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Metabolism (architecture)

Metabolism (メタボリズム) was a post-war Japanese biomimetic architectural movement that fused ideas about architectural megastructures with those of organic biological growth. It had its first international exposure during CIAM's 1959 meeting and its ideas were tentatively tested by students from Kenzo Tange's MIT studio.

During the preparation for the 1960 Tokyo World Design Conference a group of young architects and designers, including Kiyonori Kikutake, Kisho Kurokawa and Fumihiko Maki prepared the publication of the Metabolism manifesto. They were influenced by a wide variety of sources including Marxist theories and biological processes. Their manifesto was a series of four essays entitled: Ocean City, Space City, Towards Group Form, and Material and Man, and it also included designs for vast cities that floated on the oceans and plug-in capsule towers that could incorporate organic growth. Although the World Design Conference gave the Metabolists exposure on the international stage, their ideas remained largely theoretical.

Some smaller, individual buildings that employed the principles of Metabolism were built and these included Tange's Yamanashi Press and Broadcaster Centre and Kurokawa's Nakagin Capsule Tower. The greatest concentration of their work was to be found at the 1970 World Exposition in Osaka where Tange was responsible for master planning the whole site whilst Kikutake and Kurokawa designed pavilions. After the 1973 oil crisis, the Metabolists turned their attention away from Japan and toward Africa and the Middle East.

Origins of Metabolism
The Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne (CIAM) was founded in Switzerland in 1928 as an association of architects who wanted to advance modernism into an international setting. During the early 1930s they promoted the idea (based upon new urban patterns in the United States) that urban development should be guided by CIAM's four functional categories: dwelling, work, transportation, and recreation. By the mid-1930s Le Corbusier and other architects had moulded CIAM into a pseudo-political party with the goal of promoting modern architecture to all. This view gained some traction in the immediate post-war period when Le Corbusier and his colleagues began to design buildings in Chandigarh. By the early 1950s it was felt that CIAM was losing its avant-garde edge so in 1954 a group of younger members called "Team 10" was formed. This included the inner circle Dutch architects Jacob Bakema and Aldo van Eyck, Italian Giancarlo De Carlo, Greek Georges Candilis, the British architects Peter and Alison Smithson and the American Shadrach Woods. The Team 10 architects introduced concepts like "human association", "cluster" and "mobility", with Bakema encouraging the combination of architecture and planning in urban design. This was a rejection of CIAM's older four function mechanical approach, and it would ultimately lead to the break-up and end of CIAM.

Kenzo Tange was invited to the CIAM '59 meeting of the association in Otterlo, Netherlands. In what was to be the last meeting of CIAM, he presented two theoretical projects by the architect Kiyonori Kikutake: the Tower-shaped City and Kikutake's own home, the Sky House. This presentation exposed the fledgling Metabolist movement to its first international audience. Like Team 10's "human association" concepts, Metabolism too was exploring new concepts in urban design.

Tower-shaped City was a 300 metre tall tower that housed the infrastructure for an entire city. It included transportation, services and a manufacturing plant for prefabricated houses. The tower was vertical "artificial land" onto which steel, pre-fabricated dwelling capsules could be attached. Kikutake proposed that these capsules would undergo self-renewal every fifty years, and the city would grow organically like branches of a tree.

Constructed on a hillside, the Sky House is a platform supported on four concrete panels with a hyperbolic paraboloid shell roof. It is a single space divided by storage units with the kitchen and bathroom on the outer edge. These latter two were designed so that they could be moved to suit the use of the house—and, indeed, they have been moved and/or adjusted about seven times over the course of fifty years. At one point a small children's room was attached to the bottom of the main floor with a small child-sized access door between the two rooms.

After the meeting, Tange left for Massachusetts Institute of Technology to begin a four-month period as a visiting professor. It is possible that based upon the reception of Kikutake's projects in Otterlo he decided to set the fifth year project as a design for a residential community of 25,000 inhabitants to be constructed on the water of Boston Bay. Tange felt a natural desire to produce urban designs based upon a new prototype of design, one that could give a more human connection to super-scale cities. He considered the idea of "major" and "minor" city structure and how this could grow in cycles like the trunk and leaves of a tree.

One of the seven projects produced by the students was a perfect example of his vision. The project consisted of two primary residential structures each of which was triangular in section. Lateral movement was provided by motorways and monorail, whilst vertical movement from the parking areas was via elevators. There were open spaces within for community centres, and at every third level there were walkways along which were rows of family houses. The project appeared to be based upon Tange's unrealised competition entry for the World Health Organization headquarters in Geneva and both projects paved the way for his later project, "Plan for Tokyo – 1960". Tange went on to present both the Boston Bay Project and the Tokyo Plan at the Tokyo World Design Conference.

Tokyo World Design Conference, 1960
The conference had its roots with Isamu Konmochi and Sori Yanagi who were representatives of the Japanese Committee on the 1956 International Design Conference in Aspen, Colorado. They suggested that rather than a four yearly conference in Aspen there should be a roving conference with Tokyo as its first setting in 1960. Three Japanese institutional members were responsible for organising the conference, although after the Japan Industrial Design Association pulled out only the Japan Institute of Architects and the Japan Association of Advertising Arts were left. In 1958 they formed a preparation committee led by Junzo Sakakura, Kunio Maekawa and Kenzo Tange. As Tange had just accepted an invitation to be a visiting professor at Massachusetts Institute of Technology he recommended his junior colleague Takashi Asada to replace him in the organisation of the conference programmes.

The young Asada invited two friends to help him: the architectural critic and former editor of the magazine Shinkenchiku, Noboru Kawazoe, and Kisho Kurokawa who was one of Tange's students. In turn these two men scouted for more talented designers to help, including: the architects Masato Otaka and Kiyonori Kikutake and the designers Kenji Ekuan and Kiyoshi Awazu. Kurokawa was selected because he had recently returned from an international student conference in the Soviet Union and was a student of the Marxist architectural theorist Uzō Nishiyama. Ekuan was asked because of his recent participation in a seminar given by Konrad Wachsmann (he arrived at the lecture on a YA-1 motorbike that he had newly designed for Yamaha) and Otaka was a junior associate of Kunio Maekawa and had just completed the Harumi Apartment Building in Tokyo Bay. Fumihiko Maki, a former undergraduate student of Tange also joined the group whilst in Tokyo on a travelling fellowship from the Graham Foundation.

By day Asada canvassed politicians, business leaders and journalists for ideas, by night he met with his young friends to cultivate ideas. Asada was staying at the Ryugetsu Ryokan in Asakusa, Tokyo and he used it as a meeting place for progressive scholars, architects and artists. He often invited people from other professions to give talks and one of these was the atomic physicist, Mitsuo Taketani. Taketani was a scholar who was also interested in Marxist theory and he brought this along with his scientific theories to the group. Taketani's three stage methodology for scientific research influenced Kikutake's own three stage theory: ka (the general system), kata (the abstract image) and katachi (the solution as built), which he used to summarise his own design process from a broad vision to a concrete architectural form.

The group also searched for architectural solutions to Japan's phenomenal urban expansion brought about by its economic growth and how this could be reconciled with its shortage of usable land. They were inspired by examples of circular growth and renewal found in traditional Japanese architecture like the Ise Shrine and Katsura Detached Palace. They worked in coffee shops and Tokyo's International House to produce a compilation of their works that they could publish as a manifesto for the conference.

The conference ran from 11–16 May 1960 and had 227 guests, 84 of whom were international, including the architects Louis Kahn, Ralph Erskine, B. V. Doshi, Jean Prouvé, Paul Rudolph and Peter and Alison Smithson. Japanese participants included Kunio Maekawa, Yoshinobu Ashihara and Kazuo Shinohara.

After his 13 May lecture, Louis Kahn was invited to Kikutake's Sky House and had a long conversation with a number of Japanese architects including the Metabolists. He answered questions until after midnight with Maki acting as translator. Kahn spoke of his universal approach to design and used his own Richards Medical Research Laboratories as an example of how new design solutions can be reached with new thinking about space and movement. A number of the Metabolists were inspired by this.

The Metabolism name
Whilst discussing the organic nature of Kikutake's theoretical Marine City project, Kawazoe used the Japanese word shinchintaisha as being symbolic of the essential exchange of materials and energy between organisms and the exterior world (literally metabolism in a biological sense.) The Japanese meaning of the word has a feeling of replacement of the old with the new and the group further interpreted this to be equivalent to the continuous renewal and organic growth of the city. As the conference was to be a world conference, Kawazoe felt that they should use a more universal word and Kikutake looked up the definition of shinchintaisha in his Japanese-English dictionary. The translation he found was the word Metabolism.

The Metabolism manifesto
The group's manifesto, Metabolism: The Proposals for New Urbanism, was published at the World Design Conference. Two thousand copies of the 90 page book were printed and were sold for ¥500 by Kurokawa and Awazu at the entrance to the venue. The manifesto opened with the following statement:

"Metabolism is the name of the group, in which each member proposes further designs of our coming world through his concrete designs and illustrations. We regard human society as a vital process—a continuous development from atom to nebula. The reason why we use such a biological word, metabolism, is that we believe design and technology should be a denotation of human society. We are not going to accept metabolism as a natural process, but try to encourage active metabolic development of our society through our proposals."

The publication included projects by each member but a third of the document was dedicated to work by Kikutake who contributed essays and illustrations on the "Ocean City". Kurokawa contributed "Space City", Kawazoe contributed "Material and Man" and Otaka and Maki wrote "Towards the Group Form". Awazu designed the booklet and Kawazoe's wife, Yasuko, edited the layout.

Some of the projects included in the manifesto were subsequently displayed at the Museum of Modern Art's 1960 exhibition entitled Visionary Architecture and exposed the Japanese architects' work to a much wider international audience.

Unlike the more rigid membership structure of Team 10, the Metabolists saw their movement as having organic form with the members being free to come and go. Although the group had cohesion they saw themselves as individuals and their architecture reflected this. This was especially true for Tange who remained a mentor for the group rather than an "official" member.

Ocean City
Kikutake's Ocean City is the first essay in the pamphlet. It covered his two previously published projects "Tower-shaped City" and "Marine City" and included a new project "Ocean City" that was a combination of the first two. The first two of these projects introduced the Metabolist's idea of "artificial land" as well as "major" and "minor" structure. Kawazoe referred to "artificial land" in an article in the magazine Kindai Kenchiku in April 1960. In responding to the scarcity of land in large and expanding cities he proposed creating "artificial land" that would be composed of concrete slabs, oceans or walls (onto which capsules could be plugged). He said that the creation of this "artificial land" would allow people to use other land in a more natural way.

For Marine City, Kikutake proposed a city that would float free in the ocean and would be free of ties to a particular nation and therefore free from the threat of war. The artificial ground of the city would house agriculture, industry and entertainment and the residential towers would descend into the ocean to a depth of 200 metres. The city itself was not tied to the land and was free to float across the ocean and grow organically like an organism. Once it became too aged for habitation it would sink itself.

Ocean City was a combination of both Tower-shaped City and Marine City. It consisted of two rings that were tangent to one another, with housing on the inner ring and production on the outer one. Administrative buildings were found at the tangent point. The population would have been rigidly controlled at an upper limit of 500,000. Kikutake envisaged that the city would expand by multiplying itself as though it was undergoing cell division. This enforced the Metabolist idea that the expansion of cities could be a biological process.

Space City
In his essay "Space City", Kurokawa introduced four projects: Neo-Tokyo Plan, Wall City, Agricultural City and Mushroom-shaped house. In contrast to Tange's linear Tokyo City Bay Project, Kurokawa's Neo-Tokyo Plan proposed that Tokyo be decentralised and organised into cruciform patterns. He arranged Bamboo-shaped Cities along these cruciforms but unlike Kikutake he kept the city towers lower than 31 metres to conform with Tokyo's building code (these height limits were not revised until 1968).

The Wall City considered the problem of the ever-expanding distance between the home and the workplace. He proposed a wall-shaped city that could extend indefinitely. Dwellings would be on one side of the wall and workplaces on the other. The wall itself would contain transportation and services.

Surviving the Ise Bay Typhoon in 1959 inspired Kurokawa to design the Agricultural City. It consisted of a grid-like city supported on 4 metre stilts above the ground. The 500 metres square city sat on concrete slab that placed industry and infrastructure above agriculture and was an attempt to combine rural land and the city into one entity. He envisaged that his Mushroom Houses would sprout through the slab of Agriculture City. These houses were shrouded in a mushroom-like cap that was neither wall nor roof that enclosed a tea room and a living space.

Towards the Group Form
Maki and Otaka's essay on Group Form placed less emphasis on the megastructures of some of the other Metabolists and focused instead on a more flexible form of urban planning that could better accommodate rapid and unpredictable requirements of the city.

Otaka had first thought about the relationship between infrastructure and architecture in his 1949 graduation thesis and he continued to explore ideas about "artificial ground" during his work at Maekawa's office. Likewise, during his travels abroad, Maki was impressed with the grouping and forms of vernacular buildings. The project they included to illustrate their ideas was a scheme for the redevelopment of Shinjuku station which included retail, offices and entertainment on an artificial ground over the station. Although Otaka's forms were heavy and sculptural and Maki's were lightweight with large spans, both contained the homogeneous clusters that were associated with group form.

Material and Man
Kawazoe contributed a brief essay entitled "I want to be a sea-shell, I want to be a mold, I want to be a spirit". The essay reflected Japan's cultural anguish after the Second World War and proposed the unity of man and nature.

Plan for Tokyo, 1960–2025
On 1 January 1961 Kenzo Tange presented his new plan for Tokyo Bay (1960) in a 45-minute television programme on NHK General TV. The design was a radical plan for the reorganization and expansion of the capital in order to cater for a population beyond 10 million. The design was for a linear city that used a series of nine-kilometre modules that stretched 80 km across Tokyo Bay from Ikebukuro in the north west to Kisarazu in the south east. The perimeter of each of the modules was organised into three levels of looping highways, as Tange was adamant that an efficient communication system would be the key to modern living. The modules themselves were organised into building zones and transport hubs and included office, government administration and retail districts as well as a new Tokyo train station and highway links to other parts of Tokyo. Residential areas were to be accommodated on parallel streets that ran perpendicular to the main linear axis and people would build their own houses within giant A-frame structures.

The project was designed by Tange and other members of his studio at Tokyo University, including Kurokawa and Arata Isozaki. Originally it was intended to publish the plan at the World Design Conference (hence its "1960" title) but it was delayed because the same members were working on the Conference organisation. Tange received interest and support from a number of government agencies but the project was never built. Tange went on to expand the idea of the linear city in 1964 with the Tōkaidō Megalopolis Plan. This was an ambitious proposal to extend Tokyo's linear city across the whole of the Tōkaidō region of Japan in order to re-distribute the population.

Both Kikutake and Kurokawa capitalised on the interest in Tange's 1960 plan by producing their own schemes for Tokyo. Kikutake's plan incorporated three elements both on the land and the sea and included a looped highway that connected all the prefectures around the bay. Unlike Tange however its simple presentation graphics put many people off. Kurokawa's plan consisted of helix-shaped megastructures floating inside cells that extended out across the bay. Although the scheme's more convincing graphics were presented as part of a film the project was not built.

With Japan's property boom in the 1980s, both Tange and Kurokawa revisited their earlier ideas: Tange with his Tokyo Plan 1986 and Kurokawa with his New Tokyo Plan 2025. Both projects used land that had been reclaimed from the sea since the 1960s in combination with floating structures.

Plan for Skopje

The reconstruction plan of the capital city of Skopje then part of the Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (now North Macedonia) following a major earthquake was won by Tange's team. The project was significant because of its international influence as well as an international model case for urban reconstruction. It is a major breakthrough for the Metabolist movement to realise their approach on an international scale.

Yamanashi Press and Broadcaster Centre
In 1961 Kenzo Tange received a commission from the Yamanashi News Group to design a new office in Kōfu. As well as two news firms and a printing company the building needed to incorporate a cafeteria and shops at ground floor level to interface with the adjoining city. It also needed to be flexible in its design to allow future expansion.

Tange organised the spaces of the three firms by function to allow them to share common facilities. He stacked these functions vertically according to need, for example, the printing plant is on the ground floor to facilitate access to the street for loading and transportation. He then took all the service functions including elevators, toilets and pipes and grouped them into 16 reinforced concrete cylindrical towers, each with an equal 5 metre diameter. These he placed on a grid into which he inserted the functional group facilities and offices. These inserted elements were conceived of as containers that were independent of the structure and could be arranged flexibly as required. This conceived flexibility distinguished Tange's design from other architects' designs with open floor offices and service cores – such as Kahn's Richards Medical Research Laboratories. Tange deliberately finished the cylindrical towers at different heights to imply that there was room for vertical expansion.

Although the building was expanded in 1974 as Tange had originally envisioned, it did not act as a catalyst for the expansion of the building into a megastructure across the rest of the city. The building was criticised for forsaking the human use of the building in preference to the structure and adaptability.

Shizuoka Press and Broadcasting Tower
In 1966 Tange designed the Shizuoka Press and Broadcasting Tower in the Ginza district of Tokyo. This time using only a single core Tange arranged the offices as cantilevered steel and glass boxes. The cantilever is emphasised by punctuating the three-storey blocks with a single-storey glazed balcony. The concrete forms of the building were cast using aluminium formwork and the aluminium has been left on as a cladding. Although conceived as a "core-type" system that was included in Tange's other city proposals, the tower stands alone and is robbed of other connections.

Nakagin Capsule Tower
The icon of Metabolism, Kurokawa's Nakagin Capsule Tower was erected in the Ginza district of Tokyo in 1972 and completed in just 30 days. Prefabricated in Shiga Prefecture in a factory that normally built shipping containers, it is constructed of 140 capsules plugged into two cores that are 11 and 13 stories in height. The capsules contained the latest gadgets of the day and were built to house small offices and pieds-à-terre for Tokyo salarymen.

The capsules were constructed of light steel welded trusses covered with steel sheeting mounted onto the reinforced concrete cores. The capsules were 2.5 metres wide and four metres long with a 1.3 metre diameter window at one end. The units originally contained a bed, storage cabinets, a bathroom, a colour television set, clock, refrigerator and air conditioner, although optional extras such as a stereo were available. Although the capsules were designed with mass production in mind, there was never a demand for them. Nobuo Abe was a senior manager, managing one of the design divisions on the construction of the Nakagin Capsule Tower.

Since 1996, the tower was listed as an architectural heritage by DoCoMoMo. However, in 2007 the residents voted to tear the tower down and build a new 14-story tower. In 2010, some of the remaining habitable pods were converted for use as budget hotel rooms. As of 2017, many capsules had been renovated and were being used as residential and office spaces, while short-stay renting such as Airbnb or other lodging provisions had been banned by the administration of the building. The tower was demolished in April of 2022.

Hillside Terrace, Tokyo
After the World Design Conference Maki began to distance himself from Metabolist movement, although his studies in Group Form continued to be of interest to the Metabolists. In 1964 he published a booklet entitled Investigations in Collective Form in which he investigated three urban forms: Compositional-form, Megastructure and Group Form. The Hillside Terrace is a series of projects commissioned by the Asakura family and undertaken in seven phases from 1967 to 1992. It includes residential, office and cultural buildings as well as the Royal Danish Embassy and is situated on both sides of Kyū-Yamate avenue in the Daikanyama district of Tokyo.

The execution of the designs evolves through the phases with exterior forms becoming more independent of the interior functions and new materials being employed. For example, the first phase has a raised pedestrian deck that gives access to shops and a restaurant and this was designed to be extended in subsequent phases but the idea, along with the original master plan, was discarded in later phases. By the third phase Maki moved away from the Modernist maxim of form follows function and started to design the building exteriors to better match the immediate environment. The project acted as a catalyst to the redevelopment of the whole area around Daikanyama Station.

Metabolism in context

Metabolism developed during the post war period in a Japan that questioned its cultural identity. Initially the group had chosen the name Burnt Ash School to reflect the ruined state of firebombed Japanese cities and the opportunity they presented for radical re-building. Ideas of nuclear physics and biological growth were linked with Buddhist concepts of regeneration. Although Metabolism rejected visual references from the past, they embraced concepts of prefabrication and renewal from traditional Japanese architecture, especially the twenty-year cycle of the rebuilding of the Ise Shrine (to which Tange and Kawazoe were invited in 1953). The sacred rocks onto which the shrine is built were seen by the Metabolists as symbolising a Japanese spirit that predated Imperial aspirations and modernising influences from the West.

In his Investigations in Collective Form Maki coined the term Megastructure to refer structures that house the whole or part of a city in a single structure. He originated the idea from vernacular forms of village architecture that were projected into vast structures with the aid of modern technology. Reyner Banham borrowed Megastructure for the title of his 1976 book which contained numerous built and unbuilt projects. He defined megastructures as modular units (with a short life span) that attached to structural framework (with a longer life span). Maki would later criticise the Megastructure approach to design advocating instead his idea of Group Form which he thought would better accommodate the disorder of the city.

The architect Robin Boyd readily interchanges the word Metabolism with Archigram in his 1968 book New Directions in Japanese Architecture. Indeed, the two groups both emerged in the 1960s and disbanded in the 1970s and used imagery with megastructures and cells, but their urban and architectural proposals were quite different. Although utopian in their ideals, the Metabolists were concerned with improving the social structure of society with their biologically inspired architecture, whereas Archigram were influenced by mechanics, information and electronic media and their architecture was more utopian and less social.

Osaka Expo, 1970

Japan was selected as the site for the 1970 World Exposition and 330 hectares in the Senri Hills in Osaka Prefecture were set aside as the location. Japan had originally wanted to host a World Exposition in 1940 but it was cancelled with the escalation of the war. The one million people who had bought tickets for 1940 were allowed to use them in 1970.

Kenzo Tange joined the Theme Committee for the Expo and along with Uso Nishiyama he had responsibility for master planning the site. The theme for the Expo became "Progress and Harmony for Mankind". Tange invited twelve architects, including Arata Isozaki, Otaka and Kikutake to design individual elements. He also asked Ekuan to oversee the design of the furniture and transportation and Kawazoe to curate the Mid-Air Exhibition which was sited in the huge space-frame roof.

Tange envisioned that the Expo should be primarily conceived as a big festival where human beings could meet. Central to the site he placed the Festival Plaza onto which were connected a number of themed displays, all of which were united under one huge roof. In his Tokyo Bay Project Tange spoke about the living body having two types of information transmission systems: fluid and electronic. That project used the idea of a tree trunk and branches that would carry out those types of transmission in relation to the city. Kawazoe likened the space frame roof of the Festival Plaza to the electronic transmission system and the aerial-themed displays that plugged into it to the hormonal system.

Kawazoe, Maki and Kurokawa had invited a selection of world architects to design displays for the Mid-Air Exhibition that was to be incorporated within the roof. The architects included Moshe Safdie, Yona Friedman, Hans Hollein and Giancarlo De Carlo. Although Tange was obsessed with the theory of flexibility that the space framed provide he did concede that in reality it was not so practical for the actual fixing of the displays. The roof itself was designed by Koji Kamaya and Mamoru Kawaguchi who conceived it as a huge space frame. Kawaguchi invented a welding-free ball joint to safely distribute the load and worked out a method of assembling the frame on the ground before raising it using jacks.

Kikutake's Expo Tower was situated on the highest hill in the grounds and acted as a landmark for visitors. It was built of a vertical ball and joint space onto which was attached a series of cabins. The design was to have been a blueprint for flexible vertical living based upon a 360m3 standard construction cabin clad with a membrane of cast aluminium and glass that could be flexibly arranged anywhere on the tower. This was demonstrated with a variety of cabins that were observation platforms and VIP rooms and one cabin at ground level that became an information booth.

Kurokawa had won commissions for two corporate pavilions: the Takara Beautillion and the Toshiba IHI pavilion. The former of these was composed of capsules plugged onto six point frames and was assembled in just six days; the latter was a space frame composed of tetrahedron modules, based upon his Helix City that could grow in 14 different directions and resemble organic growth.

Expo '70 has been described has the apotheosis of the Metabolist movement. But even before Japan's period of rapid economic growth ended with the world energy crisis, critics were calling the Expo a dystopia that was removed from reality. The energy crisis demonstrated Japan's reliance both on imported oil and led to a re-evaluation of design and planning with architects moving away from utopian projects towards smaller urban interventions.

Later years

After the 1970 Expo, Tange and the Metabolists turned their attention away from Japan towards the Middle East and Africa. These countries were expanding on the back of income from oil and were fascinated by both Japanese culture and the expertise that the Metabolists brought to urban planning. Tange and Kurokawa capitalised on the majority of the commissions, but Kikutake and Maki were involved too.

Tange's projects included a 57,000 seat stadium and sports center in Riyadh for King Faisal, and a sports city for Kuwait for the planned 1974 Pan Arab Games. However, both were put on hold by the outbreak of the Fourth Arab–Israeli War in 1973. Likewise, the plan for a new city center in Tehran was cancelled after the 1979 revolution. He did however complete the Kuwaiti Embassy in Tokyo in 1970 and Kuwait's International Airport, as well as the Presidential Palace in Damascus, Syria.

Kurokawa's work included a competition win for Abu Dhabi's National Theatre (1977), capsule-tower designs for a hotel in Baghdad (1975) and a city in the desert in Libya (1979–1984).

Kikutake's vision for floating towers was partly realised in 1975 when he designed and built the Aquapolis for the Okinawa Ocean Expo. The 100 x 100 meter floating city block contained accommodation that included a banquet hall, offices and residences for 40 staff and it was built in Hiroshima and then towed to Okinawa. Further unbuilt floating city projects were undertaken, including a floating city in Hawaii for ocean research and a plug-in floating A-frame unit containing housing and offices that could have been used to provide mobile homes in the event of a natural disaster.

title: Metabolism (architecture)


text:
Talk:Ash Wednesday bushfires

1980 Fires too
There were Ash Wednesday fires in 1980 too. They didn't cause loss of life in SA IIRC, but they were significant. One fire started from the Heathfield rubbish dump, causing an inquiry (or inquest, if I'm wrong about the loss of life).

Mark Hurd 14:23, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Causality
The cause of the fires was probably (unfortuantly) fire bugs. A prevailing reason for their intensity may have been El Nino.

Mark Hurd 14:23, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Possible Wiki Links
I am currently testing an automated Wikipedia link suggester. Here are the results of running it on this article:

 * Can link natural disaster: ...dnesday fires' were an Australian natural disaster which occurred in February 1983, and af...
 * Can link Dandenong Ranges: ... of Victoria, including the Macedon and Dandenong Ranges, as well as the Otways in the sea....
 * Can link Ash Wednesday: ... as well as the Otways in the sea. The Ash Wednesday fires were caused by the El Nino drough...
 * Can link South Australia: ...was 75 lives - 47 in Victoria and 28 in South Australia. In the Dandenong Ranges, 17 firefighte...

Notes: The article text has not been changed in any way; Some of these links may be wrong, some may be right; You can leave positive feedback or negative feedback; Please feel free to delete this section from the talk page. -- Nickj 02:50, 22 Oct 2004 (UTC)

New Content
I have added information obtained from and linked to the Victorian Government Department of Sustainability and Environment. I note that a previous historical edit removed reference to Mount Macedon on the grounds that the fires there occurred two weeks prior to Ash Wednesday: this is not my recollection. I do not dispute that there may have been fires two weeks earlier; however, sadly, they returned on that dreadful day and destroyed the memorial cross at the top of Mount Macedon and many fine homes. See http://users.ssc.net.au/gisbornecfa/History.htm adamm 12:51, 18 March 2006 (UTC)

South Australian Impact
I notice this article heavily focuses on Victoria. I can only assume that it began life as an article on the Ash Wednesday Bushfires there. Considering the scope of the fires in SA (almost the same number of acres burnt) and the great loss of life the article should be expanded out. Any help in this suggestion? Ozdaren 13:41, 13 July 2006 (UTC)

I well remember Murray Nicoll describing his own house burning down during his radio news report. The transcript of his broadcast would be a good source of information. --TrogWoolley 23:08, 9 September 2007 (UTC)
 * Agreed. Too bad he is a terrible journalist now :) Muzzamo 01:22, 10 September 2007 (UTC)

Map
Since the fires covered such a large area, perhaps a map of SE Australia showing the extent of the fires would be handy. - 52 Pickup 08:24, 19 July 2007 (UTC)

Images?
I have suspicions that a few of the images here (including the infobox one) are unfree. Any thoughts? dihydrogen monoxide (H20) 09:24, 22 February 2008 (UTC)

 * As long as due credit is given, what's the problem? This is an encyclopedia, it's not like anyone's making money from it. Free publicity for the creator. Nick carson (talk) 06:33, 13 February 2009 (UTC)

Rewrite
I have rewritten the intro to the article using some of the more primary sources for this event. I have found that there is some confusion even in the official accounts for the Ash Wednesday disaster about exact figures for land area burnt, homes destroyed, and even the death toll. Hopefully the article will become as accurate and consistent as possible. Cheers Admella1859 (talk) 12:39, 25 May 2008 (UTC)

Version 0.7
This article has been nominated for Version 0.7 of the offline Wikipedia release but did not meet the standards for importance. It has been put on Release_Version_Nominations/Held_nominations for further review. Please see that page for details.

The article is quite good, and the topic is interesting, but I think it falls just a little short in importance to warrant inclusion in 0.7. Walkerma (talk) 02:57, 19 October 2008 (UTC)

Dust storm on the day
I distinctly remember a dust storm in Adelaide early on Ash Wednesday, and the local paper commenting that the dust storm was initially going to be the front page story until the bushfires broke out. But perhaps my mind is playing tricks on me, so I'm happy to have it removed until a reference is found (perhaps in the archives of one of the Adelaide media). Peter Ballard (talk) 02:20, 23 December 2008 (UTC)

 * I've re-inserted it now that I've found a better reference - an SA govt publication. Peter Ballard (talk) 02:39, 23 December 2008 (UTC)
 * That's better with the new ref and being place-specific, the old reference seemed to conflate two different events specific to the Macedon region. Melburnian (talk) 02:57, 23 December 2008 (UTC)

 * I also remember being kept in at Primary School when the Melbourne Dust Storm hit because it was too dangerous to let kids walk home in it. The sky turned black at 2 or 3 in the afternoon.  --BenM (talk) 18:26, 18 February 2016 (UTC)

McArthur's fire danger index
I see mention of this on the page, but cannot find anything further about it on wikipedia (or elsewhere really; Googling didn't help). Would some kind soul explain further? It seems to me like this sort of thing is the stuff that ought to be (at least summarized) in an encyclopedia... Donal Fellows (talk) 14:12, 9 February 2009 (UTC)

 * McArthur's fire danger index was developed by CSIRO scientist A.G McArthur in the 1960's to measure the speed and spread of fire in forest and grasslands. 1 being a very slow and easy to control fire and 100 meaning a fire that is impossible to control. Google book search turns up quite a bit of info on this. Cheers Admella1859 (talk) 02:57, 10 February 2009 (UTC)

Rename
I propose that the name of this article be changed from "Ash Wednesday fires" to "Ash Wednesday bushfires". I attempted to move myself but there is a redirect in place. Can someone with experience in redirect removals please help? I'm not holding by breath. Nick carson (talk) 06:11, 3 March 2009 (UTC)

Early Fire Season
In the Early Fire Season section it lists the dates of several fires, but no location and no damage. Not much help.KhProd1 (talk) 09:26, 13 November 2009 (UTC)

Assessment comment
Substituted at 01:09, 22 May 2016 (UTC)

Firestorm
There are several mentions of these fires being firestorms. This is very unlikely given that the fires were fanned by strong winds - firestorms generally form in still conditions with significant amounts of fuel (urban areas rather than bushfires are far more likely to encounter firestorms).

I will try to check the references, but without any specific references indicating there was a firestorm or at least the conditions that describe it (the fire itself creating its own wind in all directions) I think it should be changed to conflagration. Richjhart (talk) 07:26, 10 October 2017 (UTC)

Burned areas
"2,080 km2 (513,979 acres) in South Australia and 9,954 km2 (2,459,687 acres) in Victoria on one day. 5,200 km2 (1,284,948 acres) burnt throughout the 1982/83 season."

These numbers don't seem to add up. How can the area burned in Victoria in one day be less than the area burnt throughout the season? And is the 1982/83 season number supposed to be for just Victoria or for Victoria and South Australia combined? Or even all of Australia? --Khajidha (talk) 16:46, 15 February 2019 (UTC)

Cooked steaks
In the Wind change sub-section, I made this edit. The statements I replaced were written into the article in 2008, by a major contributor to it. It had been tagged with since December 2015. The assertions, to do with steaks cooked well-done in freezers, etc. were tacked onto a report of a (lone) flying mattress, as if sourced by the same, already existing, cite. The ref for the flying mattress makes no mention of steaks, bubbling road surfaces or sand melted into glass. For now, I have only removed the mention of sand and steaks. I believe the road surface statement will have sources, which I will attempt to find and add.

There are now a few mentions of well-done steaks in the aftermath of Ash Wednesday to be found when performing an online search. All, from what I can see, come from WP—in an instance of citogenesis— and none would be WP:RS. Just wanting to explain, for the record; hope that is ok with other editors. Let me know if not. Thanks. AukusRuckus (talk) 03:23, 8 January 2022 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Ash Wednesday bushfires


text:
Menoceras

Menoceras ("Crescent Horns" ) is a genus of extinct, small rhinocerotids endemic to most of southern North America and ranged as far south as Panama during the early Miocene epoch. It lived from around 30.7—19.7 Ma, existing for approximately.

Description
Male Menoceras sported two horns side by side at the tip of the nose, whereas the females were hornless. All other rhino genera, save the related genus Diceratherium, have their horns arranged one behind the other. Both sexes of Menoceros grew to a length of 5 ft long.

Paleobiology
Menoceras roamed across a tropical, savanna-like grassland and plains environment that covered much of North America. Because of the massive accumulations of fossil bones of this animal, particularly at Agate Springs Nebraska, Menoceras may have lived in large herds. Other sites include Martin-Anthony site Martin County, Florida, and Cady Mountains Horse Quarry, San Bernardino County, California.

Taxonomy
Menoceras was named by Troxell and assigned to Rhinocerotidae in 1921. It was synonymized subjectively with Diceratherium by Matthew in 1931 and Wood in 1964. Again assigned to Rhinocerotidae by Prothero, Guerrin, Manning in 1989. Tanner (1969), Wilson and Schiebout (1981), Prothero and Manning (1987), Carroll (1988) and Prothero et al. (1989); and to Menoceratinae by Prothero (1998).

Fossil distribution
Fossil distribution is as far north as New Jersey, south to Florida (3 collections) and Texas (6 collections), as far west as Nebraska (7 collections) and California (2 collections).

The Panamanian find was determined to be 19.7 Ma (AEO). It was found in the Gaillard Cut in Panama in "a 45 m thick section (narrow stratigraphic interval)" It was reposited in the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. Other sites:
 * Lay Ranch Beds, Goshen County, Wyoming, a deposit of several carnivores and herbivores.
 * Agate Springs Quarries, Sioux County, Nebraska, a deposit of Miocene herbivores and carnivores such as Moropus elatus, Cynelos, Cephalogale, and a number of Artiodactyla.
 * Martin Canyon Quarry A, Logan County, Colorado, a very substantial number of carnivores and herbivores.

title: Menoceras


text:
USS Tattnall (DD-125)

USS Tattnall (DD–125) was a Wickes-class destroyer in the United States Navy during World War II. She was the first ship named for Captain Josiah Tattnall III.

Tattnall was laid down at Camden, New Jersey, on 1 December 1917 by the New York Shipbuilding Corporation; launched on 5 September 1918; sponsored by Miss Sarah Campbell Kollock; and commissioned on 26 June 1919.

Service history
Following trials off the New England coast, Tattnall sailed for the eastern Mediterranean. She arrived at Constantinople on 27 July and, for almost a year, operated in Turkish waters. During that time, she also visited ports in Egypt, Greece, Russia, and Syria transporting passengers and mail. In June 1920, the destroyer began her return voyage to the United States. During the voyage home, she was designated DD-125 on 17 July 1920 when the Navy adopted the alphanumeric system of 125 designations. She stopped at ports in Italy and France before entering New York harbor on 22 July. Following overhaul, Tattnall put to sea to join the Pacific Fleet. After port calls along the southern coast of the United States and at ports in Cuba, Nicaragua, Mexico, and the Panama Canal Zone, she reached San Diego on 17 December. The warship operated along the California coast until 15 June 1922, when she was decommissioned and placed in reserve at San Diego.

On 1 May 1930, Tattnall was recommissioned. The warship served with the Battle Force along the west coast until 1931. By 1 July of that year, she had been transferred to the United States East Coast for duty with the Scouting Force Destroyers as a unit of Destroyer Division 7.

A year later, Tattnall's activity was curtailed by her assignment to the rotating reserve. On 1 January 1934, the destroyer resumed a more active role with the Fleet when she began a year of duty with the Scouting Force Training Squadron. Following another period of relative inactivity in rotating reserve, she rejoined the Training Squadron late in 1935. During the latter part of 1937, the Training Detachment, United States Fleet, was established; and Tattnall and the other units of the Scouting Force Training Squadron joined the new organization. The destroyer continued her training duties until November 1938.

World War II
On 17 November 1938, she and USS J. Fred Talbott (DD-156) relieved USS Dallas (DD-199) and USS Babbitt (DD-128) as units of the Special Service Squadron. Tattnall was based in the Canal Zone until the squadron was disbanded on 17 September 1940. The warship, however, continued to operate in the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean Sea out of her home port at Panama. After the United States entered World War II, Tattnall began escorting coastwise convoys in her area of operations, frequently through the Windward Passage between Cuba and Hispaniola, a dangerous area during the height of the Caribbean U-boat blitz. Though she made many sonar contacts and depth charge attacks, Tattnall registered no confirmed kills.

Early in July 1943, the destroyer escorted her last Caribbean convoy north from the Windward Passage to Charleston, South Carolina. She arrived on the 10th, began conversion to a high-speed transport at the navy yard, and was redesignated APD-19 on 24 July. On 6 September 1943, the day following the 25th anniversary of her launching, Tattnall completed conversion. She finished her shakedown cruise in mid-September. Following post-shakedown repairs and alterations in late September, the high-speed transport began amphibious training—first, at Cove Point, Maryland, and later, at Fort Pierce, Florida.

In April 1944, Tattnall was designated flagship of Transport Division (TransDiv) 13, the only high-speed transport division in the Atlantic theater. On 13 April, she departed the U.S. East Coast for Oran, Algeria, in company with USS Roper (DD-147), USS Barry (DD-248), USS Greene (DD-266), and USS Osmond Ingram (DD-255). TransDiv 13 joined the 8th Fleet at the end of April, and Tattnall moved to Corsica to practice for her first assignment, the capture of Elba and Pianosa Islands in the Tyrrhenian Sea. However, before the invasion and during her training period, Tattnall was called upon to feign a landing near Civitavecchia, Italy, north of Rome, to draw off German reinforcements headed south to turn back the American forces breaking through at Monte Cassino and heading for Rome. The ruse apparently worked. The reinforcements never reached Monte Cassino; and, on the following day, German radio announced an Allied invasion north of Rome.

On 17 June, the invasion troops went ashore on Elba and Pianosa. Tattnall's boats came under machine gun fire, but suffered no serious damage. After the landings in the Tyrrhenian Sea, the high-speed transport began convoy duty between Italian, Sicilian, and North African ports. Following that duty, she resumed amphibious operations, this time with members of the American-Canadian 1st Special Service Force embarked. Their mission was to capture the heavily fortified Hyeres Islands, located just east of Toulon, and hold them during the main landings in the invasion of southern France. On 15 August, the five ships of TransDiv 13 rapidly put 1,600 troops ashore, and the islands were secured within three days. During the next two weeks, Tattnall and her sister transports shuttled reinforcements and supplies into southern France and evacuated Allied wounded and German prisoners of war. For the remainder of the year, the high-speed transport escorted convoys between ports in the Mediterranean Sea.

Tattnall returned to the United States at Norfolk on 21 December and began a month-long availability period before heading for the Pacific. She got underway from Hampton Roads on 31 January 1945. After transiting the Panama Canal early in February and making stops at San Diego, Pearl Harbor, Eniwetok, and Ulithi, the fast transport reached the Okinawa area on 19 April.

The high-speed transport remained in the Ryukyus through the end of the month. During that time, she stood guard on several of the screen stations which circled Okinawa to protect the units of the fleet from attack by kamikazes. Tattnall fired at enemy planes several times in the days preceding the night of 29 April and 30 April.

Three red alerts before 0200 failed to materialize into enemy attacks. However, at about 0215, bogies began closing in from the west. A twin-engined plane crossed Tattnall's stern from about 3,000 yards, and her 40 mm gun crews opened fire. The attacker retired to her starboard quarter with one engine ablaze, only to renew its attack. This time, her gunners finished the job they had begun on its first pass, and it crashed into the sea. Soon thereafter, a kamikaze approached the warship from starboard. Tattnall, her engines at full speed, turned hard to port to evade the attacker. It splashed down close to her starboard bow. Debris rained down on Tattnall and pierced her above the waterline, but she suffered neither casualties nor serious damage.

The following day, Tattnall departed Okinawa and headed for the Mariana Islands and convoy escort duty. She arrived at Saipan on 3 May and returned with a convoy to Okinawa on the 20th. The warship resumed picket duty but experienced no more action like that of the night of 29 April and 30 April. To be sure, her crew stood long watches and, on 25 May, was at general quarters for 18 hours straight. On that day, Barry and Roper were hit by kamikazes. Barry later sank, and Roper was sent to a rear area for repairs.

Early in June, Tattnall was ordered to report for duty with the Philippine Sea Frontier. She stopped at Saipan on 13 June and reached Leyte on the 17th. Through the end of the war and for almost a month thereafter, she conducted patrols in the Philippines and escorted convoys to Ulithi and Hollandia. On 13 September, Tattnall headed back to the United States. After stops at Eniwetok and Pearl Harbor, the fast transport arrived in San Francisco on 30 October.

From there, she was routed north to the Puget Sound Navy Yard and disposition by the Commandant, 13th Naval District. Tattnall was decommissioned at Puget Sound on 17 December 1945. Her name was struck from the Navy list on 8 January 1946. She was sold to the Pacific Metal Salvage Company, of Seattle, Washington, on 17 October 1946 and scrapped. Her hull was towed to Royston, British Columbia and beached as part of a breakwater, parts of her hull are still visible in 2009.

Awards
Tattnall received three battle stars for her World War II service.

title: USS Tattnall (DD-125)


text:
Dramarama

Dramarama is an American, New Jersey–based alternative rock/power pop band, who later moved to Los Angeles. The band was formed in New Jersey in 1982 and disbanded in 1994. The band formally reunited in 2003 following an appearance on VH1's Bands Reunited.

Since 1996, an evolving lineup of the band, always fronted by singer/songwriter John Easdale, has been performing in one incarnation or another (initially billed as Easdale solo but usually joined by former Dramarama bandmates), and from then until 2003 played occasional shows in Los Angeles as well as in New Jersey. However, amid renewed interest since the episode on Bands Reunited in January 2004 and a large-scale appearance at KROQ-FM's annual Inland Invasion festival concert (attended by more than 78,000 fans) in September 2003, Dramarama then toured nationally and released a full-length CD titled Everybody Dies on October 25, 2005. Fifteen years later, they released the album Color TV.

1981–1994
In 1982, Dramarama formed in the basement of a record store in Wayne, New Jersey, owned by founding member Chris Carter. Carter operated the alternative record store Looney Tunez Records (previously known as Dirt Cheap Records). Initially the line-up consisted of singer/songwriter John Easdale, "Mr. E Boy" (Mark Englert) and Carter, later joined by Peter Wood on guitars and Ron Machuga on drums.

The evolution and combined efforts prompted the emergence of the DPW (a local parody named in honor of their hometown Department of Public Works) and re-incarnation "The F&cks". The band emerged in North New Jersey, where at that time there was a scene with radio station WHTG 106.3 and venues such as The Stone Pony, Green Parrot and Fast Lane featuring other local bands such as Red House, Smithereens, Whirling Dervishes and The Blases. In 1982, the band released its first single, "You Drive Me", attracting some national attention.

In 1984, keyboard player Ted Ellenis and drummer Ken Moutenot (replacing Machuga) joined the band and Dramarama released their first EP Comedy, a self-funded, five-track debut that garnered both critical and unexpected cult praise in France. Moutenot was replaced by Jesse Farbman, who left the group after the band's third album to pursue mind/body purity and to obtain "philosophical and spiritual awareness". Dramarama issued its first full-length release, 1985's Cinéma Vérité on France's New Rose Records. It was re-released in the U.S. after receiving airplay on KROQ-FM radio from influential Los Angeles disc jockey Rodney Bingenheimer (who at first thought the band was French). Bingenheimer alerted Posh Boy Records at New Rose, which approvedRobbie Fields' contacting the band directly in New Jersey.

One of the early radio stations to play the song "Anything, Anything (I'll Give You)" was KROQ. It was one of the station's more requested songs in 1986 and 1987, and it became one of the more requested songs in the station's history. Following the local L.A. success of "Anything, Anything", the band obtained a larger advance from Chameleon and permanently moved from New Jersey to Los Angeles. The song has been featured in A Nightmare on Elm Street 4: The Dream Master and was covered for the East Timor Benefit Album.

As an expression of gratitude to both Bingenheimer and Fields, the band gave Robbie Fields their recording of the New York Dolls' song "Private World" for inclusion on the CD The Best of Rodney on The Roq, released in 1987 and re-released in 1992 through Rhino Records.

The recording sessions for Stuck in Wonderamaland produced enough material for three albums. Easdale and Carter decided to again try a foreign release. Thus, Looking Through..., a 14-song album, was released in Europe by The Bent Backed Tulips, both pseudonym and album title in reference to lyrics from the Beatles' "Glass Onion". Looking Through... was re-released in the U.S. through eggBERT Records with extra tracks, increasing the number of songs to 20.

The band then signed with Chameleon distributor Elektra and released 1991's Vinyl. Backed by a major label for the first time, Dramarama got nationwide airplay with the singles "Haven't Got a Clue" (which also was on a CD included with the Sega CD video game system in the United States) and "What Are We Gonna Do?". The album's production with Don Smith added to the success of the LP. Vinyl included contributions from Mick Taylor, Jim Keltner, Benmont Tench, and Brian Macleod of Wire Train.

After Vinyl, a limited-edition, 17-song CD titled The Days of Wayne and Roses (The Trash Tapes) was made available to members of the Dramarama fan club. It included the band's early recordings together as well as songs that were dropped from their early albums, a couple of live performances, and one song exclusive (at the time) to the disc.

The band's final release on Elektra, 1993's Hi-Fi Sci-Fi, was a favorite among both critics and fans, and it remains a cult staple. Clem Burke, who had joined the band for the Vinyl tour, appears on this album, and backing vocal contributions include Dwight Twilley and Sylvain Sylvain. After the tours, the group split.

1995–2005
Following two relatively quiet years after the 1994 breakup, John Easdale began performing live music again in 1996, doing shows in both New Jersey and the L.A. area. He assembled a band that he occasionally has named The John Easdale Group and has casually named it The Newcomers, featuring Dramarama's Mark Englert, as well as Peter Wood for East Coast appearances. Other Newcomers have included fellow eggBERT alum Nick Celeste (of former Bongo Richard Barone's band and once the frontman for In Color, Aimee Mann, Jules Shear, Muddy Shews, Danny Roselle, and Chris O'Hara. Easdale found steady players in Mike Davis, Tony Snow and Craig Ballam, who connected with Easdale circa 1996.

In 1998, John Easdale released a solo album on the eggBERT label titled Bright Side, on which many of the tracks featured musicians with ties to both Dramarama and the Newcomers, including Mark Englert and Clem Burke, as well as Mike Davis, Tony Snow and Craig Ballam, who also contributed production and engineering skills. Before Bright Side, Easdale issued a fan-only, no-label version of the Bright Side in 1996 that contained versions of songs that made the final cut as well as some that did not. Easdale refers to it as his "blueprint" for the final collection, and fans call it the "pre-release" of Bright Side.

Following the publicity from the VH1]series Bands Reunited, subsequent KROQ's Inland Invasion, and an article in Rolling Stone that lauded their retooling of the Dead Kennedys' politically charged "California über alles" in response to Arnold Schwarzenegger's 2003 run for governor of California, Easdale decided in late 2003 the band name Dramarama should continue. The next CD (an EP) would be billed to Dramarama, titled Absolutely, 100% Made in N.J., which was recorded on a whim while John and the band were on a brief tour of New Jersey in 2003. The EP's liner notes indicated that most of the seven tracks were "from the forthcoming Dramarama album Everybody Dies."

The album was released on October 25, 2005, by California-based label 33rd Street Records.

They appeared on The Ellen DeGeneres Show as Ellen's 50th birthday present from her DJ Ted Stryker.

2006–present
The current lineup consists of original founding members John Easdale, lead and rhythm guitar player Peter Wood (the only band member who moved back to New Jersey and still maintains a residence there), and lead guitarist Mark Englert (Mr. "E" Boy). Rounding out the band are Los Angeles–based musicians Tony Snow (No Sugar, Tonio & The Change, Shiteland Ponies) on drums, and (former Lizzy Borden member) Mike Davis on bass. In addition, Tony Snow leads Tonio & The Change, and Mike Davis is the bass player for both Judas Priest frontman Rob Halford's eponymous solo band Halford and metal "supergroup" Death Dealer.

The Dramarama song "Anything Anything" serves as the title and theme song of New York City radio station WRXP-FM's free-form program "Anything Anything with Rich Russo". The version from Live at the China Club begins each show. After the switch of format to all news on WRXP-FM, Russo's radio show was picked up on WXPK-FM and WDHA-FM, where "Anything Anything" still serves as the name and the China Club version opens each show. The band has been very active since 2005. In 2009, they played for the Troy High School Battle of the Bands. This event took place on February 3, 2009 at Plummer Auditorium, located in Fullerton, California. Also in 2009 were several shows at House of Blues venues in Texas and Southern California as well as Six Flags Magic Mountain. Dramarama returned to New Jersey for two shows in November 2009 and performed in Downtown Los Angeles and San Juan Capistrano's The Coach House in December 2009. They returned to Troy High School's Battle of the Bands in 2010 and 2011.

A special live version of "Last Cigarette" was recorded for the limited-edition, 500-pressing vinyl album "Anything Anything with Rich Russo on 101.9 RXP presents Exclusive Live Performances". In this version, the band replaces "Johnny Carson" with "Rich Russo" as an homage to the free-form DJ. The album was released April 2010.

, Dramarama continues to perform frequently as headliners and at various festivals.

After a 15-year hiatus the band released Color TV on May 1, 2020.

Post-Dramarama careers
Original bass player/producer and Dramarama co-founder Chris Carter is currently a disc jockey in Los Angeles, where he hosts America's longest-running Beatles show Breakfast with the Beatles, and the weekly four-hour eclectic program on the satellite radio station Sirius-XM "Chris Carter's British Invasion." Carter also produced and wrote the film Mayor of the Sunset Strip, which in 2003 was nominated for Best Documentary by the Independent Spirit Film Awards, and which featured members of Dramarama. After Dramarama split in 1994, Carter formed QM Management, for which he manages the pop group The Wondermints, currently touring as Beach Boy Brian Wilson's backing band.

Drummer Jesse Farbman, a.k.a. Anant Jesse, lived in Montreal, here he taught spiritual therapeutics and maintained a private practice; he died in 2014. Former keyboard player Theodore Ellenis works as senior finance executive for a New York City–area firm.

Singles

 * "N/A" = not applicable as the US Alternative Songs chart was not introduced until 1988
 * "—" = song did not chart

Videography

 * 70's TV (on the compilation Slipping Through the Cracks, An Uprising of Young Pacifics))
 * Anything, Anything (I'll Give You) — 1987
 * Last Cigarette — 1989
 * Wonderamaland — 1989
 * Anything, Anything (I'll Give You) — 1990
 * Haven't Got a Clue — 1991
 * What Are We Gonna Do? — 1992
 * Work 4 Food — 1993

title: Dramarama


text:
Category:Octopuses

 * A type of marine mollusc in the Cephalopod class of the Mollusca order — the Octopus.
 * The preferred plural form is Octopuses.

title: Category:Octopuses


text:
Talk:Real Programmer

from VfD:

...What? Delete. Garrett Albright 14:25, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Incomprehensible. Delete.   Terrapin 14:43, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Rewrite. Real programmer is an actual phrase, and the story of Mel is very popular among programmers on the internet, but this article is somewhat incoherent and very poorly written.-PlasmaDragon 15:23, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * C Agreed. "Real programmers use $tool" is a common occurrence.  Needs rewriting, send to Cleanup. Chris 15:26, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Semi-notable, old expression. However, Wikipedia is not the Jargon File. jni 16:13, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Rewrite seconded. Few entries in Jargon File are as mythological in character. Taken from modern techno-mythological perspective this fits.  Certainly should reference Jargon File but needs more flesh. Plaintext 17:16, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Article is written informally and provides no actual information other than a link.  Wording suggests that the author wrote it in response to an article request, which could possibly have actually been a request for an article on another subject.  So, does Wikipedia need an article called "Real Programmer" at all?  If this is the requested subject matter, it's just an old story that readers can easily get elsewhere, and it doesn't appear to have achieved an encyclopedic level of notability.  A mention at Hacker culture or somewhere like that might be warranted.  (Note that this story is already linked from Drum memory.)  If the request was for a rewriting of the Jargon File entry, or any other opinion on what makes a programmer a "real" programmer, then it's POV.  If the request was to describe the use of these words in the context of the phrase "Real programmers use X", I don't see how that's encyclopedic, and in any case it's just a specific variation of a general cliche, "Real X do Y" ("Real men love Jesus", and so forth), and should be discussed in an article of that nature if absolutely necessary.  If the request was for something unrelated—perhaps some proper noun, since both words are capitalized—then let that article be created without this unrelated text cluttering its history.   —Triskaideka 19:23, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete or Rewrite with less reliance on specific works. Gazpacho 21:09, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. Needs cleanup obviously.  Charming story if you follow the links - well, I liked it.  Might clean it up myself if no-one more techically able rises to the challenge.--Tomheaton 22:05, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Let the Jargon.org folk keep this kind of cruft. Not encyclopedic. --Improv 06:01, 16 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Weak keep, although needs help — siro  χ  o  09:05, Oct 16, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Subtrivial hackercruft? Wikipedia is not the Jargon File; while I don't vote against articles for being covered by the Jargon File per se, this has no potential to become encyclopedic.   — Gwalla | Talk 21:01, 16 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep, send to cleanup. Modern mythology. Worst case dictdef -> wiktionary. Note that "Real Programmer" is often perjorative. Real programmers don't eat quiche. :-) Kim Bruning 15:13, 17 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. Intrigue 20:37, 18 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep or move to Talk:Real Programmer. List on cleanup. anthony (see warning) 16:50, 19 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep, send to Clean Up, leave notes about this on all the programming related talk pages, etc. Very notable. It is a common and important phrase that deserves explaination. (In fact, I'll make contributing to this one my top priority tomorrow) func(talk) 03:51, 21 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Is it a proper noun? I.e. should Programmer be capitalized? anthony (see warning) 12:52, 21 Oct 2004 (UTC)

end moved discussion

Hey, "they use vi" is utterly POV ;-) I'll NPOV it to cat.

(No editor wars intended, but note that with a little practice, folks using vi or emacs tend to work dang fast! Emacs has quick key combos, and vi has your fingers on the home keys most of the time.) Kim Bruning 10:02, 22 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * It's not POV, it's an example. Christ.   — Kate Turner | Talk 10:06, 2004 Oct 22 (UTC)

 * A very pov example too! Oh how I wish for an tag. O:-) Kim Bruning 14:34, 22 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * Real men don't use cat, real men use toggle switches

Stupid but funny
OK, this article is stupid. But it's also funny. Depending on how funny WP wants to be, keep it or delete it.

But I must take exception to the following quote from the Book of Mel:

Real Programmers wrote in machine code. Not FORTRAN. Not RATFOR. Not, even, assembly language. Machine Code. Raw, unadorned, inscrutable hexadecimal numbers. Directly.

Bah. Mollycoddled newbies programmed in hex. We real programmers used octal. - Rlw (Talk) 21:49, August 2, 2005 (UTC)

Wikipedia was so much better like 2 years ago without NPOV and deletion policies.
 * Seriously. If I wanted "facts" I'd go buy a real encyclopedia.  WP was much better when it was an assemblage of semi-random edits made by highly knowledgeable people.  Nowadays, highly knowledgeable people won't bother to make any edits because they're too busy to get into edit wars and snark-fests.  —Preceding unsigned comment added by 66.87.1.32 (talk) 00:58, 7 November 2010 (UTC)

Ageism in Article
The article is riddled with ageism, it seems to imply that modern languages are not used by older programmers, which is of course totally untrue, since most programmers are required to learn new languages as they go along. I notice that no serious study or reference has been given for the 'opinions' voiced in the article. So what? Old programmers are scum, everyone knows it. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 213.184.224.43 (talk) 20:02, 23 March 2009 (UTC)

Why Are We Hiding From The Police, Daddy?
[http://JeffreyGifford.com/2011/01/07/emacs-versus-vi/ We use vi, son. They use emacs.] - MichaelCrawford — Preceding unsigned comment added by 50.131.200.103 (talk) 04:02, 18 July 2012 (UTC)

title: Talk:Real Programmer


text:
Talk:Self-image

Sexual identity discussion
Someone who is confused about sexual identity, such as an adoloscent who feels lonely and misunderstood, could probably be manipulated. If he had queer longings for others of the same sex, an advisor might counsel him that "You are gay" and suggest that he experiment with gay sex. Another advisor might tell him, "You are not gay" and suggest that he spend more time with friendly heterosexual role models. --Uncle Ed (El Dunce) 14:26, 15 Oct 2004 (UTC)

What if the person mentioned had longings for others of the same sex that were not "queer longings"? To put that question another way, isn't the expression "queer longings" expressive of a definitely negative POV? And what does this stuff have to do with our understanding of self image anyway?

Are you suggesting that all people who are confused about their sexual identies could probably be manipulated? Are you suggesting that of all the people who are confused about their sexual identities, only certain subsets, such as adolescents who feel lonely and misunderstood, could probably be manipulated? Are you suggesting that some of the possible outcomes that you discuss are "manipulative" and others of them are "not manipulative"? Where are you going with these speculations?

It is not uncommon for people to be perplexed by their gender identities. It is rate for people to be in any way uncertain regarding the maleness or femaleness of their external genitalia, i.e., their sexual identities. There just are not that many people in the world with ambiguous external genitalia.

If someone is perplexed about his/her gender identity, it seems to me that a qualified advisor behaving in an ethical and professional way would help the individual to explore his/her gender identity. If the individual has not escaped the prevalent shaming and laying of guilt trips on all sexuality but especially on homosexual behavior, then it would be abusive to suggest to that person that s/he experiment with gay sex (or any other kind of sex). It would also be unprofessional, and even abusive, for a person holding the social position of therapist to declare to him or her what his or her gay/straight status is and to seek to "accentuate the positive" by guiding him/her toward modifying his behavior to match more closely that of "friendly heterosexual role models." It is nobody else's business what this individual's gender identity is or what this individual's gender role is, and that includes the idea that it is nobody's business what this individual's sexual behavior is unless it is behavior that hurts the sexual partner(s).

In an era in which sexually transmitted diseases are common and in which grave crimes of violence are sometimes perpetrated against individuals practicing what others define for themselves as "deviant sexual behavior," it would be dangerously bad advice to someone to suggest that, as one in doubt, he/she might resolve his/her uncertainties by experimenting with gay sex. It would be almost equally irresponsible to suggest to anyone that s/he experiment with heterosexual intercourse.

All of the advice that Ed Poor seems to suggest might be given to someone who is unsure regarding his/her gender identity, sexual orientation, etc. seems to me to be highly inappropriate and the kind of thing that might easily lead to a negative self image --- and that is so even if there were no deliberately manipulative component in the giving of this advice.

If anyone has the right to tell other people what sexual behaviors they ought or ought not to perform, it is that person who not only claims to speak for God but actually does speak for God. The reason that so many people have bad self images is, I am afraid, become there are so many people in this world who only claim to speak for God, and have a view of the world according to which they and those like them are going straight to heaven after death, and everybody else is going straight to hell. P0M 07:05, 18 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * Hold on, Patrick, you're overwhelming me. I was talking about sexual identity, not gender identity, but I guess you see a link between these concepts. Let's start over.

 * As is pointed out in the articles pertaining to gender identity and gender role, these terms were created to deal with the conceptual difficulties encountered when people with external male sexual organs (penis and testicles) reported and even insisted that they were "women trapped in a male body." (And the same goes for "men trapped in women's bodies".) Since "gender" had theretofore been used only as a grammatical category, it was chosen to refer to the "I am a lady despite appearances," (or as John Money liked to 'quote' it, "I am a lady with a penis"), and to the "I am a gentleman despite appearances" distinctions. A good way to understand this distinction may be to study the book As Nature Made Him. Identical twin boys were born, and the regular physician who regularly did circumcisions was absent that day. Another physician performed the circumcision on the first boy, but he used too much current in the device that was intended to seal off the bleeding arteries after the baby's foreskin was removed. The result was that the boy's penis was totally burned off. Fortunately the M.D. did not try his luck on his second patient. Other doctors consulted with people who had been researching what it takes to make a boy or a girl, and they decided that the baby would never become a normal man, but that he could be made into a normal female by castrating him and supplying him with a constructed vagina, labia, etc. There would be no masculinizing hormones available once the baby was castrated, so it should develop into a normal female. When the time for breasts came, hormone replacement therapy could be begun. The doctors and the family was dismayed, then, when the "girl" insisted that he was a boy. No matter what they did to condition him to take on a female gender identity and role, he regarded himself as a boy. When he eventually learned what had happened to him he decided on more surgery to construct a penis, prosthetic testicles, and masculinizing hormones to change his voice, body "format", etc.  The only thing that can account for the persistant assurance that he was a boy had to have been something in the structure of his brain. P0M

 * For ethical reasons we cannot do experiments on humans, but in other animals it is known that the brain is masculinized at a crucial time in embryonic development and that the presence of abnormal hormonal levels at these times can masculinize the brains of XX individuals or prevent the masculinization of XY individuals.  P0M

 * Gender includes the nature of one's genitalia, but is broader. Sex includes only the nature of one's genitalia. Most of the time one's sexual identity is consonant with one's gender identity, so that people assume that in all cases one's gender identity ought to be consonant with one's sexual identity. When the two are consonant, people in the community are not perturbed, but when they are not consonant people don't understand why they are different and may judge the individuals harshly. P0M

 * I regard heterosexuality as the norm, and homosexuality as an unhealthy departure from the norm. If we disagree on this (as I suspect we do), we're not going to have much common ground.

 * What does the word "norm" mean? The root word is the Latin word for a carpenter's square. Usually it is used to refer to "median or average achievement." In one sense, to be "sexually normal" means to perform sexually in a way that closely approximates the mythical "average man" or "average woman." Kinsey's study indicates that exclusive heterosexuals are one extreme on a continuum, on the other end of which one finds the exclusive homosexuals. So both exclusive heterosexuals and exclusive homosexuals are abnormal in the sense of the word I am investigating here. The statically average, or normal, human being engages in some share of erotic behavior directed toward members of the opposite sex, and some share of erotic behavior directed toward members of the same sex, as well as some share of erotic behavior directed toward non-humans, banannas, and god knows what else.   P0M

 * What is "an unhealthy departure from the norm"? Are there then "healthy departures from the norm"? Who gets to decide, and on what basis do they get to decide, what is "healthy" and what is "unhealthy"? What if somebody maintains that intelligence that is above the average is "unhealthy"? P0M

 * If I understand what you are saying, it indicates a point of view (or a set of values) with regard to homosexuality. There are people in this world who have sets of values that condemn me for my [race]. for my sexual identity (all she knew about me was that I presumably have male genitalia to go along with the beard, bass-baritone voice, etc., etc., but she knew I was bad), for my national identity, for the national identities of my forebears, for the fact that I played Shalom Chavarim on my recorder (and therefore got identified as being Jewish), for my weight/height ratio... Sad to say, I am not normal, statistically speaking, in any respect except the frequency with which I fart -- which happens to fall right on the magic balance point. Strangely, people do not value my one point of normality either. P0M

 * Where do these values come from? What people have the right to impose their values on other people, to stand in judgment of them, to condemn one group and to laud and favor another? P0M

 * To be deaf is abnormal. Most people probably believe that it is bad for others to be deaf, and they would do whatever they could to make the deaf people capable of hearing. But some deaf people have objected that they value being deaf, do not want to be capable of hearing, and they reject the intrusive attempts of the hearing to change them from deaf to hearing. Does anybody really have the right to intrude into another person's personal sphere like this? P0M

 * I've thought often about what a Wikipedia sexual identity article should include: statements like "I am homosexual" would seem to express one's sexual identity, while "I am male" would refer more to gender. Or maybe the term sexuality is correct, rather than sexual identity.

 * That is not the way professionals in the field use these terms. You are actually mixing three separate levels of analysis, too. Sexual identity is the identity that you would give to yourself, or a doctor would give to you, on the basis of inspecting your genitalia. Gender identity is the identity that you would give to yourself on the basis of your interior experience of self and your considered judgment as to whether your inner essence is most similar to those individuals in your community who call themselves women or those that call themselves men. When the issue becomes "What turns you on?" then things become thoroughly messed up because there are so many way to determine what qualifies as "heterosexual" and what qualifies as "homosexual." In the laws of many places, what seems to matter is whether the genitalia are complementary. If person A, who has male genitalia, has sexual intercourse with person B, who has male genitalia, then they are regarded as behaving in a homosexual way. If A then has a sex-change operation, the law generally regards "her" sexual relations with B as heterosexual -- despite the fact that the brain sex and the chromosomal sex of A have not changed.  If person C, who has a feminine gender identity, has sex with D, who has a masculine gender identity, the law will look only at the genitalia and will ignore the gender identities. But in some cultures it seems to be socially acceptable for an individual who has a masculine gender identity and a male sexual identity to have sexual relations with an individual who has a feminine gender identity and a male sexual identity.  P0M

 * Nothing is as simple as humans would like it to be, or as ordinary language who make it to be. People do not come only in "male body" and "female body" types. People do not come in only "XY" and "XX" chromosomal sexual identities.  People of X, XX, XY, XYX, XYY etc. chromosomal sexual identities can have genetic differences on other chromosomes that affect both their production of sexual hormones and also their utilization of sexual hormones. The hormonal environment of each fetus is also affected by the hormonal conditions of the mother, and, for instance, a mother with a certain kind of cancer can produce such a high level of masculine hormones that a fetus that was "destined" to be of a female body type will end up having a masculinized body type. After birth it appears that, as with language learning, the early learning environment can have powerful effects on the gender identities of children. And, particularly at the time of onset of sexual behavior during adolescence, powerful emotional impacts can put "kinks" into the sexual appetites of the individual. Some of these "kinks" (more properly called paraphylias) can be explained in terms of known biological factors. For instance, in many species there is apparently a hard-wired connection between maternal love and the consumption of the feces of one's babies. It is possible that this biological hard wiring remains latent in humans but may occasionally get awakened under unusual circumstances leading to a kind of sexual desire in which sexual arousal can only, or can best, be experienced in the context of the consumption of the feces of the beloved.  Sorry to be graphic and perhaps gross, but my point is that what starts out as relatively simple at the small end of the funnel in the newly conceived human ends up with probably as many kinds of sexual behavior as there are human beings.  P0M

 * I'm trying to account for the tendency of some people to engage in gay sex while denying that they are "homosexual" (see down low), as well as the anecdotal evidence that some adults choose to engage in gay sex (try it, you'll like it). This of course touches on the question of how people develop homosexual tendencies, which is hotly debated. --Uncle Ed (El Dunce) 15:03, 18 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * Go back to what Kinsey says about the fact that the average human being falls somewhere between the extremes of exclusive homosexual and exclusive heterosexual. If 90% or more of males were totally impotent when with other males, we would not be having this discussion and we wouldn't have "heterosexual" guys killing other males because "He made me get a hard on." Actively participating in sexual behavior can only occur when a threshold has been exceeded.  Different people have different thresholds. If there are any true "exclusively heterosexuals", then they would be sexually impotent in any situation that involved another human that was recognizably a member of the same sex. If there are any true "exclusively homosexuals", then they would be sexually impotent in any situation that involved someone recognizably a member of the opposite sex. But those individuals are rare, as are individuals who truly have no preference for sexual partners of the same sex or the opposite sex. P0M

 * If, for instance, a man is a 9 heterosexual on a scale of 10, and he is sexually satiated by his heterosexual partners, then he might never act on his 10% homosexual motivation. Or, he might be adventuresome to try homosexual intercourse just because he had nothing against it. Or he might be offered money to participate in sex with another man and succeed in fulfilling his part in the bargain on the strength of his 10% capability. But life events can change the balances by removing the stimuli that most easily exceed the individual's threshold. Ordinarily some man might never act in a homosexual way because his sexual drives are regularly satiated by very satisfactory female partners and because he has values that mitigate against commiting homosexual acts. Then the man lands in prison for several months, years, or decades. His drive state rises higher and higher, and his growing needs make it more and more likely that some attractive prisoner will exceed his threshold. He wouldn't have been interested in the guy on the outside, but on the inside he is slowly seems more and more attractive, desirable. P0M

 * So someone who is not a 0, or a 1, or a 2 on the homosexual-heterosexual continuum, but is perhaps an 8, 9, or 10, can claim on that basis not to be a "homosexual", but can nevertheless engage in homosexual behavior on those occasions when his threshold has been exceeded. On top of that, there are some homosexual acts that one does not have to be sexually turned on to performed. If one is being paid for performing fellatio, one may do it for the needed money but get no sexual arousal or other pleasure out of the act. It is fairly common for drug addicts to sell their bodies. If they are sufficiently well self-medicated at the time they may feel little or nothing during the entire transaction, and only relief when they leave with enough money for another fix. P0M

 * The "try it you'll like it" idea is interesting for a number of reasons. First, it is hard to imagine someone getting involved sexually in any way without some anticipatory exploration of the idea in imagination and in prior social interactions. It's hard to imagine a situation where a person says to himself/herself, "I do not like sitting at the dinner table with these people and chatting with them. Their physical appearances all gross me out. Their body odors make my nose twitch with discomfort. Their presentation of self in terms of aggression/reticence, etc. always makes me cringe... Nevertheless, I will randomly chose the name of a sample group of them and try to have sexual relations with them."  Quite to the contrary, what probably happens is that some find that they enjoy many of the characteristics of members of their own sex, and they may find that they feel extreme affection (but not sexual arousal) for some of them, or they may find that they experience sexual arousal in the presence of certain outstanding specimens -- and they wonder whether they would like having sex with them a little, or perhaps as much as they have liked having sex with members of the opposite sex, or perhaps they might find that they like it better.P0M

 * Turn it around. Think of the Star Trek episode when Frackus (or whatever his name was) visits a planet on which homosexuality was socio-normal and ridigly enforced. One woman becomes attracted to him. She thinks, "Maybe I could love this guy. Maybe I could even have, gasp, heterosexual relations with him." If she wants to explore and understand herself better, and if she wants to live out her life as the woman she really is (instead of the woman that her society insists she should be), then what choice does she have other than to try it? If she doesn't like it, she doesn't have to do it again. If she does like it, I guess she'll have to hope the crew will let her leave home. Should her cohorts have the right to condemn her for not conforming to the values of her society? I don't think so. But that is only my point of view. I won't claim that I know that God has the same values I do.  P0M 05:21, 19 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Sources for more info on the sexual aspects of self image
Those who want more information on the differences between sexual identity and gender identity, as well as the various general categories of sexual motivation and behavior might want to start by going to the books, articles, and the web page of Milton_Diamond. John_Money is another good source (no web page, however), but he has been the center of many controversies over the course of his long and productive career. A third researcher to check out would be Anne_Fausto-Sterling, and her book entitled Sexing the Human Body. P0M 05:32, 19 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Thanks for the exhaustive reply. :-) Now I must take much time to reflect. --Uncle Ed (El Dunce) 16:28, 19 Oct 2004 (UTC)

i added this line, Poor "self image may be the result of accumulated criticism that the person collected as a child which lead to damaging his own view of himself", its my own understanding of what was written in that website www.2knowmyself.com i am not sure of it so please remove it if its incorrect

 * Please sign your postings by adding ~ at the end.

 * The information is valid. Lately some people have been beating a straw man to death, the result of people not understanding the difference between making valid corrections of a child (or anybody else for that matter) and people speaking in abusive ways that make the child feel s/he is a bad person. Telling people that their behavior or their characteristics are laudable when they are not is perhaps not as damaging as telling them they are "rotten kids," but it is not helpful either. The best teachers in life that I have had could express an observation in non-punitive language that would let me know that I wasn't taking the best course of action without making me feel like they hated me for it. The Confucian way is to say, in effect: I know you are a good person. I just observed such-and-such behavior that seems to me inconsistent with your fundamental good intentions. Would you reconsider what you just did? Saying things that way says that the parent loves the child and is concerned that s/he not pursue a dangerous or problematical course in life. It credits the child with the intelligence to check the reasoning out and act accordingly. (Sometimes parents or other authority figures misunderstand why somebody has taken a certain course of action. So they need to take account of the fact that they may have calculated an incorrect course of action.) Children that are not assaulted for making mistakes learn that they can come to their parents and teachers beforehand if need be.

 * I think I will add the word "invalid" before "criticism" in what you have written. P0M 01:27, 2 April 2007 (UTC)

Physicality
Physicality, -ies is in several dictionaries I have checked and the edit page for this article considers it misspelled. I am unsure about what I can do to correct this error. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 72.66.134.34 (talk) 23:12, 10 May 2008 (UTC)

This discussion is intriguing, but fails to address self image in a broad context. Are all aspects of self image directly related to one's view of sexuality and preference? Are not a person's image of himself developed long before sexual urges occur? Are not the understandings of masculine and feminine social constructs? How does one's self image become reconciled when it does not match social expectations? Could someone provide additional insight on these aspects of self image? Jay.Erlandson (talk) 16:04, 21 January 2009 (UTC)

Merger proposal for "Residual self image"
There's really not much there, and it's doubtful there ever will be. On the other hand, there's not much here either, so lets put here whatever is referenced and usable there. bd2412 T 03:28, 17 June 2009 (UTC)

 * Support The proposal seems sensible. Colonel Warden (talk) 06:31, 17 June 2009 (UTC)

اهلا انا احمد من المنصوره احب اتعرف على الجميع  —Preceding unsigned comment added by 84.235.73.20 (talk) 00:36, 4 May 2010 (UTC)

A suggestion to better this page would be to add more in-depth information about self-image and how exactly it is developed through educational, social, domestic, and developmental means. Someone could include facts regarding how the quality of self-image is the source of all identity related problems and how it could be changed. Someone could also talk about how social interactions and perceived levels of status affect self-image. Overall, it could use more comprehensive information about the background of the topic and solutions to it. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 209.51.93.168 (talk) 09:13, 15 October 2016 (UTC)

How are they different?
According to the lead section, "A more technical term for self-image that is commonly used by social and cognitive psychologists is self-schema." If that is indeed another term for the same thing, then why do we have separate articles for these? If, on the other hand, there is a difference, not only should that statement be removed, but we also need an explanation of the difference. There is also an article on self-concept, which takes an effort to state that this is not to be confused with self-image, but does not explain what the distinction is either. From the description given, it is much the same thing again. --Lambiam 20:47, 29 March 2018 (UTC)
 * "Self-concept is made up of one's self-schemas", so that clarifies their relation. Whether they should have separate articles is a separate question. Paradoctor (talk) 23:35, 29 March 2018 (UTC)
 * There are cases where the terminology in the literature is confused, not merely the Wikipedia articles about the field. Wouldn't be surprised if that is the case here. Paradoctor (talk) 23:41, 29 March 2018 (UTC)
 * This is a field with which I'm not at all familiar. But, having skimmed some of the literature now, my feeling is that it would be advantageous to merge these articles, as well as the article Looking-glass self, into one consolidated article that treats these notions together in a coherent way. That will also create room for a better treatment of the history and development of the theory, which appears to have sprung mainly from the ground-breaking work of G. H. Mead and C. H. Cooley. I also think that the article Self-concept is the best target for such a merge. I am not going to undertake steps in effectuating any of this, having too much on my plate already; I'm just stating my opinion here about the best course of action for Wikipedia. --Lambiam 08:30, 30 March 2018 (UTC)

Life orientation
How do our friends, families and communities influence our self image 41.121.110.150 (talk) 06:54, 3 March 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Self-image


text:
Fränkel

Fränkel (or Fraenkel) is a surname. Notable people with the surname include:

 * Abraham Fraenkel (1891–1965), German-Israeli mathematician, known for Zermelo–Fraenkel set theory
 * Albert Fränkel (1848–1916), German physician
 * Aviezri Fraenkel (born 1929), Israeli mathematician
 * Baruch Fränkel-Teomim (1760–1828), rabbi, Talmudist
 * David ben Naphtali Fränkel (c. 1704–1762), German rabbi
 * Eduard Fraenkel (1888–1965), German-English classical scholar
 * Ernst Fränkel (physician) (1844–1921), German gynaecologist
 * Ernst Fraenkel (linguist) (1881–1957), German linguist
 * Ernst Fraenkel (political scientist) (1898–1975), German political scientist
 * Fränkel (born 2000), Canadian singer
 * Gottfried S. Fraenkel (1901–1984), German-American entomologist
 * Hermann Fränkel (1888–1977), German-American classicist
 * Heinz Fraenkel-Conrat (1910–1999), German biochemist
 * Iwan Fränkel (born 1941), Surinamese footballer
 * Jonas Fränkel (1773–1846), German banker and philanthropist
 * Knut Frænkel (1870–1897), Swedish engineer and arctic explorer
 * Leó Frankel (Léo Fränkel) (1844–1896), Hungarian communist revolutionary
 * Naftali Frenkel, 16-year-old killed in the 2014 kidnapping and murder of Israeli teenagers
 * Purrel Fränkel (born 1976), Surinamese footballer
 * Ray Fränkel (born 1982), Dutch Surinamese footballer
 * Samuel Fränkel (1801–1881), German textile manufacturer
 * Sándor Ferenczi (1873–1933), Hungarian psychoanalyst, born Alexander Fränkel

title: Fränkel


text:
Category talk:Octopuses

Plural Problem

 * Shouldn't that be octopi instead of octopuses? At least that is the way I remember it from biology class. DCEdwards1966 14:28, Oct 15, 2004 (UTC)
 * Read the article. --Apostrophe 02:52, 20 August 2005 (UTC)

title: Category talk:Octopuses


text:
Biga

Biga may refer to:

Places

 * Biga, Çanakkale, a town and district of Çanakkale Province in Turkey
 * Sanjak of Biga, an Ottoman province
 * Biga Çayı, a river in Çanakkale Province
 * Biga Peninsula, a peninsula in Turkey, in the northwest part of Anatolia

Other uses

 * Biga (bread baking), a type of pre-fermentation used in Italian baking
 * Biga and Busca, two political factions in the 15th century Catalan Civil War
 * Biga (typeface)
 * Biga (chariot), a two-horse chariot used in ancient Mediterranean countries
 * Bigha, a unit of land area used in North India
 * Biga language, an Austronesian language of West Papua, Indonesia

title: Biga