text:
Eckington (Washington, D.C.)

Eckington is a neighborhood in Northeast Washington, D.C., located south of the Prospect Hill and Glenwood Cemeteries. Eckington is less than 1 mi southeast of Howard University and exactly one mile north of the United States Capitol. Eckington is also the home of the District of Columbia office of Sirius XM Radio.

Eckington is bordered by:
 * Rhode Island Avenue and the Edgewood neighborhood to the north
 * North Capitol Street and the Bloomingdale neighborhood to the west
 * Florida Avenue and the Truxton Circle and NoMa neighborhoods to the south and
 * The Metro rail Red Line and the Metro's Brentwood Yard to the east

The closest metro stations serving Eckington are NoMa–Gallaudet U Station, located south of Eckington, and Rhode Island Avenue–Brentwood Station, located northeast of Eckington.

History
The land which became Eckington was the country home of Joseph Gales Jr., owner of the National Intelligencer and mayor of Washington from 1827 to 1830. Gales bought the Northeast tract in 1815, and in 1830 erected a two-story house on the hilltop, about where Third and U Streets intersect today. Gales named his estate Eckington after the village in Derbyshire, England in which he was born.

During the American Civil War, the house was used as a hospital for the 7th Regiment of New York. After the war, Eckington, commonly known as Gales Woods, was a popular picnic ground.

In 1887, Eckington was bought by George Truesdell and his wife Frances, who subdivided the property, improved it substantially for habitation, sold lots, and built several houses. Truesdell undertook extensive grading operations to level the landscape of his 87 acre Eckington subdivision. He laid down water and sewer pipes, paved streets in asphalt and concrete, and erected a stand pipe near the old Gales house. A steam pump brought water to the stand pipe, which distributed water throughout the new neighborhood. Truesdell erected five "pretty cottages" which, according to an 1888 newspaper account, were "all fitted up as city houses," with steam heat and hot and cold running water. Eckington was wired for electricity in 1889, two years before electricity was installed in the White House. In three years, Truesdell spent $500,000 improving the subdivision.

The contractor for Truesdell's houses was John H. Lane, who moved from Dupont Circle into one of those houses at 1725 Third Street. From 1889 to 1897, Lane developed nearly 20 properties in Eckington. None of Truesdell's original five houses exists today, although several detached houses from the late 19th century, by Lane and others, dot the streets of Eckington. The first three decades of the 20th century brought a boom in rowhouse construction to Eckington as it did in many parts of the District of Columbia.

Truesdell placed restrictive covenants in the deeds of Eckington's residential properties that required that each house cost at least $2,000 and be set back 15 ft from the building line. There was to be no manufacturing. The Union Army veteran did not place racial restrictions in the deeds, although as late as 1930, there were no African American families living in Eckington.

The Eckington and Soldiers' Home Railway began service on October 17, 1888. It was Washington's first electric railway and followed by just a few months the first practical electric railway in Richmond, Virginia. The line ran from Seventh Street and New York Avenue NW to Fourth and T Streets NE in Eckington, then was extended in 1889, up Fourth Street to Michigan Avenue and The Catholic University of America.

Col. Truesdell's subdivision straddled the narrow tracks of the Metropolitan Branch of the B&O Railroad. The Met Branch was a line that brought commuters into the city from Maryland beginning in 1873. In 1888, the B&O bought 13 acre just north of Florida Avenue and built a passenger station. Passengers were to disembark and ride the new electric line into the city. A few years later, the B&O built a huge freight depot next to the passenger station. This freight center spurred the development of manufacturing and warehousing along the west side of the tracks from Florida Avenue north to Rhode Island Avenue, Truesdell's covenants notwithstanding. The National Biscuit Company (Nabisco) was at 4th and S Streets and Judd and Detweiler printers was at Florida Avenue and Eckington Place. There were as many as 20 warehouses, mostly for groceries and home and building supplies. When the tracks were greatly expanded after the construction of Union Station, the east side of Eckington disappeared under them, including two of Truesdell's original houses.

In 1907, a bridge at 4th and T St. NE was built over the tracks to connect Eckington with the Brentwood neighborhood to the east. It was designed to carry motor traffic and pedestrians. A trolley connection at the west end of the bridge stopped in 1962, and the bridge was demolished in the late 1960s.

Although the streetcar had been a community center for both Eckington and Bloomingdale, the adjacent neighborhood to the west, after the streetcar line was removed in the 1950s North Capitol Street was dug into a trench to facilitate high-speed, high-volume traffic. The entrenched highway created a stark separation between Eckington from Bloomingdale. North Capitol Street remains noisy and difficult to cross; this, along with the railroad tracks on its east, gives Eckington its relatively isolated quality.

title: Eckington (Washington, D.C.)


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Williston State College

Williston State College (WSC) is a public community college in Williston, North Dakota. It is part of the North Dakota University System. Founded in 1961, WSC provides general, vocational, and technical education. For most of its history the college has worked in close connection with the University of North Dakota. It was originally the University of North Dakota-Williston (UND-W).

Academics
WSC offers transfer programs leading to Associate in Arts (AA) and Associate in Science (AS) degrees. Students can complete the first two years of many majors and transfer with junior status to most four-year colleges and universities.

In addition, the Associate in Applied Science (AAS) degree, the Program Certificate (PC), and the Certificate of Completion (COC) are awarded to students completing career-technical programs. Students receiving career-technical training may continue at a four-year college or university, earning an advanced degree.

Athletics
The athletic teams for Williston State College nicknamed the "Tetons". Williston State College has 5 teams that compete in the NJCAA, those sports are Men's and Women's Basketball, Women's Volleyball, Men's Baseball, and Women's Fastpitch Softball which they compete in the Mon-Dak Conference. WSC also has Men's Hockey which competes at the ACHA D2 level as an independent team in the West Region.

Housing
WSC has on-campus housing available for students. Frontier Hall is the main on-campus living for students who attend Williston State College. The Tetons also have Nelson Hall, Abramson Hall, and Manger Hall.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Williston State College


text:
Talk:Doug Martsch

Untitled
Doug Martsch is out of the sandbox....but he plays to all us kids here.

hes seriously fucking awsome/10

Is he really a native of Boise? I thought he was from south central Idaho and moved to Boise later... Regardless, last I heard he certainly was a resident of Boise.Yippie666 06:04, 1 November 2007 (UTC)
 * I don't know where the information in the article came from. I know he went to high school in Boise, but if "Twin Falls" is really autobiographical, he wasn't originally from there. Torc2 09:29, 1 November 2007 (UTC)

Yes, he's from the Twin Falls area. Perhaps the article would be better if it said "native of Idaho"

Is he a father?
Listening to 'There's nothing wrong with love' it makes me assume he is a father. Came here to see if that was true. Maybe he just wrote those songs about a friend's child or something of that nature. If he is a father, I think that would be good information to include in this page. Eddie mars (talk) 23:18, 8 February 2011 (UTC)

External links modified
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title: Talk:Doug Martsch


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HKT

HKT may refer to:
 * German Eastern Marches Society, (Hakata or H-K-T), a German organisation 1894–1934
 * Helsingin Kisa-Toverit, a Finnish sport club
 * Hong Kong Telecom
 * Hong Kong Tramways
 * Hong Kong Time
 * Hong Kong Times, a former newspaper
 * Höckmayr KFZ-Technik, Lotus 7 clone manufacturer
 * Phuket International Airport, in Thailand
 * Higher-kinded type

title: HKT


text:
Talk:United States color-coded war plans

--84.71.130.110 17:19, 12 November 2006 (UTC)it sucks--84.71.130.110 17:19, 12 November 2006 (UTC)--84.71.130.110 17:19, 12 November 2006 (UTC)ja,a,a,,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a,a, whoops

Untitled
I seriously doubt the validity of War Plan Indigo... at least I can't find any evidence that this plan ever existed.

Plexust 11:56, Dec 13, 2004 (UTC)

If I don't see some citation given for the Standard Oil-Nazi Germany plot, I'm going to delete it.Brecchie 17:56, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

If no citation is given for the War Plan in general, should it be deleted entirely? What you should do instead is formally request a citation. If this article is deleted out of private interest (or private agenda), it will be periodically restored. Just so that you know.

The war plans, from what I'm led to believe, are detailed in Joint Board File 325. I'm not sure exactly how to cite that. I've requested copies from the National Archives. Hopefully that'll shed some further light. Baka42 17:26, 5 April 2007 (UTC)

Addendum: I'd like to see it notated somewhere that the US wasn't the only nation that had contingency plans for conflicts with other nations. Any ideas how to word it? -Baka

links
there ought to be links to similar things, such as other US planned war scenarios and their details (as much as possible of course) KurtFF8 03:27, 3 April 2006 (UTC)

Comment
The U.S. color coded plans preceeded the Rainbow 1 thru 6 plans, yet there is no reference to it in the article. MBohler 02:30, 18 May 2007 (UTC)

Rainbows
Do the Rainbow plan have anything to do with the color plans or not? The article doesn't say. Kevlar67 (talk) 18:22, 7 December 2007 (UTC)

Why the Color Code was specifically chosen for that country
I wonder how did Germany got the black color. Was it historical connotations or something? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 124.217.75.13 (talk) 04:00, 21 August 2008 (UTC)
 * Probably best not to read too much into it. Some are symbolic while others don't have an obvious symbolism. Just reflects that there was no one se naming convention other than choose a color. For example, shades of red for the UK, makes sense (Britiain usually poetrays itself red on a map; redcoats; etc.). Emerald for Ireland, well thats a no brainer. But why silver for Italy? Etc etc. Jersey John (talk) 09:22, 3 January 2009 (UTC)

Dispute tag
I've seen reliable sources assigning different colors to some of the Plans from what's listed here. I'll see if I can dig them up later. - The Bushranger One ping only 02:15, 24 October 2011 (UTC)
 * The ones I found during my research at the National Archives include: Orange (WPL-16): Japan; Red (WPL-22, 23): Great Britain; Green (WPL-17): Mexico; Tan (WPL-9): Cuba; Neutrality (WPL-30); White: Internal Disorder; Gray (WPL-47); Special Plan Brown (JB325 S221): Emergency Transfer of American Forces from China to Philippines; Violet (JB325 S237): Emergencies. The National Archives indexes also mention Blue (US Peacetime Preparedness; ARC ID 2965734), Purple (South America; ARC ID 2965813), Yellow (China; ARC ID 2965863), and Indigo (Iceland; ARC ID 1490483). If there aren't any objections, I will remove the disputed tag. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Apowers313 (talk • contribs) 22:36, 16 November 2011 (UTC)

War Plan Red-Orange
The description of Red-Orange in the section Multilateral war plans—as a two-front war against the Anglo-Japanese Alliance—seems at odds with the later section List of Color Plans, where Red-Orange is indeed a two-front war, but opposing Japan while supporting Britain. Which is more accurate? Aboctok (talk) 12:20, 14 August 2012 (UTC)


text:
María Teresa Fernández de la Vega

María Teresa Fernández de la Vega Sanz (born 15 June 1949) is a Spanish politician and magistrate of the Socialist Party. During her political career, she served as first deputy prime minister, minister of the Presidency and government spokesperson under prime minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero from 2004 to 2010 and as president of the Council of State from 2018 to 2022, being the first first female deputy prime minister and the first female president of the advisory council.

Early life and career
Fernández de la Vega is the daughter of Wenceslao Fernández de la Vega Lombán who was a public servant during Franco's dictatorship, a delegate of the ministry of employment headed at that time by Fermín Sanz Orrio (1957–1962). She was born in Valencia in 1949. She earned a degree in law from the Complutense University of Madrid in the early 1970s. In 1974 she entered Spain's Cuerpo de Secretarios Jurídicos Laborales, a specialised body of the civil service.

Political career
Fernández de la Vega started her political career in the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia, remaining a member of it until 1979. From 1982 until 1985, she was the director of the advisory cabinet of the minister of justice, and in 1985 she was appointed general director of services at the ministry of justice. In 1986 she became a member of the legal cooperation committee of the Council of Europe. In 1990, she was chosen as a spokesperson of the general council of judicial power by the Senate (1994–1996). On 13 May 1994, the then Justice Minister Juan Alberto Belloch appointed her as the 1st Secretary of State for Justice.

Fernández de la Vega was elected a member of the Spanish Congress for Jaén for the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party candidacy for the 1996–2000 term, being re-elected in the elections of 2000 for Segovia. During this term she became general secretary of the Socialist parliamentary group.

In the Spanish general election of 2004 she became a member of the parliament for Madrid, and on 18 April of that year she was appointed first vice president and minister of Presidency, remaining the incumbent of each.

Fernández de la Vega was the first woman to take on the functions of the prime minister in the history of Spanish democracy, when, on 24 April 2004, during the first official visit abroad of Spain's Prime Minister, Zapatero, she presided over the Council of Ministers.

In March 2006, the first vice president went on an African tour with the state secretary for cooperation, Leire Pajín, visiting Kenya and Mozambique, in whose capital, Maputo, they celebrated International Women's Day and closed the forum "Spain-Africa: Women for a better world".

For the 2008 elections, Fernández de la Vega headed the list for the PSOE in Valencia. She left all the political offices in October 2010.

President of the Council of State
After leaving the first political line, on 3 July 2018, prime minister Pedro Sánchez chose her to chair over the Council of State, the supreme consultative council of the Spanish government. She assumed the office on 5 July 2018, becoming the first woman to chair the council.

Other activities

 * Judges for Democracy (Jueces para la Democracia), Member
 * Graduate School for Global and International Studies, University of Salamanca, Member of the Advisory Board

In addition, Fernández de la Vega has written many papers, including La reforma de la jurisdicción laboral and Derechos humanos y Consejo de Europa.

Recognition

 * On 7 October 2006 Fernández de la Vega received the Tomás y Valiente Award in Fuenlabrada, Madrid.
 * On 6 November 2010 Fernández de la Vega was granted with the Grand Cross of the Order of Charles III.

title: María Teresa Fernández de la Vega


text:
Robin Hood Engineering

Robin Hood Engineering Ltd was a British kit car manufacturer based in Mansfield Woodhouse, Nottinghamshire. The factory covered 30000 sqft and was on a one and a half acre site.

History
The company was founded in 1980 in Sherwood, Nottinghamshire by Richard Stewart, and started by making Ferrari Daytona replicas based on the Rover SD1 and later the Jaguar XJ12. The Lotus Super Seven was copied after the production by Lotus ended. it was the series 3 that was copied, not the series 4 that Caterham cars had bought the rights to

In 1989, a Triumph TR7 based Robin Hood was introduced with the affordable price tag of £995 + VAT. Motoring enthusiasts showed their support and several kits were sold. Development of the new product was continual and feedback from customers showed that a range of engine sizes were needed, so that more people could afford to run such a vehicle. The Triumph Dolomite superseded the TR7 as donor vehicle, a popular choice with engines ranging from 1100 cc to 2000 cc. Ford Cortina, and then the Ford Sierra.

High Court action from Caterham Cars almost stopped production, however legal advice gave a remedy to the problem. Robin Hood Engineering were careful not to deviate from the strict guidelines set down as a result of the action. An agreement was reached and it was agreed that the word SEVEN, OR GREEN CARS WITH A YELLOW NOSE CONE be used in RHE's promotions

The Monocoque style chassis (a structure formed from sheet steel without tubes) was manufactured using the Triumph Dolomite, Ford Cortina and Ford Sierra as donor vehicle. Although the donor vehicles and basic designs may have altered throughout the years, the main policy to supply value for money kits remained. Whilst other manufacturers had customers trawling scrap yards for an assortment of components to build cars, the Robin Hood policy of "One kit + one donor vehicle = car on the road" was a valuable selling point.

During 1996 and 1997 sales of Robin Hoods peaked at over 500 kits per year, and larger premises at Mansfield Woodhouse Notts, and extensive new CNC machinery were purchased to maintain production. In 1998, with the introduction of the Single Vehicle Approval test, the public were not so keen to embark on a build, preferring to wait and see what was going to happen. Implementation dates were put off several times by the Government and the whole of the kit car industry suffered. Also a war between magazine publishers Peter Filby (WHICH KIT) and Dennis Tanner,(kit CAR), broke out and split the whole industry in to two, demoralising everybody, fortunately, as the magazines faded away, the internet stepped in, and kept the kit car industry alive a little longer, before The Government's SVA test made the final step of getting your kit-car on the road very difficult.

This generally upsetting period enabled Richard Stewart to look carefully at Robin Hood Engineering's operations, an now in his fifties, ideally would have liked to have sold the business to allow him to concentrate on other interests. But with no offers forthcoming, the licence to manufacture Monocoque chassis about to expire and the recent heavy investment in new CNC machinery, the only option was to carry on with a brand new model.

With the assistance of a team of expert chassis designers, a revolutionary new chassis was conceived. The new style chassis was affectionately called the 'tubey' by staff and the 'Project 2B' (a reference to the affectionate nickname) was adopted as the kit name. Between the bulk collection dates of 21 August and 11 December 1999, exactly 205 kits were collected. Bulk collections have always been successful at Robin Hood Engineering, the record being one collection day in 1997 totalling 125 comprehensive kits.

In 2006 Richard Stewart sold the assets of `Robin Hood Sports Cars' which were bought by Great British Sports Cars Ltd.

The Zero
The most recent model by Great British Sports Cars is called 'The Zero' The Zero was designed to be small, lightweight, and purposeful car, suited to road and track use. It is available in 9 colours, and compatible with a range of engines. It is available as a kit, partially assembled, or fully built.

title: Robin Hood Engineering


text:
Switched Multi-megabit Data Service

Switched Multi-megabit Data Service (SMDS) was a connectionless service used to connect LANs, MANs and WANs to exchange data, in early 1990s. In Europe, the service was known as Connectionless Broadband Data Service (CBDS).

SMDS was specified by Bellcore,  and was based on the IEEE 802.6 metropolitan area network (MAN) standard, as implemented by Bellcore, and used cell relay transport, Distributed Queue Dual Bus layer-2 switching arbitrator, and standard SONET or G.703 as access interfaces.

It is a switching service that provides data transmission in the range between 1.544 Mbit/s (T1 or DS1) to 45 Mbit/s (T3 or DS3). SMDS was developed by Bellcore as an interim service until Asynchronous Transfer Mode matured. SMDS was notable for its initial introduction of the 53-byte cell and cell switching approaches, as well as the method of inserting 53-byte cells onto G.703 and SONET. In the mid-1990s, SMDS was replaced, largely by Frame Relay.

title: Switched Multi-megabit Data Service


text:
AALC

AALC may refer to:

 * American Association of Lutheran Churches, a Lutheran denomination
 * Asociación Atlética Luján de Cuyo, a football club from Luján de Cuyo in Mendoza, Argentina
 * AALC, ATM Adaptation Layer Connection
 * Ann Arbor Learning Community, a public charter school in Ann Arbor, Michigan
 * Australian Army Legal Corps

title: AALC


text:
Talk:Covenant

Inexplicably deleted
Ihcoyc, the religious info regarding Covenant wasn't "inexplicably deleted" — it was moved to its own page at covenant (theological term). Your restore has removed all references to the new disambiguation page, all pages linked from that disambiguation page that were not mentioned in the original article, and all edits to the new theological-term page since the split. The split happened because there were simply too many senses being referred to at once; if you came to the link from another article expecting to find the theological info, the proper thing to do was correct the inbound links — and not to revert. I'm reverting your revert. - Korpios 17:34, 6 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * Update — actually, it was Stevertigo's fault in removing the link to the disambiguation page. Sorry to blame you for that part, but the page still needs to be reverted. - Korpios 17:38, 6 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * I gathered that something of the sort had happened, but I couldn't figure out what it was from the history or the comments, so it struck me as odd. No problem; I just didn't want there not to be a page on the theology part.  Smerdis of Tlön 18:26, 6 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * Understandable; again, sorry to blame you, but I at first couldn't understand why you did what you did, until I went back through the revisions one-by-one and realized that you were seeing a page without the {alternateuses} link. - Korpios 18:45, 6 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * I would like to put up a request to clean up the covenant page and the covenant disambiguation page by merging them and shortening the descriptions that accompany newly merged page. Since i am new, I hesitate to add the /attention/ flag at the top of the directly linking covenant page

 * adendum to previous post Ramius V. Schweitzer 21:48, Nov 25, 2004 (UTC)

Southern states
Aren't there also a few of the Southern US states that have created a second type of marriage called a covenant marriage? A quick Google search find that there are currently three states (Arkansas, Arizona and Louisiana) that currently have covenant marriage laws, and a few other states where they have been proposed. There is also non-governmental movement for a form of covenant marriage. (see ) gK [[User talk:GK|¿?]] 12:04, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Categories?
What categories should this article be under? --Randolph 00:10, 3 May 2005 (UTC)

it should stay as is

Hate group
Can someone find a referance for Covenant, as a hate group? Gflor e sTalk 00:40, 3 April 2006 (UTC)

Halo
"The Covenant" shouldn't automatically forward to the Halo article. The 2006 movie generates far more hits on Google and is more widely-known in general. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 71.35.125.183 (talk • contribs).
 * You do have to consider that Halo has been around a lot longer than the film.--Drat (Talk) 11:19, 31 August 2006 (UTC)

Covenant definition need correcting
The definition of covenant listed here is fundamentally flawed. Covenant relationships are most definitely two-way and are essentially contracts. Both parties must agree to the terms of the covenant and be willing participants. What makes covenantial relationships different from others is that they are unbreakable. Many covenants were "to the death" in that the parties entering into covenant agreed that they would rather die than forsake the terms of the covenant. Today, we see a growth in what's called Covenant Marriages (very much a two-way relationship) where the parties agree to make their vows intentially hard to break. Both parties are most definitely bound by the terms of the covenant.

Biblically, the word covenant comes from the Hebrew word "Berith". The greek word is "diatheke". It was the translation of "diatheke" as "testament" instead of covenant (I believe it was in the King James Verson of the Bible) that has caused many to believe that this is much like a "Last Will and Testament" or a one-way agreement. Most translations today, correctly translate this word as "covenant" giving it an intirely different (and appropriate) conotation from testament.

I can go on since I find this subject fascinating, butt for now, let's update the definition to reflect correctly that covenant is two-way and is unique among other contracts in that it was binding.--Taratime 02:27, 15 October 2006 (UTC)

 * I changed "a covenant can also be made could also refer to the unconditional promises made to humanity by God" to "covenants have been made by God with humanity". Heptazane 20:04, 9 September 2007 (UTC)

 * The current definition of covenant is just flat-out wrong. This one-way idea is just bogus.  It's been a year and a half, and still no one defends it.  I'm changing it within the next few days.    GUÐSÞEGN  – UTEX – 12:28, 1 April 2008 (UTC)

 * I am trying to move the covenants legal section to an article covenant that can keep all the info in one place. I removed most of the information from this page seems it seems to be a random mishmosh of specific legal covenants, but got an automatic reversion. Not enterirely sure why? This information seems a little rough. I have also added covenant to the disambiguation page —Preceding unsigned comment added by Ontheinternets (talk • contribs) 17:07, 3 May 2010 (UTC)

Definition of covenant, in the religious sense
Should probably create a separate link for covenant theology, as a specific hermeneutical framework for interpreting the Bible, particularly popular among Presbyterians and other Reformed.

Should also probably create a separate link for the concept of covenant expressed in such documents as the Solemn League and Covenant, and for the concept of covenant in Judaism. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by Edonovan (talk • contribs) 01:34, 14 December 2006 (UTC).

Dubious definition
I see that almost 10 months later a dubious definition of religious covenant is still in place. Every text I've read does not limit the meaning the way this article does. 24.6.65.83 23:11, 7 August 2007 (UTC)

 * Agreed. The definition of religious covenant is also wrong.  I'm changing it within the next few days, too.    GUÐSÞEGN  – UTEX – 12:28, 1 April 2008 (UTC)

What about patent covenants?
Should we also put that into "law and government" section somewhere? —Preceding unsigned comment added by Jagy (talk • contribs) 14:15, 12 December 2008 (UTC)

Dispute
The basic definition of covenant is disputed on its talk page. When that is resolved, this one-liner definition should be updated, if required. Mark Hurd (talk) 00:42, 18 December 2008 (UTC)

Split this page
I think this page should be split. It currently discusses three largely distinct topics: The only thing these three have in common is the dictionary definition of "covenant".
 * Covenants, as a religious concept
 * Covenants, as a legal concept
 * Covenants, as a historical term for "treaty" or "agreement"

I would propose:
 * The section on in a religious context can be moved to Covenant (biblical). The concept has a broader religious application than the Bible alone, since this article talks about its presence in Islam and Indo-Iranian religions such as Zoroastrianism, and it also exists in Bahaism (see Covenant of Bahá'u'lláh). But maybe we can cater for that still in one article, by renaming Covenant (biblical) to e.g. Covenant (religion)? Or else, a separate Covenant (religion) for the transreligious aspects, and then the specifically Judaeo-Christian in Covenant (biblical)? But, since this concept is much more important in Judaism and Christianity than in other religions, there is inevitably going to be much more meat in Covenant (biblical) than any Covenant (religion), so that argues for having just one article
 * We already have Covenant (law), I don't see why the legal content of this page can't be merged into that
 * There's not much more to Covenant in history than there is to Covenant (disambiguation). Maybe this content could just be moved to this page?
 * Finally, redirect this page to Covenant (disambiguation).

What do people think? --SJK (talk) 08:57, 6 July 2010 (UTC)
 * OK, no one else responded, so I went ahead and did it. I have split the article into Covenant (law), Covenant (religion), and Covenant (historical). I am not sure if the later two articles really should exist - maybe Covenant (religion) should merge with Covenant (biblical), and Covenant (historical) could just go away? But anyway, I have kept them for now. --SJK (talk) 00:27, 10 July 2010 (UTC)

Old edit history
There are now 400+ deleted edits for this page. I was going to just merge them into the history of the disambiguation page, but I'm not sure if that would create a bigger mess. Anyone have more experience with the results of a split like the one done here? -- JHunterJ (talk) 13:19, 12 July 2010 (UTC)

 * Why are they deleted? I see that some of my edits (the second and third paragraphs that I added at covenant (law)) are no longer reflected in this history, and I don't really like that. They should be restored to this page's history. 15:56, 12 July 2010 (UTC)

Disambiguation
Should this page not instead be considering the religous sense of the word, and also have a disambiguation page linked at the beginning of the page? This instead of merely having an actual article as a disimbiguation page. Pastaguy12 (talk) 22:42, 18 February 2012 (UTC)

title: Talk:Covenant


text:
Pro-drop language

A pro-drop language (from "pronoun-dropping") is a language in which certain classes of pronouns may be omitted when they can be pragmatically or grammatically inferable. The precise conditions vary from language to language, and can be quite intricate. The phenomenon of "pronoun-dropping" is part of the larger topic of zero or null anaphora. The connection between pro-drop languages and null anaphora relates to the fact that a dropped pronoun has referential properties, and so is crucially not a null dummy pronoun.

Pro-drop is a problem when translating to a non-pro-drop language such as English, which requires the pronoun to be added, especially noticeable in machine translation. It can also contribute to transfer errors in language learning.

An areal feature of some European languages is that pronoun dropping is not, or seldom, possible (see Standard Average European); this is the case for English, French, German, and Emilian dialect, among others. In contrast, Japanese, Mandarin Chinese, Slavic languages, Finno-Ugric languages, Assyrian Neo-Aramaic, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese exhibit frequent pro-drop features. Some languages, such as Greek and Hindi also exhibit pro-drop in any argument.

History of the term
The term "pro-drop" stems from Noam Chomsky's "Lectures on Government and Binding" from 1981 as a cluster of properties of which "null subject" was one (for the occurrence of pro as a predicate rather than a subject in sentences with the copula see Moro 1997).

Thus, a one-way correlation was suggested between inflectional agreement (AGR) and empty pronouns on the one hand and between no agreement and overt pronouns, on the other. In the classical version, languages which not only lack agreement morphology but also allow extensive dropping of pronouns—such as Japanese, Chinese, Korean, and Vietnamese—are not included, as is made clear in a footnote: "The principle suggested is fairly general, but does not apply to such languages as Japanese in which pronouns can be missing much more freely." (Chomsky 1981:284, fn 47).

The term pro-drop is also used in other frameworks in generative grammar, such as in lexical functional grammar (LFG), but in a more general sense: "Pro-drop is a widespread linguistic phenomenon in which, under certain conditions, a structural NP may be unexpressed, giving rise to a pronominal interpretation." (Bresnan 1982:384).

The empty category assumed (under government and binding theory) to be present in the vacant subject position left by pro-dropping is known as pro, or as "little pro" (to distinguish it from "big PRO", an empty category associated with non-finite verb phrases).

Cross-linguistic variation
It has been observed that pro-drop languages are those with either rich inflection for person and number (Persian, Polish, Czech, Portuguese, etc.) or no such inflection at all (Japanese, Chinese, Korean, etc.), but languages that are intermediate (English, French) are non-pro-drop.

While the mechanism by which overt pronouns are more "useful" in English than in Japanese is obscure, and there are exceptions to this observation, it still seems to have considerable descriptive validity. As Huang puts it, "Pro-drop is licensed to occur either where a language has full agreement, or where a language has no agreement, but not where a language has impoverished partial agreement."

In pro-drop languages with a highly inflected verbal morphology, the expression of the subject pronoun is considered unnecessary because the verbal inflection indicates the person and number of the subject, thus the referent of the null subject can be inferred from the grammatical inflection on the verb.

Barbosa defines these typological patterns as null-subject languages (NSL), expressing that the term itself, pro-drop, can be subcategorized into categories such as: topic (discourse) pro-drop, partial NSL (partial pro-drop) and consistent NSL (full pro-drop).

Topic pro-drop languages
In everyday speech there are instances when who or what is being referred to — namely, the topic of the sentence — can be inferred from context. Languages which permit the pronoun to be inferred from contextual information are called topic-drop (also known as discourse pro-drop) languages: thus, topic pro-drop languages allow referential pronouns to be omitted, or be phonologically null. (In contrast, languages that lack topic pro-drop as a mechanism would still require the pronoun.) These dropped pronouns can be inferred from previous discourse, from the context of the conversation, or generally shared knowledge. Among major languages, some which might be called topic pro-drop languages are Japanese, Korean, and Mandarin. Topic prominent languages like Korean, Mandarin and Japanese have structures which focus more on topics and comments as opposed to English, a subject-prominent language. It is this topic-first nature that enables the inference of omitted pronouns from discourse.

Korean
The following example from Jung (2004:719) Korean shows the omission of both pronouns in the subject and object position.

Japanese
Consider the following examples from Japanese:

The words in parentheses and boldface in the English translations (it in the first line; I, you, and it in the second) appear nowhere in the Japanese sentences but are understood from context. If nouns or pronouns were supplied, the resulting sentences would be grammatically correct but sound unnatural. Learners of Japanese as a second language, especially those whose first language is non-pro-drop like English or French, often supply personal pronouns where they are pragmatically inferable, an example of language transfer.

Mandarin
The above-mentioned examples from Japanese are readily rendered into Mandarin:

Unlike in Japanese, the inclusion of the dropped pronouns does not make the sentence sound unnatural.

Partial pro-drop languages
Languages with partial pro-drop have both agreement and referential null subjects that are restricted with respect to their distribution. The partial null-subject languages include most Balto-Slavic languages, which allow for the deletion of the subject pronoun. Hungarian allows deletion of both the subject and object pronouns.

Slavic languages
The following table provides examples of subject pro-drop in Slavic languages. In each of these examples, the 3rd person masculine singular pronoun 'he' in the second sentence is inferred from context. In the East Slavic languages even the objective pronoun "его" can be omitted in the present and future tenses (both imperfect and perfective). In these languages, the missing pronoun is not inferred strictly from pragmatics, but partially indicated by the morphology of the verb (Вижу, Виждам, Widzę, Vidim, etc...). However, the past tense of both imperfective and perfective in modern East Slavic languages inflects by gender and number rather than the person due to the fact that the present tense conjugations of the copula "to be" (Russian быть, Ukrainian бути, Belarusian быць) have practically fallen out of use. As such, the pronoun is often included in these tenses, especially in writing.

Finno-Ugric languages
In Finnish, the verb inflection replaces first- and second-person pronouns in simple sentences: menen "I go", menette "all of you go". Pronouns are typically left in place only when they need to be inflected, e.g. me "we", meiltä "from us". There are possessive pronouns but possessive suffixes, e.g. -ni as in kissani "my cat", are also used, as in Kissani söi kalan ("my cat ate a fish"). A peculiarity of Colloquial Finnish is that the pronoun me ("we") can be dropped if the verb is placed in the passive voice (e.g. haetaan, Standard "it is fetched", colloquial "we fetch"). Estonian, a close relative of Finnish, has a tendency that is less clear. Literary Estonian generally uses explicit personal pronouns in the literary language, but they are often omitted in colloquial Estonian.

Hungarian is also pro-drop, and subject pronouns are used only for emphasis: (Én) mentem "I went". Because of the definite conjugation, object pronouns can be often elided as well. For example, the question (Ti) látjátok a macskát? "Do (you pl.) see the cat?" can be answered with just látjuk "(We) see (it)" because the definite conjugation renders the object pronoun superfluous.

Hebrew
Modern Hebrew, like Biblical Hebrew, is a "moderately" pro-drop language. In general, subject pronouns must be included in the present tense. Since Hebrew has no verb forms expressing the present tense, the present tense is formed by using the present participle (somewhat like English I am guarding). The Hebrew participle, as is the case with other adjectives, declines only in grammatical gender and number (like the past tense in Russian), thus:

 * I (m.) guard (ani shomer) =

 * You (m.) guard (ata shomer) =

 * He guards (hu shomer) =

 * I (f.) guard (ani shomeret) =

 * We (m.) guard (anachnu shomrim) =

Since the forms that are used for the present tense lack the distinction between grammatical persons, explicit pronouns must be added in most cases.

In contrast, the past tense and the future tense the verb form is inflected for person, number, and gender. Therefore, the verb form itself indicates sufficient information about the subject. The subject pronoun is therefore normally dropped, except in third-person.

 * I (m./f.) guarded (shamarti) =

 * You (m. pl.) guarded (sh'martem) =

 * I (m./f.) will guard (eshmor) =

 * You (pl./m.) will guard (tishm'ru) =

Many nouns can take suffixes to reflect the possessor in which case the personal pronoun is dropped. In daily usage, the inflection of Modern Hebrew nouns is common only for some nouns. In most cases, inflected possessive pronouns are used. In Hebrew, possessive pronouns are treated mostly like adjectives and follow the nouns which they modify. In Biblical Hebrew, inflection of more sophisticated nouns is more common than in modern usage.

Full pro-drop languages
Full pro-drop languages, also known as consistent NSLs, are languages that are characterized by rich subject agreement morphology where subjects are freely dropped under the appropriate discourse conditions. In some contexts, pro-drop in these languages is mandatory and also occurs in contexts in which pro-drop cannot happen for partial pro-drop languages. The following languages exhibit full pro-drop in their own distinct ways.

Hindi
South Asian languages such as Hindi, in general, have the ability to pro-drop any and all arguments. Hindi is a split-ergative language and when the subject of the sentence is in the ergative case (also when the sentence involves the infinitive participle, which requires the subject to be in the dative case ), the verb of the sentence agrees in gender and number with the object of the sentence, hence making it possible to drop the object since it can be contextually inferred from the gender of the verb.

In the example below, the subject is in the ergative case and the verb agrees in number and gender with the direct object.

In the example below, the subject is in the dative case and the verb agrees in number and gender with the direct object.

In the example below, the subject is in the nominative case and the verb agrees in number, gender, and also in person with the subject.

Greek
Subject pronouns are usually omitted in Greek, but the verb is inflected for the person and number of the subject. Example:

Βλέπεις εκείνο το κούτσουρο; Θα ήταν καλό για τη φωτιά. Είναι τελείως ξερό.

see.2sg that the log? Would be.3sg good for the fire. be.pres.3sg completely dried

(You) see this log? (It) would be good for the fire. (It) has completely dried.

Romance languages
Like their parent Latin, most Romance languages (with the notable exception of French) are categorised as pro-drop as well, though generally only in the case of subject pronouns. Unlike in Japanese, however, the missing subject pronoun is not inferred strictly from pragmatics, but partially indicated by the morphology of the verb, which inflects for person and number of the subject. Spanish, Italian, Romanian, Catalan and Occitan can elide subject pronouns only (Portuguese sometimes elides object pronouns as well), and they often do so even when the referent has not been mentioned. This is helped by person/number inflection on the verb. The 3rd person singular and plural subject pronouns are often kept to denote and differentiate male and female subjects/genders.

Spanish
In Spanish, the verb is inflected for both person and number, thus expression of the pronoun is unnecessary because it is grammatically redundant. In the following example, the inflection on the verb ver, 'see', signals informal 2nd person singular, thus the pronoun is dropped. Similarly, from both the context and verbal morphology, the listener can infer that the second two utterances are referring to the log, so the speaker omits the pronoun that would appear in English as "it." ¿Ves este tronco? Sería bueno para la fogata. Está completamente seco.

See this log? {Would be} good for the campfire. Is completely dry

(Do) (you) see this log? (It) would be good for the campfire. (It) is completely dry.

Although Spanish is a predominantly pro-drop language, not all grammatical contexts allow for a null pronoun. There are some environments that require an overt pronoun. In contrast, there are also grammatical environments that require a null pronoun. According to the Real Academia Española, the expression or elision of the subject pronoun is not random. Rather there are contexts in which an overt pronoun is abnormal, but in other cases, the overt pronoun is possible or even required. Further, the examples below illustrate how overt pronouns in Spanish are not constrained by inflectional morphology. The pronoun nosotros can be either present or absent, depending on certain discourse conditions:

Salimos

left

“We left.”

Nosotros salimos.

We     left

“We left.”

The third person pronouns (él, ella, ellos, ellas) in most contexts can only refer to persons. Therefore, when referring to things (that are not people) an explicit pronoun is usually disallowed.

Subject pronouns can be made explicit when used for a contrastive function or when the subject is the focus of the sentence. In the following example, the first person explicit pronoun is used to emphasize the subject. In the next sentence the explicit yo, stressed that the opinion is from the speaker and not from the second person or another person.

Yo creo que eso estuvo mal.

I think that that was wrong. Subject pronouns can also be made explicit in order to clarify ambiguities that arise due to verb forms that are homophonous in the first person and third person. For example, in the past imperfect, conditional, and the subjunctive, the verb forms are the same for first person singular and third person singular. In these situations, using the explicit pronoun yo (1st person singular) or él, ella (3rd person singular) clarifies who the subject is, since the verbal morphology is ambiguous.

Italian
Vedi questo tronchetto? Andrebbe bene per il fuoco. È completamente secco.

See this log? {Would go} well for the campfire. Is completely dry

Do (you) see this log? (It) would be fit for the campfire. (It) is completely dry.

Italian further demonstrates full pro-drop by allowing for the possibility of a salient, referential, definite subject of finite clauses. With respect to the Null subject parameter (NSP), this will be analyzed using the phrase 'S/he speaks Italian.'

Italian has a [+] value:
 * Parla italiano. (Italian, +NSP)

A non pro-drop language, such as English, has a [-] value for NSP and thus does not allow for that possibility:
 * *Speaks Italian. (English, -NSP)

Portuguese
Portuguese displays full pro-drop by allowing subjects of finite clauses to be phonetically null:

Chegaram.

arrived-3PL

‘They have arrived.’

Provided this example, it is important to note that variations of Portuguese can differ with respect to their pro-drop features. While European Portuguese (EP) is a full pro-drop language, Brazilian Portuguese (BP) exhibits partial pro-drop. The two are compared below, respectively:

Examples of omitted subject:

Estás a ver este tronco? Seria bom para a fogueira. Secou completamente.

Are to see this log? {Would be} good for the campfire. Dried completely

(Do) (you) see this log? (It) would be good for the campfire. (It) has completely dried.

Está(s) vendo esse tronco? Seria bom pra fogueira. Secou completamente.

Are seeing this log? {Would be} good for-the campfire. Dried completely

(Do) (you) see this log? (It) would be good for the campfire. (It) has completely dried.

Omission of object pronouns is likewise possible when the referent is clear, especially in colloquial or informal language:

Acho que ele vai rejeitar a proposta, mas pode aceitar.

Think that he goes (to-)reject the proposal, but may accept.

(I) think he is going to turn down the proposal, but (he) may accept (it).

Ainda tem macarrão? Não, papai comeu.

Still {is there} pasta? No, daddy ate.

Is there pasta left? No, daddy ate (it).

The use of the object pronoun in these examples (aceitá-la, comeu-o) is the default everywhere but Brazil.

Ela me procurou ontem e não achou.

She me sought yesterday and not found.

She looked for me yesterday and didn't find (me).

Here não me achou would also be possible.

A: Eu te amo; você também me ama? B: Amo, sim.

 * I you love; you too me love? : Love-1sg, yes.

A: I love you; do you love me too? B: I do.

Omission of the object pronoun is possible even when its referent has not been explicitly mentioned, so long as it can be inferred. The next example might be heard at a store; the referent (a dress) is clear to the interlocutor. In both Brazilian and European Portuguese the pronoun is omitted.

Viu que bonito? Não gosta? Pode comprar?

Saw how beautiful? Don't like? Can buy?

Viste que bonito? Não gostas? Podes comprar?

Saw how beautiful? Don't like? Can buy?

Have you seen how beautiful it is? Do you like it? Can you buy it?

Pro-drop with locative and partitive
Modern Spanish and Portuguese are also notable amongst Romance languages because they have no specific pronouns for circumstantial complements (arguments denoting circumstance, consequence, place or manner, modifying the verb but not directly involved in the action) or partitives (words or phrases denoting a quantity of something). However, both languages had them during the Middle Ages: Portuguese hi and ende.

Compare the following examples in which Spanish, Portuguese, Galician, and Romanian have null pronouns for place and partitives, but Catalan, French, Occitan, and Italian have overt pronouns for place and partitive.

Arabic
Arabic is considered a null-subject language, as demonstrated by the following example:

sāʻid ghayrak, yusāʻiduk.

{help.PRES.3SG you} other, {help.PST.3SG you}

Help another, (he) helps you.

Turkish
Sen-i gör-dü-m

2SG-ACC see-PAST-1SG

(I) saw you.

The subject "I" above is easily inferable as the verb gör-mek "to see" is conjugated in the first person simple past tense form. The object is indicated by the pronoun seni in this case. Strictly speaking, pronominal objects are generally explicitly indicated, although frequently possessive suffixes indicate the equivalent of an object in English, as in the following sentence.

Gel-diğ-im-i gör-dü-n mü?

come-NMLZ-POSS.1SG-ACC see-PAST-2SG Q

Did you see me coming?

In this sentence, the object of the verb is actually the action of coming performed by the speaker (geldiğimi "my coming"), but the object in the English sentence, "me", is indicated here by the possessive suffix -im "my" on the nominalised verb. Both pronouns can be explicitly indicated in the sentence for purposes of emphasis, as follows:

Sen ben-im gel-diğ-im-i gör-dü-n mü?

2SG 1SG-POSS come-"ing"-POSS.1SG-ACC see-PAST-2SG Q

Did you see me coming?

Swahili
In Swahili, both subject and object pronouns can be omitted as they are indicated by verbal prefixes.

Ni- -ta- -ku- -saidia.

SUBJ.1SG- -FUT- -OBJ.2SG- -help

(I) will help (you).

English
English is not a pro-drop language, but subject pronouns are almost always dropped in imperative sentences (e.g., Come here! Do tell! Eat your vegetables!), with the subject "you" understood or communicated non-verbally.

In informal speech, the pronominal subject is sometimes dropped. The ellipsis has been called "conversational deletion" and "left-edge deletion",  and is common in informal spoken English as well as certain registers of written English, notably diaries. Most commonly, it is the first person singular subject which is dropped.

Some other words, especially copulas and auxiliaries, can also be dropped.

 *  [Have you] ever been there?
 *  [I'm] going shopping. [Do you] want to come?
 * [I] haven't been there yet. [I'm] going later.
 * Seen on signs:  [I am/We are] out to lunch; [I/we shall be] back at 1:00 [P.M].
 * What do you think [of it] ? – I like [it] ! (the latter only in some dialects and registers)
 * [Do you] want a piece of cake?
 * [You] are not! – [I] am too! This pattern is also common with other tenses (e.g., were, will) and verbs (e.g., do/did, have/had).

In speech, when pronouns are not dropped, they are more often reduced than other words in an utterance.

Relative pronouns, provided they are not the subject, are often dropped in short restrictive clauses: That's the man [whom] I saw.

The dropping of pronouns is generally restricted to very informal speech and certain fixed expressions, and the rules for their use are complex and vary among dialects and registers. A noted instance was the "lived the dream" section of George H. W. Bush's speech at the 1988 Republican National Convention.

German and Nordic languages
Colloquial and dialectal German, unlike the standard language, are also partially pro-drop and typically allow deletion of the subject pronoun only in main clauses without inversion. German has personal inflections of verbs, which makes pro-drop sentences easier to understand.

Swedish, Norwegian and Danish do not have personal inflections of verbs, verbs are the same regardless of person or number. Nevertheless in informal spoken language the first (maybe third) person singular sometimes is dropped. In social media, this is sometimes used in writing also, which some see as sloppy language.

Other language families and linguistic regions
Among the Indo-European and Dravidian languages of India, pro-drop is the general rule though many Dravidian languages do not have overt verbal markers to indicate pronominal subjects. Mongolic languages are similar in this respect to Dravidian languages, and all Paleosiberian languages are rigidly pro-drop.

Outside of northern Europe, most Niger–Congo languages, Khoisan languages of Southern Africa and Austronesian languages of the Western Pacific, pro-drop is the usual pattern in almost all linguistic regions of the world. In many non-pro-drop Niger–Congo or Austronesian languages, like Igbo, Samoan and Fijian, however, subject pronouns do not occur in the same position as a nominal subject and are obligatory even when the latter occurs. In more easterly Austronesian languages, like Rapa Nui and Hawaiian, subject pronouns are often omitted even though no other subject morphemes exist. Pama–Nyungan languages of Australia also typically omit subject pronouns even when there is no explicit expression of the subject.

Many Pama–Nyungan languages, however, have clitics, which often attach to nonverbal hosts to express subjects. The other languages of Northwestern Australia are all pro-drop, for all classes of pronoun. Also, Papuan languages of New Guinea and Nilo-Saharan languages of East Africa are pro-drop.

Among the indigenous languages of the Americas, pro-drop is almost universal, as would be expected from the generally polysynthetic and head-marking character of the languages. That generally allows eliding of all object pronouns as well as subject ones. Indeed, most reports on Native American languages show that even the emphatic use of pronouns is exceptionally rare. Only a few Native American languages, mostly language isolates (Haida, Trumai, Wappo) and the Oto-Manguean family are known for normally using subject pronouns.

Yahga, a critically-endangered language isolate from Tierra del Fuego, had no pro-drop when it was still spoken widely in the late 19th century, when it was first described grammatically and had texts translated from English and other languages (three biblical New Testament texts: Luke, John, and Acts of the Apostles). In fact, emphatic pronouns and cross-reference pronouns on the verb commonly appeared together.

Pragmatic inference
Classical Chinese exhibits extensive dropping not only of pronouns but also of any terms (subjects, verbs, objects, etc.) that are pragmatically inferable, which gives a very compact character to the language. Note, however, that Classical Chinese was a written language, and such word dropping is not necessarily representative of the spoken language or even of the same linguistic phenomenon.

title: Pro-drop language


text:
Talk:Ferdinando Galiani

Untitled
Abbe Ferdinand Galiani was refered by Nietzche to be "the profoundest most clear sighted, and perhaps also filthiest man of his century," so i wonder, what was Galiani's philosophical stance, or opposition to the surrounding Enlightenment? Does anyone know, or is this question mis-guided?

title: Talk:Ferdinando Galiani


text:
Knock-down kit

A knock-down kit (also knockdown kit, knocked-down kit, or simply knockdown or KD) is a collection of parts required to assemble a product. The parts are typically manufactured in one country or region, and then exported to another country or region for final assembly.

Definitions
A common form of knock-down is a complete knock-down (CKD), which is a kit of entirely unassembled parts of a product. It is also a method of supplying parts to a market, particularly in shipping to foreign nations, and serves as a way of counting or pricing. CKD is a common practice in the automotive, bus, heavy truck, and rail vehicle industries, as well as electronics, furniture and other products. Businesses sell knocked-down kits to their foreign affiliates or licensees for various reasons, including the avoidance of import taxes, to receive tax preferences for providing local manufacturing jobs, or even to be considered as a bidder at all (for example, in public transport projects with "buy national" rules).

A semi-knocked-down kit (SKD) or incompletely disassembled kit (although it has never been assembled) is a kit of the partially assembled parts of a product. Both types of KDs, complete and incomplete, are collectively referred to within the auto industry as knocked-down export (KDX), and cars assembled in the country of origin and exported whole to the destination market are known as built-up export (BUX).

Technically, the terms "knock-down", "incompletely disassembled kit", and "kits of parts" are all misnomers because the knock-downs were never built up in the first place. The parts shipments are often not in the form of kits, but rather bulk-packed by type of part into shipping containers. The degree of "knock-down" depends on the desires and technical abilities of the receiving organization or government import regulations. Developing nations may pursue trade and economic policies that call for import substitution or local content regulations. Companies with CKD operations help the country substitute the finished products it imports with locally assembled substitutes.

Knock-down kit assembly plants are less expensive to establish and maintain because they do not need modern robotic equipment, and the workforce may be less costly than in the country of origin. The plants may also be effective for low-volume production. The CKD concept allows firms in developing markets to gain expertise in a particular industry. At the same time, the CKD kit exporting company gains new markets that would otherwise be closed.

Automotive

In the automotive industry, the most basic form of a vehicle in the KD kit lacks the wheels, internal combustion engine, transmission, and battery. They are either supplied as parts for assembly (a "complete" kit) or obtained from third parties (an "incomplete" kit); all of the interiors are already installed at the originating factory. The term SKD for semi-knocked-down refers to a kit with a complete, welded car body, usually coated or already painted. To gain extra tax preferences, the manufacturer needs to "localize" the car further, i.e., increase the share of parts produced by local manufacturers, such as tires, wheels, seats, headlights, windscreens and glass, batteries, interior plastics, etc., even down to the engine and transmission. At some point, the steel body could be pressed, welded, and painted locally, effectively making KD assembly only a few steps away from full-scale production.

By the time Henry Ford co-wrote his 1922 memoir, My Life and Work, the Ford Motor Company was already shipping car parts from its Michigan plants for final assembly in the regions of the United States or foreign countries where the cars would be sold.

During World War II, a significant number of US- and Canadian-built vehicles, most notably light and heavy trucks like Willys MB/Ford GPW/GPA, GMC-353/CCKW, and vehicles from the CMP family, were crated and shipped overseas in KD form, in various degrees of completeness, to Allied countries to sustain their war effort. Assembly lines were preferably set up in local automotive factories where appropriate tooling and equipment could be easily found, but, where needed, other types of buildings could be used, especially in on-the-field situations, and on occasion, even open-air rebuilding camps were set up, managed by military personnel. Owing to male mobilization, sometimes a female workforce was employed. CKD military vehicles could be stored for shipment in one-vehicle-per-crate form (or SUP, Single Unit Pack), or as several vehicles (usually two to three) divided in two or more crates. Vehicles shipped to certain countries could be lacking some items, such as cabs, beds, or tires, that were built and provided locally.

Mahindra & Mahindra Limited in India began its business in 1947 with assembling CKD Jeeps. Mahindra expanded its operations to include domestic manufacture of Jeep vehicles with a high level of local content under license from Kaiser Jeep Corporation and later American Motors Corporation (AMC).

In the 1950s and 1960s, Lotus Cars sold its Lotus Seven car in CKD form to avoid the UK purchase tax that applied to sales of fully assembled vehicles.

By 1959, and with the introduction of the Mini, British Motor Corporation (BMC) products were still either imported or assembled from CKD kits in several international markets.

In 1961, Renault began negotiations for a first partnership agreement with AMC to assemble Rambler automobiles in Europe. Beginning in 1962, and continuing until 1967, AMC also sold CKD kits of its passenger cars to Renault. They were assembled in Renault's factory in Haren, Belgium, and sold through its dealers in Algeria, Austria, Belgium, France, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg. The deal allowed AMC to sell its cars in new markets without significant foreign direct investment (FDI). The arrangement benefited the French automaker because its product range lacked large-sized cars, and it needed to offer an "executive" model for its European markets. The situation changed by 1977. By this time, AMC sought outside support for a new car in the sub-compact market segment, which led to the first of many agreements with Renault.

Volvo's Halifax Assembly Plant, which opened in 1963, completed vehicles in CKD form from Sweden for North American consumers. Halifax Assembly closed in December 1998.

In 1967, Rootes Group UK began exporting CKD Hillman Hunters to Iran where they were sold as the Paykan (meaning "arrow" in Persian). Bought by Chrysler in 1967 and then part of the sale to the PSA Group by the Chrysler Corporation of its European operations in late 1978, the Rootes business basis in Iran became the primer for the very significant PSA Peugeot Citroën business in Iran involving engine and CKD deliveries, particularly from the 405, introduced in 1990 and facelifted as the Pars in 1999 and 206 introduced in 2001. In 2004, Peugeot's partner Iran Khodro produced 281'000 Peugeot vehicles, securing a 36% market share.

In 1967 as well, Peugeot introduced CKD-based production of a light pick-up vehicle based on the Peugeot 403 in Peugeot's Berazategui factory (in Buenos Aires) under the name Peugeot 4TB. In 1973, this model was replaced by the 404 pick-up and later (1990) by the 504 pick-up. The 404 and 504 were massively marketed worldwide through local CKD assembly shops: the 404 was assembled, besides France and Argentina, in Australia, Belgium, Canada (at the SOMA plant shared with Renault), Chile, Ireland, Kenya, Madagascar, Malaysia, New Zealand, Nigeria, Portugal, Perú, Rhodesia, South Africa, and Uruguay; the 504, mainly in Argentina, Egypt, Nigeria, Kenya, South-Africa, Australia, and China by the Guangzhou Peugeot Automobile Company which developed a specific crew cab version.

In 1968, the independent German automotive firm, Karmann, began assembly of CKD kits of AMC's newly introduced Javelin for distribution in Europe. American Motors also provided right-hand drive versions of their automobiles to markets such as Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. The components were shipped in containers to Australia from AMC's plants in Kenosha, Wisconsin, or Brampton, Ontario. Assembly of Rambler and AMC vehicles in Australia was done by Australian Motor Industries (AMI) in Port Melbourne, Victoria. Local content requirements were met by using Australian suppliers for the interiors (seats, carpeting, etc.) as well as for lights, heaters, and other components. Various Rambler models were assembled in New Zealand from the early 1960s until 1971 by Campbell Motors in Thames (later Toyota New Zealand), which had also built Toyota, Datsun (later known as Nissan), Hino, Renault, and Peugeot cars.

New Zealand had developed a car assembly industry as a means of import substitution and providing local employment, despite the small size of the local market. Following economic reforms in the 1980s, including the lowering of import tariffs, and the ability to import Australian-built vehicles duty-free under the CER agreement, many car companies ended assembly in New Zealand. They switched to importing completely built-up vehicles from Japan, Australia, or Europe. More significantly, the easing of import restrictions led to many used imports, because they were less expensive than locally assembled used cars, and outsold the 'NZ New' vehicles. The last companies to construct CKD kits in New Zealand were Toyota, Nissan, Mitsubishi, and Honda, which closed their plants in 1998 when the government announced plans to abolish import tariffs on cars.

Other examples include Ukraine, which has almost prohibitive import taxes on finished cars. AutoZAZ assembles CKD kits of some Lada, Opel, Mercedes-Benz, and Daewoo cars. It went as far as adopting a version of Daewoo Lanos for full-scale production and equipping it with a domestic engine. The German automotive giant Volkswagen Group also produces SKDs in Ukraine at its Solomonovo plant, producing cars under its Škoda and Volkswagen Passenger Cars marques.

In Russia, KD assembling facilities are owned by Avtotor, which produced Hummer H2, BMW 3 Series, and BMW 5 Series in Kaliningrad, and Renault Logan in Moscow using facilities that once belonged to AZLK. In Kaluga, Volkswagen Group had a plant that was expected to have an annual output of 150,000 units.

Daimler AG has a CKD assembly plant in South Carolina that re-assembles Mercedes-Benz Sprinter vans for sale in the United States and Canada at Mercedes-Benz and Freightliner dealers, along with Dodge dealers before Fiat Group's takeover of Chrysler Group LLC—essentially to circumvent the 25% tariff on imported light trucks known as the "Chicken Tax". The Sprinter was eventually replaced in the Dodge/Ram lineup with the similar Ram ProMaster, a rebadged Fiat Ducato. Unlike the CKD Dodge Sprinter, the ProMaster is fully imported to the U.S. from a Chrysler plant in Mexico under of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).

In 2009, Mahindra & Mahindra Limited announced that it would export pickup trucks powered by diesel engines from India to the United States in knockdown kit (CKD) form, again to circumvent the chicken tax. Mahindra planned to export CKDs to the United States as complete vehicles that will be assembled in the United States from kits of parts shipped in crates. However, Mahindra's United States CKD and export plans never materialized and were subject to several lawsuits.

In 2013, Tesla started operating an assembly plant in Tilburg, the Netherlands. It is used for the assembly of their Model S sedan and Model X SUV for the European Union, but not all of Europe since only cars imported to the EU benefit from circumventing the 10% import duty (e.g. cars to Norway are shipped directly from the United States). For the most part, the car is still manufactured in the Tesla Factory in Fremont, California. During the final assembly in the Netherlands, various parts are added to the car, most notably the rear subframe with the drive train as well as the battery pack.

Buses
Motor Coach Industries opened its Pembina, North Dakota, assembly plant in 1963, as part of an expansion into the US market. Unfinished KD (knocked down) coach bodies are shipped from Winnipeg, Manitoba, by flatbed trailer and completed, outfitted, and delivered at Pembina. This practice simplifies US Customs and meets the "Buy America Act" provisions (49 USC 5323(j) and 49 CFR Part 661) for public agencies purchasing new equipment with federal funds.

North American Bus Industries opened operations in Anniston, Alabama, in 1993, with incomplete buses shipped from Budapest, Hungary, to Anniston for final assembly. NABI expanded production operations in Anniston to allow full production with its first fully domestically produced bus unit in 2008.

Rail
The practice of selling "knocked down" railcars, called by that name, pre-dates the 20th century, as evidenced by an advertisement by JG Brill Company in the Street Railway Journal from 1898.

Many rail equipment builders have used kits or incomplete vehicles, often to meet local assembly and production requirements or quotas, or to satisfy tariffs. Some examples include:
 * Between 1938 and 1951, the St Louis Car Company shipped PCC streetcar body shells and trucks north for assembly by Canadian Car & Foundry. The Toronto Transit Commission (TTC) PCC fleet was purchased and delivered in this method.
 * Bombardier ships incomplete cars from its plant at La Pocatière Quebec, to Plattsburgh, New York, and (until 2002) Barre, Vermont, facilities for final assembly. These are to meet Buy America Act provisions for US public transit agencies and tariff rules. Since 2009 the Plattsburgh assembly plant has had full stainless steel welding and fabrication capability, allowing for cars to be fully assembled and completed on-site.
 * Kawasaki Heavy Industries (KHI) and CSR Qingdao Sifang has a joint venture assembly plant in Qingdao, China, that carried out final assembly of first 10 sets of China Railways CRH2 high-speed trains, itself derived from E2 Series Shinkansen, using parts shipped from Kobe, Japan. Later the plant was tasked with the local manufacturing of further CRH2 train orders, through technology transfer from Japan.
 * Alstom's Hornell, New York, assembly plant produces final completed cars using stainless body assemblies shipped from the Lapa plant in São Paulo, Brazil. Morrison-Knudsen used the same production method when it built new passenger cars at the Hornell shops in the 1990s.
 * From their first US order from the South Shore Line in 1982 until the opening of a full-body manufacturing and assembly line in Rochelle, Illinois, thirty years later, Nippon Sharyo sent commuter train bodies from Japan to US finishers, including an American unit of Sumitomo.
 * Hyundai Rotem opened an assembly facility in South Philadelphia, located in an industrial park off Columbus Boulevard. Car shells are assembled, outfitted, and completed for delivery at this site, which is served by Conrail on the Philadelphia Belt Line, allowing delivery of new cars by rail. The Silverliner V cars for Denver's RTD commuter rail and Philadelphia's SEPTA Regional Rail were purchased and delivered in this method.
 * The London Underground 1995 and 1996 Stock fleets have aluminium bodies built by Alstom in Barcelona with assembly completed at the Metro-Cammell works in Washwood Heath, Birmingham.
 * British Rail Class 385 fleets have aluminum bodies built by Hitachi in Kasado, Japan, with assembly completed at the Newton Aycliffe works in Country Durham.
 * Taiwan Rolling Stock Company's assembly plant in Hsinchu County, Taiwan has assembled several rolling stock models using knock-down kits from Hitachi Rail Italy (EMU101 trains for Taipei Metro Circular Line), Kawasaki Heavy Industries (Taipei Metro C371, C381 and Taoyuan Metro 1000 series) and Nippon Sharyo (TRA EMU700 and EMU800 series)

Aircraft
Unserviceable military aircraft are also sold as "knock-downs" after they have ended their service life, packaging them with serviceable aircraft. This allows them to be used for cannibalization of spare parts.

The European aircraft manufacturer Airbus uses knock-down kits to assemble A320 family aircraft outside Europe. The Airbus A320 final assembly line in Tianjin, China, assembles fuselage, wing, and tail sections made in Europe with avionics and engines made in the EU or the United States and locally sourced components for interiors. Airbus opened a similar A320 final assembly line in the United States in September 2015, located in Mobile, Alabama; again using European-made fuselages, wings, and tail sections. However, the Mobile final assembly line will use more locally sourced components than the Tianjin line; engines, interior components, and avionics will be sourced mainly from American suppliers. Both the Airbus Tianjin and Mobile plants receive their fuselages, wings, and tail sections from Europe via ocean freight using specially designed ships, as the plants are located in port cities.

Housing
From 1908 to 1940, the Sears, Roebuck & Co. mail-order catalog offered over 400 styles of homes. Buyers were provided with all of the materials and the instructions needed to build a house. Everything that arrived by train or in the mail was designed to fit together, therefore buyers could build the houses themselves or hire contractors. Sears sourced building materials at a high volume, thus keeping prices low and competitive with the local builders.

Furniture
Knock-down furniture dates back to at least the mid-19th century, with the 1859 Thonet No. 14 chair bentwood chair being easily disassembled for transportation. In the late 1940s, Australian designer Frederick Charles Ward founded a mail-order business for knock-down furniture in response to a lack of affordable furniture.

Swedish furniture company IKEA began selling flat-pack furniture in 1956.

title: Knock-down kit


text:
Neve Yaakov

Neve Yaakov (נווה יעקב; also Neve Ya'aqov, lit. Jacob's Oasis) is an Israeli settlement in East Jerusalem, part of the Israeli-occupied territories, north of the settlement of Pisgat Ze'ev and south of the Palestinian locality of al-Ram. Established in 1924 during the period of the British Mandate, it was depopulated during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. The area was captured by Israel in the Six-Day War and a new neighborhood was built nearby, at which time international opposition to its legitimacy began. The international community considers Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem illegal under international law, but the Israeli government disputes this, defining it as a neighborhood within the jurisdiction of the Jerusalem Municipality, which provides all services. The population of Neve Yaakov is 23,300. Neve Yaakov is one of the Ring Settlements of East Jerusalem. The settlement is also the location of the IDF's Central Command for the West Bank, Jerusalem, Sharon, Gush Dan and Shephelah.

History

Neve Yaakov was established in 1924 on a 65 dunam parcel of land purchased from Arabs from nearby Beit Hanina by members of the American Mizrachi movement. HaKfar HaIvri Neve Yaakov (The Jewish Village of Neve Yaakov) was named for the leader of the movement, Rabbi Yitzchak Yaacov Reines (1839–1915). It was an hour's walk to the Old City, where most Jews of Jerusalem lived at the time. Until they were abandoned in 1948, Neve Yaakov and Atarot were the only Jewish settlements north of the Old City.

The first houses were ready for occupancy in the summer of 1925. The village's rav, Rabbi Yitzchak Avigdor Orenstein, ruled that new homeowners could move into their homes even during The Nine Days, saying that the mitzvah of settling the Land of Israel overrode the laws of the mourning period. Rabbi Orenstein himself moved into his new house during The Nine Days, while village administrator Dov Brinker moved his furniture and belongings into his new house on Tisha B'Av itself.

The village, home to 150 families, suffered from financial problems and lack of a regular water supply. After years of hauling water in buckets from a well six kilometers away, the village received a government water pipeline in 1935. Electricity was hooked up in 1939.

After years of peaceful co-existence with the surrounding Arab villagers, from whom they purchased vegetables, fruit and eggs, the inhabitants of Neve Yaakov were attacked during the 1929 Palestine riots, and many families returned to the Old City. According to a census conducted in 1931 by the British Mandate authorities, Neve Yaakov had a population of 101 inhabitants, in 20 houses. In the course of the 1936–39 Arab revolt in Palestine, shots were heard from the Arab side almost every night. The British Mandate government supplied a cache of arms to defend Neve Yaakov, and members of the Zionist Haganah pre-state army moved in to guard the village and its water pipeline.

During the peaceful years from 1940 to 1947, the village operated a school that accepted students from all over the country. Children's summer camps and convalescent facilities were opened, taking advantage of the rural atmosphere and fresh air. Veteran Jerusalem residents remember hiking to Neve Yaakov to buy fresh milk from dairy farmers.

During the last months of the British Mandate, snipers in Neve Yaakov shot at traffic on the Jerusalem/Ramallah road. In March 1948 the British Army introduced convoys to protect travellers.

When the Jordanian Arab Legion advanced toward Jerusalem from the north during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, Neve Yaakov and Atarot were abandoned in the wake of advance warning that they were about to be attacked. Atarot was abandoned on May 17, 1948. The region was occupied by the Jordanians until the 1967 Six-Day War, when Israel captured the Old City and its surroundings.

On 27 January 2023, a Palestinian assailant killed seven Israelis in a shooting in Neve Yaakov. According to ARIJ, Israel has confiscated land from three nearby Palestinian communities in order to re-establish Neve Yaakov:
 * 551 dunams from Beit Hanina,
 * 385 dunams from Hizma,
 * 315 dunums from Al-Ram.

In August 1970 3,500 acres of privately owned and titled Palestinian land was confiscated for "public purposes". On this land, four residential colonies were established including Neve Yaakov with 4,000 apartments. In 1972, a new Israeli neighborhood was constructed on the site of the original village, with 4,900 apartments in high-rise buildings. The new neighborhood was populated by Jewish immigrants from Bukhara, Georgia, Latin America, North Africa, France and Iran. In the 1990s, when large waves of Russian and Ethiopian Jews came to Israel, many settled in Neve Yaakov.

In October 1971, Rabbi Meir Kahane presented the Minister of Immigrant Absorption, Natan Peled, a memo detailing plans for a community for American Jews in Neve Yaakov.

Demography
In 1982, Kiryat Kaminetz, a housing development on the eastern edge of Neve Yaakov named for the Jewish community of Kamenets, Poland destroyed in the Holocaust, was built on the eastern side of the existing neighborhood. Several hundred apartments were populated by young, Haredi Jewish families, many of them from English-speaking countries. In 1992, 700 new apartments were added to Kiryat Kaminetz on the eastern slope of the mountain; this new neighborhood is also known as Neve Yaakov Mizrach (Neve Yaakov East). The latter has a high concentration of Hasidic and Sephardic Haredi families, with a variety of schools and synagogues serving each population.

The Haredi character of the neighborhood has expanded further since 2004 with an influx of newlywed couples, both Israeli-born and immigrants from English-speaking countries, to the older sections of Neve Yaakov. This new trend has been characterized by calling the older section the Mitchared (literally, "Haredization"). In 2009 the Haredi presence in Neve Yaakov was estimated at 900 families.

Figures as of January 2016 from the Jerusalem Municipality showed a total population of 24,225, of which nearly half are under the age of 21. Seventy-six percent of the population is under the age of 40. Neve Yaakov is noted as having the largest kindergarten enrollment in the city. The 2016 figures cite 91 percent as being enrolled in Haredi kindergartens. In the elementary school system, 86 percent of children are enrolled in Haredi schools.

Education
Neve Yaakov Mizrach is home to two yeshivas catering to American students: Yeshivas Bais Yisroel and Yeshivas Lev Aryeh.

title: Neve Yaakov


text:
User talk:Tzampes

Welcome!

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, you can sign your name on Talk and vote pages using three tildes, like this: ~ ~ ~. Four tildes (~ ~ ) produces your name and the current date. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Again, welcome! - [[User:MacGyverMagic|Mgm|(talk)]] 12:10, Dec 13, 2004 (UTC)
 * How to edit a page
 * Editing tutorial
 * Picture tutorial
 * How to write a great article
 * Naming conventions
 * Manual of Style

I'd like to welcome you to Wikipedia myself, and suggest that you may add yourself to the lists of Greek Wikipedians and Multilingual Wikipedians. Etz Haim 08:15, 16 Dec 2004 (UTC)

title: User talk:Tzampes


text:
De la Vega

De la Vega is a surname in the Spanish language, most of its bearers belonging to the nobility. It means "of the meadow" and may refer to:

People
(arranged by date of birth)
 * Garci Lasso de la Vega I, Cantabrian noble who was executed by Alfonso XI of Castile in 1326
 * Garci Lasso de la Vega II, Cantabrian noble who was assassinated by Peter of Castile in 1351
 * Garci Lasso Ruiz de la Vega, Cantabrian noble who was killed at the Battle of Nájera, 1340–1367
 * Leonor Lasso de la Vega, (1367–1432) Cantabrian noblewoman,
 * Garcilaso de la Vega (poet) (1501–1536), Spanish noble poet and soldier
 * Inca Garcilaso de la Vega (1539–1616), Peruvian noble poet and writer
 * Gabriel Lobo Lasso de la Vega (1558–1615), Spanish epic poet, playwright and historian
 * Francisco Laso de la Vega (1568–1640), Spanish soldier and governor of Chile 1629–1639
 * Luis Laso de la Vega (c. 1622–?), Mexican author, priest and lawyer
 * Melchor Portocarrero, 3rd Count of Monclova (1636–1705), viceroy of New Spain 1686–1688
 * Joseph de la Vega (c. 1650–1692), Spanish merchant, poet, and philanthropist, later moved to Amsterdam
 * Diego de la Vega (Contador), (c. 1770–1812), Spanish nobleman and accountant
 * Francisco Cajigal de la Vega (c. 1715–?), Spanish governor of Cuba
 * Rómulo Díaz de la Vega (c. 1800–1877), an interim president of Mexico in 1855
 * Daniel de la Vega (1892–1971), Chilean poet and playwright
 * José Tadeo Mancheño y Laso de la Vega, (1784–1855) Chilean political figure
 * Luis Ignacio de la Vega (c. 1914–?), Mexican Olympic basketball player
 * Óscar Únzaga de la Vega (1916–1959), a Bolivian socialist politician
 * Jorge de la Vega (1930–1971), an Argentine painter
 * Aurelio de la Vega (1925–2022), a Cuban-American composer
 * Sabas Pretelt de la Vega (b. 1946), Colombian economist and former Minister of the Interior and Justice
 * María Teresa Fernández de la Vega (b. 1949), Spanish Socialist Workers' Party politician and former minister
 * Ralph de la Vega (b. 1951), the Chief Operating Officer of Cingular Wireless
 * Jacqueline de la Vega (b. 1960), Mexican TV show host in Spain and former model
 * Guadalupe Arizpe de la Vega, Mexican humanitarian
 * James De La Vega, New York City graffiti artist
 * Florencia de la V or Florencia de la Vega (b. 1976), Argentine transgender actress and vedette
 * Diego de la Vega (footballer), (b. 1979), Argentinean footballer
 * Cynthia de la Vega (b. 1991), Mexican model and beauty pageant titleholder

Fiction

 * Zorro, the secret identity of Don Diego de la Vega in the series by American writer Johnston McCulley
 * Usnavi De La Vega, a character in the 2008 play In the Heights by writer Lin-Manuel Miranda
 * Rogelio de la Vega, a character in the series Jane the Virgin

Dominican Republic

 * Concepción de La Vega, a city in the central part of the Dominican Republic
 * La Vega Province, Concepción de la Vega province of the Dominican Republic

Jamaica

 * Spanish Town, or St. Jago de la Vega, the former capital of Jamaica

Peru

 * Estadio Garcilaso de la Vega, the principal stadium in Cusco, Peru

Spain

 * Alcalá de la Vega, a municipality in Cuenca, Castile-La Mancha, Spain
 * Osa de la Vega, a municipality in Cuenca, Castile-La Mancha, Spain
 * Fresno de la Vega, a small village in county León, Spain

title: De la Vega


text:
Available bit rate

Available bit rate (ABR) is a service used in ATM networks when source and destination don't need to be synchronized. ABR does not guarantee against delay or data loss. ABR mechanisms allow the network to allocate the available bandwidth fairly over the present ABR sources. ABR is one of five service categories defined by the ATM Forum for use in an ATM Network.

The network switches use locally available information to determine the explicit allowable rates or relative rate (increase/decrease) for the source. The newly calculated rates are then being sent to the sources using resource management records (RM-cells). RM-cells are generated by the source and travel along the data path to the destination and sent back. ABR sets a minimum cell rate (MCR) and a peak cell rate (PCR). When transfers exceed the PCR, cells are dropped.

Many implementers consider ABR to be overly complex, and its adoption has been modest.

title: Available bit rate


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Council of Sirmium

Council of Sirmium
Council of Sirmium was proposed for deletion. This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was keep.

Expand significantly, or delete Jschwa1 12:17, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. imo this is a speedy. Sander123 12:25, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. This should have been speedied, it's a classic case of a valid article title where the content as it stands now is worse than having nothing at all (in which case we'd have a red link on other articles that someone might click in order to create a valid article) -- Ferkelparade π 13:33, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Support speedy (already done by someone else), entire contents were infamous. Andrewa 19:38, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep (change of vote for new article). Great work. Andrewa 19:36, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. I have written a new article on the Council of Sirmium. There were actually four councils of Sirmium between 347 and 359 which focussed on the dispute between Arianism, Semi-Arians and supporters of the traditional Christian position in the Nicene Creed. The most famous is the 357 Council of Sirmium which temporarily upheld the Arianist position but all four are notable. I have added the VFD tag to the article so that it can be discussed further here. Capitalistroadster 10:44, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Since the old (useless) article has already been speedied and the new article is clearly keep-worthy, I don't think we have to continue the discussion on the new article, but just in case, I change my vote to Keep the new article -- Ferkelparade π 10:58, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep the new article. Jeltz 11:44, 2004 Dec 14 (UTC)
 * Keep and remove from vfd. Samaritan 16:26, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. Yet another fine save by Capitalistroadster.  [[User:GRider|GRider\talk]] 17:41, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep new article. That one-word nonsense listing was surely done by a vandal bot.  We can thank that particular one for finding a glaring red link and thank Capitalist Roadster for a fantastic article. - Lucky 6.9 23:04, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep it, obviously. Wyss 12:36, 16 Dec 2004 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion or on the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Talk:Los Angeles Times

Los Angeles Times apologizes for history of racism
An interesting article that I think has several elements that could be integrated into the article in an WP:ABOUTSELF manner here: https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2020-09-27/los-angeles-times-apology-racism --2600:6C51:447F:D8D9:38F2:C611:118:641D (talk) 11:43, 28 September 2020 (UTC)

 * Anybody can edit (or add to) this article. You can do it yourself, and if you need help, somebody will step up to assist you. BeenAroundAWhile (talk) 21:56, 18 August 2021 (UTC)

The Intercept: A Los Angeles Times intelligence reporter routinely submitted story drafts to the CIA for review
https://theintercept.com/2014/09/04/former-l-times-reporter-cleared-stories-cia-publication/

Not sure where this should be included

Thanks

John Cummings (talk) 14:56, 18 August 2021 (UTC)
 * Maybe under "Other controversies"? Be sure to have more than one source, including a response from the L.A. Times. Best wishes, BeenAroundAWhile (talk) 21:54, 18 August 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:Los Angeles Times


text:
Thursday Dinners

Thursday Dinners (obiady czwartkowe, less commonly translated as Thursday Lunches) were gatherings of artists, intellectuals, architects, politicians and statesmen held by the last King of Poland, Stanislaus II Augustus during the Enlightenment period in Poland.

History
Stanislaus Augustus Poniatowski was famed as a patron of the arts and learning. It was during his reign that Poland's Age of Enlightenment (already begun in the 1730s–40s), reached its peak. It went into decline with the Third Partition of Poland in 1795. During the Age of Enlightenment, Warsaw was modernised and became a favourite meeting place for notable people in the worlds of art, architecture and literature along with other intellectuals and statesmen. The King invited influential figures of the time to his Thursday Dinners. He founded the School of Chivalry.

The gatherings were usually held in the Royal Castle and in summer at the Palace on the Isle in Warsaw, between 1770 and 1784. During the gatherings, which typically lasted three hours and were akin to French salons, the King and his guests discussed literature, art and politics over a light meal. The number of guests varied over the years, with about thirty regulars, including politicians, writers, bibliophiles, military officers of rank and philosophers. Notable guests included:
 * Ignacy Krasicki
 * Franciszek Bohomolec
 * Adam Naruszewicz
 * Ignacy Potocki
 * Stanisław Kostka Potocki
 * Hugo Kołłątaj
 * Jan Śniadecki and Jędrzej Śniadecki
 * Stanisław Konarski
 * Tomasz Adam Ostrowski
 * Józef Szymanowski
 * Andrzej Zamoyski.

The king also held less well-known Wednesday Dinners, Obiady Środowe. While the guests at the Thursday Dinners were usually writers, poets and artists, the Wednesday Dinners brought together educators, scientists and political activists.

The Thursday Dinners spawned the first Polish literary magazine, Zabawy Przyjemne i Pożyteczne - "Diversions Pleasurable and Useful", published from 1770 to 1777.

In the 1990s, Warsaw Mayor Paweł Piskorski reinstated the tradition by holding Tuesday Breakfasts to talk over current issues with leading businessmen and activists.

title: Thursday Dinners