marxism”. In the talk, she spoke about how her feminist distinctiveness developed through Marxism. The idea that not all standpoints are viewed equally shows how Smith’s take on standpoint theory also draws direct connections with Marxism. This inequality in standpoints and how they are perceived in society reflects Marxist ideas of the impact of social, economic, and political relations on shaping and determining oppression. Before Smith, American feminist theorist Sandra Harding conducted the 1986 study, The Science Question in Feminism, which created the concept of standpoint theory in order to emphasize the knowledge of women, arguing that hierarchies naturally created ignorance about social reality and critical questions among those whom the hierarchies favored. However, those at the bottom of these ladders had a perspective that made it easier to explain social problems.

Bifurcation of consciousness
Bifurcation is defined as dividing or separating into two parts or branches. Smith argued that there is a split between the world that an individual actually experiences and the dominant view that one is supposed to adapt, in this case being the male-dominated view. In the case of the bifurcation of consciousness, specifically related to standpoint theory, this refers to the separation of the two modes of being for women. Since sociology is a male-dominated field, women must fight to push past their expected roles as housewives and mothers, moving from the local realm of the home to the "extra local" realm of society. Women, therefore, split their consciousness in two in order to establish themselves as knowledgeable and competent beings within society and the field of sociology.

Umwelt and Mitwelt
Umwelt can be described as the world around us. It is on a more intimate level like such as a husband and wife. Mitwelt is the with-world for instance Mitwelt relations refer more to a type of relation, such as an individual and their mail carrier. Alfred Schütz describes mitwelt relationships as less intimate than umwelt relationships. Smith extends these concepts by demonstrating how umwelt is more "central in women's lives, and men relegate their umwelt relations to women". Meaning, women tend to have more intimate relationships that men.

Standpoint theory
Standpoint theory is rooted in the idea that what one knows is impacted by their position in society. It also contains three main beliefs: no one can have complete and objective knowledge, no two people can have exactly the same standpoint, and we must not take for granted our own standpoint. Smith emphasized the importance of recognizing our standpoint and utilizing it as the entry point to our investigation. Her overall goal with standpoint theory was to fully account for the perspectives of different genders and their effects on our reality.

During her time as a graduate student in the 1960s, Smith developed her notion of standpoint, shaping Harding's theory. During this time, Smith recognized that she was experiencing "two subjectivities, home and university", and that these two worlds could not be blended. In recognition of her own standpoint, Smith shed light on the fact that sociology was lacking in the acknowledgment of standpoint. At this point, the methods and theories of sociology had been formed upon and built in a male-dominated social world, unintentionally ignoring the women's world of sexual reproduction, children, and household affairs. Women's duties are seen as natural parts of society, rather than as an addition to culture. Smith believed that asking questions from a woman's perspective could provide insight into social institutions. Smith determined that for minority groups, the constant separation between the world as they experience it versus continually having to adapt to the view of the dominant group creates oppression, which can lead to members of the marginalized group feeling alienated from their "true" selves. Smith compared the women's experience to the women's standpoint, and believed that women's oppression was grounded in male control. The idea that women shared a method in their experiences with oppression was enforced by Smith.

Example
Smith often used one particular story as an example of the importance of standpoint theory, and as a way of explaining it:

One day, while riding in a train in Ontario, Smith observed a family of Indians standing together by a river, watching the train pass by. It was only after having made these initial assumptions that Smith realized that they were just that; they were assumptions, assumptions that she had no way of knowing if they were true or not. She called them "Indians", but she couldn't have known, for sure, what their origins were. She called them a family, which could have very well not been true. She also said they were watching the train go by, an assumption that emerged solely based on her position in time and space, her position riding in the train, looking out at the "family".

For Smith, this served as a representation of her own privilege, through which she made assumptions and immediately imposed them on the group of "Indians". It helped lead her to the conclusion that experiences differ, across space, time, and circumstance. It is unfair to create society—and ruling relations—based on only one point of view/being.

Institutional ethnography
Institutional ethnography (IE) is a sociological method of inquiry which Smith developed, created to explore the social relations that structure people's everyday lives. For the institutional ethnographer, ordinary daily activity becomes the site for an investigation of social organization. Smith developed IE as Marxist feminist sociology "for women, for people"; it is now used by researchers in the social sciences, in education, in human services and in policy research as a method for mapping the translocal relations that coordinate people's activities within institutions. Smith insisted that her outline of Institutional ethnography would be expanded upon in a collaborative manner amongst sociologists, emphasizing the networking needed to progress the idea.

Smith uses the example of the everyday act of walking her dog to show how a benign act can actually be used for sociological investigation. She claims that in walking her dog and allowing it to do its business on some lawns, but not others actually reaffirms the class system. In choosing which lawns are acceptable or not for her dog she is reaffirming the differences in forms of property ownership.

In her work on sociology for women, Smith spent time attempting to show that the standpoint of women has been historically excluded from aspects of life related to professional ruling. Meaning managing, organizing, and administering. Here Smith highlights how important it is to investigate how the everyday worlds we live in are shaped by the institutions that surround us. In this case Smith defines institutions as complex, functional organizations, in which many forms and groups are interwoven. Institutional processes then particular actions into standardized and generalized forms. Smith draws on Marx’s discussion of commodity relations: when goods and services are exchanged in the market setting, their value appears in the form of money. In a similar way, bureaucratic forms of organization make actions accountable in terms of abstract and generalized categories.

Lecture video
Smith gave a recorded lecture introducing her work and thoughts on institutional ethnography. This lecture was hosted at the Dalla Lana School of Public Health on November 5, 2018.

Ruling relations
Smith also developed the concept of ruling relations, the institutional complexes that "coordinate the everyday work of administration and the lives of those subject to administrative regimes". This allows a society to have control and organization, with examples being systems of bureaucracy and management. It also defines how they will interact with one another. Smith argues that ruling relations dehumanize people. She focuses on how it can limit women to only being seen in their traditional roles of mother, wife, homemaker, or housekeeper.

Professional recognition/awards
While Smith's early essays were influential in the emergence of sex and gender education in sociology, her work is neglected by other sociologists. However, in recognition of her contributions in the "transformation of sociology", and for extending the boundaries of "feminist standpoint theory" to "include race, class, and gender". Smith received numerous awards from the American Sociological Association, including the American Sociological Association's Career of Distinguished Scholarship Award (1999) and the Jessie Bernard Award for Feminist Sociology (1993). In recognition of her scholarship, she also received two awards from the Canadian Sociological Association and the Canadian Anthropological Association; the Outstanding Contribution Award (1990) and the John Porter Award for her book The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology (1990). In 2019 she was named as a member of the Order of Canada.

Her work is ranked among the most important produced in 20th and 21st Century sociology, and it has been suggested that Institutional Ethnography should be considered a contemporary classic.

The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology (1987)
Smith wrote Everyday World as a Problematic: A Feminist Sociology. The book is a series of six essays that touch upon her ideas of social life, feminist theory, Marxism, and phenomenology. Her concept of the line of fault is the notion of recognizing the male biases as a society and being conscious from a woman's perspective and noticing the inequality between male and female. In Toronto, while teaching at Ontario Institute of Studies, Smith published her paper about everyday lives as a woman, and the sociology behind the everyday housewife and mother. Her work intended to create a sociology for women, as this is a male dominated field. Smith wanted to create a field of sociology that questioned the everyday problems of life.

Important Quotes
"A sociology is a systematically developed consciousness of society and social relations." - Dorothy Smith

“Most people do not participate in the making of culture.” - Dorothy Smith

“The institutionalized practices of excluding women from the ideological work of society are the reason we have a history constructed largely from the perspective of men, and largely about men." - Dorothy Smith

Selected works

 * Simply Institutional Ethnography: Creating a Sociology for People (2022, ISBN 978-1487528065)
 * Institutional Ethnography: A Sociology for People (2005, ISBN 978-0759105010)
 * Mothering for Schooling, co-author with Alison Griffith (2004, ISBN 978-0415950534)
 * Writing the Social: Critique, Theory, and Investigations (1999, ISBN 978-0802043078)
 * The Conceptual Practices of Power: A Feminist Sociology of Knowledge (1990, ISBN 978-1555530808)
 * Texts, Facts, and Femininity: Exploring the Relations of Ruling (1990, ISBN 978-0415102445)
 * The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology (1987, ISBN 978-1555530365)
 * Feminism and Marxism: A Place to Begin, A Way to Go (1977, ISBN 978-0919888715)
 * Women Look at Psychiatry: I'm Not Mad, I'm Angry—Collection edited by Smith and David (1975, ISBN 978-0889740006), Press Gang Publishing
 * Sociological Theory Vol.10 No.1: Sociology from Women's Experience: A Reaffirmation (1992)
 * What It Might Mean to Do a Canadian Sociology: The Everyday World as Problematic (1975)

title: Dorothy E. Smith