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Canadian University Press

Canadian University Press is a non-profit co-operative and newswire service owned by more than 50 student newspapers at post-secondary schools in Canada. Founded in 1938, CUP is the oldest student newswire service in the world and the oldest national student organization in North America. Many successful Canadian journalists got their starts in CUP and its member papers. CUP began as a syndication services that facilitated transnational story-sharing. This newswire continued as a private function until 2010 when it was turned into a competitive source for campus news in the form of an online public wire at cupwire.ca.

CUP's head office is in Toronto. Prior to April 1995, the head office was located in Ottawa. In Ottawa, CUP ran a printing company, called Common Printing Group, which was owned jointly with the National Union of Students, which was located in the same building as CUP for several years.

A national conference, which doubles as an annual general meeting, is held once a year in a different city. Each member paper exercises one vote at conferences. The president and national bureau chief are elected at the national conference, or NASH, while the regional CUPboard members are either elected via online referendum, or at regional conferences held in the spring. Each region has an annual event subsidy which can be used to host events within the region, or jointly with other regions. This usually takes the form of regional conferences held in the spring and in the fall. January 2011 will mark CUP's first fully bilingual national conference, in Montreal, hosted in part by the McGill Daily and Le Delit.

The current structure for CUP, of a permanent newswire offered to Canadian University newspapers including the full-time president, was established at CUP 22 in Quebec City in 1959. Prior to this date the service was looser and more oriented towards an exchange of clippings between the papers. One of the delegates at CUP 22 was future Canadian Prime Minister, Joe Clark, representing the University of Alberta paper, The Gateway.

CUP is divided into six regions: WRCUP (Western, including British Columbia and Yukon), PNCUP (Prairies and Northern, including Alberta, Manitoba, Northwest Territories, Nunavut and Saskatchewan), ORCUP (Ontario), CUPbeq (Quebec), ARCUP (Atlantic, including New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island), and PUC (Presse Universitaire Canadienne, including all French language members regardless of geography). Other acronyms for regions include CUPberta (Alberta), and CCUP (Central CUP, Saskatchewan and Manitoba). It also has four special issues caucuses to promote diversity, address the under-representation of marginalized groups and encourage discussion of social issues: Colour Caucus; Disabilities Caucus; Queer, Trans and Allies Caucus; and Women's Caucus.

Member papers contribute articles to the CUP wire, which also runs stories authored by CUP staff. There are news, features, opinions, arts, sports, and graphics wires. After stories are edited by the national bureau chief, they are made available on the wire for publication in CUP member papers.

CUP formerly owned a multi-market ad placement agency, Canadian University Press Media Services Limited, which operates as Campus Plus, offering advertisers one-stop access to student newspapers. Campus Plus declared bankruptcy in 2013. Until 2007, CUP was the sole member of the John H. McDonald Journalism Foundation, a charity named after CUP's first president. Though the charity has been folded, it lives on through the yearly John H. McDonald Student Journalism Awards.

In 2005, CUP declared the last full week of every January, Sunday to Saturday, would be observed as National Student Press Week to celebrate the achievements, diversity and freedom of the student press.

National and regional staff
Now and in recent years, the national bureau chief has also served as CUP's vice-president. In some previous years, the national executive was made up of three or four staff and also included a national features editor (who also held the title of vice-president) or national affairs writer. These staffers held their positions at the conference listed and were elected at the previous conference. In CUP's early days, the titles of president and secretary were awarded at a conference to a newspaper, which would then fill those roles from among staff members.

Currently, the national office staff consists of a single national executive, Jane Lytvynenko, who combines the functions of president and national bureau chief. Until the spring of 2014, the national office staff consisted of the president, who oversaw CUP's finances and administration, and the national bureau chief, who managed its part-time editorial staff and curated the CUP wire service.

Part-time editorial staff consists of six regional bureau chiefs (British Columbia, Prairies and Northern, Ontario, Ottawa, Quebec and Atlantic) and at least four section editors (arts and features, opinions and humour, sports, and French). CUP also employs a communications manager, translator, two special issues coordinators (queer and anti-racism). In order to organize the national conference each year, CUP hires two conference coordinators and one awards coordinator.

Board of directors
Until the early 2000s, CUP was administered and controlled between national conferences by only the president and other national office staff. While the staff was required to execute the will of members are agreed upon at plenary, many major decisions could be made by the national office on its own. After the Agent Magazine problems, a movement spearheaded by staffers at the Ontarion drafted and approved a motion calling for the creation of a CUP Board of Directors. Approved at NASH 63, the board guarantees every region at least one director. Any region with 20 or more member papers receives an additional director. All directors are elected at the plenary of their spring regional conference.

At NASH 69 in Vancouver, CUP membership voted to add the position of a continuity representative to the board of directors as a voting member. Subsequently, at NASH 70 in Ottawa, this position was made into an ex-officio member of the board of directors. A staff member (President/NBC/Regional Director) from the previous year fills the position. It was created as an attempt to stabilize CUP's leadership since it goes through an almost yearly changeover.

Currently, the board of directors consists of six regional directors (Western, Prairies, Quebec, Atlantic, and two Ontario directors), along with a national Francophone director, an industry advisor, and the continuity representative.

Subsequent changes have changed the governance landscape on the CUP board of directors. As of NASH78, the board of directors structure has been adjusted to a 12-member board, consisting of the following positions;

Additional changes voted in by the membership included removing all industry advisors from the board, and removing the president as a paid staff member, instead confirming the president as chair of the board. Relevant bylaw changes are being prepared by the board of directors for NASH79.

Conferences
Every year since its inception, CUP has held a national conference, also known as NASH. The conference moves around the country and serves as the annual general meeting of the organization. It also features a number of training seminars and high-profile keynote speakers. The New Year's Eve parties were sometimes raucous events, as the new year was rung in five times to mark each of the nation's time zones. The extinguishing of a motel fire put a damper on the party at North Bay, Ontario, on the last day of 1983.

NASH has also served as the platform for the John H. McDonald Awards for Excellence in Student Journalism, also known as the Johnnies, since 2003. Inspired by the National Newspaper Awards, the vision of the awards is to "celebrate and reward the excellence that can be found in so many publications at universities and colleges across the country." Any student whose work has been published in a student publication may be nominated for an award. There are currently 21 award categories, which cover different types of reporting (such as news, arts, features, sports, opinions, and some of their French counterparts), art and photography, design, and a new category for Most Promising Student Journalist.

NASH78 was organized by CUP staff and held in Toronto, Ontario. At that conference, the Brunswickan (University of New Brunswick) successfully bid to host the next conference, NASH78, in Fredericton, New Brunswick. NASH79 is scheduled for 4–8 January 2017 with the theme "START UP".

CUP also encourages member papers to host smaller regional conferences each year for the Western, Ontario, Prairie & Northern, Quebec, and Atlantic regions. Regional conferences have recently been held in the Ontario and Atlantic regions as of 2016.

In 2022, The Concordian hosted NASH84, online due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The theme for NASH84 was "Evolve," and featured many multimedia and independent journalists to discuss the evolving modern landscape of journalism. The 2022 conference featured over 70 prominent journalists from across North America including Brian Stelter of CNN, Jesse Brown of CANADALAND, Anita Li of The Green Line, Jason Chiu of The New York Times (a former Graphics Bureau Chief for CUP), and many others.

Partnerships
In April 2013, CUP signed a three-year agreement with a new national advertising partner called FREE Media. The marketing group was co-founded as a division of the independent national advertising agency FREE by two CUP alumni, former Gateway business staffers Ashleigh Brown and Vikram Seth.

CUP's previous national advertising representative was Campus Plus (officially Canadian University Press Media Services Ltd.) which was formed in 1980 and closed in June 2013 after declaring bankruptcy. Campus Plus' bankruptcy trustee MNP took charge of collections in the months that followed and issued payouts to member papers.

CUP is partnered with CWA Canada, a division of Communications Workers of America, a union which "advances the economic interests of its members, improves their standard of living, and strives to guarantee equal job opportunities and human rights." CUP members may join CWA Canada as an associate member in order to join its mentorship program with professional journalists, attend training and networking courses and events, and seek opportunities for internships and freelance work. The CWA representative for CUP also helps members coordinate training opportunities at their publication.

CUP also has partnerships with Journalists for Human Rights, Marketwired, and ScribbleLive.

Financial crisis of 2014
In March 2014, CUP launched a 42-day fundraising campaign on the platform Indiegogo in an attempt to raise $50,000 toward its operating budget after finding itself in a financial crisis. Beginning 1 March, all 12 of CUP's part-time staff members (including section editors and regional bureau chiefs) were laid off, and the president and national bureau chief received cuts to their salaries and benefits.

After an audit by the Canada Revenue Agency, CUP was forced to pay $9,000 for incorrect taxes. It was then discovered that the organization was projecting its third deficit in a row, this time for $7,000. With all of its savings now spent, CUP stated that "with no reserves to draw on, it's imperative for the existence of CUP to take action now."

The crisis comes not long after 10 members of CUP left in September 2013, resulting in a 15 per cent drop in total membership, due to complaints over high membership costs. CUP may also see further trouble as a number of those member publications have now formed a service called the National University Wire similar to and rivaling the CUP wire. The most recent CUP national conference in Edmonton, Alta. also attracted fewer than the expected number of delegates and therefore did not generate as much revenue as expected. Additionally, the demise of Campus Plus left CUP with fewer dividends to generate income. With all this having taken place in a relatively short period of time, CUP lost more than $70,000 in three years and ended up in financial and existential crisis with just more than $1,500 in the bank before the fundraising campaign.

CUP Presidents

 * CUP 73 Erin Cauchi (The Strand)
 * CUP 72 Rob Fishbook (the Fulcrum)
 * CUP 71 Rob Fishbook (the Fulcrum)
 * CUP 70 Amanda McCuaig (the Peak)
 * CUP 69 Erin Millar (the Capilano Courier)
 * CUP 68 Sean Patrick Sullivan (the Martlet/the Brunswickan)
 * CUP 67 Chris Dinn (the Muse)
 * CUP 66 Craig Battle (the Martlet)
 * CUP 65 Anya Spethmann (the Brock Press)
 * CUP 64 Don Iveson (the Gateway)
 * CUP 63 Jeremy Nelson (the Manitoban)
 * CUP 62 Tariq Hassan-Gordon (the Arthur)
 * CUP 61 Tariq Hassan-Gordon (the Arthur)
 * CUP 60 Jen Horsey (the Dalhousie Gazette)
 * CUP 59 Judy Reid (the Dalhousie Gazette)
 * CUP 58 Joanna Shepherd (the Watch)
 * CUP 57 David Matthews (The Athenaeum)
 * CUP 56 Alayne Armstrong (the Manitoban)
 * CUP 55 Dawn Mitchell (the Muse)
 * CUP 54 John Montesano (Excalibur)
 * CUP 53 Francesca Lodico (the Concordia Link)
 * CUP 52 Deanne Fisher (the Ubyssey)
 * CUP 51 Lynn Marchildon (the Charlatan)
 * CUP 50 Gilbert Dong (the Manitoban)
 * CUP 49 Diane Dyson (the Link)/ Donna Mayer (Lambda)
 * CUP 48 Martha Muzychka(the Muse)
 * CUP 47 Andre Picard (the Fulcrum)
 * CUP 46 Gerry Porter (the Muse)
 * CUP 45 Julie Wheelwright (the Ubyssey)
 * CUP 44 John Parsons (the Muse)
 * CUP 43 Michael Balagus (the Projector, Red River College)
 * CUP 42 Maureen McEvoy (the Peak)
 * CUP 41 John Wilson
 * CUP 40 Susan Johnson (the Chevron)
 * CUP 39 Tom Benjamin
 * CUP 37 Francis Fuca
 * CUP 36 Bob Beal
 * CUP 35 Dorothy Wigmore (Dalhousie Gazette)
 * CUP 34 Liz Willick
 * CUP 32 Stewart Saxe (the Chevron)
 * CUP 31 Kevin Peterson (the Gauntlet)
 * CUP 30 Lib Spry (the Sheaf) (CUP's first female president)
 * CUP 29 Don Sellar
 * CUP 28 James Laxer
 * CUP 27 John MacFarlane
 * CUP 26 Sidney Y. Black (The Coryphaeus) (subject of the derogatory Ballad of Sidney Y. Black)
 * CUP 25 Roger McAfee (the Ubyssey)
 * CUP 24 E.R. (Ted) Johnson (Silhouette)
 * CUP 23 Doug Parkinson (Silhouette)
 * CUP 22 Doug Parkinson (Silhouette)
 * CUP 21 John Gray (the Varsity)
 * CUP 12 Murray Smith (Manitoban)
 * CUP 9 Jack Ferry
 * CUP 8 Charles Wasserman (McGill Daily)
 * CUP 7 H.A. Richter (McGill Daily)
 * CUP 1 John H. McDonald (the McGill Daily)

CUP National Bureau Chiefs and other National Office staff
Now and in recent years, the national bureau chief has also served as CUP's vice-president. In some previous years, the national executive was made up of three or four staff and also included a national features editor (who also held the title of vice-president) or national affairs writer. These staffers held their positions at the conference listed and were elected at the previous conference. In CUP's early days, the titles of president and secretary were awarded at a conference to a newspaper, which would then fill those roles from among staff members.

 * CUP 73 Danielle Webb (the Xaverian Weekly)
 * CUP 72 Josh O'Kane (the Brunswickan)
 * CUP 71 Sheena Goodyear (the Muse)
 * CUP 70 William Wolfe-Wylie (the Argosy)
 * CUP 69 Bryna Hallam (the Martlet)
 * CUP 68 Dave Weatherall (the Link)
 * CUP 67 Stephen Hui (the Peak)
 * CUP 66 Chris Wilson-Smith (the Brunswickan)
 * CUP 65 Shawn Jeffords (the Excalibur); Ira Dubinsky and Kelly Nestruck (national conference coordinators) (McGill Daily)
 * CUP 64 Dave Leibl (the Manitoban)
 * CUP 63 Patti Edgar (the Martlet)
 * CUP 62 Alex Bustos (national bureau chief) (the Ubyssey)
 * CUP 61 Craig Saunders (national co-ordinator) (the Carillon); Idella Sturino (national bureau chief) (McGill Daily)
 * CUP 60 David Alan Barry (national bureau chief) (the Varsity); Tracy Frauzel (national co-ordinator) (the Fulcrum)
 * CUP 59 Stu Clark (national bureau chief) (the Carillon)
 * CUP 58 Stu Clark (national bureau chief) (the Carillon)
 * CUP 57 Eugenia Xenos (national bureau chief) (the Concordia Link)
 * CUP 56 Doug Saunders (national bureau chief)(excalibur); Miranda Gray (national conference organizer) (the Fulcrum)
 * CUP 55 Monique Beaudin (national bureau chief) (the Charlatan)
 * CUP 54 Karen Hill (national bureau chief) (the Varsity); Jeff Harrington (national features writer) (the Dalhousie Gazette)
 * CUP 53 Andy Riga (national bureau chief) (the Concordia Link); John Montesano (national conference organizer) (excalibur)
 * CUP 52 Chris Lawson (national bureau chief) (McGill Daily)
 * CUP 51 Tu Thanh Ha (national bureau chief) (the Concordia Link)
 * CUP 50 Michelle Lalonde (national bureau chief) (The Fulcrum)
 * CUP 49 John Gushue (national bureau chief) (the Muse), Melinda Wittstock (McGill Daily) (vice-president/features writer)
 * CUP 48 Peter Kuitenbrouwer (national bureau chief) (McGill Daily), Samantha Brennan (Dalhousie Gazette) (vice-president/features writer)
 * CUP 47 Muriel Draaisma (national bureau chief) (the Ubyssey), Danielle Comeau (The Manitoban) (vice-president/features writer)
 * CUP 46 Glen Sanford (national bureau chief) (the Ubyssey), Cathy MacDonald (Dalhousie Gazette) (vice-president/features writer)
 * CUP 45 Jim McElgunn (national bureau chief), Rick Janson (the Fulcrum)(vice-president/features writer)
 * CUP 44 Rosemary Oliver
 * CUP 43 Cathy Smith (national bureau chief), Michael McEvoy (vice-president/features writer) (the Uniter)
 * CUP 42 Bill Tieleman (national bureau chief) (the Ubyssey), Phil Hurcomb (vice-president)
 * CUP 41 Victor Salus (national bureau chief) (the Gauntlet), Alayne McGregor (vice-president and national features writer) (the Manitoban)
 * CUP 40 Larry Black (national bureau chief) (McGill Daily), Sue Vohanka (vice-president) (the Ubyssey), Ann Silversides (national affairs reporter) (the Varsity), Dave Colburn (wire editor)
 * CUP 39 Kris Klaasen (national bureau chief)(The Gauntlet), Tom Benjamin (president) Dan Keeton (vice-president), Joan Shields (features editor) (the McGill Daily), Pat Daley (wire editor) (The Charlatan)
 * CUP 32 George Russell (bureau chief), Ronald Thompson (vice-president)
 * CUP 31 Elly Alboim (national bureau chief) (McGill Daily), Allen Garr (vice-president/accounting) (the Peak), Bob Parkins (field secretary) (the Varsity)
 * CUP 30 John Lynn (National Bureau Chief) (The Georgian), John Dufour (Finance)(McGill Daily)
 * CUP 29 Barry Rust (secretary)
 * CUP 27 James Laxer (first vice-president)
 * CUP 25 Denis de Belleval (vice-president) (Le Carabin), Frank Mazari (national secretary) (the Varsity)
 * CUP 9 Bob Mungall (national secretary) (The Ubyssey)

CUP Board of Directors
CUP 72 Board
 * Chair Justin Bell, the Prairies and Northern Region Director (Intercamp)
 * Vice Chair Kerri Breen, the Atlantic Region Director (The Muse)
 * Treasurer Brendan Kergin, the Western Region Director (The Nexus)
 * Human Resources Rep Frank Appleyard, an Ontario Regional Director (The Fulcrum)
 * Meghan Lawson, an Ontario Region Director (The Strand)
 * Ben Ngai, the Quebec Regional Director (The Concordian)
 * Camila Juarez, National Francophone Director (La Rotonde)
 * Sheena Goodyear, the Continuity Representative(Former National Bureau Chief)

CUP 71 Board
 * Chair Ricardo Bortolon, Ricardo Bortolon, the Western Region Director (The Ubyssey)
 * Vice Chair Matt Skube, the Atlantic Region Director (The Xavarian Weekly)
 * Treasurer Jared Book, the Quebec Region Director (The Concordian)
 * Human Resources Rep Justin Bell, the Prairies and Northern Region Director (Intercamp)
 * Campus Plus Board Rep Matt Skube, the Atlantic Region Director (The Xavarian Weekly)
 * Erin Cauchi, an Ontario Region Director (The Strand)
 * Frank Appleyard, an Ontario Regional Director (The Fulcrum)
 * Rachelle McDuff, National Francophone Director (Quartier Libre)
 * Amanda McCuaig, the Continuity Representative Director (The Peak)

CUP 70 Board
 * Chair Tessa Vanderhart, the Prairies and Northern Region Director (The Manitoban)
 * Vice Chair Ricardo Bortolon, the Western Region Director (The Peak/The Ubyssey)
 * Treasurer Erin Millar, the Continuity Representative Director (The Capilano Courier)
 * Human Resources Rep Vanessa Larkey, an Ontario Region Director (The Underground)
 * Campus Plus Board Rep Jason Chiu, an Ontario Region Director (The Fulcrum and La Rotonde)
 * Angie Barrington, the Atlantic Region Director (The Muse)
 * Tracey Lindeman Jarvis, the Quebec Region Director (The Link)

CUP 69 Board
 * Chair Ross Prusakowski the Prairies and Northern Region Director (The Gateway)
 * Vice Chair Tracey Lindeman-Jarvis the Quebec Region Director (The Link)
 * Treasurer Fraser McCracken an Ontario Region Director (The Cord Weekly)
 * Human Resources Rep Mark Cluett the Atlantic Region Director (The Muse)
 * Meaghan McBride the Western Region Director (The Cascade)
 * Vanessa Larkey an Ontario Region Director (The Underground)

CUP 68 Board
 * Chair Mike Barker an Ontario Region Director (The Dialog),
 * Vice Chair Ashley Martin the Prairies and Northern Region Director (The Carillon),
 * Treasurer Erin Millar the Western Region Director (The Cap Courier),
 * Human Resources Rep Johnathan Fleming the Atlantic Region Director (The Athenaeum),
 * Misha Warbanski the Quebec Region Director (The Link) and
 * Adrian Ma an Ontario Region Director (The Cord Weekly).

CUP 67 Board
 * Chair Anna Sarkissian the Quebec Region Director (The Link),
 * Vice Chair Jen White the Atlantic Region Director (The Muse),
 * Treasurer Andrew Krupowicz an Ontario Region Director (The Mike),
 * Human Resources Rep Zoe Bake-Paterson the Western Region Director (The Martlet),
 * Michelle Kuly the Prairies Region Director (The Uniter) and
 * Emma Sadowski an Ontario Region Director (Excalibur).

CUP 66 Board
 * Chair Dave Shipley the Atlantic Region Director (The Baron),
 * Vice Chair Steve Faguy the Quebec Region Director (The Link),
 * Treasurer Tara Lynn Price an Ontario Region Director (Excalibur),
 * Human Resources Rep Kevin Groves the Western Region Director (The Martlet/Ubyssey),
 * Anya Spethmann an Ontario Region Director (The Brock Press) and
 * Joel Trenaman the Prairies Region Director (The Manitoban).

CUP 65 Board
 * Chair Laura Blue the Western Region Director (The Ubyssey),
 * Vice Chair Dave "Skip" Zeibin the Prairies Region Director (The Gateway),
 * Treasurer Tanya Mustachi an Ontario Region Director (Excalibur),
 * Human Resources Rep Kathe Lemon an Ontario Region Director (The Arthur),
 * Ben Conoley the Atlantic Region Director (The Brunswickan) and
 * Sean Currie the Quebec Region Director (The McGill Daily).

CUP 64 Board
 * Chair Dan Lazin the Prairies Region Director (The Gateway),
 * Treasurer Laura Blue the Western Region Director (The Ubyssey),
 * Human Resources Rep Dave Darling an Ontario Region Director (The Argus),
 * Andrey Caric an Ontario Region Director (The Ontarion)
 * Jonathan "Kip" Keen the Atlantic Region Director (The Dalhousie Gazette) and
 * Joshua Cuppage the Quebec Region Director (The Link).

title: Canadian University Press


text:
Jure Francetić

Jure Francetić (3 July 1912 – 27/28 December 1942) was a Croatian Ustaša Commissioner for the Bosnia and Herzegovina regions of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) during World War II, and commander of the 1st Ustaše Regiment of the Ustaše Militia, later known as the Black Legion. In both roles he was responsible for the massacre of Bosnian Serbs and Jews. A member of Ante Pavelić's inner circle, he was considered by many Ustaše as a possible successor to Pavelić as Poglavnik (leader) of the NDH. He died of wounds inflicted when he was captured by Partisans near Slunj in the Kordun region when his aircraft crash-landed there in late December 1942.

Early life prior to formation of NDH
Francetić was born in Otočac in the mountainous Lika region of modern-day central Croatia on 3 July 1912. After high school where he was influenced by nationalist teachers, he went to study law at the University of Zagreb, where he joined the Ustaša movement and abandoned his studies. Soon after, he was exiled from Zagreb for five years as a result of his anti-Yugoslav political activities. He stayed in Otočac for a short time before emigrating to Italy in March 1933, where he took the Ustaša oath in the Borgotaro camp on 24 April 1933. He spent the next four years in Austria, Italy and Hungary. In Hungary he joined the Ustaša camp at Jankapuszta under the nom de guerre "Laszlo", became deputy commander of the camp, and developed into a fanatical Ustaša.

After the assassination of King Alexander, Francetić was interned on Sardinia by Mussolini at the request of the Yugoslav government. After a general declaration of amnesty in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Francetić returned to Croatia in November 1937, but was immediately arrested and exiled to his hometown. The next year Francetić returned to Zagreb hoping to complete his study of law but was forced to complete his military service instead. His nationalist activities included greeting all the inhabitants of Otočac with the slogan "Long live Ante Pavelić! Long live the Independent State of Croatia!". In late 1940 he was arrested in Zagreb due to a congratulatory telegraph to Dr Jozef Tiso, president of the newly formed Slovak Republic, signed by a number of Croat nationalists. He was again exiled to his native Otočac. After delivering an inflammatory nationalistic speech at a local school's New Year's celebration in Otočac on 12 January 1941, he escaped to Germany to avoid arrest.

Commissioner for Bosnia and Herzegovina
After the establishment of the NDH on 10 April 1941, Francetić was appointed as the chief Ustaša delegate in Bosnia and Herzegovina with the role of strengthening the Ustaša regime there. He arrived in Sarajevo on 24 April 1941 with Marshal Slavko Kvaternik, around 800 Ustaša militia, and 300 Ustaša police to establish formal control. Francetić effectively became the most powerful political leader in Sarajevo, and established a reputation for ruthlessness in dealing with Serbs and Jews. Francetić's Ustashe took control over the local administration by dismissing all civil servants and teachers belonging to the category of "Srbijanci" (Serbs), as well as Jews. Killings, arrests, and deportation of Serbs and Jews was a regular duty of Francetić's henchmen—based and justified by the official Ustashe policy which demanded the total extermination of Jews and the murder (1/3) and/or expulsion (1/3) and/or forced conversion to Roman Catholicism by Orthodox Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1/3). "On 23 July 1941 the headquarters of the NDH Ustasha police sent an order to the heads of all regions, including Francetić, to begin with the arrest and transportation of Jews, Serbs and communists to the Gospić concentration camp.

In September 1942, Francetić was removed from his role as the chief government delegate in Bosnia, probably to address the concerns of the Muslims of Bosnia about the atrocities perpetrated by the Ustaše over the last eighteen months.

Black Legion
In August 1941, Ustaša militia under (then Major) Francetić's command were deployed to eastern Herzegovina in order to counter the uprising there.

The 1st Ustaša Regiment (Prva Ustaška pukovnija) was raised by Francetić and Ante Vokić in Sarajevo in September 1941. When the original commander of the regiment was killed, Francetić took over command, and the regiment grew quickly and gained a reputation for fanaticism and violence. Raised for service in eastern Bosnia, by December it had been dubbed the Black Legion (Crna Legija) after adopting a black uniform. It was feared for its fanatical morale and fighting qualities, but also for the atrocities it committed against the Bosnian Serb population. It soon grew to a strength of between 1000–1500 men.

In the winter of 1941–1942, the Black Legion carried out massacres in both Prijedor in the north-west of Bosnia and also in the Romanija mountains north-east of Sarajevo. In the latter massacres, they killed thousands of defenceless Bosnian Serb civilians and threw their bodies into the Drina river. Francetić was rumoured to have ordered the killing of more than 3000 of those massacred in these operations.

Francetić earned his only military education and officer rank while serving in the Royal Yugoslav Army. He became a non-commissioned officer in the rank of sergeant. Regarding Francetić's military experience and knowledge, Eugen Dido Kvaternik wrote: "He did not have basic military knowledge and military education, nor did he have any talent for basic military organization." After establishment of the Independent State of Croatia in April 1941 Francetić and 10 others organized the Black Legion. Francetić became the leader of the Black Legion and earned the rank of colonel in the Ustaša army. Kvaternik believed Francetić "a born guerrilla and a son of our mountainous Herzegovina", which was sufficient reason to elevate him to military leader in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Commencing on 31 March 1942, and against German wishes, Francetić launched an independent offensive against the Partisans and Chetniks in eastern Bosnia. The Black Legion quickly captured Drinjača, Vlasenica, Bratunac and Srebrenica from the Partisans and defeated larger Chetnik forces led by Major Jezdimir Dangić.

Francetić also led the Black Legion during the joint German-Italian-Ustaša offensive Operation Trio in eastern Bosnia in April to June 1942, and according to the overall commander, General Bader, the Black Legion "significantly aided the success of the joint offensive". In May, the Black Legion massacred about 890 Serbs and Jews from Vlasenica after raping women and girls.

As justification for the mass killing of Bosnian Serbs and Jews, Francetić cited "the propaganda of 'the Jewish communist hydra'", which had succeeded in "misleading a majority of the Serb Orthodox population in eastern Bosnia into committing 'criminal acts against the state.'" Francetić stated that "the most drastic means" would have to be employed against them.

Francetić personally arrested and interrogated prominent Serbian and Jewish leaders, and ordered the murders of some of them. Francetić turned his own Sarajevo apartment into a prison kitchen/laundry room. The Ustashe's savagery against Serbs and dissidents reportedly prompted the German command to demand that Francetić, as the commander of the 1st Brigade Black Legion, be dismissed. Pavelić refused, promoting Francetić to commander of all Ustashe field formations.

Death
Francetić died on either 27 or 28 December 1942, aged 30. While flying to Gospić on 22 December, his plane was downed by Yugoslav Partisans near the village of Močile, near Slunj, which was a Partisan-held area. Both he and his pilot were immediately captured by local villagers. Severely wounded, Francetić was taken to NOVJ General Staff Hospital where Partisan surgeons attempted to save his life in order to exchange him for inmates of Ustaše camps and prisons, but failed. Ustashe authorities were so concerned about the effect of his death would have on supporters of their movement that the news of his death was delayed until the beginning of March 1943. Official announcement of his death came on March 31, 1943, and Ustashe declared eight days of official mourning.

Legacy
The Croatian Defence Forces (Hrvatske obrambene snage) (HOS) was the military arm of the Croatian Party of Rights (HSP) from 1991 to 1992 during the first stages of the Yugoslav wars. The 13th (Tomislavgrad) and 19th (Gospić) battalions of the HOS were given the title 'Jure Francetić' in his memory. In May 1993, one of the formations of the Croatian Defence Council (Hrvatsko vijeće obrane, HVO) operating in the Zenica region of Bosnia and Herzegovina was called the "Jure Francetić" Brigade.

A memorial plaque to Francetić was raised in Slunj in June 2000 by the Association of War Veterans ("Hrvatski domobran"). Four years later, in late 2004, the Croatian government ordered the removal of the memorial plaque. In January 2005, in the outskirts of Split, another memorial to Francetić and Mile Budak was built by unknown persons.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Jure Francetić


text:
French post offices in Zanzibar

The French post offices in Zanzibar were post offices operated by France in Zanzibar from January 16 1889 to July 31 1904, when the United Kingdom took direct control of what had previously been a protectorate.

The first issues prepared by France for use in Zanzibar were French stamps of the "Type Sage" design, overprinted with denominations expressed in annas (i.e. a sub-division of the Zanzibar rupee) across the top of the stamp. These began to appear in 1894. In 1896, France re-issued these stamps with an additional "ZANZIBAR" overprint across the bottom of the stamp. Many of the stamps of this design, especially those of 1897 created by printing on stamp margins, are very rare and expensive.

In 1902 French stamps of the "Type Blanc", "Type Mouchon," and "Type Merson" design were issued for use. These stamps incorporated the word "Zanzibar" as a part of the design, but still overprinted with denominations in annas. Stamps of this design were not regularly issued without the surcharge in annas.

title: French post offices in Zanzibar


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Ljubo Miloš

Ljubomir "Ljubo" Miloš (25 February 1919 – 20 August 1948) was a Croatian public official who was a member of the Ustaše of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) during World War II. He served as commandant of the Jasenovac concentration camp on several occasions and was responsible for various atrocities committed there during the war. He was responsible for the deaths of thousands.

He fled Yugoslavia in May 1945 and sought refuge in Austria. In 1947, he returned to Yugoslavia with the intention of starting an anti-communist uprising. He was soon arrested by Yugoslav authorities and charged with war crimes. Miloš was found guilty on all counts and hanged in August 1948.

Ljubo Miloš has been described as an "extremely sanguine fanatic and sadist. While Matkovic Ivica was a refined killer, Milos Ljubo was a brutal butcher." He is noted as being "one of the worst Ustase murderers".

Early life
Miloš was born in Bosanski Šamac on 25 February 1919. Miloš attended primary school in Orašje and Bosanski Brod and finished secondary school in Subotica. He stayed in Subotica and worked as a municipal clerk.

World War II
On 6 April 1941, Axis forces invaded Yugoslavia. Poorly equipped and poorly trained, the Royal Yugoslav Army was quickly defeated. The country was then dismembered and the extreme Croat nationalist and fascist Ante Pavelić, who had been in exile in Benito Mussolini's Italy, was appointed Poglavnik (leader) of an Ustaše-led Croatian state – the Independent State of Croatia (often called the NDH, from the Nezavisna Država Hrvatska). The NDH combined almost all of modern-day Croatia, all of modern-day Bosnia and Herzegovina and parts of modern-day Serbia into an "Italian-German quasi-protectorate". NDH authorities, led by the Ustaše militia, subsequently implemented genocidal policies against the Serb, Jewish and Romani population living within the borders of the new state.

Miloš arrived in Zagreb in June 1941 and met with his first cousin, Ustaše commander Vjekoslav Luburić. Luburić made him his right-hand man and used his influence to get Miloš a position within the Ustaše Supervisory Service (Ustaška nadzorna služba, UNS), which ran the Jasenovac concentration camp. In October, Miloš was named camp commander and promoted to the rank of First Lieutenant. Miloš was personally responsible for the safety of Croatian politician Vladko Maček during his imprisonment, from 15 October 1941 to 15 March 1942. Maček seeing Miloš, before going to bed, always made the sign of the cross, asked him if he "feared God's punishment" for the atrocities he committed in the camp. Miloš replied, "Say nothing to me. I know I will burn in hell for what I have done. But I will burn for Croatia."

Miloš was transferred to the Đakovo concentration camp in early 1942, but returned to Jasenovac and reassumed the position of camp commander in the spring. He seemed to compete with the other commanding officers in the camp to see who could torture and kill the most inmates. A witness reported that Miloš stabbed a man twice with a big knife due to the man hiding money. Another time Miloš took 25 prisoners from a line, grabbed a rifle and shot all of them. Miloš was often dressed in a white robe and pretended to be a doctor in front of sick inmates. He would sometimes take those applying to be hospitalized, line them up against a wall and slit their throats with a slaughtering knife. He seemed "very proud" of this "ritual slaughter of the [Jews]...". Witness Milan Flumiani recalled: "[As] soon as the seventeen of us arrived at Jasenovac, Ustaše beat us with rifle butts and took us to the Brick Factory, where Ljubo Miloš had already lined up two groups, while we arrived as a special third group. Maričić asked Ljubo Miloš, 'who should I aim at first?', and Miloš replied, 'where there’s more of them', and both of them pointed automatic rifles at the 40 men from the first two groups and shot them all. After that, he asked the first man from our group why he came here, and when that man replied that he was guilty of being born a Serb, he shot him on the spot. Then he picked out Laufer, a lawyer from Zagreb, and asked him what he was, and when he replied, he called him out like this — 'I like lawyers very much, come closer' — and killed him right away. Then he found out that a third man was a doctor from Zagreb, and he ordered him to examine the first two men and to establish whether they were dead. When the doctor confirmed that they were, he turned to the fourth man and when he found out that he too was a doctor, he 'forgave' the whole group."

Miloš also raised a wolfhound and trained it to assault inmates. During the summer of 1942, he travelled to Italy to complete a law enforcement course in Turin, but returned to the NDH after only ten days. In September, he returned to Jasenovac and assumed the role of assistant-camp commander. Troops under Miloš's command raided several villages near Jasenovac in October 1942, looted countless homes, arrested hundreds of Serb peasants and deported them to the camps. NDH authorities learned about the raids shortly after and arrested Miloš. He was not imprisoned long, as Luburić ordered his release on 23 December 1942. In January 1943, Miloš joined the Croatian Home Guard (Hrvatsko domobranstvo) and was stationed in Mostar. He returned to Zagreb in April 1943, where he remained until spring the following year. In September, he was named commander of Lepoglava prison.

A witness, Danon Jakob, reported about the killing of newly arrived victims on Christmas Day, stating that: "Matijevic Joso pushed the prisoners towards Ljubo Milos with a bayonet. Their hands were tied behind their backs. Each and every one of them Milos stabbed with a strong swing of a large butcher knife and slit their throats."

Capture and death
By the end of World War II, Miloš had attained the rank of Major. He fled Yugoslavia at the beginning of May 1945, and withdrew through Austria to Allied-controlled northern Italy with help from the Roman Catholic church. He soon returned to Austria and established links with Croatian émigrés there. He illegally crossed the Yugoslav–Hungarian border in 1947 with the intention of infiltrating Croatia with anti-communist guerrillas known as Crusaders (križari). Miloš was arrested by Yugoslav authorities on 20 July 1947, charged with war crimes and tried the following year. During his trial, he confessed to killing Jasenovac inmates and testified that the Ustaše had drawn up plans for the extermination of Serbs long before 1941. Miloš was found guilty on all counts on 20 August 1948 and sentenced to death by the Supreme Court of the People's Republic of Croatia. He was hanged in Zagreb the same day.

title: Ljubo Miloš


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Talk:Politics of Andorra

Political Conditions
This chapter requires to be updated. Some new political parties have appeared recently while the next national elections are aproaching. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 84.88.36.27 (talk) 09:12, 22 October 2008 (UTC)

Deleted this: Diplomatic representation in the US: chief of mission: Ambassador Juli Minoves-Triquell (also Permanent Representative to the UN) chancery: 2 United Nations Plaza, 25th Floor, New York, NY 10017 telephone: [1] (212) 750-8064 FAX: [1] (212) 750-6630

Diplomatic representation from the US: the US does not have an embassy in Andorra; the US Ambassador to Spain is accredited to Andorra; US interests in Andorra are represented by the Consulate General's office in Barcelona (Spain); mailing address: Passeig Reina Elisenda, 23, 08034 Barcelona, Spain; telephone: [34] 932 802 227; FAX: [34] 932 057 705

Either we should list embassies to/from every country in world (which would be unencyclopedic), or we should not list them for the US. To list the US alone is very US-centric, and belongs not in an international encyclopedia...

 As co-princes of Andorra, the President of France and the Bishop of La Seu d'Urgell maintain supreme authority in approval of all international treaties with France and Spain, as well as all those which deal with internal security, defense, Andorran territory, diplomatic representation, and judicial or penal cooperation

In terms of treaties, do the co-princes only have power in regard to their country? I.e., does the Bishop of La Seu d'Urgell have power to veto a treaty with France, and likewise, the President of France vetoing a treaty with Spain? Nik42 07:12, 28 October 2005 (UTC)

Bishop of Urgel
How does his co-princeship work? Does he get to exercise whatever powers remain to him on his own, or is there some sort of formal process whereby the Spanish government has some direction over him? What about before 1993? Anyone know? john k 01:20, 23 June 2006 (UTC)

Reworking Needed
This article gives many outdated, fantasious and false informations. It needs an in-depth reworking! Jmm1 18:00, 19 January 2007 (UTC)

Co-Princes
Boris Skossyreff suggested that the co-prince descended to the heirs of the French throne rather than to the Presidency.

Was this a legitimate (rather than legitimist argument?

Jackiespeel 16:39, 14 May 2007 (UTC)

Important notice
The government section of the "Outline of Andorra" needs to be checked, corrected, and completed -- especially the subsections for the government branches.

When the country outlines were created, temporary data (that matched most of the countries but not all) was used to speed up the process. Those countries for which the temporary data does not match must be replaced with the correct information.

Please check that this country's outline is not in error.

If you have any questions or comments, please contact The Transhumanist.

Thank you.

title: Talk:Politics of Andorra


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Fahrenheit 9/11 controversies

The 2004 documentary film Fahrenheit 9/11 generated controversy before, during, and after its release a few months prior to the 2004 U.S. presidential election. The film, directed by Michael Moore, criticizes the Bush administration's attempt to pursue Osama bin Laden in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks, as well as the Iraq War. Although Fahrenheit 9/11 was generally praised by film critics and won various awards including that year's Palme d'Or, the content was criticized by several commentators for accuracy, and lack of context. Additionally, the distributors protested Moore's inaction on unauthorized copying.

Ray Bradbury's title dispute
The title of the film refers to Ray Bradbury's novel Fahrenheit 451 and the September 11 attacks of 2001. The Fahrenheit 451 reference is emphasized by the film's tagline "The temperature where freedom burns" (compared with Fahrenheit 451's tagline, "The temperature at which books burn"). Moore has stated that the title came from the subject of an e-mail he received from a fan shortly after September 11.

Bradbury was upset by what he considered the appropriation of his title, and wanted the film renamed. In response, Dan Gillmor wrote that titles cannot be copyrighted and that some of Bradbury's own titles had been copied.

Move America Forward's letter-writing campaign
The conservative political action group Move America Forward mounted a letter-writing campaign pressuring theater chains not to screen the film, which it compared to "an al-Qaeda training video." "We've been causing them [the cinemas] an enormous amount of aggravation", said group member and talk radio host Melanie Morgan.

Citizens United's FEC challenge
Citizens United, a conservative group run by David Bossie, filed a complaint before the Federal Election Commission charging that ads for the film constitute political advertising and thus may not be aired 60 days before an election or 30 days before a party convention. On August 5, the FEC unanimously dismissed the complaint finding no evidence that the movie's ads had broken the law. A further complaint filed in 2005 was also rejected.

Controversy over the film's content
Shailagh Murray described Fahrenheit 9/11 in The Wall Street Journal as a "harshly satirical and controversial portrait of the Bush presidency." Stephen Dalton of The Times wrote that the movie "hits enough of its satirical targets to qualify as an important and timely film." Desson Thomson says "there is more to Fahrenheit 9/11 than partisan ridicule. ... What's remarkable here isn't Moore's political animosity or ticklish wit. It's the well-argued, heartfelt power of his persuasion." Author and blogger Andrew Sullivan expressed the opposite view, writing that Moore's film is "deeply corrosive of the possibility of real debate and reason in our culture." Canadian journalist Linda McQuaig wrote in response to Sullivan: "Hell, the media shut down real debate long ago. It is precisely because the debate has been so thoroughly corroded by the mainstream media ... that Moore's film is being so gratefully received by so many." Denis Hamill considers Fahrenheit 9/11 to be a "corrective to the daily drumbeat of right-wing talk radio."

English-American journalist and literary critic Christopher Hitchens and Democratic politician Ed Koch contended that Fahrenheit 9/11 contains distortions and untruths and is propaganda. Hitchens also compared Michael Moore to Leni Riefenstahl in his critique for Slate magazine, saying "Here we glimpse a possible fusion between the turgid routines of MoveOn.org and the filmic standards, if not exactly the filmic skills, of Sergei Eisenstein or Leni Riefenstahl." He later labeled Moore "a completely promiscuous opportunist [and] extremely callous person."

Author and political commentator Peter Holding called Hitchens' analogy "hysterical, unfair and offensive," adding that "some of the criticism directed towards Moore's film displays the very same characteristics for which Moore's film has been criticised". Fellow Slate columnist and Iraq war critic David Edelstein, though generally supportive of the film, wrote Fahrenheit 9/11 "is an act of counterpropaganda that has a boorish, bullying force", but called it a "legitimate abuse of power." Prominent French intellectual Bernard-Henri Lévy agreed the war was "a bad idea", but was sympathetic to the neoconservative point of view and disagreed with what he perceived to be the film's "core" argument, that "we have no reason to be interfering" in the Middle East. Joe Scarborough alleged that Moore has ducked criticism and dodged interviews from both himself and Hitchens.

Moore has published both a list of facts and sources for Fahrenheit 9/11 and a document establishing agreements between the points made in his film and the findings of the 9/11 Commission, an independent, bipartisan panel charged by Congress and U.S. president George W. Bush with investigating the facts and circumstances surrounding the September 11 attacks.

Bush reading to school children
Early on in the film, Moore explains that Bush continued reading "The Pet Goat" with a classroom of second graders at Emma E. Booker Elementary School in Sarasota, Florida for an extended period of time after being told of the attacks.

The school's principal, Gwendolyn Tose-Rigell, explained, "I don't think anyone could have handled it better. What would it have served if he had jumped out of his chair and ran out of the room?" Some of the schoolchildren, now grown, have expressed similar views; Mariah Williams, one of the students, stated in 2011 that, "I'm just glad he didn't get up and leave because then I would have been more scared and confused."

A 9/11 Commission staff report, titled Improvising a Homeland Defense, said: "The President felt he should project strength and calm until he could better understand what was happening."

According to senior White House correspondent Bill Sammon and his inside look at the Bush administration's response to 9/11, Fighting Back: The War on Terrorism from Inside the White House, Press Secretary Ari Fleischer was holding up a legal pad upon which he had written a message telling Bush not to say anything yet.

Alleged discrepancy on bin Laden's presumed innocence
According to Christopher Hitchens, Moore had argued in a previous public debate that Osama bin Laden was to be presumed innocent until proven guilty, and thus questions the treatment of bin Laden in the film. "Something – I cannot guess what, since we knew as much then as we do now – has since apparently persuaded Moore that Osama Bin Laden is as guilty as hell. Indeed, Osama is suddenly so guilty and so all-powerful that any other discussion of any other topic is a dangerous 'distraction' from the fight against him. I believe that I understand the convenience of this late conversion." Hitchens was subsequently invited to appear on Joe Scarborough's MSNBC talk show, Scarborough Country, at which point a tape recording of his debate with Moore at the Telluride Film Festival in 2002 was replayed.

"Moore: It seems as if he and his group were the ones who did this, then they should be tracked down, captured, and brought to justice.

Hitchens: What is the "if" doing in that last sentence of yours?

Moore: Well, all people are innocent until proven guilty in this country. ... Even the worst piece of scum.

Hitchens: I feel I have to press you on that. You regard it as an open question, the responsibility of Osama bin Laden?

Moore: Until anyone is convicted of any crime, no matter how horrific the crime, they are innocent until proven guilty. And as Americans...

Hitchens: No, that's all I asked you.

Moore: Never leave that position.

Hitchens: I'm sorry. So bin Laden's claims of responsibility strike you as the ravings of a clown's, say?"

When the video ended, Hitchens proceeded to explain: "Why does someone who thought that Osama was innocent and Afghanistan was no problem suddenly switch in this way? Because unless he says that he was dead wrong all along and Osama Laden was innocent and wronged, he can't say that everything else is a distraction from the hunt for Osama." Host Joe Scarborough, a personal friend of Hitchens, agreed with Hitchens and criticised Moore for inconsistency, accusing him of "hypocrisy" for assuming bin Laden is innocent one minute "and yet, in this movie, at the very beginning, he criticizes George Bush for not assuming the bin Laden family is somehow guilty, then letting them out of the country."

Flak magazine editor Stephen Himes, after watching Scarborough Country and reviewing a transcript of the Telluride debate, wrote that Hitchens had misconstrued Moore's remarks: "Hitchens actually performs some Clintonian semantic gymnastics here. Moore's if is not intending 'I think Osama is innocent and the Afghan war is unjustified;' he's trying to make an argument for American due process: 'If he and his group were the ones who did this, then they should be tracked down, captured and brought to justice'." Film critic Christopher Parry also took issue with Hitchens' interpretation of Moore's remarks, writing "If you've got to build a case against Jeffrey Dahmer, you've got to build a case against Bin Laden."

"Allow me to explain Moore's motivation, as if it needed explaining to anyone with a concept of logic, law and due process. Bin Laden is innocent until proven guilty in the eyes of the law. That is the American Way. Indeed, it's the World Way. But in order to prove his guilt, one must build a case, capture him and put him to trial... But in Fahrenheit 9/11, Moore has a different point to make. What he's saying in Fahrenheit 9/11 is, why, exactly, when the pursuit of Osama Bin Laden is completely justified, have only 14,000 troops been sent after him, while ten times that number have been sent into Iraq to take over a country that had nothing to do with 9/11?"

CNN news anchor Daryn Kagan asked Moore why, if he is so willing to uphold the law, he could also be critical of the Bush administration for pursuing Osama bin Laden at the same time. Moore replied:

"Because if you have a suspect and the suspect gets away, the police, or our military, have a right to go after and get that suspect. In fact, they should go get the suspect. And Richard Clarke's point, and my point is, is that they make a half-hearted effort ... because they didn't want to divert resources from what their main goal was, which was to go in and invade Iraq. And that's what they've been about since Day 1."

Saudi flights
Moore implicates the White House in allowing relatives of Osama bin Laden to leave the United States without being interviewed at length by the FBI. In his narration in the movie, Moore states that "At least six private jets and nearly two dozen commercial planes carried the Saudis and the Bin Ladens out of the U.S. after September 13." Moore based this statement on the research of Craig Unger, author of House of Bush, House of Saud, whom he interviewed for the film. Passenger lists can be found at the House of Bush website.

Approval of the flights
Christopher Hitchens points to a statement by former counterterrorism chief Richard A. Clarke, when interviewed by The Hill newspaper in May 2004, in which "he, and he alone, took the responsibility for authorizing [the] Saudi departures." Hitchens says that Moore interviewed Clarke and "either he didn't ask Clarke, who authorized those flights, or Clarke told him it was me and only me, and he didn't think it was good enough to use. ... Either way, that's below the level of trash TV, trash journalism." After quitting his White House position, Clarke became a prominent critic of the Bush administration's war on terrorism. Hitchens contends that the film does not mention Clarke's remarks so that it can criticize Bush for not going after Bin Laden's family, while holding up Clarke as a heroic, anti-war figure.

The filmmaker defended himself in an interview with ABC News correspondent Jake Tapper, answering: "Actually I do [display the] article and it's blown up 40 foot on the screen, you can see Richard Clarke's name right there saying that he approved the flights based on the information the FBI gave him. It's right there, right up on the screen. I don't agree with Clarke on this point. Just because I think he's good on a lot of things doesn't mean I agree with him on everything."

Moore, on his website and in The Official Fahrenheit 9/11 Reader, points to additional statements by Richard Clarke, also published in The Hill, which he believes support his contention that the White House approved the flights. The following is a chronological summary:

 * September 3, 2003: In his testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Clarke said: "It is true that members of the bin Laden family were among those who left. We knew that at the time. I can't say much more in open session, but it was a conscious decision with complete review at the highest levels of the State Department and the FBI and the White House."
 * March 24, 2004: In testimony to the 9/11 Commission, Clarke indicated that the request was not abnormal, "The Saudi embassy, therefore, asked for these people to be evacuated; the same sort of thing that we do all the time in similar crises, evacuating Americans. The request came to me and I refused to approve it." He goes on to explain that the FBI eventually approved the flights and he describes conversations in which the FBI has said that there was no one who left on those flights who the FBI now wants to interview.
 * March 24, 2004: "I would love to be able to tell you who did it, who brought this proposal to me, but I don't know. The two – since you press me, the two possibilities that are most likely are either the Department of State or the White House Chief of Staff's Office. But I don't know."
 * May 25, 2004: In an interview with The Hill newspaper, published the following day, Clarke said: "I take responsibility for it. I don't think it was a mistake, and I'd do it again." He went on to say that "It didn't get any higher than me... On 9–11, 9–12 and 9–13, many things didn't get any higher than me. I decided it in consultation with the FBI."

The FBI's denial that it had a role in approving the flights
On May 18, 2004, The Hill quoted FBI spokesman on counterterrorism John Iannarelli as denying that the FBI had any "role in facilitating these flights one way or another." The FBI's denial of involvement was repeated to The Hill by another spokesperson, Donna Spiser, in a May 26, 2004 article. She is quoted as saying "We haven't had anything to do with arranging and clearing the flights." She states that the FBI's involvement was limited to interviewing those people on the flight it thought were of interest: "We did know who was on the flights and interviewed anyone we thought we needed to."

Alleged lack of cooperation from the White House
The May 18 article in The Hill, which was published prior to Clarke's May 25 claim of responsibility, quoted 9/11 Commission vice-chair Lee H. Hamilton as saying: "We don't know who authorized [the flights]. We've asked that question 50 times." A May 26 article in The Hill quoted another commission member, Tim Roemer, as being unconvinced by Clarke's claim of sole responsibility for approving the flights: "It doesn't seem that Richard Clarke had enough information to clear it... I just don't think that the questions are resolved, and we need to dig deeper... Clarke sure didn't seem to say that he was the final decisionmaker. I believe we need to continue to look for some more answers."

Allegations concerning the Bush administration's refusal to provide information to the 9/11 Commission about the Saudi flights are disputed. The May 18, 2004 article in The Hill says that commission vice-chairman Lee Hamilton "disclosed the administration's refusal to answer questions on the sensitive subject during a recent closed-door meeting with a group of Democratic senators, according to several Democratic sources." It also says that Republican commission member John Lehman "said... that he told the senators the White House has been fully cooperative." President Bush, who met privately with the Saudi Arabian ambassador on the morning of Sept. 13, 2001, is suspected of personally authorizing the controversial flights while all other air travel had been halted.

Interviewing of bin Laden relatives
Moore interviews author Craig Unger and retired FBI agent Jack Cloonan, both of whom say bin Laden family members were not questioned in a serious manner at length before being allowed to leave. The 9/11 Commission has found that 22 of the 26 people on the "bin Laden" flight were interviewed before being allowed to leave the country with many being asked "detailed questions". A September 2, 2004 CNN news article reported that "However, in a recent interview with the AP, bin Laden's estranged sister-in-law said she does not believe that family members have cut [Osama] off entirely. Carmen Binladin, who has changed the spelling of her name and lives in Switzerland, said bin Laden is not the only religious brother in the family, and she expects his sisters to support him as well. 'They are very close to Osama,' she said."

Declassified FBI documents
In June 2007, Judicial Watch published partially declassified FBI documents on the flights obtained under a Freedom of Information Act request. Eric Lichtblau, writing in The New York Times, said the heavily redacted documents "do not appear to contradict directly any of those central findings [of the Sept. 11 commission] but they raise some new questions about the episode." In several cases, "Saudi travelers were not interviewed before departing the country, and F.B.I. officials sought to determine how what seemed to be lapses had occurred." Judicial Watch President Tom Fitton said: "The documents contain numerous errors and inconsistencies which prove the FBI conducted a slapdash investigation of the Saudi flights."

War in Iraq
The film suggests that the 2003 invasion of Iraq was an illegitimate attack on a sovereign nation, an unnecessary attack against an exaggerated threat. It makes a case against components of the Bush Doctrine; specifically, against the concepts of pre-emptive war combined with American unilateralism. The film also contends that the focus of the United States should have been directed elsewhere.

Christopher Hitchens criticized the film for not mentioning the history of repression, aggression, war crimes and the general state of human rights in Saddam Hussein's Iraq, nor Iraq's noncompliance with numerous United Nations resolutions. Hitchens wrote, "in this peaceable kingdom, according to Moore's flabbergasting choice of film shots, children are flying little kites, shoppers are smiling in the sunshine, and the gentle rhythms of life are undisturbed. Then—wham! From the night sky come the terror weapons of American imperialism. Watching the clips Moore uses, and recalling them well, I can recognize various Saddam palaces and military and police centers getting the treatment. But these sites are not identified as such. In fact, I don't think Al Jazeera would, on a bad day, have transmitted anything so utterly propagandistic." While interviewing Hitchens on his show, Scarborough claimed to be outraged at Moore's portrayal of the Iraqi insurgency, claiming Moore's film suggests "those killing Americans in Iraq aren't the enemy, but rather they are the revolution and the Minutemen, who are sure to win their battle against the occupation" and that "Moore says that the enemy is George Bush and Saddam Hussein and Mr. Zarqawi and Mr. Bin Laden are no problem. ... Indeed, they are the Minutemen. They're the staunch American revolutionaries."

Moore has frequently stated his opinion that Saddam was a brutal tyrant, though this opinion is not mentioned in the film. He said calling attention to Saddam's crimes was unnecessary considering the corporate media had continually pressed that point themselves, making it public knowledge. Who doesn't know that Saddam was a bad guy? The media did a wonderful job hammering that home every day in order to convince the public that they should support the war. For 20 seconds in this film, I become essentially the only person to say, I want you to take a look at the human beings that were living in Iraq in 2003. [...] Anyone who takes that and says that I'm trying to say that Saddam's Iraq was some utopia is just a crackpot.

Christopher Hitchens criticizes Moore for stating, in his film, that Iraq had not killed or attacked an American: "Moore asserts that Iraq under Saddam had never attacked or killed or even threatened (his words) any American. I never quite know whether Moore is as ignorant as he looks, or even if that would be humanly possible." Hitchens writes that Palestinian terrorists Muhammad Zaidan and Abu Nidal had been free to move in and out of Baghdad, and that Saddam's armed forces had exchanged fire and killed American soldiers during the first Gulf War. When interviewed by Jake Tapper, Moore denied having said Hussein's regime had not ever killed an American, insisting his movie had been misquoted: "That isn't what I said. Quote the movie directly. Murdered. The government of Iraq did not commit a premeditated murder on an American citizen." His narration is reproduced verbatim in The Official Fahrenheit Reader, including a chapter on critiques and supporting evidence.

Children of members of Congress serving in Iraq
Moore says that only one member of Congress had a child serving in Iraq: Army Staff Sergeant Brooks Johnson, the son of Senator Tim Johnson. According to Karen Kucher, when Fahrenheit 9/11 was nearing release to the home-video market, two additional Congressmen's children were stationed in Iraq: the son of Congressman Duncan L. Hunter, United States Marine Corps Lieutenant Duncan D. Hunter (who was later elected to Congress himself); and the son of Joe Wilson, Army National Guard Captain Alan Wilson.

Fahrenheit 9/11 also used footage of Moore confronting various members of Congress, encouraging them to enlist their own children to fight in Iraq. Moore approached Congressman Mark Kennedy and showed Kennedy giving Moore a quizzical, confused look. Kennedy expressed displeasure about his portrayal, saying he offered to help Moore and also indicated he had a nephew serving in Afghanistan, but this was edited out of the film.

Raymond Plouhar
Raymond Plouhar (May 26, 1976 – June 26, 2006) was a United States Marine Corps staff sergeant killed by a roadside bomb in Anbar Province, Iraq, during the Iraq War. His death raised media attention because he had been filmed in Fahrenheit 9/11. Plouhar was acting as a recruiter for the U.S. Marine Corps at the time he was filmed by Moore, whose film portrayed Plouhar attempting to enlist recruits in Moore's hometown of Flint, Michigan. At the time, Plouhar was then taking time off from active duty in the wake of his having donated a kidney to an uncle. Plouhar's father reported that his son willingly allowed himself to be filmed, and was unaware that Moore was making a film critical of the Iraq War. Other Marines filmed in the segment claimed they were deceived, saying they were not told that the filming was associated with Moore, or would be used to criticize their activities. They did not make explicit whether they had asked the purpose of the film; however, the Marines indicated that Moore's crew represented themselves as a New York-based television production company, Westside Productions, interested in making a small documentary on high school career choices. A ten-year veteran of the U.S. Marine Corps, Plouhar was an infantry unit leader assigned to the 3rd Battalion, 5th Marines, 1st Marine Division, I Marine Expeditionary Force out of Marine Corps Base Camp Pendleton, California. He had been part of a unit engaged in projects to rebuild and revitalize schools in Iraq. He reportedly had 38 days left on his tour of duty at the time of his death. He was survived by his wife and two children.

Peter Damon lawsuit
Moore's inclusion of a 10-second clip with amputee Peter Damon was criticized. Damon said the filmmaker "should be ashamed of himself" for claiming that soldiers were deceived into supporting the Iraq War and for using his injuries as reason to oppose the conflict. Damon "agree[s] with the President 100%. A lot of the guys down at Walter Reed feel the same way." According to Damon's doctor, Lt. Col. Chester Buckenmaier, Moore took "a very positive thing we're doing for soldiers" who lost limbs and "used it to tell a lie." Responding to the criticism, associate producer Joanne Doroshow said, "Anybody who has seen the film knows we have nothing but the deepest respect for the soldiers who were wounded. One of the purposes of the movie was to examine the impossible situation they were put into and to raise questions about why they were sent there."

Peter Damon sued Moore in federal court for $85 million, alleging that the film gave a false impression and was defamatory. Moore's attorney argued in response that the film quoted Damon verbatim and did not take his statements out of context nor give a false impression. The judge agreed and dismissed Damon's suit. In March 2008, the First Circuit Court of Appeals unanimously affirmed the ruling in Moore's favor.

Rebuttal documentaries
Documentary films made in response to Fahrenheit 9/11 include: Celsius 41.11 and Fahrenhype 9/11 (narrated by Ron Silver).

Unauthorized copying
Unauthorized copying of the film was widespread. An early version taped at a cinema was distributed using the peer-to-peer file sharing protocol BitTorrent. The distributors expressed unhappiness and suggested potential legal action, but according to the Sunday Herald, Moore responded, "I don't have a problem with people downloading the movie and sharing it with people as long as they're not trying to make a profit off of my labor". A "mint copy" of the film possibly appeared on the Lionsgate website itself, reported The Inquirer. Unlicensed screenings were also held in Cuba.

title: Fahrenheit 9/11 controversies


text:
User talk:Roy da Vinci/old

Welcome to the Wikipedia
Welcome, newcomer!

Here are some useful tips to ease you into the Wikipedia experience:

 * First, take a look at the Wikipedia Tutorial, and perhaps dabble a bit in the test area.
 * When you have some free time, take a look at the Manual of Style and Policies and Guidelines. They can come in very handy!
 * Remember to use a neutral point of view!
 * If you need any help, feel free to post a question at the Help Desk
 * Explore, be bold in editing pages, and, most importantly, have fun!

Also, here are some odds and ends that I find useful from time to time:

 * Policy Library
 * Utilities
 * Cite your sources
 * Verifiability
 * Wikiquette
 * Civility
 * Conflict resolution
 * Brilliant prose
 * Pages needing attention
 * Peer review
 * Bad jokes and other deleted nonsense
 * Village pump
 * Boilerplate text

Feel free to ask me anything the links and talk pages don't answer. You can most easily reach me by posting on my talk page.

You can sign your name on any page by typing 4 tildes, likes this: ~~~~.

Best of luck, and have fun!

ClockworkTroll 02:01, 11 Oct 2004 (UTC)

WikiThanks
For your charitable action in fixing my signature, thus avoiding unnecessary stress on server and browser, and averting embarassment to moi, I offer you WikiThanks. — Xiong 熊 talk 23:19, 2005 Apr 11 (UTC)

Thank you
You know something, Roy, you're the rarest and best kind of newcomer. I've welcomed about 500 people, and have received fewer than 30 "thanks". You are the first to make a suggestion, no less such a very good one! :) I really appreciate it, and I'll add that in right now. (By the way, I like your signature)

If you have any questions, or need any kind of help or guidance, feel free to let me know. – ClockworkSoul 04:21, 12 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Welcome to the Wikipedia
Welcome, !

Here are some useful tips to ease you into the Wikipedia experience:

Also, here are some odds and ends that I find useful from time to time:
 * First, take a look at the Wikipedia Tutorial, and perhaps dabble a bit in the test area.
 * When you have some free time, take a look at the Manual of Style and Policies and Guidelines. They can come in very handy!
 * Learn about some of the Wikipedia landmarks by trying our Wikipedia scavenger hunt!
 * If you need any help, feel free to post a question at the Help Desk
 * Wikipedia has a vibrant community of editors. The village pump is a great place to see the goings on.
 * Remember to use a neutral point of view!
 * Explore, be bold in editing pages, and, most importantly, have fun!

 * Utilities
 * Cite your sources
 * Verifiability
 * Wikiquette
 * Civility
 * Brilliant prose
 * Bad jokes and other deleted nonsense

Feel free to ask me anything the links and talk pages don't answer. You can most easily reach me by posting on my talk page.

You can sign your name on any page by typing 4 tildes, likes this: ~~~~.

Best of luck, and have fun!

Inca-stub and Inca-myth-stub
Hi Roy da Vinci - I note you've created two new stub templates. Did you realise that stub types should normally be cleared by WikiProject Stub sorting before creation? That way they can be vetted to check that there are a viable number of stubs (at least 60-100) and that the category does not cross the existing stub hierarchy before the stub is created.

If you can provide any information on why these stubs were created, please add a note to entry for these stubs at WikiProject Stub sorting/Criteria giving the reason for the stubs. In addition, if there is any Wikiproject associated with these stubs add that information. Thanks. --Allen3 talk 23:04, Apr 23, 2005 (UTC)

 * I've been too hasty, and too absorbed in my editing, and I apologize for rushing through the stub process. However, I still think at least one stub of this sort should stay. --R OY  YO Я 00:31, 24 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Hi Roy - sorry to have to tell you this, but Inca-myth-stub's being deleted. However, there is a new group of myth-related stub templates, so the broader template of americas-myth-stub can be used for any inca mythology articles. Grutness...  wha?  13:36, 8 August 2005 (UTC)

Image:Rmurdoch.jpg
This image has been placed on Image Sleuthing. We want to know the source or any information to help us form a fair use claim. You claimed this image to be public domain. Can you provide a source for this image or give us any information to help back up this claim, or can you make a fair use claim? If we can't keep this image we will ask for it to be deleted. Zeimusu | (Talk page) 08:34, 7 May 2005 (UTC)
 * The image's info and tag have been fixed. Yet again, I rushed through something important.  Sorry for the trouble. --R OY   YO Я 16:00, 7 May 2005 (UTC)

Nguyen Cao Ky
Just so you know, page moves should never be done by copying and pasting from one article to another - the move function should be used. If you are unable to move an article then just post a message at WP:RM. I've now fixed the histories by merging them. Cheers, violet/riga (t) 18:44, 9 May 2005 (UTC)

Image:Allhelgonakyrkan.gif
I saw your picture, Image:Allhelgonakyrkan.gif, and i am 100 % sure that it isn't the church located in the Helgalund area, Stockholm. The Allhelgona church is a wooden church. Where did you get the picture from? Jordgubbe 15:05, 18 Jun 2005 (UTC)

I did a check, it looks like the church in Lund. Moving to that article Zeimusu | (Talk page) 23:20, 20 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Biological warfare
Noticed your edit regarding bio warfare incidents against American Indians. FYI. A number of discussion pages in Wiki periodically debate this ever controversial issue. See User:Kevin Myers' edit history on the Smallpox article and his excellent work on Pontiac's Rebellion. He also recently completed an extensive rewrite to Population history of American indigenous peoples. Chime into the discussion pages if you have good sources on these issues. They seem to be few and far between. Comments welcome. WBardwin 04:12, 22 Jun 2005 (UTC)

template ll nominated for deletion
Hi - You might want to visit Templates_for_deletion. Someone has nominated template:ll (which you created a while ago) for deletion. -- Rick Block (talk) July 1, 2005 23:29 (UTC)
 * Thanks for the notice. --R OY  YO Я 2 July 2005 01:07 (UTC)

Some people don't know how to do links - really?
Why go to the trouble to write scandinavian when (presumably by design), scandinavian produces exactly the same external effect and is a much more convenient syntax. If you don't look at the source, you will not be able to tell what the distinction is. --Red King 5 July 2005 23:14 (UTC)
 * Is there a problem? As far as I can tell, you are saying that I should have optimised the Scandinavia link by changing   to  .  But since that seems to be exactly what I did, I'm afraid I don't know what you are getting at. --R OY   YO Я 6 July 2005 00:19 (UTC)
 * Yes, there's a problem. I can't tell my left from my right!  I "decided" that you had undone what I did, when actually you had redone what I did...  (scandinavian).  I confused the new column and the old column. I will now go away and write out 100 times "I must not jump to conclusions", followed by another 100 lines "if it is my bed time, I will stop editing".  --Red King 6 July 2005 10:09 (UTC)

American
Thanks Roy for approaching me. Since I wasn't sure what you wanted, I created a temporary file at User:Acjelen/Temp/American with some changes I would like to make to the current article American. As you will note, this includes section titles, a few additional comments on the wide use of the narrow sense of American, and restored text on the obsolete "American Race". My main concern is that some editors of this article will want to exclude the narrow sense and other editors will want to excluse the broader sense. Many people of the United States are surprised about, and even angry over, the debate. Conversely, many people of the Americas have equally strong feelings. Another concern I have is that this article and the discussion of the usage debate should not devolve into anti-Americanism, racism, jingoism, or political globalism. Finally, I dislike editors making universal statements about what "everyone" or "all" the people of a particular place do, say, feel, or want. I hope this helps. Tell me what you'd like to see. -Acjelen 06:03, 10 July 2005 (UTC)

Roy, on further reflection, I've changed my mind. Please see American and Use of the word American. Please feel free to make any changes you wish. -Acjelen 02:22, 21 July 2005 (UTC)

Chichén Itzá vs Chichen Itza
Hi. See Talk:Chichen Itza for discussion on why the article is at the unaccented rendering-- in short, because the name is Maya, not Spanish. Cheers, -- Infrogmation 12:16, 11 July 2005 (UTC)

WikiProject Pre-Columbian America
Hi! I'm interested to know what your ideas are for this wikiproject. I don't know if I could help much, but I'd try to lend a hand. I'm also concerned that indigenous languages and cultures in the Americas (as well as those in Africa and Australasia) don't have much representation on Wikipedia, yet. I'm sure it will change. Anyway, keep up the good work! Chamdarae 00:58, 18 July 2005 (UTC)

Templates' purpose
Help me out here: what should we be using templates for, rather than this? I'm still a newbie to template world, that's why I made this one.

If I understand it right, templates are to be used for content whose layout is likely to change frequently (or upon agreement), and which needs to be kept consistent across the wiki. Example - if we were to put a different NPOV notice everytime, whatever we fancy it to be, usability would suffer. So we use to carry the same semantics, but details of implementation improvable at will. Your template didn't serve this purpose, since a centralized change in it would do no good unless (nearly) all language pages were renamed - clearly infeasible. But I'm too lazy to find a reference that backs me on this. User:logixoul 21:29, 31 October 2005 (UTC)

Image:Imperialism.jpg
Hello. You uploaded this image in February. I was wondering if you know the original source of it. Someone asked on the help desk and we're trying to figure out who published the carton. Thanks. Dmcdevit·t 09:54, 4 December 2005 (UTC)
 * Sorry if I was cryptic above. :) It's not a problem. We had a question from a person who wants to use it in research for a publication, but wants to know the source. Anything you could tell us would be great. That's all. Thanks. Dmcdevit·t 23:46, 6 December 2005 (UTC)

Image Tagging Image:Ecotower.jpg
Thanks for uploading Image:Ecotower.jpg. I notice the image page currently doesn't specify who created the image, so the copyright status is therefore unclear. If you have not created the image yourself then you need to argue that we have the right to use the image on Wikipedia (see copyright tagging below). If you have not created the image yourself then you should also specify where you found it, i.e., in most cases link to the website where you got it, and the terms of use for content from that page.

If the image also doesn't have a copyright tag then you must also add one. If you created/took the picture then you can use GFDL to release it under the GFDL. If you believe the image qualifies as fair use, please read fair use, and then use a tag such as or one of the other tags listed at Image copyright tags. See Image copyright tags for the full list of copyright tags that you can use.

If you have uploaded other images, please check that you have specified their source and copyright tagged them, too. You can find a list of image pages you have edited by clicking on the "my contributions" link (it is located at the very top of any Wikipedia page when you are logged in), and then selecting "Image" from the dropdown box. Note that any unsourced and untagged images will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. Thank you. Stan 05:41, 26 January 2006 (UTC)

 * All right, I could not find information on the license, but I justified it for fair use.R OY YO Я

Image copyright problem with Image:Webb3.50.73mi.jpg
Thanks for uploading Image:Webb3.50.73mi.jpg. However, the image may soon be deleted unless we can determine the copyright holder and copyright status. The Wikimedia Foundation is very careful about the images included in Wikipedia because of copyright law (see Wikipedia's Copyright policy).

The copyright holder is usually the creator, the creator's employer, or the last person who was transferred ownership rights. Copyright information on images on Wikipedia is signified using copyright templates. The three basic license types on Wikipedia are open content, public domain, and fair use. Find the appropriate template in Image copyright tags and place it on the image page like this:.

Please signify the copyright information on any other images you have uploaded or will upload. Remember that images without this important information can be deleted by an administrator. You can get help on image copyright tagging from Wikipedia talk:Image copyright tags. -- Carnildo 08:04, 3 February 2006 (UTC)

Image Tagging Image:Imperialism.jpg
Thanks for uploading Image:Imperialism.jpg. I notice the 'image' page currently doesn't specify who created the content, so the copyright status is therefore unclear. If you have not created this media yourself then you need to argue that we have the right to use the media on Wikipedia (see copyright tagging below). If you have not created the media yourself then you should also specify where you found it, i.e., in most cases link to the website where you got it, and the terms of use for content from that page.

If the media also doesn't have a copyright tag then you must also add one. If you created/took the picture, audio, or video then you can use GFDL to release it under the GFDL. If you believe the media qualifies as fair use, please read fair use, and then use a tag such as or one of the other tags listed at Image copyright tags. See Image copyright tags for the full list of copyright tags that you can use.

If you have uploaded other media, please check that you have specified their source and copyright tagged them, too. You can find a list of 'image' pages you have edited by clicking on the "my contributions" link (it is located at the very top of any Wikipedia page when you are logged in), and then selecting "Image" from the dropdown box. Note that any unsourced and untagged images will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. Thank you. Avatar-en 13:24, 14 February 2006 (UTC)

Oops
I seem to have a problem with loading random pictures illegally. Sorry. If there is another one without a license, maybe it's better to just take it off and find a different one.R OY YO Я 02:21, 16 February 2006 (UTC)

Image copyright problem with Image:Inti.jpg
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title: User talk:Roy da Vinci/old


text:
John Langton

John Langton (died 1337) was a chancellor of England and Bishop of Chichester.

Life
Langton was a clerk in the royal chancery, serving as the first Master of the Rolls from May 1286, and became chancellor in 1292. He obtained several ecclesiastical appointments (including as Vicar of St. Mary's Church, Horncastle), but owing to the resistance of Pope Boniface VIII he failed to secure the bishopric of Ely in 1298, although he was supported by King Edward I of England and visited Rome to attain his end. Resigning his office as chancellor in 1302, he was chosen Bishop of Chichester on 5 April 1305, consecrated bishop on 19 September 1305, and again became chancellor shortly after the accession of Edward II in 1307. Langton was one of the ordainers elected in 1310, and it was probably his connection with this body that led to his losing the office of chancellor about this time. He continued, however, to take part in public affairs, mediating between the king and Thomas, 2nd Earl of Lancaster in 1318, and attempting to do so between Edward and his rebellious barons in 1321. He died on 19 July 1337. Langton built the chapterhouse at Chichester, and was a benefactor of the University of Oxford.

title: John Langton


text:
Voices Carry (album)

Voices Carry is the first studio album by American new wave band 'Til Tuesday, released in 1985.

'Til Tuesday's debut single was the album's title track, which went to #8 on the Billboard singles chart and remains the band's best-known song. The "Voices Carry" video won the MTV Video Music Award for Best New Artist and was played heavily on MTV. It depicts a boyfriend trying to convert Aimee Mann to his upper-class lifestyle; she finally lashes out at him during a concert at Carnegie Hall, standing up from her seat in the audience and belting the lyrics ("He said, shut up! He said, shut up! Oh God, can't you keep it down?...") as she removes her cap to reveal her signature spiky, rat-tailed hair, while her boyfriend hides his face in embarrassment and the rest of the attendees look on in shock.

Except for one short establishing shot of the exterior of New York City's Carnegie Hall, the video was shot completely on-location in Boston, MA. The Strand Theater in Dorchester's Upham's Corner doubled for the interior of Carnegie Hall during the video's final crane shot.

The album's second and third singles were "Looking Over My Shoulder" (which peaked at No. 61 on the Billboard Hot 100) and "Love in a Vacuum".

Production
Martin Rushent was being considered for the role of producer for Voices Carry.

Release
Voices Carry was released on April 20, 1985. The album entered the Billboard 200 at 152nd place on June 25. The album spent 31 weeks on the chart peaking at 19.

Reception
From contemporary reviews, Spin described the album as "a pleasure, but not a revelation." and that "almost all the tunes are instantly catchy, if not especially inspired." Spin praised the group's vocalist stating that "in lead singer Aimee Mann they may have a star. [...] she has her own look and a voice that's evocative, thought not yet distinctive enough to stake out its own turf in the crowded field of female vocalists." Robert Christgau gave the album a B− rating, stating that the group rolls out "synth-pop hooks like vintage A Flock of Seagulls, but Aimee Mann's throaty warble sounds almost human. And while the generalization level of her aggressively banal lyrics signals product, not expression, every one lands square on a recognizable romantic cliché."

From retrospective reviews, AllMusic wrote that "While most bands from Boston suffered from lack of production, Mike Thorne does a decent job on much of the album and excellent work on the title track." The review found that "Love in a Vacuum" was "over-produced, creating a good album track when the true follow-up hit was actually in hand." The review went on to note haunting lyrics on "I Could Get Used to This" and "No More Crying" which "separate this recording from work of similar '80s bands". The review concluded that "this album and its follow-ups should have had as much commercial success as the Cars, because artistically, they are equal to that band's dynamic debut."

Legacy
The popular Canadian teen drama Degrassi: The Next Generation, which is known for naming each episode after an ‘80s hit song or album, named a two-part episode after this album.

Personnel

 * 'Til Tuesday
 * Aimee Mann – lead vocals, backing vocals, bass
 * Robert Holmes – electric guitar, backing vocals
 * Joey Pesce – synthesizers, piano, backing vocals
 * Michael Hausman – drums, percussion

Production
 * Produced By Mike Thorne
 * Executive Producer: Dick Wingate
 * Engineered By Dominick Maita
 * Mixed By Harvey Goldberg; assisted by Moira Marquis
 * Studio Assistants: Mike Krowiak & Jeff Lippay
 * Mastered By Jack Skinner
 * Britain Hill - photography

title: Voices Carry (album)


text:
User talk:Stereo

ClockworkTroll 02:03, 11 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Stirling Newberry 12:38, 27 Jun 2004 (UTC) thanks, typing isn't my strong suit.

Reminder
When you take part in Talk discussion, add new sectiosn at the BOTTOM of the page and remeber to sign your posts. I have replied at Talk:Partitions of Poland. --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus Talk 00:48, 9 May 2005 (UTC)

 * Note to self: I really have to sign my edits in the talk page. I constantly forget, and apologise in advance if you came here after seeing one of my edits. --Stereo 12:16, 14 February 2006 (UTC)

TIA/EIA-568B color codes
Thanks for your recent addition to TIA-568A/B. The table and image are very useful.

Unfortunately, the colors represented do not match the standard. Perhaps you could correct the table and drawing? In both the T568A and T568B termination standards (both current in TIA/EIA-568B), there are no color/white conductors - only white/color and solid color.

For example, the T568B termination standard is: white/orange, orange, white/green, blue, white/blue, green, white/brown, brown.

dpotter 18:58, 14 February 2006 (UTC)

 * I recently noticed that you made the same edits, on the RJ45 page, which also needs fixup. dpotter 15:58, 15 February 2006 (UTC)

 * You are absolutely right. I had noticed this, but then forgotten about it. The error is common to pretty much all wikipedia articles related to ethernet, as can be seen on the page on the mythical orange-white cable. All that stuff should be merged in one place, really. —Preceding unsigned comment added by  Stereo (talk • contribs)

Awesome
You could have given me a barnstar :P The awesome thing was difficult to format ;) Btw, Userboxes should be "subst"'d. with the exception of babel boxes. See WP:TGS. And if you understood half of what I wrote there you edit Wikipedia too much :) - FrancisTyers · 12:03, 7 June 2006 (UTC)

 * :)) - FrancisTyers · 14:04, 7 June 2006 (UTC)

Lactose intolerance
I thought you argued well re removal of Lactose intolerance section, given that "citation needed" tags had been lying throughout :-) I found a few more PubMed refs, certainly enough to verify discussion of the various products (pre-hydrolysed, liquid and tablets forms) and how they fit in with overall management approaches. So I have reinserted the section, but with a considerable rewrite - let me know what you think :-) Yours David Ruben Talk 01:38, 15 November 2006 (UTC)

Embargo
I put up an announcement of this new planet yesterday, and it was deleted per Wikipedia desire not to breach the embargo on the news from ESO. The embargo is until 19:00 ET today, so please be patient. Since the embargo has been leaking like a sieve, I've been deleting stuff all day; but I think we should, for the sake of good public relations for Wikipedia, respect it. Vegasprof 20:51, 24 April 2007 (UTC)

Gliese 581 c: radius
I removed the radius value from Gliese 581 c, because I find it very hard to believe that “about 50% bigger” translates to an occlusion area exactly 50% greater – this would be one of the greatest coincidences in the history of the universe. -Ahruman 22:02, 24 April 2007 (UTC)

Striking your vote
Hello Stereo,

Thank you for your interest in the Wikimedia Board Election. The Election Committee regretfully informs you that your previous vote was received in error and will be struck according to the election rules, described below.

The Election Committee regretfully announces today that we will have to remove approximately 220 votes submitted. These votes were cast by people not entitled to vote. The election rules state that users must have at least 400 edits by June 1 to be eligible to vote.

The voter lists we sent to Software in the Public Interest (our third party election partner) initially were wrong, and one of your account was eventually included to our initial list. There was a bug in the edit counting program and the sent list contained every account with 201 or more edits, instead of 400 or more edits. So large numbers of people were qualified according to the software who shouldn't be. The bug has been fixed and an amended list was sent to SPI already.

Our first (and wrong) list contains 80,458 accounts as qualified. The proper number of qualified voters in the SPI list is now 52,750. As of the morning of July 4 (UTC), there are 2,773 unique voters and 220 people, including you, have voted who are not qualified based upon this identified error.

In accordance with voting regulations the Election Committee will strike those approximately 220 votes due to lack of voting eligibility. The list of struck votes is available at https://wikimedia.spi-inc.org/index.php/List_of_struck_votes.

We are aware of the possibility that some of the people affected may have other accounts with more than 400 edits, and hence may still be eligible to vote. We encourage you to consider voting again from another account, if you have one. If you have no other account eligible to vote, we hope you reach the criteria in the next Election, and expect to see your participation to the future Elections.

Your comments, questions or messages to the Committee would be appreciated, you can make them at m:Talk:Board elections/2007/en. Other language versions are available at Translation requests/Eleccom mail, 07-05.

Again, we would like to deeply apologize for any inconvenience.

Sincerely, Kizu Naoko Philippe

Jon Harald Søby

Newyorkbrad Tim Starling

For Wikimedia Board Election Steering Committee

Unreferenced BLPs
Hello Stereo! Thank you for your contributions. I am a bot alerting you that 1 of the articles that you created  is tagged as an Unreferenced Biography of a Living Person. The biographies of living persons policy requires that all personal or potentially controversial information be sourced. In addition, to ensure verifiability, all biographies should be based on reliable sources. If you were to bring this article up to standards, it would greatly help us with the current Category:All_unreferenced_BLPs article backlog. Once the article is adequately referenced, please remove the unreferencedBLP tag. Here is the article:

Thanks!--DASHBot (talk) 01:33, 16 January 2010 (UTC)
 * 1) Jean-François Rischard -

ArbCom elections are now open!
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title: User talk:Stereo