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English personal pronouns

The English personal pronouns are a subset of English pronouns taking various forms according to number, person, case and grammatical gender. Modern English has very little inflection of nouns or adjectives, to the point where some authors describe it as an analytic language, but the Modern English system of personal pronouns has preserved some of the inflectional complexity of Old English and Middle English.

Forms
Unlike nouns which are not inflected for case except for possession (woman/woman's), English personal pronouns have a number of forms, which are named according to their typical grammatical role in a sentence: Possessive pronouns (mine, ours, etc.) replace the entity that was referred to previously (as in I prefer mine) or serve as predicate adjectives (as in this book is mine). For details see English possessive. As they are pronouns they cannot precede any noun.
 * objective (accusative) case (me, us, etc.), used as the object of a verb, complement of a preposition, and the subject of a verb in some constructions (see below). The same forms are also used as disjunctive pronouns.
 * subjective (nominative) case (I, we, etc.), used as the subject of a verb (see also below).
 * reflexive form (myself, ourselves, etc.). This typically refers back to a noun or pronoun (its antecedent) within the same clause (for example, She cut herself). This form is also sometimes used optionally in a non-reflexive function, as a substitute for a non-reflexive pronoun (for example, For someone like myself, . . ., This article was written by Professor Smith and myself), though some style guides recommend avoiding such use. The same reflexive forms also are used as intensive pronouns (for example, She made the dress herself).

Basic
The basic personal pronouns of modern English are shown in the table below.

Other English pronouns which have distinct forms of the above types are the indefinite pronoun one, which has the reflexive oneself (the possessive form is written one's, like a regular English possessive); and the interrogative and relative pronoun who, which has the objective form whom (now confined mostly to formal English) and the possessive whose (which in its relative use can also serve as the possessive for which).

Note that singular they is morphosyntactically plural: it is used with a plural verb form, as in "they laugh" or "they are". See the singular they section for more information.

Archaic and non-standard
Apart from the standard forms given above, English also has a number of non-standard, informal and archaic forms of personal pronouns.
 * An archaic set of second-person singular pronouns is thou, thee, thy, thine, thyself. In Anglo-Saxon times, these were strictly second person singular. After the Norman Conquest in 1066, they began to be used as a familiar form, like French tu and  German du. They passed out of general use between 1600 and 1800, although they (or variants of them) survive in some English and Scottish dialects and in some Christian religious communities, and in many idioms. For details see thou.

 * In archaic language, mine and thine may be used in place of my and thy when followed by a vowel sound.
 * For the use of me instead of I, see
 * An archaic form of plural you as a subject pronoun is ye. Some dialects now use ye in place of you, or as an apocopated or clitic form of you. See ye (pronoun).
 * A non-standard variant of my (particularly in British dialects) is me. (This may have its origins in the fact that in Middle English my before a consonant was pronounced [mi:], like modern English me, (while me was [me:], similar to modern may) and this was shortened to [mi] or [mɪ], as the pronouns he and we are nowadays; [hi wɒz] he was; versus [ɪt wɒz hi:] it was he. As this vowel was short, it was not subject to the Great Vowel Shift, and so emerged in modern English unchanged.)
 * Informal second-person plural forms (particularly in North American dialects) include you all, y'all, youse. Other variants include: yous, you/youse guys, you/youse gals, you-uns, yis, yinz. Possessives may include you(r) guys's, you(r) gals's, yous's, y'all's (or y'alls). Reflexives may be formed by adding selves after any of the possessive forms. See y'all, yinz, yous. Yous is common in Scotland, particularly in the Central Belt area (though in some parts of the country and in parts of Ireland, ye is used for the plural you).
 * In informal speech them is often replaced by 'em, believed to be a survival of the late Old English form heom, which appears as hem in Chaucer, losing its aspiration due to being used as an unstressed form. (The forms they, them etc. are of Scandinavian origin.)
 * Non-standard reflexive forms ourself and themself are sometimes used in contexts where we and they are used with singular meaning (see we and singular they).
 * Non-standard reflexive forms hisself and theirselves/theirself are sometimes used (though would be considered incorrect in standard English).
 * In some parts of England, the pronoun "hoo" is used as a third person singular pronoun. The exact usage varies by location, as it can refer to a male creature, female creature, or be used as a genderless pronoun depending on where in England it is used.

Complete table
A more complete table, including the standard forms and some of the above forms, is given below. Nonstandard, informal and archaic forms are in italics.

For further archaic forms, and information on the evolution of the personal pronouns of English, see Old English pronouns.

Generic you
The pronoun you (and its other forms) can be used as a generic or indefinite pronoun, referring to a person in general. A more formal equivalent is the indefinite pronoun one (reflexive oneself, possessive one's). For example, you should keep your secrets to yourself may be used in place of the more formal one should keep one's secrets to oneself.

Use of he, she and it
The masculine pronouns, he, him, and his are used to refer to male persons. The feminine pronouns she, her, and hers are used to refer to female persons. It and its are normally used to refer to an inanimate object or abstract concept; however, babies and young children may sometimes be referred to as it (e.g. a child needs its mother). Outside of these very limited contexts, use of it as a pronoun for people is generally avoided, due to the feeling that it is dehumanizing.

Traditionally, in English, if the gender of a person was not known or ambiguous, then the masculine pronouns were often used by default (e.g. a good student always does his homework). Increasingly, though, singular they is used in such cases (see below).

Animals are often referred to as it, but he and she are sometimes used for animals when the animal's sex is known and is of interest, particularly for higher animals, especially pets and other domesticated animals. Inanimate objects with which humans have a close relationship, such as ships, cars and countries considered as political, rather than geographical, entities, are sometimes referred to using feminine pronouns such as she and her. This may also be extended to other entities, such as towns.

Singular they
The singular they emerged by the 14th century, about a century after the plural they. Even when used with singular meaning, they takes a plural verb: If attacked, the victim should remain exactly where they are. Due to this supposed grammatical inconsistency, use of singular they was discouraged by some grammarians during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in favor of using generic he. Since the 1970s, however, this trend has reversed, and singular they now enjoys widespread acceptance.

In the early 21st century, use of singular they with known individuals emerged for some non-binary people, or when the sex or social gender of a person is unknown or unspecified. This is a way of producing gender-neutral language while avoiding other pronouns like he or she, he/she, or s/he.

Gender agreement of genitives
In English, genitive pronouns agree with the gender of the antecedent or referent. This is in contrast to many languages in which such pronouns agree with the gender of the head noun of the NP in which they appear. For example, in She saw her brother, the genitive pronoun her agrees with antecedent she. Both are feminine. In Italian, in contrast, the same sentences is Lei ha visto suo fratello. Here suo is a third-person, singular, masculine genitive pronoun. It agrees with fratello (brother), not with the feminine antecedent lei.

Case usage
As noted above, most of the personal pronouns have distinct case forms – a subjective (nominative) form and an objective (oblique, accusative) form. In certain instances variation arises in the use of these forms.

As a general rule, the subjective form is used when the pronoun is the subject of a verb, as in he kicked the ball, whereas the objective form is used as the direct or indirect object of a verb, or the object (complement) of a preposition. For example: Sue kicked him, someone gave him the ball, Mary was with him.

When used as a predicative expression, i.e. as the complement of a form of the copula verb be, the subjective form was traditionally regarded as more correct (as in this is I, it was he), but nowadays the objective form is used predominantly (this is me, it was him), and the use of the subjective in such instances is normally regarded as very formal or pedantic; it is more likely (in formal English) when followed by a relative clause (it is we who sent them to die). In some cases the subjective may even appear ungrammatical, as in *is that we in the photograph? (where us would be expected).

When a pronoun is linked to other nouns or pronouns by a coordinating conjunction such as and or or, traditional grammar prescribes that the pronoun should appear in the same form as it would take if it were used alone in the same position: Jay and I will arrive later (since I is used for the subject of a verb), but between you and me (since me is used for the object of a preposition). However, in informal and less careful usage this rule may not be consistently followed; it is common to hear Jay and me will arrive... and between you and I. The latter type (use of the subjective form in object position) is seen as an example of hypercorrection, resulting from an awareness that many instances of and me (like that in the first example) are considered to require correction to and I.

Similar deviations from the grammatical norm are quite common in other examples where the pronoun does not stand alone as the subject or object, as in Who said us Yorkshiremen [grammatical: we Yorkshiremen] are tight?

When a pronoun stands alone without an explicit verb or preposition, the objective form is commonly used, even when traditional grammarians might prefer the subjective: ''Who's sitting here? Me. (Here I might be regarded as grammatically correct, since it is short for I am (sitting here), but it would sound formal and pedantic, unless followed by am''.)

A particular case of this type occurs when a pronoun stands alone following the word than. Here the objective form is again predominant in informal usage (they are older than us), as would be expected if than were analyzed as a preposition. However traditionally than is considered a conjunction, and so in formal and grammatically careful English the pronoun often takes the form that would appear if than were followed by a clause: they are older than we (by analogy with ...than we are), but she likes him better than me (if the intended meaning is "...than she likes me").

For more examples of some of these points, see Disjunctive pronoun.

title: English personal pronouns


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User talk:Noelgreen

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Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, you can sign your name on Talk and vote pages using three tildes, like this: ~ ~ ~. Four tildes (~ ~ ) produces your name and the current date. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Again, welcome! - UtherSRG 14:56, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
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User talk:Kay Dekker

Welcome!

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, you can sign your name on Talk and vote pages using three tildes, like this: ~ ~ ~. Four tildes (~ ~ ) produces your name and the current date. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Again, welcome! - UtherSRG 14:57, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
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In C
Greetings! If you'd like I'll copy the differences out for you -- do you have an email address set so the "email this user" link works for you? Computer realization sounds like a fun project; I'd like to hear how you made it. I'm still just getting my feet wet with synthesis myself. Still want to see if I can get together enough people at college to hold an "In C" party. Oh, and welcome again to the 'pedia! Mindspillage (spill your mind?) 05:36, 11 Jan 2005 (UTC)
 * Hello! That would be so kind of you. Yes, I believe my mail address is set properly: should it turn out that it isn't, I'm reachable at kaydekker@yahoo.co.uk if you wish to mail me. I have a set of implementation notes that I made as I worked on the piece, to which you're entirely welcome if you'd like them. Very briefly, I used Koan Pro to set up the patterns and to make the choices of the number of iterations of each pattern for each voice, and to control some of the other MIDI parameters such as velocity; running that gave me a MIDI output file - one particular random instance of the piece. Because Koan Pro isn't perfect about timing and so on, and because it can't do synchronisation like the rendezvous at pattern 53, I read the MIDI file into Harmony Assistant to quantise and do other postprocessing, and then to make an MP3 output file. It's 40+Mb, but you're welcome to have a copy (I don't think that would breach copyright awfully, would it? I hope not, because I'd like people to be able to hear it.) An In C party would be fun! What I'd like to do is a similar party for Spem in Alium, a 40-part motet by Thomas Tallis - do you know it? And thank you for your welcome!
 * Sent; let me know if you don't get it. And no, I don't know it, alas! Should get my hands on a score. Closest we got is my counterpoint class singing 8-parters in the stairwells, which was usually the highlight of my day. If you did have a Tallis party, I'd be awfully tempted to show up at your doorstep, which considering your email address is probably a bit far from Florida for a weekend jaunt. Pity. :-) Mindspillage (spill your mind?) 03:48, 17 Jan 2005 (UTC)

Hello again!
Been a long time - glad to see you're still about as well. Going to have to visit your Livejournal and read what's up with you these days. Me, I've never had the patience to keep a journal - instead I work on here when I'm not working for pay. These Americans haven't driven me crazy yet - or at least, no more crazy than I was already. Take care, Matthew Brown (Morven) (T:C) 20:44, 10 December 2006 (UTC)

The Village Sessions
Hi! I just noticed that you reverted some changes to the John Mayer EP page for The Village Sessions. I've reverted them because there was no explanation of why you'd reverted it other than citing vandalism, but there was no vandalism on the page and you'd reverted to a much earlier version of the page from which much had been changed already. If you wish to make a radical reversion such as this, please note it in the talk page or explain in your edit note. Thanks! linca linca  (from pc: 58.165.55.2 13:51, 12 December 2006 (UTC) )

New content on TOPS-10 article
Hi Kay,

I have added quite a bit of content to the TOPS-10 article. Since you were a recent editor on that article, and since you are more experienced at Wiki than I, I'd appreciate your feedback on that new content and style. If you think it's going in the right direction, I can add more of the same: reference to software, notes on installation, pointers to manuals, etc. If there is content you'd want to see on TOPS-10, let me know! If you want to edit style and references, that's OK, I need pointers!

Given that TOPS-10's distribution tapes, manuals, suitable emulators,and DECUS contributions are largely intact, it constitues a sort of living museum of computing from the late 1960's through about 1990. A lot (most!) of the source code for the monitor, utilities and contributions is intact; a lot of the culture is being dumped into alt.sys.pdp10. It's a remarkable feat of preservation by lots of talented people!

Thanks!

Cbmira01 00:42, 16 May 2007 (UTC)

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This is per your email request and a review of your contribution history. And "sneaked" is not a word :) -- Euryalus (talk) 06:58, 29 April 2009 (UTC)

Hi
Thx for bringing the Jared Jackson hoax to BLP, i think it will be deleted, i do not know why it was not speedy deleted first time. I have AFD request and TenPound has another sd. Thx RetroS1mone   talk  21:03, 10 June 2009 (UTC)

 * Thank you! Kay Dekker (talk) 21:43, 10 June 2009 (UTC)

Thanks
Nice to see this edit. It is the page I have most frequently edited on WP, so I'm basically responsible for the wording. Don't hate me! =) -Shootbamboo (talk) 00:03, 18 August 2010 (UTC)

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Food chain
Hi...noticed your comments from a while back in food chain. I'm working in there - doing some major revisions. If you have a chance - stop by.Thompsma (talk) 02:38, 14 June 2011 (UTC)

ArbCom elections are now open!
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title: User talk:Kay Dekker


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French personal pronouns

French personal pronouns (analogous to English I, you, he/she, we, and they) reflect the person and number of their referent, and in the case of the third person, its gender as well (much like the English distinction between him and her, except that French lacks an inanimate third person pronoun it or a gender neutral they and thus draws this distinction among all third person nouns, singular and plural). They also reflect the role they play in their clause: subject, direct object, indirect object, or other.

Personal pronouns display a number of grammatical particularities and complications not found in their English counterparts: some of them can only be used in certain circumstances; some of them change form depending on surrounding words; and their placement is largely unrelated to the placement of the nouns they replace.

The second person
French has a T-V distinction in the second person singular. That is, it uses two different sets of pronouns: tu and vous and their various forms.

The usage of tu and vous depends on the kind of relationship (formal or informal) that exists between the speaker and the person with whom they are speaking and the age differences between these subjects. The pronoun tu is informal and singular, spoken to an individual who is equal or junior to the speaker. The pronoun vous is used in the singular (but with second-person plural verb forms) to speak to an individual who is senior to the speaker or socially "more important" than the speaker. Vous is also used in the plural for all groups of people, whether junior, equal or senior.

Subject pronouns
As noted above, the personal pronouns change form to reflect the role they play in their clause. The forms used for subjects are called the subject pronouns, subjective pronouns, or nominative pronouns. They are as follows:

When the predicate is être ("to be") plus a noun phrase, the pronoun ce (c' in elision contexts) is normally used instead of the other third person subject pronouns. For example, « C'est un homme intelligent » ("He is a smart man"), « Ce sont mes parents » ("Those are my parents"). Ce is primarily used as a "neuter" pronoun to refer to events and situations: « J'ai vu Jean hier. C'était amusant. », "I saw John yesterday. It was fun."

Neologisms such as iel(le), ille, ul, ol and yul have emerged in recent years as gender-neutral alternatives to the masculine and feminine pronouns, but are not yet considered standard in French despite their use in some speech communities.

On
The subject pronoun on (from Old French [h]om, homme "man", from Latin homo "human being") is equivalent to the English indefinite pronouns one, you, and they (as in, "One is pleased to see...", "You never know what will...", and "They speak French in..."). It takes third-person singular verb forms in the same way that il and elle do, and is used:

 * In the same way as English "one", "you" and "they", where the subject is generalised or otherwise unclear or unimportant:
 * « C'est en forgeant que l'on devient forgeron. » "It is by blacksmithing that one becomes a blacksmith."
 * « penser que l'on a raison » "to think that you are right," i.e. "to think oneself right."

 * As an extension of the above, it is often used to avoid the passive voice in French:
 * « On me l'a donné. » "[Someone] gave it to me." In English, it would be more common to say, "It was given to me.", which would be rendered as « Ça / il / elle m'a été donné(e). » in French.

 * To replace the subject pronoun nous in informal speech. In this case, on takes plural adjectives, even though it always takes a third-person singular verb. The corresponding reflexive object pronoun, se, is also third-person, but first-person possessive pronouns must be used when on meaning nous is the antecedent. The associated disjunctive pronoun in this context is nous.
 * « On est sur le point de partir. » "We are about to go."
 * « Nous, on est américains, et vous, vous êtes français. » "Us, we are American, and you, you are French."
 * « On se débarrasse de nos bagages ? » "Shall we get rid of our luggage?"

It is never used for the number one, or as in one of them. As in English, numbers can be used as pronouns, and this is also true of the French word un(e):
 * « Deux sont entrés et un est ressorti » "Two went in and one came back out."

On has limited pronoun forms: it has only a reflexive form, se, and a disjunctive form soi (which is also only used when the sense is reflexive). The pronoun quelqu'un ("someone") can sometimes be used to fill the roles of on:
 * « Quelqu'un m'a dit... » "Someone told me..."

Direct-object pronouns
Like the English him, her, it, and them, the pronouns le, la, and les are only used with definite direct objects. For indefinite ones (e.g., "some juice"), en is used; see "The pronoun en" below.

Le, la, and les are not used when the direct object refers to the same entity as the subject; see the section on the reflexive pronouns, below.

Examples:
 * (I have a book.) I am giving it to the teacher. « Je le donne au prof. »
 * (Danielle is my sister.) Have you seen her? « Est-ce que tu l ' as vue ? »

Indirect-object pronouns
In French, an indirect object is an object of a verb that is introduced using a preposition (especially the preposition à). For example, in the sentence « J'ai parlé à Jean » ("I spoke to Jean"), Jean is the indirect object in the French sentence.

Indirect-object pronouns (or dative pronouns) generally only replace indirect objects with the preposition à. When an indirect object pronoun is used, it replaces the entire prepositional phrase; for example, « Je lui ai donné un livre » ("I gave him a book").

Broadly speaking, lui and leur are used to refer to people, and y (see the section on the pronoun y, below) is used to refer to things. However, lui and leur will sometimes also be used in referring to things.

Lui, leur, and y are replaced with se (s' before a vowel) when the indirect object refers to the same entity as the subject; see the section on the reflexive pronouns, below.

As mentioned above, the indirect object pronouns are not always used to replace indirect objects:
 * They are not used when the preposition is de rather than à; but see the section on the pronoun en, below.
 * Some verbs are incompatible with indirect object pronouns, such as penser ("to think about") and all reflexive verbs. For example, one says, « Je me fie à lui » ("I put my trust in him"), not « * Je me lui fie ».

Reflexive pronouns
In French, as in English, reflexive pronouns are used in place of direct- and indirect-object pronouns that refer to the same entity or entities as the subject. A verb with a reflexive pronoun is called a reflexive verb, and has many grammatical particularities aside from the choice of pronoun; see French verbs.

There are four kinds of reflexive verbs: All four kinds use the reflexive pronouns, and exhibit the grammatical particularities of reflexive verbs.
 * 1) Verbs that are inherently reflexive. For example, the verb se souvenir ("to remember") has no non-reflexive counterpart; the verb souvenir has no meaning on its own.
 * 2) Verbs whose direct or indirect objects refer to the same entities as their subjects. For example, « Je m'achèterai cela » ("I shall buy myself that") is just a special case of « Je lui achèterai cela » ("I shall buy him that") that happens to be reflexive.
 * 3) Verbs indicating reciprocal actions. For example, « Ils se parlent » means "They are talking to each other." In cases of possible ambiguity, the reciprocal interpretation can be reinforced by adding « Ils se parlent l'un à l'autre ».
 * 4) Verbs indicating a passive action. For example, one might say, « La porte s'ouvre », which literally means, "The door is opening itself," but really means, "The door is opening."

Disjunctive pronouns
Disjunctive pronouns are the strong forms of French pronouns, the forms used in isolation and in emphatic positions (compare the use of me in the English sentence "Me, I believe you, but I am not sure anyone else will"; for more, see Intensive pronoun).

In French, disjunctive pronouns are used in the following circumstances:
 * as the objects of prepositions: « Je le fais pour toi », "I am doing it for you."
 * in dislocated positions: « Toi, je t'ai déjà vu, moi. », "You, I have seen you before, I have."
 * in cleft sentences: « C'est toi qui as tort », "It is you who are wrong." lit. "It is you who have error/wrong."
 * in compound noun phrases: « Lui et moi sommes américains », "He and I are American" (though one might equally say, « Lui et moi, nous sommes américains / on est américains »).
 * as emphatic subjects (third person only): « Lui sait le faire », "He knows how to do it" (though one might equally say, « Lui, il sait le faire »).

The reflexive disjunctive form soi can be used as the object of a preposition, if it refers to the same entity as the subject. For example, « Un voyageur sait se sentir chez soi n'importe où », "A traveller knows how to feel at home anywhere." Note that this does not make the verb reflexive.

The pronoun y
The pronoun y has two distinct uses:
 * It is the indirect-object pronoun used with things introduced by the preposition à. For more on this use, see above.
 * It is used to replace a spatial prepositional phrase. In this sense, it might be translated as there. For example:
 * « Je vais à Paris. » → « J'y vais. » ("I am going to Paris." → "I am going there.")
 * « Est-ce que tu travailles dans ce bureau ? — Non, je n'y travaille plus. » ("Do you work in that office? — No, I do not work there anymore.")
 * It is used idiomatically with certain verbs, without replacing anything:
 * « Il doit y avoir une erreur. » ("There must be a mistake.")
 * « Je commence à y voir un peu plus clair. » ("I am starting to see things more clearly.")

The pronoun en
The pronoun en has the following uses:
 * It is the indirect-object pronoun used with things (including infinitives) introduced by the preposition de. It is also sometimes used in the same way with people (however, it is more common to use disjunctive pronouns rather than using en in the case of people).:
 * « Je parle du problème. » → « J'en parle. » ("I am talking about the problem." → "I am talking about it.")
 * « Je parle de Jean. » → « J'en parle. » or « Je parle de lui. » ("I am talking about Jean." → "I am talking about him.")
 * It is used to replace a spatial prepositional phrase introduced by de ("from"). In this sense, it might be translated as from there:
 * « Je viens de France. » → « J'en viens. » ("I come from France." → "I come from there.")
 * It is the direct-object pronoun used to replace indefinite direct objects; that is, direct objects that are:
 * introduced by the partitive article (including the plural indefinite article)
 * « J'ai bu du jus de pomme. » → « J'en ai bu. » ("I drank some apple juice." → "I drank some.")
 * introduced by de when the verb is negated
 * « Je n'ai pas vu de vaches. » → Je n'en ai pas vu. ("I did not see any cows." → "I did not see any.")
 * introduced by a numeral (including the singular indefinite article) or a plural expression (d'autres, certains, quelques)
 * « J'ai mangé une pomme. » → « J'en ai mangé une. » ("I ate an apple." → "I ate one.")
 * « J'ai mangé quelques pommes. » → J'en ai mangé quelques-unes. ("I ate a number of apples." → "I ate a number of them.")
 * introduced by another expression of quantity (usually an adverb + de)
 * « J'ai vendu beaucoup de jus de pomme. » → « J'en ai vendu beaucoup. » ("I sold a lot of apple juice." → "I sold a lot.")
 * « J'ai acheté trois kilogrammes de pommes. » → « J'en ai acheté trois kilogrammes. » ("I bought three kilograms of apples." → "I bought three kilograms.")
 * It is used idiomatically with certain verbs, without replacing anything:
 * « J'en veux à Jean. » ("I am mad at Jean.")
 * « Je vais en finir avec lui. » ("I am going to finish things off with him.")

Clitic order
French personal pronouns, aside from their disjunctive forms, are all clitics, and the order of pronominal clitics as well as the negative clitic ne is strictly determined as follows. Only one clitic can be used for each slot. Where one wishes to express an idea that would involve slots that cannot coexist or multiple pronouns from the same slot, the indirect object is expressed as the object of à or pour (thus Je me donne à toi – "I give myself to you"). The use of more than two clitics beyond the subject and, where necessary, ne is uncommon; constructions such as Je lui y en ai donné may be perceived as unacceptable, and other constructions must then be used to express the same ideas.

 * Proclitic order: Slots 3 and 5 cannot coexist.

 * Enclitic order: Used only for positive imperatives. Slots 2 and 3 cannot coexist.

 * 1) The clitics -moi and -toi become -m '  and -t '  respectively when followed by either -en or -y.  In colloquial French, however, it is possible to keep -moi and -toi intact and change -en and -y to -z-en and -z-y respectively, or to put slot 5 before slot 3, or less commonly, before slot 1 or 2.
 * ex. The imperative sentences corresponding to « Tu m'en donnes »:
 * « Donne-m'en. » (formal)
 * « Donne-moi-z-en. » (informal)
 * « Donnes-en-moi. » (informal)

title: French personal pronouns


text:
Lagarde

Lagarde may refer to:

Places in France

 * Lagarde, Ariège
 * Lagarde, Haute-Garonne
 * Lagarde, Gers
 * Lagarde, Moselle
 * Lagarde, Hautes-Pyrénées
 * Lagarde-d'Apt, Vaucluse département
 * Lagarde-Enval, Corrèze département
 * Lagarde-Hachan, Gers département
 * Lagarde-Paréol, Vaucluse département
 * Lagarde-sur-le-Né, Charente département

People

 * Lagarde (surname), list of people named Lagarde with Wikipedia articles

Wine

 * Lagarde (winery), Mendoza, Argentina

title: Lagarde


text:
Islam in Libya

Islam is the dominant religion in Libya, with 97% of Libyans following Sunni Islam. Article 5 of the Libyan Constitution declared that Islam was the official religion of the state. The post-revolution National Transitional Council has explicitly endeavored to reaffirm Islamic values, enhance appreciation of Islamic culture, elevate the status of Quranic law and, to a considerable degree, emphasize Quranic practice in everyday Libyan life with legal implementation in accordance to Islamic jurisprudence known as sharia. Libya has a small presence of Ahmadis and Shias, primarily consisting of Pakistani immigrants, though unrecognized by the state.

History
During the seventh century, Muslims, who were spreading their faith, reached Libya and began proselytizing. The urban centers soon became substantially Islamic, but widespread conversion of the nomads of the Sahara did not come until after large-scale invasions in the eleventh century by Bedouin tribes from Arabia and Egypt.

Many pre-Islamic beliefs that had existed in Libya co-mingled with the newly introduced religion. Hence, Islam in Libya became an overlay of Quranic ritual and principles upon the vestiges of earlier beliefs -- prevalent throughout North Africa -- in jinns (spirits), the evil eye, rites to ensure good fortune, and cult veneration of local saints.

Islam in Gaddafi's Libya

Under the revolutionary Gaddafi government, the role of orthodox Islam in Libyan life became progressively more important. Muammar al-Gaddafi was a highly devout Muslim, with an expressed desire to exalt Islam and to restore it to its proper—i.e., central—place in the life of the people. He believed that the purity of Islam had been sullied through time, particularly by the influence of Europeans, both during and after the colonial period, and that Islam's purity must be restored by such actions as: the restoration of sharia to its proper place as the basis of the Libyan legal system, the banning of "immodest" practices and dress, and the symbolic purification of mosques.

Gaddafi also believed in the value of the Quran as a moral and political guide for the contemporary world, as is evident from his tract, The Green Book, published in the mid-1970s. Gaddafi considered the first part of The Green Book to be a commentary on the implications of the Quranic injunction that human affairs be managed by consultation. For him, this meant direct democracy, which is given "practical meaning" through the creation of people's committees and popular congresses. Gaddafi felt that, inasmuch as The Green Book was based solely on the Quran, its provisions should be universally applicable—at least among Muslims.

Soon after taking office, the Gaddafi government began closing bars and nightclubs, banning entertainment deemed provocative or immodest, and making use of the Islamic calendar mandatory. The intention of reestablishing sharia was announced, and Gaddafi personally assumed chairmanship of a commission to study the problems involved. In November 1973, a new legal code was issued that revised the entire Libyan judicial system to conform to the sharia, and in 1977 the General People's Congress (GPC) issued a statement that all future legal codes would be based on the Quran.

Among the laws enacted by the Gaddafi government were a series of legal penalties prescribed during 1973 which included the punishment of armed robbery by amputation of a hand and a foot. The legislation contained qualifying clauses making its execution unlikely, but its enactment had the effect of applying Quranic principles in the modern era. Another act prescribed flogging for individuals breaking the fast of Ramadan, and yet another called for eighty lashes to be administered to both men and women guilty of fornication.

In the early 1970s, Islam played a major role in legitimizing Gaddafi's political and social reforms. By the end of the decade, however, he had begun to attack the religious establishment and several fundamental aspects of Sunni Islam. Gaddafi asserted the transcendence of the Quran as the sole guide to Islamic governance and the unimpeded ability of every Muslim to read and interpret it. He denigrated the roles of the ulama, imams, and Islamic jurists and questioned the authenticity of the hadith, and thereby the sunna, as a basis for Islamic law. The sharia itself, Gaddafi maintained, governed only such matters as properly fell within the sphere of religion; all other matters lay outside the purview of religious law. Finally, he called for a revision of the Islamic calendar, saying it should date from Muhammad's death in 632, an event he felt was more momentous than the hijra ten years earlier.

These unorthodox views on the hadith, sharia, and the Islamic era unsettled the population. They seemed to originate from Gaddafi's conviction that he possessed the transcendent ability to interpret the Quran and to adapt its message to modern life. Equally, they reinforced the view that he was a reformer but not a literalist in matters of the Quran and Islamic tradition. On a practical level, however, several observers agreed that Gaddafi was less motivated by religious convictions than by political calculations. By espousing these views and by criticizing the ulama, he was using religion to undermine a segment of the middle class that was notably vocal in opposing his economic policies in the late 1970s. But Gaddafi clearly considered himself an authority on the Quran and Islam and was not afraid to challenge traditional religious authority. He also was not prepared to tolerate dissent.

The revolutionary government gave repeated evidence of its desire to establish Libya as a leader of the Islamic world. Moreover, Gaddafi's efforts to create an Arab nation through political union with other Arab states were also based on a desire to create a great Islamic nation.

The government took a leading role in supporting Islamic institutions and in worldwide proselytizing on behalf of Islam. The Jihad Fund, supported by a payroll tax, was established in 1970 to aid the Palestinians in their struggle with Israel. The Faculty of Islamic Studies and Arabic at the University of Benghazi was charged with training Muslim intellectual leaders for the entire Islamic world, and the Islamic Mission Society used public funds for the construction and repair of mosques and Islamic educational centers in cities as widely separated as Vienna and Bangkok. The Islamic Call Society (Ad Dawah) was organized with government support to propagate Islam abroad, particularly throughout Africa, and to provide funds to Muslims everywhere. The symbolic purification major urban mosques took place in 1978.

Gaddafi was forthright in his belief in the perfection of Islam and his desire to propagate it. His commitment to the open propagation of Islam, among other reasons, caused him to oppose the Muslim Brotherhood, an Egyptian-based fundamentalist movement that used clandestine and sometimes subversive means to spread Islam and to eliminate Western influences. Although the Brotherhood's activities in Libya were banned in the mid-1980s, it remained present in the country maintaining a low profile. In 1983 a member of the brotherhood was executed in Tripoli, and in 1986 a group of Brotherhood adherents was arrested after the murder of a high-ranking political official in Benghazi. The Muslim Brotherhood had spread throughout Libya, but were particularly strong in the cities of Benghazi, Bayda, Derna, and Ajdabiya. Gaddafi challenged the Brotherhood to establish itself openly in non-Muslim countries and promised its leaders that, if it did, he would financially support its activities. No support was ever forthcoming.

Gaddafi stressed the universal applicability of Islam, but he also reaffirmed the special status assigned by Muhammad to Christians. He likened Christians to misguided Muslims who strayed from the correct path. Furthermore, Gaddafi assumed leadership of a drive to rid Africa of Christianity as well as of the colonialism with which he associated it, despite the fact that Christianity's presence in Libya long predates Islam or its presence in much of Europe.

Saints and brotherhoods
Islam as practiced in North Africa is interlaced with indigenous Berber beliefs. Although the Sufi orthodoxy preached the unique and inimitable majesty and Sanctity of God and the equality of God's Believers, an important element of Islam for centuries has been a belief in the coalescence of special spiritual power given by God to particular living human beings. The power is known as Barakah, a transferable quality of personal blessedness and spiritual force said to lodge in certain individuals. Those whose claim to possess Barakah can be substantiated—through performance of apparent Miracles, exemplary human insight, or genealogical connection with a recognized possessor—are viewed as saints. These persons are known in the West as marabouts, a French transliteration of al murabitun (those who have made a religious retreat), and the benefits of their Baraka are believed to accrue to those ordinary people who come in contact with them.

The true Islamic way of saints became widespread in rural areas; in urban localities, Islam in its Sunni form prevail. Saints were present in Tripolitania, but they were particularly numerous in Cyrenaica. Their Baraka continued to reside in their tombs after their deaths. The number of venerated tombs varied from tribe to tribe, although there tended to be fewer among the camel herders of the desert than among the sedentary and nomadic tribes of the plateau area. In one village, a visitor in the late 1960s counted sixteen still-venerated tombs.

Coteries of disciples frequently clustered around particular saints, especially those who preached an original tariqa (devotional "way"). Brotherhoods of the followers of such mystical teachers appeared in North Africa at least as early as the eleventh century and in some cases became mass movements. The founder ruled an order of followers, who were organized under the frequently absolute authority of a leader, or sheikh. The brotherhood was centered on a zawiya.

Sufi adherents gathered into brotherhoods, and Sufi orders became extremely popular, particularly in rural areas. Sufi brotherhoods exercised great influence and ultimately played an important part in the religious revival that swept through North Africa during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In Libya, when the Ottoman Empire proved unable to mount effective resistance to the encroachment of Christian missionaries, the work was taken over by Sufi-inspired revivalist movements. Among these, the most forceful and effective was that of the Senussi, which extended into numerous parts of North Africa.

Senusiyya
The Senusiyya, or Senussi movement, was a sufi religious revival adapted to desert life. Its zawiyas could be found in Tripolitania and Fezzan, but its influence was strongest in Cyrenaica. The Senusiyya's first theocracy was in the city of Bayda, Cyrenaica and that was their center in 1841. After the Italian occupation, the focus turned from government to seminary education and then to the creation of an Islamic University which became in 1960 the University of Mohammed bin Ali al-Sanusi. The arrival of Gaddafi's rule changed the course of the university. It is now known as the Omar Al-Mukhtar University.

The Senussis formed a nucleus of resistance to the Italian colonization of Libya. As Libyan nationalism fostered by unified resistance to the Italians gained adherents, however, the religious fervor of devotion to the movement began to wane, particularly after the Italians destroyed Senussi religious and educational centers during the 1930s. Nonetheless, Idris of Libya was the grandson of the founder of the Senussi movement, and his status as a Senussi gave him the unique ability to command respect from the disparate parts of the Kingdom of Libya.

Despite its momentary political prominence, the Senussi movement never regained its strength as a religious force after its zawiyas were destroyed. A promised restoration never fully took place, and the Idrisid regime used the Senussi heritage as a means of legitimizing political authority rather than to provide religious leadership.

After unseating Idris in 1969, the revolutionary government placed restrictions on the operation of the remaining zawiyas, appointed a supervisor for Senussi properties, and merged the Senussi-sponsored Islamic University with the University of Libya. The movement was virtually banned, but in the 1980s occasional evidence of Senussi activity was nonetheless reported. Senussi-inspired activists were instrumental in freeing Cyrenaica from Gaddafi's control during the 2011 Libyan Civil War.

title: Islam in Libya


text:
Greta Bösel

Greta Bösel (née Mueller) (9 May 1908 – 3 May 1947) was a Nazi German nurse and camp guard at Ravensbrück concentration camp. She was arrested and tried for her role in the Holocaust, found guilty of war crimes, and subsequently executed.

Nazi atrocities, trial and execution
Bösel was a trained nurse. Born in Wuppertal-Elberfeld, Germany, she became a camp guard at Ravensbrück in August 1944.

Her rank at the camp was Arbeitseinsatzführerin (Work Input Overseer). In November 1944, Bösel was supposed to have been one of the staff members to select prisoners for the gas chamber, or for transfer to Uckermark. She is known to have told another Nazi SS guard "If they [prisoners] cannot work, let them rot."

After the death march of prisoners out of Ravensbrück following the impending liberation by the Red Army of Soviet troops, Bösel fled the camp with her husband. She was later caught and arrested by British troops.

Bösel, along with other female guards including Dorothea Binz, stood accused at the first Ravensbrück Trial, which took place between December 1946 and February 1947 in Hamburg, Germany. The court found her guilty of maltreatment, murder and taking part in the "selections". She was executed for her crimes at 9:55 am on 3 May 1947, 24 minutes after Elisabeth Marschall, by Albert Pierrepoint in Hamelin Prison.

title: Greta Bösel


text:
Talk:Journalistic objectivity

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great changes + wishlist
I hesitate to edit the article, but I'd like the author to please explain/defend the use of the term "disinterestedness," which is a term used often in the study of art appreciation. Immanuel Kant explained the term as: "Where the question is whether something is beautiful, we do not want to know, whether we, or anyone else, are, or even could be, concerned in the real existence of the thing." This seems to me the exact opposite of journalistic objectivity (indeed, of journalism). — Preceding unsigned comment added by Guytal2 (talk • contribs) 12:19, 24 December 2021 (UTC)

I think this works much better as a separate entry and with the added discussion.

One thing though: The article is now missing a discussion of the idea of the "liberal media", in my opinion.

One reason I didn't go into more detail about critiques of media from the left is because I thought that to maintain 'neutrality' it would have to be accompanied by some discussion of media critiques from the right (ie, the "liberal media" critique from folks like Accuracy in Media and Bernard Goldberg--there are probably better examples to be found though), and I didn't feel able to represent that position without a little further reading and research.

Even though I don't personally believe in any such animal as a "liberal media" (although I certainly think the evidence indicates that journalists as individuals tend to lean left on social issues), the fact that so many people do see liberal bias in reporting is fairly important to recent developments in 'objective' journalism (for example, the rise of overtly partisan cable news, web journalism, talk radio).

It would be nice if someone were to fill that gap at some point.

--Birdmessenger 15:06, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Also, I added a disclaimer that this discussion really only applies fully to US journalism, which has its own particular historical context.

Reference Please
"News stories of the period often described with detachment the hanging, immolation and mutilation of men, women and children by mobs. Under the regimen of objectivity, news writers often attempted to balance these accounts by recounting the alleged transgressions of the victims that provoked the lynch mobs to fury."

Can somebody provide some primary sources for this information? The author of this statement really should have cited an example.

Br0ken 07:10, 8 August 2005 (UTC)

"Journalistic objectivity is a considerable notion within the discussion of journalistic professionalism. Journalistic objectivity may refer to fairness, disinterestedness, factuality, and nonpartisanship, but most often encompasses all of these qualities. First evolving as a practice in the 18th century, a number of critiques and alternatives to the notion have emerged since, fuelling ongoing and dynamic discourse surrounding the ideal of objectivity in journalism." citation is needed here.

Advocacy and Liberalism Regarding Intro
First, "The Jungle" was a massively important (American!) piece of advocacy journalism. Modern pieces reflecting this spirit include "Enrique's Journey" published in the L.A. Times and written by Sonia Nazario. It's a sympathetic feature on Central Americans immigrating (illegally) to America. Or Washington Post's Anthony Shadid's pieces from an invaded Iraq in '03, highlighting the suffering of children and families in a wartime Baghdad. By investigating social strife and change, journalists inherently perform an advocacy role. It is implied that advocacy journalism is not an acceptable form of journalism in U.S.

Also, journalists are focused on what is new (news). Change is liberal, status-quo is conservative. Thus the percieved liberal tilt. Combined with the intrinsic role of advocate, journalists fill a rather liberal niche, and have done so since the U.S.'s inception. The freedom of journalists to print what they pleased was considered necessary, and was one reason for revolt (Stamp Tax and Zenger Trial). It is the purpose of a journalist to observe and record the events of an ever-changing world society.

 * Please signed your comment.

Definition section - cites
The "definitions" section near the start is well done, I think, but it really needs citations to major proponents of the different views it reports. It needs references. In particular, I am curious to see a reference to something advocating the idea that journalists should be NPOV. I've encountered that mostly as a trend resulting from a desire to avoid controversy, not as a journalistic philosophy that people stand behind. My impression is likely wrong, but this is exactly why we need references here. I am adding the template to say citations are needed. Rlitwin 14:19, 29 July 2006 (UTC)

Hunter S. Thompson
Hunter S. Thompson is a fun read, but a serious journalist? I'm not sure I feel comfortable seeing references to him or to Gonzo Journalism. Isn't half the stuff he wrote about make-believe? This guy is like a Mark Twain figure who, informed by his journalistic background, made great social satire ... but not journalism. He may have tried to blur the lines some, but I can't think of one journalist I have ever known, met, worked with/for or been taught by who would have considered him as an actual journalist. Funny stories, though. I think he should be left off this article completely and the other journalism articles should not make Gonzo Journalism out to be some sort of legitimate branch or style of journalism, because as far as I know it is not and I've never met anyone practicing or academic who thinks it is. I could be wrong, but there should be discussion on it either way. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by Pieterkonink (talk • contribs) 06:57, 30 April 2007 (UTC).
 * The Wikipedia article on Hunter S. Thompson refers to him as a journalist in the lead. Of course, using Wikipedia as a source is never a good idea, but the fact that it calls him a journalist is based on what other sources have said:
 * "Death Of A Comic," :An essay critical of Thompson by William F. Buckley, Jr. in The National Review, 1 March, 2005.
 * Here, Buckley quotes a passage in which HST calls himself a journalist.
 * "A Tribute to The Great Gonzo Gonzo," Seattle Times. by Michael A. Stusser, 24 February, 2005.
 * Refers to what HST did as "journalism."
 * "Gonzo In His Life As In His Work," A Tribute to Thompson by Tom Wolfe in The Wall Street Journal, 22 February 2005.
 * Perhaps unsurprisingly, Tom Wolfe calls him a journalist.
 * "Gonzo Nights," :an essay by Rich Cohen, a contributing editor for Rolling Stone published in The New York Times, 17 April, 2005.
 * Calls him a journalist.

 * I'm sure there are many more instances of Thompson's work being described as a form of journalism by members of the journalistic community. Those are just the first four external links in the HST article.--Media anthro 12:03, 30 April 2007 (UTC)

 * Here I am a few months later. I must not have read that article correctly or perhaps I was engaging in some of my own "gonzo" habits when I read it. For some reason I had thought that HST was being held up as a regular journalist, but now I see he and gonzo journalism was under the "Alternatives" heading. At any rate, I'm glad I wrote that because those are some excellent sources you listed. Thanks for the great reads! Perhaps, as a side note, Michael Moore should also be listed under the Alternatives heading? Pieterkonink 20:25, 26 August 2007 (UTC)

I think that it is important to point out that there are a number of definitions of objectivity, otherwise it can lead people to think that there is a single definition. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Ch33kycharli31 (talk • contribs)

Objectivity of Objectivism
"Objectivity is a significant principle of journalistic professionalism, especially in the United Kingdom and United States." - is this statement objective in its own right? Other countries are worse? Another article states that journalistic standards are also upheld in European countries and in all countries in the world that have free press... - Nanirissen (talk) 09:24, 5 August 2008 (UTC)

I agree completely. I doubt that "especially in the United Kingdom and United States" is even verifiable, let alone NPOV. Arimareiji (talk) 20:48, 24 August 2008 (UTC)
 * While I'd agree to getting rid of the "especially in the United Kingdom and United States" text, I think you're both misunderstanding what objectivity is. The article and its sources are not describing objectivity as an ideal or a "good thing".  Journalistic objectivity--the assumption that it is possible or even desirable to separate "facts" from values in news reporting--is not an assumption made in many national traditions of journalism. --Newsroom hierarchies (talk) 23:21, 24 August 2008 (UTC)
 * I can't speak for Nanirissen, but to me the reasons that it's POV are:
 * Contrasts "journalistic professionalism" with countries other than UK and US.
 * Context does not connote "objectivity" as being an abstract concept. "Objectivism" might be better, for starters.
 * If you're going to assert that some countries have X viewpoint and some do not, it really needs cites or (IMO) it's almost inherently at risk of POV.
 * arimareiji (talk) 22:20, 28 August 2008 (UTC)
 * Objectivism has nothing to do with journalism. The concept of journalistic objectivity, on the other hand, is the subject of multiple books that are actually cited in this article.  And of course the standards journalistic professionalism differ from country to country.  There was no claim in the article that one country was "less professional" in its practice of journalism than another.
 * I agree, though, that it was proper to remove the US/UK claim for mostly the same reasons.--Newsroom hierarchies (talk) 22:38, 28 August 2008 (UTC)
 * You're right about objectivism; mea culpa. I still have trouble with not enquoting "objectivity," but using the wrong word is not the way to fix that. But I still say that the wording "is a significant principle of journalistic professionalism, especially in the UK and US" implied, if not inferred, that journalistic professionalism can be attributed more strongly to the UK and US. I suppose that brings me full-circle: Now I'm tempted to think that the sentence should be split to include the original notion that "objectivity" is not universally considered to be a tenet of journalistic professionalism. arimareiji (talk) 19:22, 29 August 2008 (UTC)
 * You're right--the US/UK text was worded poorly and removing it improved the article. I do disagree in part with your latest edit though.  I think it borders on original research to insert that bit about the Supreme Court's finding on obscenity. That said, the full reversion I did may have been overkill.  I won't object if you want to change it back to your preferred version.  I'll probably have some edits to make to yours when I have some spare time in the near future. --Newsroom hierarchies (talk) 00:50, 30 August 2008 (UTC)
 * Another thing to consider on "core principles": Objectivity is not in fact a "core tenet" in all journalism. The way this statement is written now does not necessarily reflect a worldwide perspective on journalism.  Furthermore, many journalists in the United States today do not identify "objectivity" as a core principle (they often talk about "fairness" or "balance" instead).  --Newsroom hierarchies (talk) 00:55, 30 August 2008 (UTC)
 * Personally, I also believe that there's a lot of material in the intro that borders on original research. But if you compare my edit to your revert, you'll find that material was there to begin with. (With the exception of the cite re: difficulty of definition, which is another matter.) As I noted in the edit summary, my edit was only intended to reorganize what was already there to make it easier for the reader to compare and contrast. As it was, I believed it gave the false impression that these all described one central tenet, rather than being different beliefs. If you're familiar with the parable of the blind men and the elephant, that would be an excellent illustration.
 * As far as undoing your reversion, I won't do so for the time being. Not because I believe reversion as a first step was correct, but because you should have the chance to fix this yourself. WP:ROWN arimareiji (talk) 01:30, 30 August 2008 (UTC)

According to Hallin and Mancini, “objectivity,” which should be distinguished from professionalism and independence, is most typical of the Anglo world, especially US and UK. What we are talking about is not an abstract and impossible ideal but a rhetoric and philosophy of journalism, which is manifested in a number of aspects of journalism, but especially in the narrative style of “objective” journalism. For example, journalists in the US try to avoid expressing a viewpoint or being an advocate or siding with either of the two parties. They avoid strong adjectives and adverbs. They generally dispense with the pronoun “I.” This “objectivity” is quite different from the rhetoric and practices of journalism elsewhere, which often entails a dimension of open advocacy. That advocacy, some argue, actually enhances the capacity of journalism to explore some issues and events. In general, the rhetoric of objectivity should not be confused with actually having no viewpoint or theories to guide the journalist’s selection of facts and experts to quote. This entry then should be about the rise of this ethic, and its corresponding ideals, rhetoric and practices, not the reality of a mythical “objectivity.” In general see Dan Hallin and Paolo Mancini, Comparative Media Systems. Or my work on objectivity. --Rich Kaplan 6/09/2010 —Preceding unsigned comment added by 68.6.38.88 (talk) 03:20, 10 June 2010 (UTC)

Conflicts of interest
Adding something about conflicts interest, exaggerating to sensationalize, and motivations of profit or career advancement should also be mentioned. ChildofMidnight (talk) 21:38, 1 September 2009 (UTC)

Removing some content
I'm removing some content that is unsourced and/or reads more like a personal opinion than encyclopedic content. The following paragraph seems a bit more significant than the other stuff I've done, so I'm noting it here. This appears to be a fringe decision made by an individual, and I don't think it sheds much light on the issue of objectivity in itself; it's more along the lines of trivia. So I don't think it belongs here (though it might belong in Washington Post or similar). -Pete (talk) 00:01, 2 September 2009 (UTC) Professionally, most journalist strive for a neutral point of view, not taking a stand on any issues on which there is some disagreement and simply present "both sides" of an issue. Some even extend this standard to the journalist's personal life, prohibiting them from getting involved in political activities, which necessarily requires taking a stand. For example, Washington Post executive editor Leonard Downie, Jr. has stated that the Post maintains a code of ethics that forbids reporters and editors from all "political activities" except voting. Downie himself goes even further and "decided to stop voting when [he] became the ultimate gatekeeper for what is published in the newspaper".

History
This section is entirely mistaken. Objectivity did not emerge in the 1830s, nor do any scholars (except maybe Schiller) make this claim. Schudson sees objectivity in the 1920s. Kaplan in 1900-1910. Baldasty in late 19th century. Objectivity, as the references to Schudson suggest, implies an active distrust of the reporter's capacity to make judgments. So news adotps a discourse of unemotional facticity, quoting others and avoiding most adjectives and adverbs. That did not occur unitl late 19c and did not become the dominant professional ethic until the early 20c. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 24.254.85.211 (talk) 02:48, 12 March 2010 (UTC)

"Media balance" now redirects to Objectivity (journalism)
...and this has been done with the support of an AFD (partly because Media Balance already redirects to Objectivity (journalism) as well), however, as that page has already content different from Objectivity (journalism), making a history merge undesirable, the page has since been archived on Talk: Objectivity (journalism)/Media_balance. Content from that section should migrate to Objectivity (journalism) if it is properly cited.--SilentScope001 (talk) 13:28, 4 June 2012 (UTC)

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A crucial article like this needs a far greater injection of a more global perspective
Yet another article that is self-indulgently and self-obsessively North American-centric or anglosphere-centric. I have added tags to the "History" and "Criticisms" sections, asking for more examples of definitions or debates on the subject from outside the United States and the United Kingdom. Is journalistic objectivity not discussed at all in any other countries of the planet ?

Issues with maintaining journalistic objectivity, integrity and transparency are a worldwide subject and exist in vistually every country (even those that are sadly without a free press - those lack a space for even attempting journalistic objectivity). I would suggest more examples be added in the "History", "Criticisms", etc. section, from other parts of the world as well. Also, while the "Criticisms" section is, I would advise against greatly expanding. It defeats the purpose of the article if the Criticisms section is nearly longer or more detailed than the other sections of the article. There's also the fact that critical opinions on issues with objectivity in journalism vary, and putting too much undue weight on criticism seems like one is disparaging the very concept, or trying to reconfigure the entire article into a soap box or personal essay. Please be mindful of that before adding more contributions to the "Criticisms" section, or having that section focus entirely on United States and United Kingdom perspectives, while ignoring perspectives on the subject from everywhere else, even including e.g. continental Europe, Japan, South America, subsaharan Africa, etc.

There's a lot of politically motivated persecution, demonisation or pressuring/influencing of the media worldwide, so the topic of media objectivity, integrity of journalistic conduct, self-serving media ownership and partisan influence are all topics being globally discussed and deserving serious attention. Wikipedia cannot discuss these topics, because it is not a dicussion forum, but it should try to provide as much of a global perspective on these issues as possible, while being mindful of the fact that journalistic objectivity is often under attack by various political actors the world over, for populist and propaganda reasons of limiting the freedom of the press. --ZemplinTemplar (talk) 09:08, 21 January 2022 (UTC)

Explanation of what "view from nowhere" means
Hi, just wanted to discuss a few edits made to the section "view from nowhere". Disclaimer: not trying to start a fight, just hoping to improve the article for laypeople.

I'm an eyeball doctor (yes, very technical term) so I have zero formal training in journalism. My reason for making the edits was that I read the section and was still confused. I understood the explanation of the potential negative effects of trying to adopt absolute impartiality but was still not 100% sure about why it was called "view from nowhere"; what is "nowhere" supposed to represent?

I added Meyer's quote "man from Mars' stance" to give something to compare against so readers could see that and go "oh, trying to be absolutely neutral in reporting, like you were reporting from the point of view of a man on mars, ie. a point of view from nowhere" But I agree that the framing of Meyers' quote can be tricky as Meyers isn't really a critic of the "view from nowhere" concept. His comments seems to suggest he advocates striving for absolute neutrality but acknowledges that it is, in practice, impossible to achieve. But his opinion wasn't as important as the wording used in the quote (which would help the reader). I think the quote could be added without any discussion about its speaker but, between his quote and Salant's quote, it might get a bit cluttered. I prefer Meyer's quote a little more since it's based in location but I think either could be used.

I appreciate how Biogeographist placed the quote but did hope to put either quote earlier on in the sentence, like

used the term view from nowhere, as if journalists were reporting "from nobody's point of view" or from "a man from Mars' stance", to refer to the potential negative effects of journalists' adoption of neutrality in reporting, whereby journalists may disinform their audience by creating the impression that they have an authoritative impartiality between conflicting positions on an issue,[30]

Another thing I was wrestling with was the meaning of "view from nowhere". My current understanding is that it's trying to convey the idea that it's not from the "left's" point of view or the "right's" point of view, but from a neutral place that is completely removed from the environment. And that's implicitly followed by "great, it's reported from a man from Mars' point of view. What use is that?  It's going to be so removed from the realities of human life that it'll be useless to our readers". This seems to be what Klaidman and Beauchamp talk about with the "reasonable reader" who would want relevant information about the issue. But Rosen seems to focus more on the disinformation aspect of such neutrality, that such neutrality isn't just useless to the reader but actually harmful because it misleads the reader into thinking "hey, I can trust this source of news, they're very neutral" when it may be an argument to moderation fallacy. Between Rosen, Meyers, and others, they also roll in the impossibility of the concept as well--that absolute neutrality is impossible because real life is just too complicated.

Currently, the description is mainly about its potential to disinform (despite its efforts to legitimize itself) but doesn't really include the ideas about it being useless or the idea that it's impossible to achieve. Should the article include all three aspects in its definition?

Last bit (I swear) was the sourcing of the quote. Rosen uses the term extensively but he wasn't the originator of the quote. He mentions that it was borrowed from Thomas Nagel's book but the current wording of the article makes it seem like Rosen stated the origin of the term because he was the one who first started using it in relation to journalism. I wanted to avoid that by making it less explicit who coined the term when stating the Thomas Nagel aspect. From what I can tell, it seems like use of the phrase just kinda sprung up (possibly) independently in journalism, sociology, and other fields somewhere around the late 80s to 90s after Nagel's book was published.

Thoughts? Hope I'm not making mountains out of molehills. Jasonkwe (talk) (contribs) 18:21, 1 June 2022 (UTC)

 * "View from nowhere" is a metaphor for objectivity. What is objectivity in journalism? The whole article is an answer to that question. The paragraph at issue is part of the "Criticism" section and is mainly about journalism scholars and media critics who use the term "view from nowhere" as a criticism or pejorative. The paragraph is not about journalistic objectivity in general (which is the the whole article's subject) nor about criticism of objectivity (which is the whole section's subject). Klaidman and Beauchamp, and Meyer, discuss journalistic objectivity but don't use the term "view from nowhere", so their views don't belong in this paragraph; perhaps their views have a place elsewhere. I think Salant's statement is useful since it clearly shows that some media people have advocated a view from nowhere and that the critics aren't just arguing against a fantasy or a straw man, so thanks for adding that. I see your point that the first sentence wasn't as clear as it could have been, so I made another edit that addresses that point and a couple of your other points above. Take another look and see what you think. Maras says that the critical use of the term has been "promoted especially by Jay Rosen", and that's correct as far as I can see, so his prominence in the paragraph doesn't bother me. Thanks, Biogeographist (talk) 22:32, 2 June 2022 (UTC)
 * Thanks, I agree, the paragraph isn't about objectivity in general or criticism of objectivity but about the term "view from nowhere" and how it relates to journalistic objectivity. I like your edits to the lead paragraph.  I hadn't really even thought about arguments against the "view from nowhere" potentially being seen as strawman arguments if not for explicit examples of support for it. Yeah, if anything, I guess Klaidman and Beauchamp's views would actually be better off in the Alternatives section since that's what the most interesting part of their argument focuses on.
 * I wasn't opposed to talking about Rosen since he does have a lot to contribute on the subject. I was just kinda iffy about descriptions that imply he was the first or one of the first to use that phrase, as opposed to explaining why the phrase became used in the journalism field.  My guess is that it'd probably be hard to pin down who first used the phrase in relation to journalistic objectivity.  But that's not a huge deal.  Thanks again for your advice and revisions! Jasonkwe (talk) (contribs) 03:58, 3 June 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Journalistic objectivity


text:
List of countries by tax rates

A comparison of tax rates by countries is difficult and somewhat subjective, as tax laws in most countries are extremely complex and the tax burden falls differently on different groups in each country and sub-national unit. The list focuses on the main types of taxes: corporate tax, individual income tax, and sales tax, including VAT and GST and capital gains tax, but does not list wealth tax or inheritance tax.

Personal income tax includes all applicable taxes, including all unvested social security contributions. Vested social security contributions are not included as they contribute to the personal wealth and will be paid back upon retirement or emigration, either as lump sum or as pension. Only social security contributions without a ceiling can be included in the highest marginal tax rate as only those are effectively a tax for general distribution among the population.

Some other taxes (for instance property tax, substantial in many countries, such as the United States) and payroll tax are not shown here. The table is not exhaustive in representing the true tax burden to either the corporation or the individual in the listed country. The tax rates displayed are marginal and do not account for deductions, exemptions or rebates. The effective rate is usually lower than the marginal rate. The tax rates given for federations (such as the United States and Canada) are averages and vary depending on the state or province. Territories that have different rates to their respective nation are in italics.

title: List of countries by tax rates


text:
Döbereiner

Döbereiner is a surname. Notable people with the surname include:

 * Johann Wolfgang Döbereiner (1780–1849), German chemist
 * Johanna Döbereiner (1924–2000), Brazilian agronomist

title: Döbereiner


text:
British Rail Class 499

British Rail allocated Class 499 to a fleet of six luggage vans used in electric multiple unit formations on boat train services between London and Dover. They were allocated Southern Region class TLV (meaning Trailer Luggage Van).

They were converted from former Brake Gangwayed (BG) vehicles in 1968 to supplement the Class 419 Motor Luggage Van fleet. However, following the decline of boat train traffic, they were all stored in 1975. After a period in use as match wagons for transferring new Class 432 and 491 units from York Works, they were all taken into departmental stock initially as stores vans, but later as breakdown train tool vans.

Registered London Underground Stock
From 1994, Railtrack allocated the Class 499 designation on TOPS to London Underground electric multiple units that operate on its lines. This does not involve any renumbering of the stock involved, and is only for electronic recording purposes.

title: British Rail Class 499


text:
Wonderwall (band)

Wonderwall is a German pop group. In its original formation, its members were Kati (Kathrin), eLa (Daniela) and Jule (Julia).

Albums

 * Witchcraft (2002)
 * What Does It Mean? (2003)
 * Come Along (2004)

Singles

 * Witchcraft (2001)
 * Who Am I? (2001)
 * Just More (2002)
 * In April (2002)
 * Witchcraft 2003 (2003)
 * (One More) Song for You (2003)
 * Silent Tears (2004)
 * Touch the Sky (2004)
 * Losin´ You (2005)
 * This is Christmas (2009)
 * Me and the City (2011)

title: Wonderwall (band)


text:
Marc Cherry

Marc Cherry (born March 23, 1962) is an American television writer and producer. He is best known for creating the ABC dramedy series Desperate Housewives.

Early life
Marc Cherry was born in Long Beach, California, and lived briefly in Oklahoma during his childhood. His father was an accountant whose work brought him back to California. After graduating from Troy High School in Fullerton, Cherry attended California State University, Fullerton. He graduated from the school’s theater program in 1995 and initially considered a career in performance. After winning $15,000 as a contestant on The $100,000 Pyramid in 1986, he decided to move to Hollywood and pursue writing work. His move came at a bad time; the 1988 writers strike hit as soon as Cherry arrived. Cherry broke into the industry by working as Designing Women star Dixie Carter's personal assistant.

Political views
In 2007, Newsweek described Cherry as a "somewhat conservative, gay Republican." He was the 2006 recipient of the Log Cabin Republicans' American Visibility Award. However, in 2018, Cherry said that he "stopped being a Republican the second [ Donald Trump's] foot hit the escalator."

Family
On September 12, 2020, his mother, Martha Kay Cherry, passed away.

Early career
In 1990, he became a writer and producer for the long-running hit sitcom The Golden Girls, and later its short lived spinoff The Golden Palace. Cherry next co-created The 5 Mrs. Buchanans, a sitcom centered on four women married to brothers and their difficult mother-in-law, which had a brief run on CBS during the 1994-1995 season. Cherry also co-created The Crew (1995). On his own, he later created Some of My Best Friends, a 2001 sitcom that was based in part on the 1997 film Kiss Me, Guido.

Desperate Housewives
In 2002, a conversation with his mother inspired him to develop a show about the fractured lives of four upper middle class suburban women. After HBO, FOX, CBS, NBC, Showtime, and Lifetime all passed on the show, circumstances changed for Cherry's show when his agent was arrested and sent to jail for embezzlement. His new agents brought the show to the attention of ABC, which decided to pick it up. The series, Desperate Housewives, was an immediate ratings smash and generated enormous national (and subsequently, international) debate. Cherry received several lucrative offers from various parties, but chose to sign a long-term deal with Touchstone, since their co-brand, the ABC network, had shown faith in Desperate Housewives when other companies passed.

Cherry featured several actors on Housewives with whom he had previously worked. Mark Moses, who played Paul Young, and Harriet Sansom Harris, who played Felicia Tilman, were both cast members of The 5 Mrs. Buchanans. In season three, Cherry cast former boss Dixie Carter in the role of Gloria Hodge, Orson's unhinged mother. Actor Alec Mapa, who appeared in Some of My Best Friends, appeared on "Housewives" in a recurring role as Gabrielle's stylist.

Cherry appeared in a cameo as one of Susan's moving men on the final episode of Desperate Housewives.

Nicolette Sheridan accusations and termination
On April 5, 2010, former Desperate Housewives main cast member Nicollette Sheridan filed a $20 million lawsuit against Cherry and ABC, alleging that he had assaulted her on set and wrongfully terminated her contract. Sheridan also alleged in her lawsuit that Cherry was abusive to other actors and writers on the show. ABC said in a statement that they had investigated similar claims made by Sheridan and found them to be of no merit.

The other principal cast members of Desperate Housewives, including Teri Hatcher, Felicity Huffman, Marcia Cross and Eva Longoria, made statements supporting Cherry. In December 2010, Sheridan removed abuse claims from the suit.

The case finally went to trial in February 2012. On March 13, 2012, the judge dismissed the battery charge against Cherry due to lack of evidence, and Cherry was no longer a defendant in the lawsuit which then focused solely on Sheridan's alleged wrongful termination by ABC. Closing arguments were heard in the case on March 14, 2012, and the jury began their deliberations. By March 19, 2012, the twelve members of the jury had failed to reach a verdict and a mistrial was declared. A retrial was scheduled to begin on September 10, 2012, but on August 16, 2012, the Los Angeles Court of Appeal determined that Sheridan had not been wrongfully fired and dismissed the retrial. A further appeal made by Sheridan to the California Supreme Court was rejected on November 16, 2012.

Devious Maids
In 2012, after the end of Desperate Housewives, Cherry and Eva Longoria began working on a new series, Devious Maids. Initially it had been produced for ABC, but it then aired on Lifetime.

The series is set in Beverly Hills and the protagonists are Latina maids: Marisol (Ana Ortiz), Rosie (Dania Ramirez), Carmen (Roselyn Sanchez), Zoila (Judy Reyes), and Valentina (Edy Ganem), who work for celebrities or rich people. They not only clean the homes of celebrities, but also put order in their lives, and sometimes fall in love. Just like the women of Wisteria Lane, these maids have to deal with mysteries and secrets, since, during the first episode, one of their friends, the maid Flora, is mysteriously murdered, and it's up to Marisol to investigate the murder and to exonerate her son Eddie, wrongly accused.

Even for Devious Maids, Marc Cherry hired someone who had worked with him: Roselyn Sanchez, who plays Carmen Luna, one of the maids, appeared in the last episode of Desperate Housewives. Others in Devious Maids who had previously worked with Cherry include Rebecca Wisocky, Melinda Page Hamilton, Valerie Mahaffey, Matt Cedeno, Richard Burgi, and James Denton.

Why Women Kill
On September 24, 2018, it was announced that CBS All Access had given the production a straight-to-series order. Why Women Kill was created by Cherry, who was also expected to executive produce alongside Brian Grazer, Francie Calfo, Michael Hanel, and Mindy Schultheis. Production companies involved with the series were slated to consist of Imagine Entertainment and CBS Television Studios. On December 10, 2018, it was reported that the series would receive $8.4 million dollars in tax credits from the state of California and premiered on August 15, 2019.

Other ventures
Cherry appeared as himself in the "Righteous Brothers" episode of Arrested Development, which was created by fellow Golden Girls writer Mitchell Hurwitz. In 2014 and 2016, Cherry was a judge and mentor for the Songbook Academy, a summer intensive for high school students operated by the Great American Songbook Foundation and founded by Michael Feinstein. Cherry serves on the board of directors of The Young Americans youth performing arts group and is a 1979 alumnus of the organization.

title: Marc Cherry


text:
Wikipedia:Featured article candidates/Gold standard/archive1

Gold Standard
Just yesterday a professor I know have highly commented on this article. I read it today, fixed lead a little, added many ilinks - and now I think it can becoem featured. --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus 15:02, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Note: this should be at the top of the page, but I seem to be unable to put it there. Something is messed up with the page engine I am afraid. --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus 15:06, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I fixed it. :-) Anyway, for now, object. Good article, but no references. Support. Johnleemk | Talk 15:14, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Added my gold standard references, will do the "central banking" referneces and "coinage" references later (which will be shorter). Will do format clean up and alphabetization later. Stirling Newberry 01:35, 28 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Wiki timing problem resulted in few minutes of delays in saving my references section on that page. Is it better now? --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus 16:09, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Comment: the following text needs fixing:
 * Typically under a gold standard, the physical transport of gold becomes cumbersome for popular use, and so bank notes (also known as demand notes or paper money). They may be either issued privately or by government) circulate and are convertible into physical gold on demand. Paul August 23:57, Dec 14, 2004 (UTC)
 * I think it is fixed now. --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus 11:38, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Ok, you've edited the above so that It now reads:
 * Typically under a gold standard, the physical transport of gold becomes cumbersome for popular use, and so bank notes (also known as demand notes or simply paper money) are extensively used. They may be either issued privately or by government) circulate and are convertible into physical gold on demand.
 * You've made the first phrase into a sentence, but the second is still a problem. Perhaps it should read something like:
 * Typically under a gold standard, the physical transport of gold becomes cumbersome for popular use, and so bank notes circulate and are convertible into physical gold on demand. Such notes, also known as demand notes or simply paper money, may be either issued privately or by government.
 * I've removed the original paragraph and written one on the use of paper money and certificates in a hard money environment. Stirling Newberry 02:48, 28 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Also I have just noticed the talk page makes some suggestions regarding this passage which perhaps should be considered. Paul August 13:59, Dec 15, 2004 (UTC)
 * I like your version, so I changed the lead to fit yours. Feel free to fix similar things yourself, I may not be around over the next few days :) --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus 00:29, 16 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Comment, excellent article but a small quibble. Can we have the references changed to cite your sources format? - 203.35.154.254 03:19, 16 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support. -- ALoan (Talk) 11:43, 16 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support. Edeans 04:13, 17 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support Filiocht 12:41, Dec 17, 2004 (UTC)
 * Support Giano 11:13, 20 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Not so fast Needs more fine tuning, I think. Good article though.
 * Needs more fine tuning is hardly actionable. Please elaborate. Filiocht 08:39, Dec 22, 2004 (UTC)
 * Some teeny-weeny minor edits on formatting. Wasn't referring to content.
 * Support Kevin Rector 19:14, Dec 22, 2004 (UTC)


text: User:Tillwe/Timeline

title: User:Tillwe/Timeline


text:
File:Golden Earring - Golden Earring.jpg

Album cover for Golden Earring by Golden Earring

Fair use rationale for

 * It is believed that the use of this image on the English-language Wikipedia to illustrate an article on the audio recording in question falls under the "Non-profit educational" clause of the Fair Use doctrine currently upheld by United States law. (17 U.S.C. § 107)
 * The image is irreplaceable; a free analogue is impossible to produce as the original will be covered by copyright for the foreseeable future
 * Owing to the limited web-resolution of the image, only a small portion of a copyrighted work is used
 * For the same reasons, the portion of the copyrighted work used is of inherently lower quality than the original, reducing the risk of competitiveness and therefore the effects of this copy on the market for or value of versions held by the owner of the copyright


text:
Talk:Pulp and paper industry

Instruments used
I am an Industrial engineer & would like to know more about the type of instruments used in paper industries —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 203.117.33.24 (talk • contribs) 10:19, December 14, 2004 (UTC)

Luffa fibers
Have luffa fibers ever been considered for making paper? —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 67.176.140.172 (talk • contribs) 15:30, June 23, 2005 (UTC)

Needs update!
The statictics are in need of an update. GP has been bought out! PwC has reported newer data. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 128.61.138.27 (talk • contribs) 12:40, October 2, 2006  (UTC)

Is this article worthy of stub status?
It doesn't talk about the industry at all. It's basically a single table with a small intro. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by Exposay (talk • contribs) 21:12, 11 February 2007 (UTC).
 * What are the alternatives? --GargoyleMT 20:00, 12 February 2007 (UTC)

Intro a little silly
The intro seems a little silly. It says the industry is dominated by ... and then goes on to list most of the earth's continents/regions. 70.57.112.194 21:31, 7 August 2007 (UTC)Jawshoeaw

Asia Pulp & Paper...Chinese, Indonesian, or Singaporean?
Currently, APP is listed on this page as a Chinese firm. They have operations in China, however their founder is Indonesian and the company HQ is in Jakarta. According to the article on the company itself, though, it's listed on the Singapore stock index...so what nationality should actually be listed? I'm fairly certain it isn't China. MezzoMezzo (talk) 04:00, 2 July 2014 (UTC)

New book that may be of interest for this article:
The Slain Wood: Papermaking and Its Environmental Consequences in the American South by William Boyd, 2015, Johns Hopkins University Press Jodi.a.schneider (talk) 20:50, 9 November 2015 (UTC)

List of net sale 2007 - jk?
Don't really care to be involved in this but for the editors, what is jk under what as mentioned in title. Not hyperlinking or linking to anything, it is rather strange, look into it/ — Preceding unsigned comment added by 86.20.7.22 (talk) 23:08, 1 May 2016 (UTC)

Picture on the right
International Paper is the world’s largest pulp and paper maker. --> By what? tons? Turnover? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 193.169.204.11 (talk) 08:19, 12 July 2016 (UTC)

Svenska Cellulosa
I'm having strong suspicions that the Svenska Cellulosa revenue numbers are supposed to be in SK and are shown in $$$ which would mean a mistake with a factor of ~8 — Preceding unsigned comment added by 194.13.111.100 (talk) 11:11, 8 March 2018 (UTC)

AQ and Xylanase usage
Use of surfactants and anthraquinone have reduced alkali consumption in Pulp Cooking and use of Xylanase enzymes in bleaching operation is effective to decreasing AOX discharges in Pulp mill effluent.

Anthraquinone is not used anymore that I know, the reason is it being carcinogenic. Xylanase is rarely used. It works well in a controlled lab setting but less so in pulp mills due to the varying properties of the bulk produced enzyme.

I suggest the cited part of the article is removed. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 90.230.157.211 (talk) 08:39, 16 November 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Pulp and paper industry


text:
Daniel C. Davis

Daniel Coon Davis (February 23, 1804 – June 1, 1850) was the captain of Company E in the Mormon Battalion. He became an early leader of Davis County, Utah, which is named after him.

Davis was born in Petersburg, New York.

Davis was baptized a member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints at Council Bluffs, Iowa. In 1839, he was appointed master of the ferry that traveled between Nauvoo, Illinois and Montrose, Iowa.

Captain Davis led a company in the Mormon Battalion during the Mexican War. His wife Susan and son Daniel Jr. accompanied Company E at the beginning of their trek west. Daniel Jr. was the son of Davis first wife, Sophronia Fuller, who had died. Daniel Jr. at six was the youngest person to go all the way with the Mormon Battalion. Later, Davis led many Mormon pioneer groups across the plains to settle the West. In 1849 Davis settled on Davis Creek in what is now Farmington, Utah. In early 1850, on one such trip, Captain Davis became ill and died near Fort Kearney, Nebraska, on his way back to the outfitting stations on the Missouri River.

title: Daniel C. Davis