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Selk'nam people

The Selk'nam, also known as the Onawo or Ona people, are an indigenous people in the Patagonian region of southern Argentina and Chile, including the Tierra del Fuego islands. They were one of the last native groups in South America to be encountered by migrant Europeans in the late 19th century. In the mid-19th century, there were about 4,000 Selk'nam; in 1916 Charles W. Furlong estimated there were about 800 Selk'nam living in Tierra del Fuego; with Walter Gardini stating that by 1919 there were 279, and by 1930 just over 100.

Until 2020, they were considered extinct as a tribe in Chile, and much of the English language literature. Settlement, gold mining and farming in the region of Tierra del Fuego were followed by the Selk'nam genocide.

While the Selk'nam are closely associated with living in the northeastern area of Tierra del Fuego archipelago, they are believed to have originated as a people on the mainland. Thousands of years ago, they migrated by canoe across the Strait of Magellan. Their territory in the early Holocene probably ranged as far as the Cerro Benítez area of the Cerro Toro mountain range in Chile.

History
Traditionally, the Selk'nam were nomadic people who relied on hunting for survival, though they were also recorded as engaging in occasional fishing during low tides. They dressed sparingly despite the cold climate of Patagonia. They shared Tierra del Fuego with the Haush (Manek'enk), another related nomadic culture who lived in the south-eastern part of the island, and the Yahgan (Yámana), an unrelated group who could be found along the southern coast.

Relations with Europeans
In late 1599, a small Dutch fleet led by Olivier van Noort entered the Strait of Magellan and had a hostile encounter with Selk'nam which left about forty Selk'nam dead. It was the bloodiest recorded event in the strait until then.

James Cook described meeting a people in Tierra del Fuego in 1769 that used pieces of glass in their arrowheads. Cook believed the glass had been a gift from the French explorer Louis Antoine de Bougainville, indicating potentially several early contacts. Glass arrowheads became an ever more common occurrence among the Selk'nam as their interactions with Europeans became more common.

The Selk'nam had little contact with ethnic Europeans until settlers arrived in the late 19th century. These newcomers developed a great part of the land of Tierra del Fuego as large estancias (ranches), depriving the natives of their ancestral hunting areas. The Selk'nam, who did not have a concept of private property, considered the sheep herds to be game and hunted the sheep. The ranch owners regarded this as poaching, and paid armed groups or militia to hunt down and kill the Selk'nam, in what is now called the Selk'nam genocide.

Salesian missionaries worked to protect and preserve Selk'nam culture. Father José María Beauvoir explored the region and studied the native Patagonian cultures and languages between 1881 and 1924. He compiled a 4,000-word vocabulary of the Selk'nam language, and 1,400 phrases and sentences, which was published in 1915. He included a comparative list of 150 Selk'nam-Tehuelche words, as he believed that there were connections to the Tehuelche people and language to the north. German anthropologist Robert Lehmann-Nitsche published the first scholarly studies of the Selk'nam, although he was later criticized for having studied members of the Selk'nam people who had been abducted and were exhibited in circuses.

A common comment about the Selk'nam from Europeans was on their height, where in early records they were recorded as "giants", with the ethnographer Frederick Cook writing in 1897–1899 that their average height was six foot, with instances of individuals six and a half foot tall.

Relations with Europeans in the Beagle Channel area in the southern area of the island of Tierra del Fuego were somewhat more cordial than with the ranchers. Thomas Bridges, who had been an Anglican missionary at Ushuaia, retired from that service. He was given a large land grant by the Argentine government, where he founded Estancia Harberton. Lucas Bridges, one of his three sons, did much to help the local cultures. Like his father, he learned the languages of the various groups and tried to provide the natives with some space in which to live their customary lives as "lords of their own land." However the forces of change were against the indigenous tribes, who continued to have high fatality rates as their cultures were disrupted. Lucas Bridges' book, Uttermost Part of the Earth (1948), provides sympathetic insight into the lives of the Selk'nam and Yahgan. In recording the stories of a multitude of Europeans living in Tierra del Fuego, the journalist John Randolph Spears wrote that: "It is plain that the Ona is an aggressive warrior toward the whites only because of ill-treatment. […] Damnable ill-treatment on the part of the whites is at the bottom of all the Ona aggressiveness – and Ona suffering."

Selk'nam genocide
The Selk'nam genocide was the genocide of the Selk'nam people from the second half of the 19th to the early 20th century. The genocide spanned a period of between ten and fifteen years. The Selk'nam had an estimated population of 4,000 people around the 1880s but saw their numbers reduced to 500 by the early 1900s.

In 1879, the presence of significant gold deposits in the sands of the main rivers of Tierra del Fuego were reported. Hundreds of colonialists and foreign newcomers came to the island in search of fortune, conflicting with the indigenous population. However, resources of the metal depleted rapidly.

Ranching became the center of controversy in the Magellanic colony. The colonial authorities were aware of the indigenous group's plight, but sided with the ranchers' cause over the Selk'nam, who were excluded from their worldview based on "progress" and "civilization." Ranchers typically exercised their own judgement, including the financing of violent campaigns. Considerable numbers of foreign men were hired, and quantities of arms were imported for these campaigns, with the goal of eliminating the Selk'nam, who were perceived as a major obstacle to the success of colonists' investments. Farm employees later confirmed the routine nature of such campaigns.

The shareholders of the Company for the Exploitation of Tierra del Fuego (Sociedad Explotadora de Tierra del Fuego) strove to hide their actions towards native tribes from the public. This was both a means for the company to avoid questioning and a strategy to lower its controversial profile. Special attention was paid to these events after the intervention of the Salesian missionaries, who condemned the actions of the ranchers while themselves unintentionally contributing to the extermination of native cultures.

Beginning in the 1890s, the situation of the Selk'nam became severe. As the territories of the north began to be largely occupied by farms and ranches, many indigenous people, beset by hunger and persecuted by colonists, started to flee towards the extreme south of the island. This region was already inhabited by indigenous groups who had a strong sense of ownership over the land. Consequently, the fights for control of territory intensified.

The large ranchers tried to drive out the Selk'nam, then began a campaign of extermination against them, with the complicity of the Argentine and Chilean governments. Large companies paid sheep farmers or militia a bounty for each Selk'nam dead, which was confirmed by the presentation of a pair of hands or ears or, later, a complete skull. They were given more for the death of a woman than a man. The predicament of the Selk'nam worsened with the establishment of religious missions, which disrupted their livelihood through forcible relocation, and inadvertently brought with them deadly epidemics.

Repression against the Selk'nam persisted into the early twentieth century. Chile moved most of the Selk'nam in their territory to Dawson Island in the mid-1890s, confining them to a Salesian mission. Argentina finally allowed Salesian missionaries to aid the Selk'nam and attempt to assimilate them, with their traditional culture and livelihoods then completely interrupted.

Later conflicts between governor Manuel Señoret Astaburuaga and the head of the Salesian mission José Fagnano only served to worsen, rather than improve, conditions for the Selk'nam. Long disputes between civil authorities and priests did not allow a satisfactory solution to the indigenous issue. Governor Señoret favored the ranchers' cause, and took little interest in the incidents that took place in Tierra del Fuego.

Two Christian missions were established to preach to the Selk'nam. They were intended to provide housing and food for the natives, but closed due to the small number of Selk'nam remaining; they had numbered in the thousands before Western colonization, but by the early twentieth century only a few hundred remained.

Alejandro Cañas estimated that in 1896 there was a population of 3,000 Selk'nam. Martín Gusinde, an Austrian priest and ethnologist who studied them in the early 20th century, wrote in 1919 that only 279 Selk'nam remained. In 1945 the Salesian missionary, Lorenzo Massa, counted 25. In May 1974 Ángela Loij, the last full-blood Selk'nam, died. There are surviving descendants of partial Selk'nam ancestry. According to the Argentine census of 2010, there were 294 Selk'nam (Ona) living in the island of Tierra del Fuego.

Culture and religion
The missions and early 20th-century anthropologists collected information about Selk'nam culture, religion and traditions while trying to help them preserve their culture.

Hunting and diet
A large part of the traditional diet of Selk'nam according to early accounts, was made of the guanaco which they hunted using bows and arrows as well as with bolas. The guanaco of Tierra del Fuego were recorded as being larger than their Patagonian counterparts. The hide of the guanaco hunted by Selk'nam were then used in the construction of shelters, bags, and clothing. The Selk'nam were also known to engage in fishing during low tides using spears, where the majority of seafood procured were eels, though more rarely caught seafood such as róbalos were more valued. In the south of the island birds made up a portion of the Selk'nam diet. Later research has brought the proportionality of food resources in these early accounts into question.

The Selk'nam were also known to employ the Fuegian dog, a domesticated form of the culpeo, in hunting efforts. While Julius Popper did not observe the dogs being of use in hunts, Antonio Coiazzi did record their use in hunting and this has been supported by later research. All sources agree that the dogs also provided a source of warmth in shelters as they would arrange themselves to sleep tightly against and around the Selk'nam.

Language
The Selk'nam spoke a Chon language. Missionary José María Beauvoir compiled a dictionary of the Selk'nam language. One source states that the last fluent native speakers died in the 1980s.

Body decoration
For special occasions, such as initiation ceremonies, weddings, and funerals, Selk'nam would decorate their bodies with paint, especially their faces. The main colors employed in decoration are red, black, and white.

Religion
Selk'nam religion was a complex system of beliefs, with a creation myth. Temáukel was the name of the great supernatural entity who they believed kept the world order. The creator deity of the world was called Kénos or Quénos.

The Selk'nam had individuals who took shaman-like roles. Such a xon had supernatural capabilities, e.g. to control weather.

Initiation ceremonies
The Selk'nam male initiation ceremony, the passage to adulthood, was called Hain. Nearby indigenous peoples, the Yahgan and Haush, had similar initiation ceremonies.

Young males were called to a dark hut. There they would be attacked by "spirits", who were men dressed as supernatural beings. Children were taught to believe in and fear these spirits during childhood and were threatened by them in case they misbehaved. The boys' task in this rite of passage was to unmask the spirits; when the boys saw that the spirits were human, they were told a story of world creation related to the sun and moon. In a related story, they were told that in the past women used to be disguised as spirits to control men. When the men discovered the masquerade, they, in turn, would threaten women as spirits. According to the men, the women never learned that the masked men were not truly spirits, but the males found out at the initiation rite.

The contemporary ceremonies used this interplay in somewhat of a joking way. After the first day, related ceremonies and rituals took place. Males showed their "strength" in front of women by fighting spirits (who were other men but the women supposedly did not know it) in some theatrical fights. Each spirit was played with traditional actions, words and gestures, so that everyone could identify it. The best spirit actors from previous Hains were called again to impersonate spirits in later Hains.

Apart from these dramatic re-enactments of mythic events, the Hain involved tests for young males for courage, resourcefulness, resisting temptation, resisting pain and overcoming fear. It also included prolonged instructional courses to train the young men in the tasks for which they would be responsible.

Before European encounter, the various rites of the Hain lasted a very long time, perhaps even a year on occasion. It would end with the last fight against the "worst" spirit. Usually Hains were started when there was enough food (for example a whale was washed onto the coast), a time when all the Selk'nam from all the groups would gather at one place, in male and female camps. "Spirits" sometimes went to female encampments to scare them, as well as moving around and acting in ways that related to their characters.

The last Hain was held in one of the missions in the early 20th century, and was photographed by missionary Martin Gusinde. It was a shorter and smaller ceremony than used to be held. The photographs show the "spirit" costumes the Selk'nam created and wore. Gusinde's The Lost Tribes of Tierra Del Fuego (2015) was published in English by Thames & Hudson, and in French and Spanish by Éditions Xavier Barral.

Marriage and mourning traditions
Beyond decorating the faces of the individuals marrying, another tradition observed by Gusinde among the Selk'nam was related to marriage proposals, where a man would have a bow made and silently present it to the woman he wished to marry in front of the elders of her family.

After the death of an individual, it was the duty of their family to light a large fire and engage in singing and dancing. The individual would then be wrapped in a guanaco cape, and buried as soon as possible. There was also a tradition of specifically burying individuals in the hollows or roots of trees, and making sure the deceased could not be seen once they had been place there. There is no tradition of grave goods.

Heritage and current status
Photographs of Selk'nam people taken by the missionaries are displayed at the Martin Gusinde Anthropological Museum in Puerto Williams. There are also a few books on the subject, including Selk'nam tales, collected by the missions, and a dictionary of the Selk'nam (Ona) language. Due to early contact by missionaries, much more information was collected about the Selk'nam people than about other people of the region.

Austrian priest and ethnologist Gusinde tried also to collect information about other local people, but he found their numbers much reduced. He was able to write more about traditional Selk'nam culture because it was still being lived by the Selk'nam people into the 20th century.

Comunidad Rafaela Ishton was formed in the 1980s to fight for recognition and the rights of Selk'nam in Argentina, and in 1994 were recognised as an indigenous people by the government. The 2010 National Population Census in Argentina revealed the existence of 2,761 people who recognized themselves as Selk'nam throughout the country, 294 of them in the province of Tierra del Fuego, Antarctica and South Atlantic Islands.

In the 2017 Chilean census 1,144 people declared themselves to be Selk'nam. The descendants of the previously considered extinct Selk'nam people are in the process of cultural reappropriation and recreation and do not consider themselves or their people as extinct. The Corporación Selk'nam campaigned for an amendment to Indigenous Law 19.253, and on 27 June 2020 the Chamber of Deputies of Chile adjusted the law, recognizing the Selk'nam as one of the indigenous peoples of Chile. Then on 5 September 2023 the National Congress of Chile recognized the Selk’nam as one of the 11 original peoples of Chile, accepting them as a living community of Chile. Members of parliament issued a statement declaring their regret over the role the Chilean and Argentinean states played in the massacres of Indigenous people.

As of 2023, the ancestral remains of 14 Selk'nam individuals are kept in the collection of the Natural History Museum Vienna.

title: Selk'nam people


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On the Way Down from the Moon Palace

On the Way Down from the Moon Palace is the debut album by Lisa Germano. It was released in 1991 by her label, Major Bill Records. After she signed with Capitol in 1992, it was released in Japan by EMI, Capitol's parent company. The album was reissued by Egg Records in 1993 and Koch in 1999.

Track listing

 * 1) "On the Way Down from the Moon Palace"
 * 2) "Guessing Game or The Music Business"
 * 3) "Blue Monday"
 * 4) "Calling..."
 * 5) "Hangin' with a Deadman"
 * 6) "Screaming Angels Dancing in Your Garden"
 * 7) "Riding My Bike"
 * 8) "Simply Tony"
 * 9) "Dig My Own Grave"
 * 10) "Cry Baby"
 * 11) "Bye Bye Little Doggie"
 * 12) "The Other One"
 * 13) "Dark Irie"

Personnel

 * Lisa Germano – vocals, fiddle, violin
 * Jeff Hedback – bass guitar
 * Kenny Aronoff – drums

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: On the Way Down from the Moon Palace


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Organising Bureau of European School Student Unions

The Organising Bureau of European School Student Unions (OBESSU) is the umbrella organization of 36 national school student unions from 24 European countries. An interlocutor with the European Commission, European Parliament, Council of Europe and UNESCO, OBESSU is a full member of the Lifelong Learning Platform (LLLP) and the European Youth Forum (YFJ), and an associate member of the European Students' Union.

History
OBESSU was founded in Dublin, Ireland in April 1975 by national student unions from Sweden, Norway, Finland, Denmark, the United Kingdom and Ireland. The initial aim of the organisation was to create a pan-European school student organisation that could be a platform for cooperation between the national school student unions. By 1980 the platform had added members from Austria, Switzerland, Luxembourg and West Germany and throughout the next decade expanded its membership across Europe. In 1985 OBESSU declared its support for COSAS (the Congress of the South African Students) in their struggle against the apartheid regime.

In 1987, the first international school student meeting was organised in La Havana where representatives of the OBESSU board and many of OBESSU’s Member Organisations participated. The same year, representatives from the USSR, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and DDR joined an OBESSU conference in Strasbourg with the aim to establish a more stable contact between the national school student unions in Eastern and Western Europe. In 1995 OBESSU launched a project to support the growth of school student unions in central and Eastern Europe. Since the early nineties national organisations have been established in Slovenia, Slovakia, Macedonia, and Hungary.In 1999 OBESSU launched the UNBASCO project which focused on supporting the stabilisation of school student unions in the Baltic countries, leading to the inclusion of student unions from Estonia and Lithuania.

In April 2005, the 30th Anniversaire Celebrations of the foundation of OBESSU were celebrated in Dublin, Ireland and hosted by the Union of Secondary Students. On 7 December 2011, OBESSU was awarded the 3rd Civil Society Prize during the plenary session of the European Economic and Social Committee for the ‘Light on the Rights’ Bus Tour project.

Objectives
OBESSU works to:
 * represent the school students as stakeholders of their educational systems, and in issues concerning their lives;
 * provide the national school student unions with assistance and support and to co-operate for the development of school student representative structures;
 * encourage and enable exchange of experience and good practice among the national school students unions;
 * promote equal access to education and to strive for the end of all discrimination and injustice within the educational systems;
 * contribute to the development of democratic educational systems in Europe, that promote active citizenship in all forms;
 * promote solidarity and understanding between young people.

Structure
A General Assembly (GA) serves as the highest decision-making body. The General Assembly meets annually and have authority over the statutes, the political platform and the workplan, as well as electing the Board of OBESSU, the highest decision making body between the GA and Council of Members. The Board is elected annually with overlapping mandates. In this way not all Board members are elected in the same year. The Board consists of 5 members and is responsible for leading and representing the organisation between the General Assemblies.

Between every General Assembly there is a Council of Members (COMEM), which is the second highest decision-making body within OBESSU. The Board and the Secretary General coordinate the daily work of the organisation. OBESSU has a European secretariat based in Brussels. The Secretariat functions as the central coordination and information centre within the organisation. A substantial portion of the preparatory work is conducted at the secretariat, alongside ongoing lobbying efforts directed at European institutions.

Activities
OBESSU fights for the interests of all school students in Europe, represents its Member Organisations towards the relevant bodies and institutions, acts as a coordinating body for national and regional school student organisations, unions and structures in Europe, organises activities for its member organisations and initiates a dialogue with and between stakeholders in education

OBESSU organises approximately 10 conferences per year all dealing with education-related topics. OBESSU also works with its ESU counterparts to promote and coordinate the 17th of November as International Students' Day.

Members
The Member Organisations and Candidate Organisations of OBESSU are:


text:
List of Perkins engines

In this List of Perkins engines, family type refers to the two letter designation Perkins Engines gives each engine. This nomenclature was introduced in 1978 under Perkins' new engine numbering scheme, where the family type is encoded in each unique serial number. Engines that went out of production prior to 1978 may have been retroactively assigned a family type to expedite parts support (this is the case with the Perkins 4.107). Some engines never entered production, such as the Perkins 4.224, but were assigned a family type. In the early years, Perkins gave names to their engines, beginning with the smallest Wolf. The larger Lynx and Leopard followed (all four-cylinders), with the 1937 P6 was intended to be called the "Panther." After a lawsuit from motorcycle manufacturer Phelon & Moore, Perkins dropped the Panther (and Python and Puma for the corresponding P3 and P4 models) and stuck to abbreviations from then on.

Perkins was sold by Massey Ferguson's parent Varity Corporation in 1998, and is now a fully owned subsidiary of Caterpillar Inc.

title: List of Perkins engines


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Pinus edulis

Pinus edulis, the Colorado pinyon, two-needle piñon, pinyon pine, or simply piñon, is a pine in the pinyon pine group native to the Southwestern United States, used for its edible pine nuts.

Distribution and habitat
The range in the U.S. is in Colorado, southern Wyoming, eastern and central Utah, northern Arizona, New Mexico, western Oklahoma, southeastern California, and the Guadalupe Mountains in far western Texas, as well as northern Mexico. It occurs at moderate elevations of 1600 - 2400 m, rarely as low as 1400 m and as high as 3000 m. It is widespread and often abundant in this region, forming extensive open woodlands, usually mixed with junipers in the pinyon-juniper woodland plant community. The Colorado pinyon (piñon) grows as the dominant species on 4.8 million acres (19,000 km2) in Colorado, making up 22% of the state's forests. The Colorado pinyon has cultural meaning to agriculture, as strong piñon wood "plow heads" were used to break soil for crop planting at the state's earliest known agricultural settlements.

There is one known example of a Colorado pinyon growing amongst Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmannii) and limber pine (Pinus flexilis) at nearly 3170 m on Kendrick Peak in the Kaibab National Forest of northern Arizona.

Description
The piñon pine (Pinus edulis) is a small to medium size tree, reaching 10 - 20 ft tall and with a trunk diameter of up to 80 cm, rarely more. Its growth is "at an almost inconceivably slow rate" growing only six feet (1.8 meters) in one hundred years under good conditions. for an average growth of 0.72 inch (18 millimeters)per year. The bark is irregularly furrowed and scaly. The leaves ('needles') are in pairs, moderately stout, 3 - 5.5 cm long, and green, with stomata on both inner and outer surfaces but distinctly more on the inner surface forming a whitish band.

The cones are globose, 3 - 5 cm long and broad when closed, green at first, ripening yellow-buff when 18–20 months old, with only a small number of thick scales, with typically 5–10 fertile scales. The cones open to 4 - 6 cm broad when mature, holding the seeds on the scales after opening. The seeds are 10 - 14 mm long, with a thin shell, a white endosperm, and a vestigial 1 - 2 mm wing.

The species intermixes with Pinus monophylla sbsp. fallax (see description under Pinus monophylla) for several hundred kilometers along the Mogollon Rim of central Arizona and the Grand Canyon resulting in trees with both single- and two-needled fascicles on each branch. The frequency of two-needled fascicles increases following wet years and decreases following dry years. The internal anatomy of both these needle types are identical except for the number of needles in each fascicle suggesting that Little's 1968 designation of this tree as a variety of Pinus edulis is more likely than its subsequent designation as a subspecies of Pinus monophylla based entirely upon its single needle fascicle.

It is an aromatic species. Essential oil can be extracted from the trunk, limbs, needles, and seed cones. Prominent aromatic compounds from each portion of the tree include α-pinene, sabinene, β-pinene, δ-3-carene, β-phellandrene, ethyl octanoate, longifolene, and germacrene D.

Ecology
The seeds are dispersed by the pinyon jay, which plucks them out of the open cones. The jay, which uses the seeds as a food resource, stores many of the seeds for later use, and some of these stored seeds are not used and are able to grow into new trees. The seeds are also eaten by wild turkey, Montezuma quail, and various mammals.

History
Colorado pinyon was described by George Engelmann in 1848 from collections made near Santa Fe, New Mexico on Alexander William Doniphan's expedition to northern Mexico in 1846.

It is most closely related to the single-leaf pinyon, which hybridises with it occasionally where their ranges meet in western Arizona and Utah. It is also closely related to the Texas pinyon, but is separated from it by a gap of about 100 km so does not hybridise with it.

An isolated population of trees in the New York Mountains of southeast California, previously thought to be Colorado pinyons, have recently been shown to be a two-needled variant of single-leaf pinyon from chemical and genetic evidence. Occasional two-needled pinyons in northern Baja California, Mexico have sometimes been referred to Colorado pinyon in the past, but are now known to be hybrids between single-leaf pinyon and Parry pinyon.

Uses
The edible seeds, pine nuts, are extensively collected throughout its range; in many areas, the seed harvest rights are owned by Native American tribes, for whom the species is of immense cultural and economic importance. They can be stored for a year when unshelled.

Archaeologist Harold S. Gladwin described pit-houses constructed by southwestern Native Americans c. 400–900 CE; these were fortified with posts made from Pinyon trunks and coated with mud.

Colorado pinyon is also occasionally planted as an ornamental tree and sometimes used as a Christmas tree.

The piñon pine (Pinus edulis) is the state tree of New Mexico.

title: Pinus edulis


text: User talk:69.138.171.246

title: User talk:69.138.171.246


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Weenen massacre

The Weenen massacre (Bloukransmoorde) was the massacre of Khoikhoi, Basuto and Voortrekkers by the Zulu Kingdom on 17 February 1838. The massacres occurred at Doringkop, Bloukrans River, Moordspruit, Rensburgspruit and other sites around the present day town of Weenen in South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal province.

Massacre
After killing Piet Retief and about 100 people of his delegation, the Zulu King Dingane sent his impis to kill the remaining voortrekkers who were camped at Doringkop, Bloukrans (Blaauwekrans), Moordspruit, Rensburgspruit and other sites along the Bushman River (Mtshezi), in the present province of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, near the town of Weenen.

"Not a soul was spared. Old men, women and babies were murdered in the most brutal manner."

Death toll
Among the Voortrekkers, 41 men, 56 women and 185 children were killed. In addition another 250 or 252 Khoikhoi and Basuto that accompanied the Voortrekkers were killed, bringing the casualties to 532–534.

The murdered included George Biggar, the son of Alexander Biggar, a trader at Port Natal. Biggar and his second son, Robert, subsequently participated and died in retaliatory attacks on the Zulus. Most people camped at the Klein- and Groot-Moordspruit were murdered. Here a Boer woman, Johanna van der Merwe, sustained 21 assegai wounds but survived. The camps at Rensburgspruit, where Hans van Rensburg and Andries Pretorius were camped, successfully defended themselves.

Hans van Rensburg's party were compelled to leave their wagons and retreat on foot to a hill, Rensburgkoppie, which was protected by a cliff on one side. Here they were cornered by the Zulus, whom they kept at bay with limited ammunition. When their ammunition was almost exhausted a young man, Marthinus Oosthuizen, arrived on horseback. By shouting instructions they informed him where to locate and salvage ammunition from their camp. This Oosthuizen was able to deliver by charging with his horse through the Zulu file, while covered by the defenders of the hill. With the defense strengthened, the Zulus retreated.

Two months afterwards, on 15 April 1838, Andries Pretorius reflected in his journal: "As we were separated from one another, they succeeded in their attack at daybreak at Blaauwekrans, thereby killing 33 men, 75 women and 123 children." This implies a total of 231 deaths at the Blaauwekrans camps. The name Blaauwekrans (Msuluzi) refers to bluish cliff faces present in the area.

Aftermath
The Piet Retief Delegation massacre and the Weenen massacre were the motivation for the Voortrekkers to confront the Zulus in battle on 16 December 1838 when 470 Voortrekkers fought against an estimated 15,000 to 21,000 Zulus; which the Voortrekkers won. The battle is known as the Battle of Blood River.

The town of Weenen (Dutch for "crying" or "weeping") was established two months after the massacre.

title: Weenen massacre


text:
Talk:Spectrum (topology)

Untitled
With regard to the introduction of spectra and Boardman: according to J. P. May, Stable Algebraic Topology, 1945-1966 (available here in a variety of formats), spectra were first introduced in 1959 by E. I. Lima, a student of G. W. Whitehead (page 20). May credits Boardman with "[T]he first satisfactory construction of the stable homotopy category" in his (I believe) still unpublished paper of 1964 (page 48). Reference: Lima, The Spanier-Whitehead duality in new homotopy categories. Summa Brasil Math. 4 (1959), 91-148.

Alodyne 00:10, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)

It would certainly be a help to have a page on S-duality. I tend to know these things from the Frank Adams perspective.

Charles Matthews 05:58, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)

I am about to indulge in a bit of philosophical rambling. Some of this will eventually make it onto the article page, when I get it coherent in my mind. Please comment as you like.

"Making the suspension invertible" is indeed a very common motivation in texts and courses for the introduction of the objects we call spectra. But to me, this is less convincing than representability of all cohomology functors (see Brown representability theorem). The entire topic is difficult to treat. As I imply in my earlier comment, there are many different constructions of various categories, all of which purport to be "the category of spectra" or "the stable homotopy category." Adams' construction is described in the article, and I think that this is still the model that most homotopy theorists have in mind. But Boardman's model has better formal properties. The really cutting edge categories are better still (there are two that I'm aware of: E-infinity ring spectra and S-modules) because they are model categories with good properties before passage to homotopy, most notably a smash product that commutes on the nose. But do we really want to talk about any of this in the article? My worry is really that it is misleading to define a spectrum as is done in the article, from the modern viewpoint; but I can't see that any alternative is really any better.

On another note, I think the comparison to derived categories might be delivered with less apology. There is quite a bit of current research happening along those lines. For example, there are various sets of axioms one might use to define a stable homotopy category, e.g., triangulated, closed symmetric monoidal, a set of categorically small generators, etc. With suitable choices the derived category satisfies these. See the monograph of Hovey, Palmieri, and Strickland, Axiomatic Stable Homotopy Theory. Moreover the model categories approach applies here as well. Consider the category of bounded chain complexes of modules. The cofibrant objects in the usual model structure are the perfect complexes, the ones with each term projective (I think?). So projective resolution is cofibrant replacement, and this is actually well-defined up to unique isomorphism (I think?) in the derived category.

Any thoughts?

Dave Rosoff 04:10, July 23, 2005 (UTC)

 * What is clear to me that is there is not a single category of spectra, but any reasonable category of spectra should at least yield the same stable homotopy category. I recommend covering not only the classical definition of spectrum here, but also subsequent definitions. These could be compared with each other and to the original definition, making for a useful and educational article. Spectra nowadays don't even have to be topological in nature: spectra of simplicial sets have been defined, and there is an extensive theory that also gives a model for stable homotopy theory. On the other hand, more advanced constructions such as symmetric spectra would probably require their own article for an adequate explanation (by saying this I am not volunteering to write one ;-)). - Gauge 05:42, 16 December 2005 (UTC)

Mostly that I put this up from the Switzer book on algebraic topology; and I'm aware that it lacks technical detail. Some more of that would be very good. On the general aspect: what WP likes is accurate history (which I think in this case is what Boardman did?), plus reliable current references, plus definitions at the point that we can have them. What does that exclude, then? Well, we are not really supposed to go for the optimal, ideal treatment where that exceeds the textbooks. Charles Matthews 16:27, 27 July 2005 (UTC)

What is $$Z$$?
What is $$Z$$? —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 217.189.225.6 (talk • contribs).
 * Z_%28disambiguation%29 - all integers. Not sure if this is obscure enough to clarify in the article. (John User:Jwy talk) 18:46, 17 June 2007 (UTC)

Rewrite...
Hi,

I'm trying to rewrite this somewhat sprawling text into something more cohesive. Also, the plan is to talk about coordinate-free genuine spectra as being different from (pre)spectra and emphasise the difference. There's a draft at User:Rswarbrick/Scratchpad, which I intend to work on over the next few days before merging. If anyone thinks this is a terrible idea, now would be a good time to tell me! Of course, if anyone wants to jump in, feel free to edit the draft: I'd love help! Rswarbrick (talk) 15:05, 17 November 2010 (UTC)

Expert attention needed
Sorry, but some fairly recent and well-intentioned editing has introduced real problems. The page may appear more readable, but the errors involved are substantial enough to make it misleading. One or two of them involve convention as well as correctness, so it's important to have an expert writer better than me. For details, please see history of this talk page.

Ambrose H. Field (talk) 21:34, 23 October 2011 (UTC)

Suspension shift and spectra indexed by natural numbers
There is a flaw in the article: a spectrum $$X$$ is indexed by natural numbers, so is has spaces $$X_0$$, $$X_1$$, etc. The suspension of $$X$$ is now the spectrum $$\Sigma X$$ with 0-th space $$X_1$$, and $$X_0$$ is simply thrown away. This will not yield an invertible functor.

One way out is to allow spectra to be indexed over the integers, but bounded below: there exists some natural number $$N$$ such that $$X_{n} = \emptyset$$ for all $$n \leq -N$$.

This problem should be at least pointed out in the article. Konrad (talk) 14:42, 14 May 2012 (UTC)

Assessment comment
Substituted at 21:58, 26 June 2016 (UTC)

"Smash products of spectra" section
The section Smash products of spectra does not bother to explain what a "smash product of spectra" means.

This is exactly what an encyclopedia article should not be. If the article is going to mention a new concept, it should at minimum say what that concept means.

Otherwise, readers are left with the name of a new concept, but no concept for it. If you want to write for Wikipedia, please take the trouble to say what you are talking about. Otherwise you do more harm than good.50.205.142.50 (talk) 13:26, 12 May 2020 (UTC)

 * I agree this sections needs work (but I disagree, that harm is done to a reader by this. Nothing is factually wrong there, but it needs context and elaboration). Since you seem to care about the topic, please be bold and contribute to this article! Jakob.scholbach (talk) 15:00, 12 May 2020 (UTC)

Killing and truncation
There should be a section discussing killing elements in spectra and truncating the ring spectrum. In particular, the examples on page 78 of http://www.math.uni-bonn.de/~schwede/SymSpec.pdf should be included and be used as guiding light. Converting the relevant material into a referenced article would be useful as well.

title: Talk:Spectrum (topology)


text:
Gongoozler

A gongoozler is a person who enjoys watching activity on the canals of the United Kingdom. The term is also used more generally to describe those who harbour an interest in canals and canal life, but do not actively participate.

Etymology
Gongoozler may have been canal workers' slang for an observer standing apparently idle on the towpath. Though it was used derisively in the past, today the term is regularly used, perhaps with a little irony, by gongoozlers to describe themselves and their hobby.

The word may have arisen from words in Lincolnshire dialect: gawn and gooze, both meaning to stare or gape. It might be presumed that such an expression would date from the nineteenth century, when canals were at their peak, but the word is only recorded from the end of that century or the early twentieth. It was given wider use by the late L. T. C. Rolt, who used it in his book about canal life, Narrow Boat, in 1944. A gawn is also a small ship of lading, such as a working-narrowboat.

The term gongoozler may also be used in any circumstance in which people are spectating without contributing to either the content or interest of an event.

Aspects of gongoozling
Gongoozling, much like trainspotting, is a hobby that can extend to all aspects of canals.

Canal artwork
The collection or creation of canal-related artwork is a common pastime amongst gongoozlers. This includes paintings, postcards and photographs.

Canal locks
Canal locks often attract spectators, including gongoozlers, because the operation of manual canal locks is a complex affair, with a number of opportunities for mistakes to be made. Some observers have been known to heckle or harass the boat crews, whilst others carry a lock windlass and actively wish to help boat crews with their passage, by opening the paddles, or helping push open the heavy balance beams on the gates.

Canal history and technology
Whilst trainspotting is commonly associated with identifying engine makes, it is rare for Gongoozlers to do likewise. However an interest can occur for the history of a section of canal, or the operation of locks and alternative devices such as inclined planes, water slopes, and boat lifts with types like the Anderton boat lift, the Falkirk Wheel and the Strépy-Thieu boat lift.

Notable locations
The eight locks of Fonserannes on the Canal du Midi in Southern France attract so many gongoozlers that they have become the third most popular tourist attraction in Languedoc.

In the UK, Foxton Locks (pictured above) in Leicestershire and the Caen Hill flight on the edge of Devizes, Wiltshire are popular locations for gongoozlers to gather.

title: Gongoozler


text:
File:A.J. Croce - Transit.jpg

Cover for album Transit by A. J. Croce.

Fair use rationale for

 * It is believed that the use of this image on the English-language Wikipedia to illustrate an article on the audio recording in question falls under the "Non-profit educational" clause of the Fair Use doctrine currently upheld by United States law. (17 U.S.C. § 107)
 * The image is irreplaceable; a free analogue is impossible to produce as the original will be covered by copyright for the foreseeable future
 * Owing to the limited web-resolution of the image, only a small portion of a copyrighted work is used
 * For the same reasons, the portion of the copyrighted work used is of inherently lower quality than the original, reducing the risk of competitiveness and therefore the effects of this copy on the market for or value of versions held by the owner of the copyright

title: File:A.J. Croce - Transit.jpg


text:
Talk:Mortal Kombat 4

Year of release
can somebody add the year mk4 was created, as well as other mk's ; mk1, mk2,mk3,mkt in their respective articles.

This page desperately needs some screenshots. Buzda 09:32, 21 October 2005 (UTC)

Reiko Link
Shouldn't the link to Reiko lead to his character page?

Removal of "Character Bios and Endings:" section
I removed this section because it was redundent—all the character bio information can be found on the individual character articles, and it isn't necessary to include the endings for every character. In addition to this, the section looked very clumsy and messy. Jeff Silvers 07:21, 25 February 2006 (UTC)

 * First of all, it wasn't clumsy and messy, the character bios were meant to serve as giving that character's storyline for the game. Also the character's pages don't tell you all that exactly what words were described, I guess felt it would be good to put them there. How would you do it, if you were the ones putting your time and effort into doing those sections?PNF 16:06, 26 February 2006 (UTC)Proud Nintendo Fan
 * Actually, I just wouldn't create the section. There's no need to fully transcribe every bio and ending from the game; it's unencyclopedic. Jeff Silvers 00:08, 11 March 2006 (UTC)

random things
Quan Chi was not the subboss in the arcade version. Before Goro being added to the home version there was no subboss at all.

Quan Chi, Fujin and Shinnok did not make their first appearances in a game in MKM. MK4 came out before MKM.

What is this about Kano? Jarek has Kano's moves but I have never heard anything about Kano being in MK4 at any time or having his "skin texture" turned into Jarek.

The bit about MK4 being released as a public alpha test is misleading. Revision 1, the first real nation wide release, had 12 of the 15 playable characters. The only public version to be missing about half the characters was the early stops on the road tour(9 characters) but that was only ever intended to be a preview. Also calling Noob an "obvious place holder" is inaccurate. He was changed into Reiko but was not a place holder. He was intended to be in the game until they made the switch. He had a selection screen picture, the annoucer called his name and he was playable on the road tour. Up until the development of revision 2 he was always planned to be in the game.

MK4 is sucks

STFU!! And where the f*ck did you get all this info?? Mkrox (talk) 06:10, 10 December 2007 (UTC)

Speedy Deletion?
For the image of the character select screen, when the format of EVERY article on a MK arcade game has such a shot?

The rationales are given alongside the photo. I'm deleting this advisory, and if someone has the nerve to vandalize this page by removing that image, I'll be adding it back. Try reading before saying that something has no rationale, and more importantly FOLLOW THE PROCEDURE if you're going to nominate something for deletion. Your formatting and links to any discussion for speedy deletion are bordering on reportable abuse of the system.

24.128.63.214 19:26, 30 July 2007 (UTC)
 * I don't see a fair use rationale listed on that image, but maybe you are referring to something different.  Leebo  T / C  19:43, 30 July 2007 (UTC)
 * Sigh...one would think that in 21 or so years on the planet, one would have learned to read for content. Here's some quotes, so maybe you'll read them this time.  The photo is allowed by wikipedia's rules because it is:

"a limited number of web-resolution screenshots

for identification and critical commentary on the computer or video game in question [and] the copyrighted character(s) or item(s) depicted on the screenshot in question"

End of story. And yes, I copy-pasted that right from the image page. If I could find it, why can't you? Blinded eyes? 24.128.63.214 19:57, 30 July 2007 (UTC)
 * That's a boilerplate license template, not a fair use rationale. Read the bottom where it indicates a more detailed rationale is required. Please stop accusing me of not reading, your comments are uncivil.  Leebo  T / C  20:00, 30 July 2007 (UTC)
 * Civility is overrated, and in my experience on WP, it's a final refuge of those who have otherwise lost an argument.
 * So, what you're saying is that in addition to having a template, which exists solely for automating the process of providing information as to why something is valid under a (fairly standard) free-use license standard, one must manually retype what is in the template in order for it to be valid? 24.128.63.214 20:09, 30 July 2007 (UTC)
 * The Non-free media rationale template is designed to provide a more complete rationale. The boilerplate template is simply to establish what the license is. Besides, the template you informed me I was not reading indicates in bold text to the uploader that a more detailed rationale is required. It can be manually typed, or done with another template, but it's clear that the one on there isn't satisfactory alone.  Leebo  T / C  20:12, 30 July 2007 (UTC)
 * Sorry for the delayed response. I was just confirming my previous suspicions.  Indeed, while the  template does request a more thorough rationale be given, that addendum to the template was made after the image's posting on WP, a fact you have clearly overlooked.  Indeed, the template seems to have served in its role for more time without that addendum than with it.

 * Regardless, I have added the requested rationale, and am deleting the deletion tags. If indeed your project's goal is to make Wikipedia a better place, you'd do a better job by taking the bigger picture into account, looking at cases in question and discerning which is a careless violation of current policy, as opposed to images like this which obviously grandfather that policy.  Perhaps a better approach would be to do what I did for this older image, and provide a (self-evident) rationale.  It took me all of a minute to satisfy the request.  Of course, this is more time than it takes to automatically flag images en masse for deletion, and this will probably result in a less boast-worthy number in the future (if one wishes an adminship, for example), but it will result in a better WP, and not one barren of useful images.  A better WP should be your goal. 24.128.63.214 20:56, 30 July 2007 (UTC)

The Date of the N64 version of Mortal Kombat 4 is wrong!
The date is wrong! Mortal Kombat 4 on the N64 didn't came out in 2000 it actually came out on June 23,1998 in the US and on Europe on September 15,1998.Shadowsega75 (talk) 14:34, 25 April 2008 (UTC)Shadowsega75

Yea you're right Brodonka (talk) 14:55, 28 April 2016 (UTC)

External links modified
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Orphaned references in Mortal Kombat 4
I check pages listed in Category:Pages with incorrect ref formatting to try to fix reference errors. One of the things I do is look for content for orphaned references in wikilinked articles. I have found content for some of Mortal Kombat 4's orphans, the problem is that I found more than one version. I can't determine which (if any) is correct for this article, so I am asking for a sentient editor to look it over and copy the correct ref content into this article.

Reference named "NG": From Street Fighter EX:  From Sega Saturn:  From Injustice: Gods Among Us:

I apologize if any of the above are effectively identical; I am just a simple computer program, so I can't determine whether minor differences are significant or not. AnomieBOT ⚡ 00:46, 30 March 2019 (UTC)

title: Talk:Mortal Kombat 4