text:
Franchi SPAS-12

The Franchi SPAS-12 is a combat shotgun manufactured by Italian firearms company Franchi from 1979 to 2000. The SPAS-12 is a dual-mode shotgun, adjustable for semi-automatic or pump-action operation. The SPAS-12 was sold to military and police users worldwide, as well as on the civilian market.

The appearance and intended purpose of the SPAS-12 initially led to its "military" designation as a combat shotgun. The SPAS-12 was designed from the ground up as a rugged military shotgun, and it was named the Special Purpose Automatic Shotgun. In 1990, Franchi renamed the shotgun the Sporting Purpose Automatic Shotgun, which allowed continued sales to the United States as a limited-magazine-capacity, fixed-stock model until 1994. Following the United States Federal Assault Weapons Ban, imports of SPAS-12 shotguns to the United States were stopped. In September 2004 the ban expired, but Franchi ended production of the SPAS-12 in 2000 to focus on the manufacturing of the SPAS-15 model, which was based on the SPAS-12. The SPAS-12's factory retail price in its final year was US$1,500 averaged for its final sales outside the United States to non-restricted countries.

Design
The SPAS-12 was designed to function primarily in semi-automatic mode, with the pump-action mode used to reliably fire low-pressure ammunition such as tear gas rounds or less-lethal bean bags. The firing mode is switched by depressing the button under the fore-grip and also sliding it forwards or backwards until it clicks into position allowing the rotating sleeve to open or close the two gas ports.

The semi-automatic mode functions with a short-stroke gas piston system. When a shell is fired, the pressure makes the bolt move rearward but the bolt will stop before opening as it deploys a single top locking lug. The gas vents into the barrel and the gas port is located towards the end of the barrel. From the gas port, the gas vents downwards into the gas block where it pushes the piston rearward. Because of the presence of the magazine tube and to avoid the use of a top-mounted gas system, the gas block and the piston are annular, along with the piston spring they enclose the magazine tube. Once operated, the piston drives 2 symmetrical thin sprung operating rods located in the corners formed by the barrel and the magazine tube. As the rods push the bolt carrier rearward, it disengages the locking lug and drives the bolt rearward, allowing the system to cycle.

The SPAS-12 has a magazine cut-off feature, which prevents the magazine from releasing a new round when the action is cycled. This allows the operator to load a different type of round into the chamber without first unloading the chambered round, and the second that would otherwise subsequently be released from the magazine.

A unique feature of the folding-stock variants is the butt hook. With the stock extended, the hook can be pushed in and turned 90 degrees to the left or right, to fit under the user's forearm. This is to enable the shotgun to be fired with one hand; e.g. while abseiling/rappelling, or from a vehicle window while driving. The hook can be released from the buttplate completely by turning 180 degrees.

SPAS-12 models feature two safeties: (i) a lever style or push button style safety, and (ii) a "quick employment safety". Lever safeties were recalled by Franchi and were replaced through the importer American Arms in the early 1990s. There are two types of push-button safeties. The earliest version would release the hammer on a safe up to 1/4in. of travel when the trigger was depressed; this would cause a lockup of the action that would require the user to re-lock the bolt assembly to the rear to reset the hammer and then reload the chamber. The later version installed a detent and machined hole in the trigger group frame to prevent an action lock; the detent would prevent the hammer from engaging when the trigger was depressed and would prevent an action lock from occurring. The quick employment safety, which is on the left side of the trigger guard, disconnects the trigger when put into safe mode. The quick employment safety can be disengaged with the trigger finger when ready to fire and is intended for competition or tactical use. A third safety type, a pistol grip safety similar to the later-developed SPAS-15, is known to have been developed by Franchi for the SPAS-12, however, the pistol grip safety was not offered for sale to the general public.

A B-Square rail mount for optics was available for a short time in the 1990s as an aftermarket accessory.

The barrel of the SPAS-12 was externally threaded to accept a variety of attachments. The barrel is cylinder bored and spreads a normal shot charge to about 900mm at 40 meters.

There are four different magazine extension tubes manufactured for the SPAS-12:
 * 1) The 5-shell was designed for the 18" barrel.
 * 2) The 6-shell was designed for restriction on the standard 21.5" Sporting Purpose model.
 * 3) The 7-shell was designed for the 19$3⁄4$" barrel.
 * 4) The 8-shell was designed for the 21.5 Special purpose model.

Many choke types original and aftermarket exist for the SPAS-12. A 44 mm grenade launcher was used by France for explosive grenades capable of a range of 150 meters. A factory shot diverter that spreads shot vertically or horizontally was originally included with earlier model SPAS-12s. There are many known reproduction diverters.

SPAS-12, SAS-12 and LAW-12 model differences
Four different stock styles exist. The first version of the SPAS-12 was manufactured with a wooden detachable stock and a standard grip. Later models included the folding metal stock with a hook. After the United States imposed import restrictions on the SPAS-12 in 1989, a version was released in 1990 with the synthetic hollow fixed stock and a six-shell capacity to comply with federal regulations for sporting purposes.

Four different factory barrels were manufactured for the SPAS-12.
 * 1) (Very rare) 18 in "shorty" made for law enforcement/military and originally distributed mainly in France. This is the only known model to receive the pistol grip safety.
 * 2) (Very rare) 19+7/8 in found scattered on very few of the 1983 "AL" proofed SPAS-12 shotguns. These were originally made for law enforcement/military applications.
 * 3) (Common to the United Kingdom) 21+1/2 in as a one-piece barrel converted to a 24 in UK-legal barrel. This barrel adds a 2.5 in choke tube brazed or silver-soldered in place.
 * 4) (Most common) The standard 21+1/2 in with sight blade muzzle ended on the barrel for the special purpose model or the pushed back sight blade with brazed extension for the sporting purpose model.

The Franchi SPAS-12 came equipped with a non-adjustable circular aperture rear sight and a large, non-adjustable blade foresight integrated into the barrel. The LAW-12 was semi-automatic only and the SAS-12 was a pump-action only. These three "sister" shotguns accepted all SPAS-12 components, notably trigger groups, barrel threaded attachments and stocks. The various magazine extension tubes of the LAW-12 and SAS-12 were never designed to be interchangeable with the SPAS-12 as this would cause issues with the gas selector switch moving from auto to pump-action on the SPAS-12 model. The extensions have been known to spin off the front of the SPAS-12 during cycling if the extension was not tapered for the SPAS-12 retaining pin.

The pump-action Franchi SAS-12 could accept 3" shells but it did not have a bolt handle cut in the bolt body. The SPAS and LAW could only accept 2$7/8$" shells. The SAS-12 has a barrel length of 21+1/2 in, an overall length of 41+1/2 in, a weight of 7 lb and a capacity of 8 rounds in the magazine + 1 in the chamber.

The semi-automatic-only Franchi LAW-12 Model was also restricted by importation in 1989 and banned in 1994 with the Federal Assault Weapons Ban. The LAW-12 has a barrel length of 21+1/2 in, a weight of 7 lb and a capacity of 8 rounds in the magazine + 1 in the chamber. The model was known to have been imported with all stock styles used on the Franchi SPAS-12. The LAW-12 models were more common with police sales as an alternative to the more expensive SPAS-12 for departments throughout the United States. The LAW-12 model was notably lighter – 1.35 lb – than the SPAS-12 and still maintained the same tube capacity of 8+1 shells. LAW-12 gas pistons were designed as two pieces; unlike the one-piece design of the SPAS-12, they are not interchangeable. The LAW-12 was discontinued by Franchi shortly before the SPAS-12 was discontinued in 2000.

Importers
In the United States, there were two importers of SPAS-12 shotguns. Importation of the SPAS-12 into the United States began in 1982 and ended in 1989 under F.I.E. Corp. In 1989, F.I.E. suffered from major losses in sales due to the president's importation ban, which was a reinterpretation of 18 U.S.C. 925(d)(3) that required firearms to have a "sporting purpose" in order to be imported.

In 1990 American Arms incorporated purchased all remaining inventories of parts and SPAS-12 shotguns from the now-bankrupt F.I.E Corp and began the re-importation of the Franchi SPAS-12 as the (Sporting Purpose Automatic Shotgun) under newly approved restrictions until 1994. The ATF allowed the importation of a SPAS-12 variant from American Arms because its size, weight, bulk and modified configuration were such that it was particularly suitable for traditional shooting sports.

The SPAS-12 was tested by the U.S. Coast Guard and showed promising results but again was not considered cost-effective for a contract over other available suppliers. The Assault Weapons Ban of September 1994 caused American Arms to stop the importation of the SPAS-12 with major losses of sales due to the legal restrictions invoked by the U.S. Assault Weapons Ban.

Both importers placed numerous additional orders for the SPAS-12 that were never complete due to U.S. restrictions throughout importation. This was the reason for such few numbers of shotguns imported into the United States.

Legality
In the United States, between September 1994 and September 2004, the Federal Assault Weapons Ban prohibited the transfer and possession of SPAS-12 shotguns manufactured after 13 September 1994. The ban sunset on 13 September 2004 and is no longer in force. However, some U.S. States and territories currently maintain similar bans, including California, Connecticut, District of Columbia, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, and New York.

Users

 * 🇦🇷 Argentina: Used by Brigada Especial Operativa Halcón.
 * 🇦🇹 Austria: Used by EKO Cobra.
 * 🇧🇷 Brazil: Used by Grupo de Ações Táticas Especiais (GATE).
 * 🇨🇱 Chile: Chilean Gendarmerie
 * 🇪🇬 Egypt: used by military police alongside Franchi PA-3
 * 🇫🇷 France: Used by GIGN
 * 🇮🇩 Indonesia: Komando Pasukan Katak (Kopaska) tactical group and Komando Pasukan Khusus (Kopassus) special forces group.
 * 🇮🇪 Ireland: Used by the Army Ranger Wing.
 * 🇱🇧 Lebanon: Used by police.
 * 🇲🇾 Malaysia: National Special Operations Force.
 * 🇵🇹 Portugal: Used by the Portuguese Armed Forces.
 * 🇹🇼 Taiwan
 * 🇹🇷 Turkey: Turkish Gendarmerie.
 * 🇺🇸 United States: Used by police SWAT teams.

Non-state users

 * Lebanese Forces
 * Provisional Irish Republican Army

title: Franchi SPAS-12


text:
American University of Puerto Rico

The American University of Puerto Rico (AUPR) was a private university in Puerto Rico with campuses in Bayamón and Manatí. The university was founded in 1963 as the American Business College, and offered undergraduate studies in arts, business administration, education, and sciences, and graduate studies in criminal justice.

AUPR was accredited by the Council of Higher Education of Puerto Rico and the Middle States Association of Colleges and Schools.

Its founder, Juan B. Nazario Negrón presided over the University for 48 years and died in 2011.

On May 1, 2023, the university announced that it would not offer any classes after the Summer 2023 session, and ceased operations in December 2023.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: American University of Puerto Rico


text: Category:Jim Hogg County, Texas

title: Category:Jim Hogg County, Texas


text:
User talk:Jamesmoran

Hello, "Jamesmoran" and welcome to Wikipedia. A few tips for you:

. Cheers, -- Infrogmation 19:35, 16 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Peruse Welcome, newcomers and associated pages, such as
 * How to edit a page
 * How to write a great article
 * Naming conventions
 * Manual of Style
 * You can experiment in the Sandbox.
 * Sign talk page entries with ~, which is automatically converted to a name and date.
 * If you have any questions, see Help, or you can a question at the Help desk.
 * I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian.

title: User talk:Jamesmoran


text:
Talk:Flat Liner cocktail

Ermmm...can't seem to find any discussion about the potential deletion on the deletion page. Time to remove the notice? --clawson

title: Talk:Flat Liner cocktail


text:
Talk:Caulk

Discussion
The latest edits seem to muddle the caulk-sealant distinction. If we say caulk is relatively inelastic, and sealant is relatively elastic, then silicone is a sealant, not a caulk. That's how big manufacturers classify it.

Also, how about an informative example of curing time? The edits have removed all information about scale. If you say it varies according to chemical composition, the reader may assume you mean five to ten minutes, or five to ten years. So I'm editing this to say "several days", and hope an expert can offer an average curing time for silicone, for example.--JB Piggin 17:40, 22 December 2005 (UTC)

Aug 28, 2007
Just came across this article on caulking. The picture of the US airman using a caulking gun may be appropriate to demonstrate the article, but the legend to the picture definitely is not. The person's name and even the obvious affiliation to the forces is not appropriate, and the reference to "arse" should be removed from what should be an encyclopeida, not a personal blog. 24.57.129.133 04:02, 29 August 2007 (UTC)[J Smith, Ancaster, ONtario]

 * What are you talking about??? Pjbflynn 02:07, 30 August 2007 (UTC)
 * Oh, I just found the passage you're referring to on the image's page. Since that content is not on this page, may I suggest your comment would be more relevant on the image's talk page? Or for that matter, you could just edit that page. Pjbflynn 14:25, 30 August 2007 (UTC)
 * I'm personally still confused what the arse bit refers to. I looked both in this article's history at the time of the IP's post and in the entire history of the image description in the commons with no sign it ever said anything about arse. Nil Einne (talk) 12:21, 27 April 2012 (UTC)

More discussion
Okay, I believe the 'word to the wise' bit, and it's most likely here for a good reason - but being curious to the point of psychosis, what does it mean? -- Kizor 19:37, 16 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * There is some information on User talk:T-bomb although I don't get it. Most probably should be removed.--Chealer 20:53, 2004 Dec 7 (UTC)
 * It's just a joke, and I'm therefore removing it. Crenner 06:24, 22 Jan 2005 (UTC)
 * By the way, coming from ten years of construction, no one who uses caulk would actually worry about the pronunciation like that. They're quite clearly two different words. Crenner 06:27, 22 Jan 2005 (UTC)
 * I just re-wrote the marine caulking section, both for clarity and to include iron ship caulking. The bit about the "devil" is widely regarded among caulkers as apochryphal, so I lost it. --Pjbflynn 08:12, 1 November 2006 (UTC)

Time To Dry
There should be a mention of caulks time to dry. I think that's important to mention, but I am not sure of the average drying time. I do know it's around 24 hours, but again, I'm not sure of the average. — Preceding unsigned comment added by LogicalCreator (talk • contribs) 20:54, 23 April 2012 (UTC)

In popular culture
caused a controversy in the news over its use in the online game wordle, i kid you not. shall we place this here? 50.193.19.66 (talk) 18:54, 16 February 2022 (UTC)

 * My feeling is "absolutely not". In popular culture sections are discouraged on Wikipedia anyway because they amount to trivia. Anybody who calls the use of a simple five-letter word "controversial", simply because they are a Millennial and not a builder or homeowner, is whining about being ignorant. I'm a Millennial and not a builder nor a homeowner, and I certainly know how caulk is used. Twitter idiots need to grow up, and maybe put down their phones and stick their noses in a dictionary (or an online encyclopedia). —  void  xor  20:59, 16 February 2022 (UTC)

Even more discussion
In regard to wooden boats, the term used to 'caulk' is "corking," especially in the Pacific Northwest. This involves driving cotton, then hemp fibers, followed by a tar sealer. Ref: Western Flyer Foundation YouTube video. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 24.89.18.210 (talk) 19:24, 22 April 2022 (UTC)

 * I did a little Googling. That seems to be a difference of pronunciation, not another word. See the entry on Wiktionary. YouTube would not be a good reference for how things are spelled. —  void  xor  00:04, 23 April 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Caulk


text:
Duke of Teck

Duke of Teck (Herzog von Teck) is a title which was created twice in Germanic lands. It was first borne from 1187 to 1439 by the head of a cadet line of the German ducal House of Zähringen, known as the "first House of Teck". The seat of this territory was Castle Teck in the Duchy of Swabia (from 1512 part of the County of Württemberg).

The title was recreated in 1871 by King Charles I of Württemberg for his cousin Francis, who as the product of a morganatic marriage did not have a right to titles of nobility as a member of the House of Württemberg. His descendants settled in the United Kingdom and married into the British royal family.

The first House of Teck
Adalbert I, son of Conrad I, Duke of Zähringen, inherited his father's Swabian possessions around Teck Castle between Kirchheim and Owen. After the death of his brother Berthold IV in 1186, Adalbert adopted the title of "Duke of Teck". His descendant, Conrad II, became a candidate for the election as king of the Romans upon the death of King Rudolf I in 1291, but was slain the following year, probably by agents of his opponent Siegfried of Westerburg, Archbishop of Cologne.

In the 13th century, the family divided into the lines of Teck-Oberndorf and Teck-Owen. The dukes of Teck-Oberndorf died out in 1363 and Frederick of Teck-Owen sold their possessions to the counts of Hohenberg. In 1365, the dukes of Teck-Owen came into the possession of Mindelheim but had to sell their lands around Castle Teck to the counts of Württemberg in 1381. The last member of that line, Louis of Teck, Patriarch of Aquileia from 1412, died in 1439.

In 1495, Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I elevated Count Eberhard von Württemberg to the status of reigning duke (herzog) of Württemberg, also granting him the defunct title of "Duke of Teck". However, the title was not borne independently by any member or branch of that dynasty. Eventually, in 1806, the dignity was renounced by Frederick upon his elevation as king.

The Teck branch of the Württembergs
Duke Alexander of Württemberg (1804–1885), an Austrian major-general and cadet of the dynasty that had become kings of Württemberg in 1806, established a non-dynastic line of dukes of Teck by virtue of his morganatic marriage in 1835 with a Hungarian noblewoman, Countess Claudine Rhédey von Kis-Rhéde (1812–1841). Their son, excluded from succession to the throne of Württemberg, was born Count Francis von Hohenstein (1837–1900), sharing the title his mother was granted by Emperor Ferdinand I of Austria on 16 May 1835, two weeks after the couple married in Vienna.

In 1863, King William I of Württemberg raised Francis in rank to "Prince (Fürst) of Teck" with the style Serene Highness (Durchlaucht), heritable by all his male-line descendants. In 1866, Francis married Princess Mary Adelaide of Cambridge, a member of the British royal family and granddaughter of King George III. As the couple had to live on Mary's parliamentary annuity, the prince having inherited little income, they lived mostly in England—first at Kensington Palace (where their children were born) and later at Royal Lodge in Surrey, both residences lent them by Queen Victoria.

In 1871, King Charles I of Württemberg granted Francis the new (and, within the German nobility, higher) title of "Duke (Herzog) of Teck", heritable by male-line primogeniture. In 1887, Queen Victoria granted the Duke of Teck the British style of Highness on a non-hereditary basis.

In 1893, Francis' daughter, Princess Victoria Mary of Teck, married Prince George, Duke of York, who later reigned as King George V. When the first duke of Teck died in 1900, the title passed to his eldest son, Prince Adolphus of Teck. King George V granted the second duke of Teck, his brother-in-law, the personal style of Highness in 1911.

The title existed until the First World War, when anti-German sentiment in the United Kingdom prompted the British monarch to adopt a non-German surname and relinquish all German titles on behalf of himself and those of his family members domiciled in his realms, including the Tecks. The Duke of Teck thus renounced, in July 1917, his German titles of prince and duke in the Kingdom of Württemberg, as well as the styles of Highness and Serene Highness. Adolphus, along with his brother, Prince Alexander of Teck, assumed the name "Cambridge", which had been borne as a territorial designation by their maternal grandfather, Prince Adolphus, Duke of Cambridge.

On 16 July 1917, Adolphus was created as "Marquess of Cambridge", "Earl of Eltham" and "Viscount Northallerton" in the Peerage of the United Kingdom. His elder son took the courtesy title of "Earl of Eltham". His younger children became "Lord/Lady (Christian name) Cambridge", as children of a marquess. Adolphus's younger brother, Alexander, who had married Princess Alice of Albany in 1904, was simultaneously created "Earl of Athlone" and "Viscount Trematon". Their son Prince Rupert of Teck (1907–1928), who also took the surname of Cambridge and was known by the courtesy title of "Viscount Trematon", was one of the descendants of Queen Victoria who suffered from haemophilia, along with the crown princes Alexei of Russia and Alfonso of Spain.

The last male-line descendant of the first duke of Teck was his grandson George Cambridge, 2nd Marquess of Cambridge. He died in 1981 and the marquessate of Cambridge became extinct.

Members

 * Princess Claudine of Teck (1836–1894)
 * Prince Francis, Duke of Teck (1837–1900) m. Princess Mary Adelaide of Cambridge
 * Princess Victoria Mary of Teck (1867–1953) m. King George V of the United Kingdom
 * Prince Adolphus, Duke of Teck, later Adolphus Cambridge, 1st Marquess of Cambridge (1868–1927) m. Lady Margaret Grosvenor
 * Prince George of Teck, later George Cambridge, 2nd Marquess of Cambridge (1895–1981) m. Dorothy Hastings
 * Lady Mary Cambridge (1924–1999) m. Peter Whitley
 * Princess Mary of Teck, later Lady Mary Cambridge (1897–1987) m. Henry Somerset, 10th Duke of Beaufort
 * Princess Helena of Teck, later Lady Helena Cambridge (1899–1969) m. Colonel John Evelyn Gibbs
 * Prince Frederick of Teck, later Lord Frederick Cambridge (1907–1940)
 * Prince Francis of Teck (1870–1910)
 * Prince Alexander of Teck, later Alexander Cambridge, 1st Earl of Athlone (1874–1957) m. Princess Alice of Albany
 * Princess May of Teck, later Lady May Cambridge (1906–1994) m. Sir Henry Abel Smith
 * Prince Rupert of Teck, later Rupert Cambridge, Viscount Trematon (1907–1928)
 * Prince Maurice of Teck (1910–1910)
 * Princess Amalie of Teck (1838–1893) m. Count Paul von Hügel (1835–1897)

title: Duke of Teck


text:
Peter Windsor

Peter David Windsor (born 11 April 1952) is a Formula One journalist, and former Formula One team and sponsorship manager.

Career
Windsor started his journalism career at the monthly magazine Competition Car. He was the motorsport editor for the British weekly magazine Autocar from the late 1970s until 1985.

Formula One
In 1985, Windsor became sponsorship manager at Williams for four years. He then worked as general manager for Ferrari's UK base in 1989, only to return to Williams as team manager in 1991.

Windsor was Grand Prix Editor of the F1 Racing magazine from 1997 to 2009, and as of 2014, was the current senior columnist and feature writer on The Racer's Edge section.

For several seasons Windsor was also the moderator for Formula One's post-qualifying and post-race press conferences. He handed the interviewer's microphone to James Allen from the 2009 British Grand Prix due to a concern over a potential or perceived conflict of interest as a future team boss; but returned to the interview room at the 2009 Italian Grand Prix.

On 4 February 2009, it was reported Windsor and engineer/designer Ken Anderson were to head an American entrant into the 2010 Formula One season called US F1 Team. Their application was formally accepted by the FIA on 12 June 2009. Windsor's role would involve team management and driver development and selection. However, in March 2010, US F1 ceased operations. On 25 June 2010 the FIA officially banned US F1 from any further participation in the sport, and the World Motor Sport Council fined them €309,000 for failing to meet their commitments for the 2010 race season.

Personal life
Shortly before the start of the 1986 season, Windsor was in an automobile accident when the car he was riding in with Frank Williams crashed on the way from the Paul Ricard Circuit in southern France to the Nice airport, causing Windsor minor injuries but leaving Williams, who was driving, paralysed.

title: Peter Windsor


text: User talk:65.200.64.211

title: User talk:65.200.64.211


text:
Talk:An American Mosaic: Prose and Poetry by Everyday Folk

untitled
from VfD:

Advert for a non-notable literary anthology (Amazon sales rank of 481,375). The things you find with random page... RadicalSubversiv E 19:39, 16 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * Obvious Delete - Sad to see in the history that mid-August, somebody took a few minutes of his time to solve a problem of homonymy on one of the names quoted there... But ten months alive are definitely enough for this article --French Tourist 19:48, 16 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Weak as water keep: The book made a small splash when it was published, and it's certainly done by a prestigious house.  I'm suspicious of the article and whether it's copyvio or not (the long Kirkus review is a typical book website thing, as general readers aren't often reading Kirkus).  However, the book is moderately notable, although it could be merged into a larger, more accessible article on voices of the disenfranchised and documentary prose. Geogre 03:17, 17 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep, its published by a notable publisher, but is not a topical best-seller. If it is a copyvio, report it though. — siro  χ  o  20:42, Oct 17, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete: nonnotable, advert. Wile E. Heresiarch 22:15, 17 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Weak keep. Should be checked for possible copyvio.  Beyond that, it's a substantial enough look at the book to justify keeping it. Gamaliel 23:05, 17 Oct 2004 (UTC)

end moved discussion


text:
James Ross (Pennsylvania politician)

James Ross (July 12, 1762 – November 27, 1847) was an American politician and lawyer who represented Pennsylvania in the United States Senate from 1794 to 1803. During his tenure, he served as president pro tempore of the United States Senate from March to December 1799.

Biography
Born near Delta, York County, Pennsylvania, he was the son of Joseph and Jane (Graham) Ross. At eighteen, after having received a classical education, he moved to Canonsburg, Pennsylvania and taught at what would become Washington and Jefferson College. He studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1784 focusing on land law. A Federalist, he was a member of the convention that drafted a new constitution for Pennsylvania in 1789–1790. In 1791 Ross was elected to the American Philosophical Society.

President George Washington appointed him to negotiate with the rebels of the Whiskey Rebellion, successfully defusing the situation without violence. On April 1, 1794, the Pennsylvania legislature elected him to the United States Senate to replace Albert Gallatin, who was removed by the legislature. There, he authored a new law for the public lands and fought President Thomas Jefferson's administration. He was elected to a second term in the Senate in 1797.

In 1800, with the 1800 Presidential Election on the horizon, Ross introduced a controversial bill whereby, after the electoral votes were counted in Congress, the ballots would be turned over to a committee chaired by the Chief Justice and consisting of twelve members, six from each house of Congress. The committee, acting behind closed doors, would be able to discard electoral votes deemed fraudulent after investigation. A group of horrified Republican Senators leaked the bill to arch-Republican Philadelphia printer William Duane, who published the contents in his Aurora on February 19, 1800. The Federalists quickly dropped the bill.

On January 15, 1803, amidst the controversies over Spain's revocation of the American right of deposit at New Orleans and French acquisition of Louisiana, Ross moved to afford Jefferson the ability to raise 50,000 troops to seize New Orleans. Jefferson did not want to have to use these troops, but the motion gave United States Minister to France Robert R. Livingston leverage in his negotiations, which resulted in the Louisiana Purchase.

He ran unsuccessfully for Governor of Pennsylvania in 1799, 1802, and 1808.

During the late 1810s he is listed as the Pittsburgh City Council President.

He died in Allegheny, which is now part of Pittsburgh. Ross Street in Downtown Pittsburgh (bordering the Pittsburgh City-County Building and the Allegheny County Courthouse), the Pittsburgh suburb of Ross Township, the Fox Chapel borough street James Ross Place, and Ross County, Ohio, are named in his honor.

title: James Ross (Pennsylvania politician)


text: User talk:151.196.177.2

title: User talk:151.196.177.2


text:
Category:Solar phenomena

Stellar phenomena specifically associated with the Earth's Sun.

title: Category:Solar phenomena


text:
Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal

Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP) (தமிழ் மக்கள் விடுதலைப்புலிகள், Tamil Peoples Liberation Tigers), previously known as the "Karuna Group", is a political party in Sri Lanka. It was formed by Karuna Amman (Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan), a former leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, after he defected from the organization in 2004. Initially a paramilitary group that helped the Sri Lankan Government fight the Tamil Tigers, the TMVP was registered as a political party in 2007. Under deputy leader Pillayan (Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan), they contested their first provincial elections in 2008, winning a majority in the Eastern Provincial Council. Members of the TMVP continue to carry arms under the auspices of the Sri Lankan government, which they claim is for their own safety from the Tamil Tigers, who carry out repeated attacks against them. The group is believed to be working with the Sri Lankan Army. They have been accused of human rights violation by local and international human rights organization.

History
The break-up between the LTTE and the Batticaloa-based Karuna group occurred in March 2004. Karuna and others felt that Prabhakaran had become a dictator of a state that used Northern Tamils to oppress the Eastern Tamils and that Eastern Tamils were not given due recognition for "laying down their lives in disproportionate numbers for the northern leadership". Together with Indian-based Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front, TVMP has formed Tamileela Iykkiya Viduthalai Munnani as a united front. The purported aim and the motive of the party are to safeguard the rights of Tamils within the Eastern Province.

The president of TMVP was Kumaraswamy Nandagopan until he was assassinated in November 2008 and the general secretary G.E. Gnanarajah. The third in command is Mangalan Master.

Since its formation, the group worked with the Sri Lankan Army to combat the Tamil Tigers. They have been accused of using children to combat the LTTE and have allegedly committed human rights violations in the East of the island. The TMVP, in conjunction with the Government of Sri Lanka on December 1, 2008 signed an action plan stating that they would cease the recruitment of child soldiers and that they would also release from combat all child soldiers.

Internal struggles
The TMVP has been affected by internal struggles between Colonel Karuna and Pillaiyan. Small skirmishes broke out between the Pillaiyan and Karuna factions with some fatalities in May 2007, October 2007, and in May 2008. However, Dheeban the Trincomalee district leader of the TMVP, denied a split claiming "the split between Karuna and Pillaiyan is a mere media fabrication".

In mid-October 2008, Karuna cadres ransacked the office of Pillaiyan, leading to government consternation and intervention. That same week, the Karuna faction took over the "Thamil Alai" newspaper, the organ of the TMVP, which had been run by Pillaiyan in Karuna's absence. However in late October, Karuna "made it a point to emphasise that there were no differences between them". Due to the internecine feuds between varying factions of the TMVP, the Government of Sri Lanka has decided it would begin the disarmament of the feuding groups in early 2009. As tensions flared up in late 2009, the government began putting restrictions on the placement of TMVP political signs in cities of the East of Sri Lanka.

Proposed name change
"Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Koddani" (Koodani meaning alliance) is a new Tamil political party in Sri Lanka that has been proposed by Colonel Karuna, as either a splinter group of, or a new name for the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal. However, Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan has denied that this has proposed, stating "When I met him (Karuna) and asked about this, he said that there was no such thing". The name change has been floated around because Karuna and related figures feel the word "Puligal" meaning Tiger, implies association with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. The TMVP 11 member politburo is currently deliberating on the issue, with Karuna threatening to start the new party if it is not approved. However Karuna spokesman D. Kamalanathan denied both that a name change would take place and that there was a rift within the party, attributing the rumours to those against the TMVP.

General rights violations
The group has been accused by the Human rights organizations Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International of recruiting children, torture, assassinations and engaging in extortion in its war against the LTTE. Human Rights Watch claimed that from June 2006 to December 2006 they have forcefully recruited several hundred children. The TMVP has also been accused of being involved in kidnappings for ransom of wealthy, predominantly Tamil, businessmen to raise money in Colombo and other towns. Some businessmen were allegedly killed because their family could not pay the ransom. Media has reported that these abductions were linked to the Security forces in these abductions, either directly facilitating them or providing a cover and not taking any action against them. One such abducted man alleged that while he was being transported, from his workplace in Colombo, his abduction vehicle came across Army checkpoints but was not rescued.

In 2006, the Tamil Human Rights group UTHR also accused the TMVP of taking part in death squad activity against civilians.

Connection with the Sri Lankan State
The group is also believed to be actively working with the Sri Lankan Army. According to Human Rights Watch in one incident, the children who were abducted by the TMVP cadres were being held in a store across a Sri Lankan military camp. The parents of the abducted children pleaded with the military but no actions were taken. It was reported that two army men talked to the TMVP cadres and then walked away . Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch said, “The government is fully aware of the abductions but allows them to happen because it’s eager for an ally against the Tamil Tigers”. The Human Rights Watch further added that it would be impossible to transport abducted children without the complicity of the Sri Lankan Army. In addition, civilians claimed seeing many TMVP cadres at Army checkpoints and claimed that they checked ID's of the people. The Human Rights Watch further claimed that they saw a top Karuna Eastern commander riding atop an army personnel carrier. They also claimed that Armed Karuna cadre openly roamed the streets in Batticaloa district in sight of security forces, and in some cases they jointly patrolled with the police. According to UTHR, a local Human rights organization, two children who escaped from the TMVP later surrendered to the Sri Lankan Army. The children were taken back to the TMVP camp allegedly by the Sri Lankan Army and was later beaten to death. Another such incident happened in Trincomalee where the abducted children by the TMVP were taken to a Sri Lankan Navy check point. Soon the Sri Lankan Navy personnel came on motorcycles and escorted the Karuna men and their abducted children to the TMVP office. TMVP has also been alleged to have killed INGO workers. Ragunathan Ramalingam, a worker for the International INGO (World Concern), was asked to come to a Navy checkpoint. He was allegedly shot dead when he reached the check point. SLMM claimed that they saw TMVP pass through a checkpoint unchecked. It claimed that a white van, belonging to TMVP cadres, was transporting two 15-year-old boys and four armed civilians passed through an Army check point unchecked. However, the police maintained that they were instructed to check all vehicles and arrest any armed civilians.

Batticaloa local council elections, March 2008
The local council elections of the Batticaloa district was held on March 10, 2008 after 10 years. The Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP) party won all the 9 councils with 70% of high majority of votes also the polling reported as peaceful. The Batticaloa town was the only local council that TMVP contested under the banner of ruling United People's Freedom Alliance.

The largest Tamil party Tamil National Alliance totally boycotting these polls. United National party (UNP) also boycotted the polls by telling candidates not to run but some UNP candidates names' showed up on the voting list. Both groups claim unfair elections took place. TNA claimed it wasn't safe for them to operate in the east because the TMVP group was armed. TMVP threatened TNA MP's and also captured alive family members of TNA MP prior to the elections. The BBC News reported that unnamed human rights groups claimed TMVP used violence before the election and therefore the elections were "tainted". Independent candidate Rasiah Thurairatnam claimed that people voted out of fear for the TMVP.

Eastern Provincial Council elections, May 2008
The Eastern Provincial Council elections was held on May 10, 2008. The 37 member provincial council election won by the ruling UPFA with the highest number of 20 seats, UNP 15 seats, JVP and other Tamil party 1 each. The TMVP members were contested under the UPFA banner and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) members contested under the UNP banner. The present TMVP leader Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillayan has gained the highest number of 41,936 preferential votes from Batticaloa district.

title: Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal


text:
Ynglingatal

Ynglingatal or Ynglinga tal (Old Norse: 'Enumeration of the Ynglingar') is a Skaldic poem cited by Snorri Sturluson in the Ynglinga saga, the first saga of Snorri's Heimskringla. Þjóðólfr of Hvinir (Thjodolf), who was a poet for Harald Fairhair (r. 872–930), is traditionally credited with its authorship. Snorri quotes frequently from this poem and cites it as one of the sources of the saga. The composition of the poem is dated to the 9th century.

The poem lists the partly mythical and partly historical ancient Swedish kings; twenty-seven of whom are mentioned in the poem, along with details about their deaths and burial places. The title Ynglingatal alludes to Yngling, who had the name Yngve-Frey—another name for Frey, the god who was worshipped in Sweden. Yngling allegedly descended from Frey's son Fjölnir. Snorri portrayed Harald Fairhair as a descendant of the Ynglings. The poem was written on behalf of Ragnvald the Mountain-High, a cousin of King Harald Fairhair, and its last stanza is about Ragnvald.

Verse forms and text history
Ynglingatal is composed in kviðuháttr (modern Norwegian kviduhått); this genealogical verse form is also used in Son loss (Sonatorrek) in Egils saga. In this form of verse, the lines alternate between three and four syllables—the first line has three syllables, the next has four, the next three, and so on. For example:
 * Ok Vísburs
 * vilja byrði
 * sævar niðr
 * svelgja knátti, [...]

 * ‘And the kinsman of the sea [FIRE] swallowed the ship of the will [BREAST] of Vísburr [...]’

Ynglingatal has also makes extensive use of acquaintance, such as rewriting and metaphors that give life to the poem, which otherwise contains much litany.

The Icelandic philologist Finnur Jónsson believed the eight-line stanza defines Ynglingatal's structure, while Walter Akerlund believed the four-line helming—the half-stanza as in the example above—defines the poem's structure. Akerlund has also said the bard Thjodolf learned the verse-form kviðuháttr by studying the Rök runestone in present-day Sweden, which dates from around the year 800.

The Ynglings in other sources
Ynglingatal is preserved in its entirety in Snorri's Ynglinga saga, which Snorri wrote based on the poem. In the saga, Snorri expanded his text by quoting from the poem in addition to his own text. A stanza from Ynglingatal is also quoted in Þáttr Ólafs Geirstaða Alfs. Stories that build on the poem are found in the Norwegian history, Historia Norvegiæ, which was written in Latin in the late 1100s, and in the short saga Af Upplendinga konungum (About the upplander-kings). Ynglingtal is also indirectly preserved as a list of names in Íslendingabók from the early 1100s. A few of the characters in Ynglingatal are also mentioned in the Old English poem Beowulf.

About the author
According to Snorri, Ynglingatal was composed by the scald Þjóðólfr of Hvinir, who was from Kvinesdal in what is now Vest-Agder, Norway. In the preamble to the Heimskringla, Snorri writes that Thjodolf, in addition to composing the poem Ynglingatal, was poet at Harald Fairhair's hird (royal retinue).

Thjodolf also appears in the Saga of Harald Fairhair, in the mythical story of Harald and the Sami girl Snæfrithr Svásadottir, who cursed Harald to marry her. According to the saga, Harald and Snøfrid had four sons but Harald sent them away when he woke up from the curse. Thjodolf raised one of these sons, Gudrod Ljome. When Thjodolf learned Harald had disowned his sons, he sided with the boys and said to Harald, "They probably would have liked better ancestry, if you had given them that". The saga contains no information about Thjodolf being Harald's scald; that is only mentioned in Snorri's preamble. In the saga he is only referred to as a friend of Harald and as the son whom Godred fostered. Snorri also quotes several other poems of Thjodolf in Harald Fairhair's saga.

The historian Claus Krag proposes that the connection between Harald Fairhair and Thjodolf was constructed by Snorri, probably because Thjodolf would have been an important person in the development of scaldic art, while according to tradition, Harald was Norway's first national king. To create a connection between them would thus enhance both their reputations. According to Finnur Jonsson, Thjodolf was Harald's scald without dwelling much on the subject. Finnur said Thjodolf was not a hird scald, but a scald who mostly stayed home on the farm, where in another saga we meet Thjodolf's grandson. Snorri mentions a man named Torgrim from Kvine, "son" to Thjodolf in the Olav Tryggvasson saga. Beyond this there are no more references to Thjodolf in the sagas in Heimskringla. Snorri wrote the preamble and the saga in the 1220s, over 300 years after Thjodolf should have lived, so any information about him is uncertain.

Author myth and royal ideology
According to the Ynglinga saga, Fjolne, the first king described in Ynglingatal, was the son of the god Frey and a giantess named Gerd. The actual poem mentions nothing about this, but since it only survives in citation it may have been mentioned in a lost verse. Frey, the great fertility god in the Nordic countries, entered into a sacred wedding (Hiero Gamos) with Gerd, which is retold in the poem Skírnismál. The mythological purpose of the holy wedding is to bear a child who is the child of both the parents but is neither god or giant but something completely different that will be the first of a "new" species; a new royal family. With effort and tensions from this, the king, who has high status, is valued above all other people. The author of the myth gives the king a special destiny as the main symbol within the ruling ideology in the Norse-thought universe.

Both major ruling families in Norway, the Ynglings and Earls of Lade, legitimized their statuses by using a wedding myth. Just as Yngling had their legitimacy reinterpreted in Ynglingatal, the Ladejarlsætt got its equivalent in the poem Háleygjatal, which was written by the Norwegian poet Eyvindr skáldaspillir at the end of the 900s. In Háleygjatal it is Odin and the giantess Skade were of mythological origin, and their son Sæming is the ancestor of Hákon jarl. Both poems were thus used as genealogies and served as mythological propaganda, poetry, and grounds for alliances.

According to religious historian Gro Steinsland, the myth also has an erotic element and is thus a fertility myth that tells of the relationship between the ruler and his "territory"; the scalds describe the land as a sexual, longing giantess who rested in the earl's arms. The prince guarantees growth and prosperity in their territory. There may have been a special connection between the king and the fertility goddess in times of crisis he was sacrificed to her. This is seen in Ynglingatal where Swedes sacrificed King Domalde after a prolonged famine. This is illustrated in Carl Larsson's controversial monumental picture Midvinterblot, but there are no other sources supporting the sacrificing of a king.

Content
Ynglingatal consists of 27 stanzas and a litany of different kings and how they died. It starts with Fjölnir, who according to the Ynglinga saga was the son of Frey. This relationship is not mentioned in the actual poem. Fjolne drowned in a mead tub. The poem continues with his son Sveigðir, who followed a dwarf into a rock and never came out again. Then comes Sveigde's son Vanlande, who was strangled by a mare. Vanlande's son Visbur was burned alive and his son Domalde was sacrificed by the Swedish chiefs to get a good year's harvest. Domalde had his son Domar, who died of illness in Uppsala. Domar's son Dyggve also died of illness, and his son Dag the Wise was killed by a slave with a pitchfork when he was out to avenge the death of a sparrow. Dag's son Agne was hung by his wife Skjålv, and Agne's sons Alaric and Eric killed each other with a bridle when they were out riding. Their sons Yngve and Alf killed each other after being incited by Alf's wife Bera.

The poem continues with varying degrees of mythical ways to die. Eventually the Yngling kings walked through the woods from the Svea kingdom to Norway. Here there is a clear break in the series and it is possible Thjodolf is linked here to the Norwegian seed in the Swedish genealogies to provide the Norwegian kings with a divine origin and thus greater legitimacy. The first breeding of the kings of Norway was supposed to have been Halfdan Hvitbeinn, who died in his bed at Toten. According to the poem, his son Eystein was killed on a ship; he was beaten by the boat's vessel and fell into the sea. Eystein's son Halfdan died in his bed in Borre, where he was buried. Halfdan's son Gudrød was killed by the servant of his wife Åsa. The poem ends with Halfdan's son Olaf Geirstad-Alf and grandson Ragnvald Heidumhære. Tjodolv dedicated Ynglingatal to Ragnvald. The last stanza reads:

 * ‘I know that nickname to be the best under the blue sky that a king might have, that Rǫgnvaldr, the steerer of the carriage [RULER], is called ‘High with Honours’.’

According to Snorri's Ynglinga Saga, Harald Fairhair's father Halfdan the Black was the half-brother of Olav Geirstadalv and Harald, and was thus Ragnvald's cousin, but neither Harald nor his father Halfdan are mentioned in the poem, so this is probably an attempt by Snorri and other writers to make Harald look more royal. It may have been the Icelandic poet Ari Þorgilsson who constructed the genealogy of the Ynglings and connected Harald Fairhair's seed to Ynglingatal. Snorri later developed this to the Ynglinga Saga.

Debate on the dating
The content of Ynglingatal has been interpreted and discussed, mostly during the National Romantic period of the 1800s. Norwegian historians Rudolf Keyser and Peter Andreas Munch held the traditional dating to the late 800s. The same applies to the historian Gustav Storm and the Icelandic philologist Finnur Jonsson. Around the time of World War I, saga literature was subjected to much criticism as a historical source, in Sweden by the brothers Lauritz and Curt Weibull, and in Norway by Halvdan Koht and Edvard Bull. In 1908, German philologist Gustav Neckel said Ynglingatal had to be a construction from the 1100s; Norwegian historian Claus Krag also said this in his book ''Ynglingatal and Yngling Saga. A study of historical sources'', and joins Neckel's hypothesis.

The late hypothesis
Claus Krag claimed in 1990 that Ynglingatal origin should be dated to the 1100s and that it was based on other royal lists. In a research project during the 1980s Krag's attempt to justify the doubt regarding Ynglingatal age began to take shape, disregarding the traditional, uncritical acceptance. Krag studied the Yngling tradition's place in folklore and the Yngling's genealogy in relation to other European royal genealogies and scholarly genealogical works in Iceland.

As an argument, Krag proposed that the first four kings' deaths represent the cosmology of Greek philosopher Empedocles, with the four classical elements Earth, Water, Air, and Fire, and thus that a euhemeristic vision influenced the description of the first few generations. Krag's hypothesis has received serious criticism on several points, and so far "a convincing case has not been made against the authenticity of the poem as a ninth-century creation".

The early dating
Krag's late dating has been challenged. If the saga is a late work of propaganda, it should reasonably have been concluded with Norwegian king Harald Fairhair and not by his largely unknown cousin Ragnvald Heidrumhære, whose meaning seems otherwise to have been lost after 1000. There are places and names in the poem that archeology has shown to have had great importance until the Viking Age, but not later, and thus should not have been stated in a more recent saga. Archeologist Dagfinn Skre is an advocate for these arguments.

According to Swedish researcher Olof Sundquist, Krag bypasses clear signs of Ynglingatal on a tradition of Swedish area visible in kenning, place names and personal names. Cultural phenomena such as a king who goes to holy places and the memory of a warrior elite can point to ancient human migrations. Sundquist posits the theory that Thjodolf from Kvine composed his works in the 900s and based them on an extant tradition. He also said Empedocles' cosmology can hardly be argued as evidence of late dating; in that case it would be influenced by Britannia or Franks.

The fact Snorri has reproduced the poem suggests he would probably have known about any falsification a century earlier and refrained from reproducing the erroneous text. Ynglingatal also inspired Eyvindr skáldaspillir's Háleygjatal, which demonstrably was written in the late 900s.

Another argument for early dating comes from the Icelandic philologist Bergsveinn Birgisson, whose doctoral thesis said Ynglingatal is not supposed to be a praising poem but an entertainment poem and a warning. He asserts this partly based on the grotesque and often ridiculous ways the kings in the poem die—they often appear to be dishonorable, which is clearly in breach of customs of the praising poem. Bergsveinn says the poem is old but the meaning of the praising poem is constructed by Snorri and other scholars of the Middle Ages. He also says Ynglingatal was not originally a genealogy, but is about different families. According to Bergsveinn, the perception or construction of the poem as genealogy originates from the High Middle Ages.

A middle ground
Swedish archeologist Svante Norr argues for an intermediate position for dating Ynglingatal. He said it is neither an authentic poem of the Viking Age nor a text from the Middle Ages. Norr accepts the traditional dating of poems origin, but says the poem was sung for the more than 300 years until it was written down gradually, and must have undergone major changes to fit it into contemporaneous social conditions. According to Norr, genealogical poems cannot be used as historical sources because they depend on extant ideological, political and social conditions. He says the poem must be viewed as a development and a result of a long process of change. The Norwegian archaeologist Bjørn Myhre joins largely to Norr's standpoint.

Yngling
The meaning of term "yngling" is usually interpreted as "descendants of Yngve", but as in modern Nordic, it can also mean "young man",. In skaldic poems, the word yngling is only used in the singular; only in the sagas has it has been used in the plural Ynglings; thus the ynglings of the poem cannot be defined as one family. The term may be a kenning, a euphemism, for the prince or king and not something connected with a particular family. Bergsveinn Birgisson says Ynglingatal is not a genealogy, but a poem about people from different clans. Not all sources agree; in Historia Norvegiæ, About Uplanders kings and Íslendingabók, several of the kings of other names than in Ynglingatal or are said to live on or be buried elsewhere. Finnur Jonsson said the various descriptions stem from the kings mentioned in Ynglingatal; all have different traditions handed down by word of mouth. He said Thjodolf's poem is an attempt at a synthesis of different oral traditions about different kings.

Euhemerism
According to Snorri, the Yngling stemmed from the gods Yngve-Frey and Odin. This kinship, a euhemerism, is not left in the poem; only Snorri's words support this. Finnur Jonsson said he thought this song originally contained several verses and started with Yngve. Religion historian Walter Baetke said Yngligatal was free of euhemerism—the notion of lineage of gods was added in the Christian era. Claus Krag said the first kings of the poem are historicized gods, and that the hypothesis of lost stanzas may be rejected.

Historical accuracy
Opinions differ on whether breedings were historical figures. If all the kings in this poem really existed, the first of them must have lived in the Migration Period. It is usually only the "Norwegian" part of Ynglings—from Halfdan Hvitbeinn—that scientists have tried to prove or disprove were real, historical persons. They partly reasoned that people in Norse times kept track of their genus for six generations, thus it is possible to follow Harald Fairhair's ancestors back to Halfdan Hvitbeinn. Norwegian historians and archeologists have traditionally held the Norwegian Ynglings to be historical people.

Because of problems with dating, it is problematic to work out when these people might have lived. Are Frode, in the 1100s, was probably the first person who tried to convert the dates from relative time stamps to absolute chronological dates on the basis of Jesus' birth; the reckoning began to be used during the Middle Ages and is still in use. Are dated Harald Fairhair's birth to 848, and until the 1920s historians used Are's reckoning to calculate the composition time stamp for different people and events. In 1921 historian Halvdan Koht introduced generation counting and his method became the dominant one. In 1964, Icelandic historian Ólafía Einarsdóttir found the old Icelandic reckoning more accurate; with adjustments this has since been the most commonly used approach.

Traditionally, historians have attributed great source value to scaldic poems because of the tight form that made them easier to remember than narratives. If Ynglingatal is really from the late 800s, recent events would be relatively close in time to the scald, and there is a high likelihood the poem renders information about real people and events. Nevertheless, there is a distance of 500 years from Halfdan Hvitbeinn to Snorri, and 250 years from the poem's composition to the time Snorri wrote it down. Whether the original poem is preserved is uncertain. If Ynglingatal is younger, perhaps dating from the end of the 1100s as Krag says, its value as a source of real events shrinks further. According to Fidjestøl, the scald's main task was to express the Kingdom's official ideology, not necessarily render the facts.

Archeologists, particularly Anton Wilhelm Brøgger in the early 1900s, have made many attempts to "place" the various youth kings and their wives in barrows in Vestfold. The most famous examples are the Queen Åsa in Oseberghaugen outside Tønsberg and Olaf Geirstad-Alf in Gokstadhaugen outside Sandefjord. In addition, archeologists have said the remains of Eystein Halfdansson, Halfdan the Mild, Gudrød the Hunter, and Halfdan the Black are located at Borrehaugene outside Horten. When the issue of Ynglingatal's value as a source and recent archeological methods including C14 dating and dendrochronology are taken into account, finding out who was buried in the various barrows on the basis of information in this poem is at best educated guessing.

Yngling as common European tradition
In 1943, Danish historian Niels Lukmann said the Nordic folklore tradition, of which Yngling is a part, originated from the migration period and that people have historically not been Nordic figures. According to Lukmann, poems and legends about the Danish clans Scylding and Skilfings, which have much in common with the Ynglings, are part of a tradition from the migration period that really dealt with Huns and Heruli kings, and which has gradually evolved into legends known from the Norse period. Krag says this also fits with the Ynglings and he argues for many similarities in names, people and events.

title: Ynglingatal


text:
Talk:Spelling pronunciation

Where are these pronounciations heard?
Are the examples of English words intended to be Commonwealth (British) English, American English, or both? I'm probably not the best person to ask about this, but I have never heard "weskit" or the alternate pronunciation of "forehead" (silent h, or some such?) in American speech, and often use/hear "off-ten" and "callm" (like saying "call" and closing your lips at the end of "call") in daily life, especially when the speaker is trying to be "careful" or articulate.

Any ideas whether this is a) a product of modern times (ie, older pronunciations are less common, so are not heard much), b) a difference between England and America, c) a difference in dialects inside America (or perhaps England),

 * Hi Jacius, Probably, a mixture of all of the above.  Weskit is (I believe) British; Americans use the word "vest" instead.  Indeed, "weskit" is probably almost extinct even in Britain--the Oxford English Dictionary calls the pronunciation "colloquial or vulgar".

 * I've heard "cahm", "offen", and "forrid" from Americans.

or am I just odd? --Jacius 19:44, 16 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * No, you're just (as I see from your blog) young. Thus, it's likely you've talked with a narrower range of people than a typical older person has.  Also, your life experience goes less far back in time, and thus you're less likely to have heard the non-spelling pronunciations, which are in many cases dying out.   Cheers, Opus33 21:36, 16 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * One place where otherwise non-"forrid" Americans might have heard that pronunciation of the word is from the nursery rhyme/song:

 * ''There was a little girl
 * ''Who had a little curl
 * ''Right in the middle of her forehead
 * ''And when she was good
 * ''She was very very good
 * ''And when she was bad she was horrid

 * ... which I have explicitly heard in our cartoons at least once (I think it might have been Bugs Bunny). (Apparently it's by Longfellow ?!) In other contexts 'forrid' sounds incorrigibly British to me (whether or not it actually be). —Muke Tever 13:57, 1 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * "forrid" is used by my grandparents and others with fairly strong Southern accents in North Carolina. Not all that surprising, since Southern dialect is very conservative in a lot of ways; like some other traditional pronunciations, it probably sounds uneducated to many people.

 * "Forrid" is also favoured by Ogden Nash: in his poem about "Genteel Janet", describing a ludicrously over-refined lower middle class type, he says "Her speech is new-minted, freshly quarried/ She has a fore-head, you have a forehead". Sir Myles na Gopaleen (the da) 09:03, 9 June 2006 (UTC)

Lowering the POV level
The definition we had before:

 * A spelling pronunciation is a pronunciation based on spelling that differs from the accepted pronunciation standard

is not, I believe, the usual definition of this term. I've replaced it with this:

 * a pronunciation that, instead of reflecting the way the word was pronounced by previous generations of speakers, is a rendering in sound of the word's spelling

The former definition, in addition to being non-standard, has the further defect of getting us into endless debates about what is "the accepted pronunciation standard". NRicardo has weighed in with his opinion about "forrid"--"hick"--which doubtless will offend many speakers of British dialect, where (at least according to the Oxford English Dictionary) "forrid" is actually the preferred alternative. It's not our job to put our own tastes and opinions about pronunciation into the Wikipedia; we should just report the facts.Opus33 16:38, 30 Jan 2005 (UTC)

Historical examples
One further point:  the definition I've inserted permits us to include examples where the spelling pronunciation has actually won out over time, which in my opinion include some of the most interesting examples. Opus33 16:38, 30 Jan 2005 (UTC)

 * Yes, those are the most interesting. For example, the late Kingsley Amis (in "The King's English") inveighs against spelling pronunciations, but regards traditional pronunciations such as "goff" (for golf) and "gel" (for girl) as insufferable affectations, and I have something of the same feeling about the pronunciation of "nephew" as "nevew".  However, "nevew" was undoubtedly the older pronunciation: in the Middle Ages it was even spelled that way, and the spelling "nephew" was introduced by Elizabethan purists who wanted to show off the derivation from Latin nepos. ((I think you mean "pedants" Alsihler 18:44, 17 December 2006 (UTC))) Had Amis lived fifty years earlier he would certainly have attacked "neffyou" as a flagrant spelling pronunciation.  As with all linguistic changes, the only safe advice is to stick to the old version for as long as it conveys your meaning and remains socially acceptable, and abandon it when you begin to get funny looks.

 * I agree with previous contributors that, in the case of "waistcoat"->"weskit", that point has arrived, even in conservative British circles. On the other hand I still have a residual feeling (like Amis and Fowler) that it is schoolmarmy over-enunciation to pronounce the first "t" in "waistcoat" (or "chestnut" or "Christmas"), and therefore hover between "waiscote" and "waiscot". --Sir Myles na Gopaleen (the da) 15:50, 17 May 2006 (UTC)

Thackeray, in "The History of Henry Esmond", records several 17th-18th century pronunciations which are now completely superseded by spelling pronunciations. Examples are "chainey" for "China" (meaning porcelain), "goold" for "gold" and "Candish" for the name "Cavendish". Other examples, such as "Pumfret" for "Pontefract", have become obsolete more recently.--Sir Myles na Gopaleen (the da) 12:54, 19 May 2006 (UTC)

Another example is the word "falcon", in the Middle Ages spelled, and until fairly recently pronounced, "fawcon". Here again I think the spelling pronunciation has won out completely.Sir Myles na Gopaleen (the da) 15:15, 1 June 2006 (UTC)

 * I've tinkered with the examples a bit, but in general the whole discussion seemed to me to take rather too much for granted. Why should spelling pronunciations even be an issue in English, for example; why are such phenomena more or less unknown in foreign languages? To correct this perceived defect, I added a discussion of how and why English orthography is a bit unusual in the world's lanuages, and why those unusual features result in spelling pronunciations.

 * Alsihler 22:42, 19 January 2007 (UTC)

 * I still pronounce "falcon" as "fallcon" (another conservative pronunciation, though not as conservative as "fawcon," apparently). (All three are recognized in the dictionaries I've seen.)

 * Kostaki mou 05:53, 21 April 2007 (UTC)

Willys
The more I read this article, the more it gives me the willys. It is a prescriptivist argument wrapped in a descriptivist cloak. At the moment the article ignores variation in pronunciation in different parts of the English-speaking world. In my opinion, the vast majority of examples should be words where the spelling pronunciation has won out over any earlier pronunciations or when the issue is actually spelling pronunciation and not regional variation. It seems language bias has snuck up on this page. -Acjelen 06:09, 23 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * This doesn't make any sense to me. Almost all cases of spelling pronunciation are subject to regional variation.  There is an obvious reason for this:  it takes a long time--perhaps centuries--for an innovating pronunciation to spread to all of the dialects of a language.

 * It would be nice if we could add information about which dialects use which variants. But this information is rather hard to come by.  Opus33 16:06, 24 Apr 2005 (UTC)

My point is that while much of the article is about spelling pronunciation, some of the examples illustate variation in regional forms of English. I do not pronounce forehead with an H because it is spelled that way, but because intelligent, educated people spoke the word that way in my hearing all of my life. The same is true of often and palm. Saying waistcoat other than "weskit" is a spelling variation. Other examples of words often pronounced as they are spelled include the article ye, forte, and tortilla. -Acjelen 18:10, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * I don't understand the above point. Something which starts as a spelling pronounciation easily becomes variation in regional forms of English.  Why is, in your opinion, forehead a regional variation but waistcoat not?  (If I read you correctly.)
 * A spelling pronunciation assumes spelling (that is, writing), while most regional variations of English are verbal and not literate. Moreover, spelling pronunciations are almost always incorrect while regional variations never are.  If I went to England and attempted to explain to the average Londoner that RP was "incorrect", I would have a very hard time, yet this article once suggested that common American pronunciations were incorrect because they were pronounced as spelled.  In American English, waistcoat is archaic.  Americans use vest instead.  Generally, Americans should pronounce British English words with the British pronunciation (but not with an accent): thus, "weskit", "Lester Square", and so on.  Words shared in both varieties should be pronounced in the accepted regional fashion, such as "forehead". -Acjelen 03:48, 6 September 2005 (UTC)
 * I don't think you're getting it here. The problem is when spelling pronunciations become so widespread that they become synonymous with the pronunciation of a certain region.  —Preceding unsigned comment added by 114.181.53.183 (talk) 11:09, 29 July 2010 (UTC)

Popular Etymology
According to my dictionary, forehead comes from 'fore' and 'head' and waistcoat comes from 'waist' and 'coat' so using them as examples of popular etymology seems to be misleading and incorrect. -Acjelen 06:19, 23 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * I agree that we have a problem, in that the Wikipedia article on popular etymology specifically requires that a popular etymology must be historically wrong in order to count as one. I've substituted "analogical pronunciation" to avoid confusion on this count.  Opus33 16:06, 24 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Note. The pronunciation of "forte" (noun) as "fortay" is not a spelling pronunciation but a hyperforeignism, arrived at by mistaking a fencing term derived from French (the forte of the blade is the thick part) for a musical term derived from Italian. I have therefore removed this example (but added it to the "Hypercorrection" article). --Sir Myles na Gopaleen (the da) 15:58, 17 May 2006 (UTC)

Trait
Could /treIt/ for "trait" be a spelling pronunciation. I always use /treIt/ but this article on Languagehat tells me that others use /treI/. — Hippietrail 10:44, 31 May 2005 (UTC)

No more than any other Anglicization of a foreign word, for example "Paris". Sir Myles na Gopaleen (the da) 12:48, 19 May 2006 (UTC)
 * I think the English way of saying "Paris" is actually more or less the old pronunciation. It's the French who have ceased pronouncing the "s". Eric Kvaalen (talk) 15:02, 27 May 2015 (UTC)

My (monoglot) father (b1929, Wiltshire) says /treI/, also have heard it on the BBC. Spelling pron. seems more likely than a differential Anglicization process extending over centuries. [Ben Jago] — Preceding unsigned comment added by 94.172.24.113 (talk) 01:40, 17 September 2011 (UTC)

 * re Paris: The French have dropped the s, but the English have replaced /a/ with /æ/ and replaced the stress to the first syllable (the Latin tribe name it derives from is Parisii with stress on the first i; that the French have kept).--2001:A61:20CD:AA01:7475:E186:91DA:5478 (talk) 12:18, 29 November 2017 (UTC)

Ate
We are told that the traditional British pronunciation of "ate" is "ett", and that to pronounce it in the same way as "eight" is either an Americanism or a spelling pronunciation. However, any reader of Jane Austen or Trollope will notice that there was an alternative past tense "he eat", which presumably really was pronounced "ett"; so "ate" was probably pronounced as spelled all along. Today I regard "ett" as a British provincialism, and non-standard.--Sir Myles na Gopaleen (the da) 13:11, 22 May 2006 (UTC)

 * I think this is something else. Old English had five classes of "strong" verbs in which there were two stems (for the price of one) in the preterite, one for the 1st and 3rd persons singular, and the other for everything else. This was all shaken out, except for was/were, in the course of Middle English. Different verbs generalized different stems, but usually the spelling agrees with the chosen stem (including divided usage like rung preferred in Britain but rang in the US and Canada) but there were some exceptions. Sate as the past tense of sit persisted as the spelling long after /seyt/ (Dryden rimes it with state) had been ousted by /sæt/. To this day, though the verb is edging toward obsolescence, the preterite of bid (in the sense "request") is spelled bade but pronounced /bæd/. I haven't researched the eat/et/ate business specifically but I'm assuming it's the same thing. (And it's an interesting footnote that not uncommonly consevative forms are disparaged as ignorant while innovations, blunders, and whatever become standard and approved: thus catched vs caught, "figger" vs /figyur/.) Alsihler 19:00, 17 December 2006 (UTC)

 * If anything, ring-rang-rung preferred in Britain but ring-rung-rung in the US and Canada jnestorius(talk) 21:50, 17 December 2006 (UTC)

 * Poor example. Sorry. According to my authorities, pret rung seems to be old-fashioned everywhere that it still occurs (certainly not in my own Simon-pure American) but apparently enjoyed a certain currency in 19th cent. British usage, if the handbook are anything to go by. Maybe a better ex. would be the pret. of drink, which was quite commonly drunk from the the 17th - 19th cents. but receding for some reason in the 20th. Alsihler 22:14, 4 February 2007 (UTC)

 * Alsihler, in Old English, the 1st and 3rd person singular was æt, while the plural was ǣton. Would these have developed into different vowels in Modern English? By the way, I discovered recently that in an 1844 translation of the books of the Maccabees, the translator used "shrank" when the subject was singular and "shrunk" when the subject was plural! (See shrunk.) Eric Kvaalen (talk) 15:02, 27 May 2015 (UTC)

 * As a matter of fact, Tolkien writes et in oral speech within the Lord of the Rings. I don't know whether that is an actual English writing or he is just making sure that noone pronounces Sam in a wrong manner.--2001:A61:20CD:AA01:7475:E186:91DA:5478 (talk) 12:20, 29 November 2017 (UTC)

Pronunciations
Should the pronunciations given in the article (ie: pronounced "kondit" or "kundit", is now nearly always "conndewit" or Wednesday, historically "Wensday" or "Wendsday" ) be changed over to use IPA pronunciation guides?

 * Yes, I suppose in theory we should. However on some browsers (e.g. mine) IPA symbols appear as rectangles, making the article much less accessible. If necessary, use both (IPA first, then the current version in inverted commas or brackets or both). --Sir Myles na Gopaleen (the da) 12:29, 25 September 2006 (UTC)

Recent edits by anon. IP user ??
Somebody with expertise in this subject needs to take a look at the recent edits by anon. user 82.57.95.229 which I came across only because I was reverting a series of nonsense edits by another anon. IP user (on this & other articles). User 82.57.95.229 added a sort of mini-essay along with a shorter edit, which I nearly reverted. But I thought it would be better for somebody else who edits this particular article to exercise their judgement on this. Cgingold 20:43, 3 April 2007 (UTC)

Welcome to the spelling reform round table
What's this opinionated essay on English orthography doing in an encyclopedia article on spelling pronunciation? It reads like "wacky factoids I've heard about spelling idiocies". It should de-POVed and moved to a different article. Or even better, given extra POV and moved to a not-Wikipedia web site. Anyway, I'm removing the bit about the w in whole and whore being meaningless, since those are not pronounced with an [h] in my (American) dialect. Which seems to be about the level of sourcing used on this page. And they're not spelling pronunciations either, though if they were, they'd actually belong on this page. I'll come back later and see if anybody has a good reason not to make further cuts. Brock 03:03, 28 September 2007 (UTC)

 * The 'w' in 'whole' and 'whore' is in fact non-etymological, and silent - so I reverted that part. They are indeed pronounced with 'h', as if spelled 'hole' and 'hore' (or 'hoor', the historically correct spelling!) respectively.

 * However, I agree that this article is a little confused. The way, the truth, and the light 00:42, 29 September 2007 (UTC)

I pronounce "whole" with [ʍ], the voiceless labial-velar fricative/approximant. As does my mother and also the title character of Joan of Arcadia. So obviously it doesn't "represent literally nothing at all, not now, not ever". But whatever. Brock 04:12, 29 September 2007 (UTC)

 * I've never heard "whole" pronounced that way! Maybe it's idiosyncratic. I knew a boy who would pronounce "well" as "whell" until he grew out of it. Eric Kvaalen (talk) 15:02, 27 May 2015 (UTC)
 * Whell... you have to admit that while I as a foreigner have no idea what [ʍ] is, I can make a reasonable estimate of what the often seen [hw] is, and when you start a sentence with "well..." to give you time to think, it is a rather natural development to pronounce it as "whell" even if it was not such originally.
 * That said, I cannot imagine an Englishman to say "wole" and "wore" for whole and whore. After all, the latter is Hure, not *Wure as it otherwise would have to be, in my native German (we have no direct cognate for "whole" I'm aware of).--2001:A61:20A9:2B01:5132:D49B:5C64:2C47 (talk) 13:30, 18 November 2017 (UTC)

Falcon
The article says:

 * falcon /fælkən/ is now standard; the old pronunciation was 'fawkin' cf. the family name Faulkner and a long history of variant spellings without -l-

There are two issues here. It is quite true that the "l" was formerly not pronounced, but is almost invariable now. However I do not agree that the "a" has universally become æ. In England, the standard pronunciation of the first syllable rhymes with "all", as if the word were "faulcon". I have never heard /fælkən/, though I am not aware of the position in the United States. --Sir Myles na Gopaleen (the da) (talk) 12:53, 24 January 2008 (UTC)t

 * It is pronounced /fælkən/ in the United States. Funnyhat (talk) 04:12, 25 July 2008 (UTC)

Wrath
Could someone who knows what they're doing cover the pronunciation of wrath (roth/rath)? (I can't IPA.)--87.159.100.173 (talk) 17:47, 8 October 2008 (UTC)

 * It's pronounced "rath" in America and "roth" in England. But I don't know whether "rath" is a spelling pronunciation. I doubt it. Eric Kvaalen (talk) 15:02, 27 May 2015 (UTC)

 * It's definitely not pronounced "Roth" in England, but "rawth". — Preceding unsigned comment added by 142.254.1.132 (talk) 01:36, 9 December 2015 (UTC)

a social phenomenon, but perhaps not linguistic
I have just added a bit of additional material to the main page; some background info thereto can also be found on the talk page belonging to "history of English vowels before r" or whatever it's called. The main point I'd like to make about spelling pronunciations is that, at least in the initial stages of formation, they are not really "linguistic behavior" per se. Grammar -- that is to say, all linguistic behavior such as using certain sounds, certain syntactic structures, etc. -- is a set of subconscious behavior which develops in the brain of each human living in any society. If we consciously decide to give a certain word a certain pronunciation (I used to have some friends who thought it was clever to say jape instead off gape, jamble instead of gamble etc.), that is just fooling around, but if it becomes a part of the internalized grammar sometime later (perhaps with some naive, younger speaker), then it is language --at least as far as their idiolect goes. The point worthy of study -- and this is really sociolinguistics -- is how these transitions and innovations occur. E.g. why, when I was a kid (60s) did most people say jigga (giga-) and selt (Celt), but now practically all younger people (and elders who want to be hip) say gigga and Kelt? Is this sort of change related to spelling pronunciation?Jakob37 (talk) 07:57, 13 May 2009 (UTC)

 * Obviously pronouncing Celt as "kelt" is not spelling pronunciation! It's the opposite. Eric Kvaalen (talk) 15:02, 27 May 2015 (UTC)

Let's pare this down to sourced material
There is an enormous amount of unsourced personal-opinion tripe in this article, some of if completely hare-brained, especially assertions of "American" pronunciation, as if there were only one US dialect. I think this article could very safely be pared down by about 80%, into a sourced stub, and then built upon from there, with sources. —  SMcCandlish  [talk] [cont] ‹(-¿-)› 13:11, 14 May 2009 (UTC)

 * It might be good to have sources for pronunciation, but I don't think we need a source to say that something is a spelling pronunciation so long as it is known that the word was formerly pronounced not as spelled. Eric Kvaalen (talk) 15:02, 27 May 2015 (UTC)

More examples
"Forehead" is a good example of the phenomenon, and can be sourced, too. "Pumpkin" is another, although not so easily sourced.

221.222.122.100 (talk) 01:32, 15 March 2010 (UTC)

 * Was "pumpkin" ever universally pronounced "punkin"? Perhaps not, since the word used to be "pumpion" or "pompon". The "mp" is etymological. Eric Kvaalen (talk) 15:02, 27 May 2015 (UTC)

"Examples of English words with common spelling pronunciations"
Just what is a "common spelling pronunciation" ? I suggest the title of this section be revised to: "Examples of commonly found English words with spelling pronunciations" Jakob37 (talk) 06:10, 17 August 2010 (UTC)

singing pronunciation
When singing for performance (choirs, etc.) people often are trained to use unusual, supposedly "clearer" pronunciations. This fact might be mentioned as a minor category of spelling pronunciations. For example, I was once able to convince my choir director that singing "cruel" as "crew-elle" just made the word sound strange, not really clearer. This is very widespread in German-speaking countries, where the unstressed schwa sound is often performed as an "eh" sound, with a result that sounds rather artificial, but that's their habit. Jakob37 (talk) 12:04, 17 November 2010 (UTC)

 * Yes. There are a lot of these.  My choir director wants us to, when drawing a syllable out, pronounce the unvoiced final consonant as voiced, so "peace" becomes "peas".  Similarly, we can't use American pronunciations and must fully pronounce the letter T and D, even though that is not the dialect we are used to.  Also, we must replace the sound "er" with "uh" (so "winter" becomes "wintuh" and "fear" becomes "fee-uh") because she believes that rhotic vowels sounds "stupid".  Additionally, we must pronoounce the "ow!" dipthong in "brown" as ah-oo (say grandpa udon) rather than the regular pronunciation because she believes it sounds more "Grown-up" than "aa-uu" which is the pronunciation used by most people.  And then there is the pronunciation of "uel" as "oo-ell" rather than the ordinary "oo-ull" or "ool".  I find the "gathering winter's fyoo-elllllllll" of Good King Wenceslas to sound strange.  In my opinion, if you pronounce "cruel" and "fuel" that way, you might as well do the same for "school" and "rule".  "I go to schoo-el and broke the roo-ells" sounds equally as silly.  Ticklewickleukulele (talk) 19:06, 2 February 2013 (UTC)

 * There are distinctions to be made here between singing pronunciation, archaic/dialectal pronunciation preserved in song and specific use of pronunciation so as to maintain/force it a song to rhyme and maintain the tune. Good King Wenceslas is probably an example of one or both of the latter two. It was written in England in the 1850s using the tune of a Finnish 13th century spring carol, so would likely reflect the pronunciation of the words in Victorian London, and would probably also have had to be forced slightly to fit the tune. The "fyoo-elllllllll" as you put it isn't far off the modern British pronunciation of fuel (i.e. ), although it is fairly exaggerated to fit the tune. If it were switched to the American pronunciation it wouldn't have enough syllables to fit the tune. The same applies to cruel. In English received pronunciation neither fuel or cruel rhymes with school or rule. Conversely, in some regional accents (e.g. some forms of Brummie and I think some Welsh accents), school is pronounced with an added . Alphathon     (talk ) 19:52, 7 February 2013 (UTC)

 * Seems your choir director opts for a rather German pronunciation. We pronounce "winter" as "wintuh" simply because it's natural to us.
 * (In your pronunciation: Seems yau'uh kwyuh dyrectuh opts forr uh rathuh Germann prownunssiyaeshunn. Wee prownounss "wintuh" ass "wintuh" simplie beecaus' it's natshoorall too uss - where au is the sound in because, ow is the sound in own, and ou is the sound in sound.--2001:A61:20A9:2B01:5132:D49B:5C64:2C47 (talk) 13:43, 18 November 2017 (UTC)

Hebrew example
The example of גבוה (m.) being pronounced as 'gavoha' instead of 'gavoah' due to patach ganuv isn't very accurate. It's actually pronounced neither * nor *, but simply. Maybe if someone is trying to speak "proper" Hebrew they would say *, but I highly doubt it has anything to do with the Niqqud (which is almost never encountered). Since Modern Hebrew doesn't allow /h/ syllable-finally, *, although very unnatural, is simply the only way to pronounce it.

Taliandr (talk) 18:10, 6 February 2015 (UTC)

Since I can't find any example of spelling pronunciations caused by patach ganuv, I suggest removing this example, or replacing it with חטא (, meaning 'sin'), which is sometimes pronounced (as suggested by its spelling), especially by kids. This is probably since it's rarely encountered in speech. Taliandr (talk) 18:15, 6 February 2015 (UTC)

I rewrote it but then decided to remove it completely. As to "Eloah" - it is not the Modern Hebrew word for god. That would be either אל (/el/) for the concept itself or just any god, or אלוהים (/eloˈhim/) for the Jewish/specific god. I would say /(ʔ)eˈloha/ is the established pronunciation of אֱלוֹהַּ. However it is used very rarely since it doesn't exist in Modern Hebrew, and it's also very rare in the Bible, where it appears only 47 times. For comparison, אֱלֹהִים appears more than 600 times and יהוה appears 2000 times. Of course you could call the modern pronunciation a biblical word that is no longer used a spelling pronunciation, but then you would have to say almost all Hebrew words are, since the language was dead for almost 2000 years.

The part I rewrote and removed:

a patach (vowel mark denoting /a/) placed underneath a final guttural is pronounced before it. This is sometimes called 'patach ganuv' (lit. 'stolen patach'). An example is רוח (ruach, meaning 'spirit'), which looks like *rucha. Where the final consonant is historically a sounded he (h), many speakers do indeed place the vowel after it, mistakenly pronouncing Eloah (meaning God) as "Eloha" and gavoah (meaning high) as "gavoha".

Taliandr (talk) 01:14, 8 February 2015 (UTC)

 * Spelling pronunciations hardly exist in Hebrew because it's almost always correct to pronounce words as written. People often mispronounce words though. One example which might be called spelling pronunciation is pronouncing a word like חָקְרֵ֣נִי as ħakreni instead of ħokreni. The trouble is that qamatz can be either "a" or "o", and in this case it should be "o". Eric Kvaalen (talk) 15:02, 27 May 2015 (UTC)

The example was meant to be about the synagogal pronunciation of Biblical and prayer book Hebrew, not modern Israeli Hebrew. There, technically, a he with mappiq ought to be pronounced, though it very rarely is. But on either view, "gavoha" is wrong, though it is very often heard in modern Hebrew too. Admittedly "Eloah" is not used in modern Hebrew, but one very often hears the mistaken pronunciation "Eloha" in synagogue (for example in that Yom Kippur hymn where the refrain contains the words "Eloah selichot"). --Sir Myles na Gopaleen (the da) (talk) 13:09, 10 June 2015 (UTC)

Zoology and hecatomb
I recently added the examples of "zoology" and "hecatomb", but this was reverted because I had no source (as though certain authorities have the right to say that a pronunciation is a spelling pronunciation and we simple people don't). What do you folks think about these two words? What I wrote was: Eric Kvaalen (talk) 15:02, 27 May 2015 (UTC)
 * zoology, which is often pronounced "zoo-ology". This is not quite "spelling pronunciation" because it is never pronounced "zoo-logy". It is probably influenced by the word zoo (derived from zoological garden), which rhymes with goo. A similar case might be the pronunciation (not in the US) of hecatomb as rhyming with "deck a tomb".

 * Sorry to leave you hanging —I wasn't so concerned about making sure there is a clear citation, but I couldn't make heads or tails of the pronunciation you were trying to convey with your hyphenation. I thought a source would help me understand what sounds you were intending. You'll note that the rest of the examples use IPA to convey pronuciations because it so greatly reduces ambiguity. If we can get zoology and hecatomb into IPA (and I'm happy to assist), then let's do it! Cheers! —jameslucas (" " / +) 12:35, 2 June 2015 (UTC)

 * Thanks James. By "zoo-ology" I meant /zuˈɑlədʒi/, and by "zoo-logy" I meant /ˈzulədʒi/. And when I said that people pronounce "hecatomb" as though it rhymes with "deck a tomb", I meant that they say /ˈhɛ.kə.tuːm/. As though they think the -tomb at the end of the word should be pronounced like "tomb". These two examples, unlike cases where the spelling reflects an older standard pronunciation, are probably examples where the only justification for the pronunciation in question is that the spelling looks like that (if one doesn't understand the derivation from Greek). Eric Kvaalen (talk) 18:25, 2 June 2015 (UTC)

Valet
There should be a section (#Hypercorrection? #Foreign terms?) for English appropriation of foreign terms and the (mis)use of their usual conventions. Valet and chalet are examples of English words brought over with Norman French that separately maintained their original pronunciations (shifting to /-ɪt/ from being unstressed) while French French went on to mangle them into /-eɪ/. Their upper-class British (i.e., Norman Frenchy) pronunciation matches standard English pretty well but were imagined to be "spelling pronunciations" and (hyper)corrected using a French-based spelling pronunciation to rhyme with Malay. All the same, it's not "wrong". It's a reborrowing of the term from the original language that eventually becomes standard.

There must be other examples where English follows the general rule in a foreign language but misses a pronunciation exception (or original language) in the manner that octopi muffs the grammar. Maybe bolognese? — Llywelyn II   04:41, 10 June 2015 (UTC)

 * Actually, in modern French valet is /vale/, not /valeɪ/. Eric Kvaalen (talk) 10:23, 11 June 2015 (UTC)

Ridiculously pejorative
I know we go where the lead us, but there has to be a less biased term. There's nothing wrong with pronouncing the $\langlet\rangle$ in often and many of this page's examples are no longer "nonstandard" within their dialect of English. There should be some way of talking about this (that we should use) that simply talks about the fact that spelling is influential on pronunciation and sometimes pulls words back or shifts the pronunciation from what it would have been otherwise. — Llywelyn II   04:41, 10 June 2015 (UTC)

Montaigne

 * In French, the modern pronunciation of the 16th-century French author Montaigne as [mɔ̃tɛɲ], rather than the contemporary [mɔ̃taɲ], is a spelling pronunciation.

Contemporary (literally 'of the same time') is ambiguous; does it mean of Montaigne's time, or of the present? The modern word /mɔ̃taɲ/ is written sans «i». Is it known how Michel de Montaigne pronounced his name? —Tamfang (talk) 19:31, 25 March 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Spelling pronunciation


text:
BNG

BNG may refer to:

Organisations

 * Bandai Namco Games, a video game developer based in Tokyo, subsidiary of Namco Bandai Holdings
 * Bank Nederlandse Gemeenten, Dutch bank
 * British Nuclear Group, former subsidiary of British Nuclear Fuels Ltd
 * Bahala Na Gang, a Filipino street gang with operations in the US and Philippines
 * Bloque Nacionalista Galego (Galician Nationalist Bloc), a political coalition in Spain
 * Bòrd na Gàidhlig, a government body in Scotland
 * Business News Group, a publishing company in northern Mexico

Cartography

 * British National Grid, the Ordnance Survey National Grid reference system
 * Bermuda National Grid, a kind of Transverse Mercator projection

Places

 * Banning Municipal Airport (IATA airport code)
 * Bingen-White Salmon (Amtrak station) (Amtrak station code), Washington, US
 * Binnaguri, a small cantonment town in West Bengal, India

Other uses

 * Born of the Gods (Expansion code), a trading card game expansion set
 * Bob and George, a webcomic
 * Border network gateway or broadband network gateway, in computing

title: BNG


text:
Tsuchinoko

In Japanese folklore, the tsuchinoko (ツチノコ or 槌の子), literally translating to "child of hammer", is a snake-like being. The name tsuchinoko is prevalent in Western Japan, including Kansai and Shikoku; the creature is known as bachi hebi (バチヘビ) in Northeastern Japan.

Description
Tsuchinoko are described as being between 30 and 80 cm in length, similar in appearance to a snake, but with a central girth that is much wider than its head or tail, and as having fangs and venom similar to that of a viper. Some accounts also describe the tsuchinoko as being able to jump up to 1 m in distance followed immediately by a second jump while still in the air.

According to legend, some tsuchinoko have the ability to speak and a propensity for lying, and they are also said to have a taste for alcohol. Legend records that it will sometimes swallow its own tail so that it can roll like a wheel, similarly to the "hoop snake" of American legend.

Sightings
In the late 1980s, a wave of purported sightings of the tsuchinoko was reported across Japan, primarily in the village of Shimokitayama in Nara Prefecture. In 1988, Kazuo Nozaki, a member of Shimokitayama's village council, launched a "Tsuchinoko Expedition" to find the creature, which offered 1 million yen ($7,800 at the time) for its live capture and 300,000 yen for a sample of its skin. The expedition was joined by around 200 people from across the country and lasted until the beginning of the Japanese asset price bubble collapse in 1990 without finding evidence of its existence. To commemorate the event, the Shimokitayama Tsuchinoko Park was established in 2023.

Tohoku region
In a mountain close to Lake Towada, sighting of a 30cm creature with similar shape to Tsuchinoko was reported. In 1 April, 2007, a Tsuchinoko-shaped dead body of a snake from a dried grass in a farm located in Ōkura was found.

Search efforts and bounties
This is a list of municipalities and companies offering rewards for capturing Tsuchinoko, including those who ended the bounties.
 * Chikusa, Hyogo - 2 million yen (bounty ended after merging into Shisō.)
 * Yoshii, Okayama - 20,000,000 yen

title: Tsuchinoko