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Talk:18 (Moby album)

Extreme Ways
It is my opinion that Extreme Ways deserves its own article. It has been used in a number of other things. There probably is more information out there about the song that would make the article better. Orin Lincoln |  Talk Contributions 23:19, 25 February 2007 (UTC)

Not the least of which is that it was used in the ending credits of the movies: The Bourne Identity, The Bourne Supremacy, and a remix of the song was used in The Bourne Ultimatum. 68.178.82.136 (talk) 23:12, 2 March 2008 (UTC)

Fair use rationale for Image:Moby18album.jpg
Image:Moby18album.jpg is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

Please go to the image description page and edit it to include a fair use rationale. Using one of the templates at Fair use rationale guideline is an easy way to insure that your image is in compliance with Wikipedia policy, but remember that you must complete the template. Do not simply insert a blank template on an image page.

If there is other other fair use media, consider checking that you have specified the fair use rationale on the other images used on this page. Note that any fair use images uploaded after 4 May, 2006, and lacking such an explanation will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. If you have any questions please ask them at the Media copyright questions page. Thank you.BetacommandBot 00:08, 6 June 2007 (UTC)

Fair use rationale for Image:In This World - Moby.jpg
Image:In This World - Moby.jpg is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

Please go to the image description page and edit it to include a fair use rationale. Using one of the templates at Fair use rationale guideline is an easy way to insure that your image is in compliance with Wikipedia policy, but remember that you must complete the template. Do not simply insert a blank template on an image page.

If there is other fair use media, consider checking that you have specified the fair use rationale on the other images used on this page. Note that any fair use images uploaded after 4 May, 2006, and lacking such an explanation will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. If you have any questions please ask them at the Media copyright questions page. Thank you.

BetacommandBot 02:11, 7 November 2007 (UTC)

Album cover - photo location
I would be interested to learn the location of the photos on the album cover and insert. - Fayenatic (talk) 17:07, 7 December 2008 (UTC)

A report of slight bias in this article
"It sees Moby following a similar direction to that of his previous album Play, sampling old field recordings of negro spirituals and combining them with mellow dance beats. However, 18 features a generally sadder tone than that of Play. The album also sees Moby beginning to branch off into alternative rock ("We Are All Made of Stars", "Great Escape", "Extreme Ways", "Harbour")."

This isn't neutral talking. It doesn't even cite any sources. Whether or not an album is "the artist following a similar direction as before" or "is generally sadder in tone" is ultimately a subjective thing, so if anything this paragraph should be in its own section of "reception of the album" and will HAVE to cite credible sources of critics who think this way about the album. But for now, I think I'll remove this part from the article. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 72.135.110.17 (talk • contribs) 21:47, 1 May 2010

Remove for Bourne movies' usage of Exteme Ways?
The Wikipedia article for Extreme Ways seems to have enough sources for this claim.

Can we remove the CN from this claim in the intro of this article? X883 (talk) 05:08, 21 August 2016 (UTC)

title: Talk:18 (Moby album)


text:
Thermate

Thermate is a variation of thermite and is an incendiary pyrotechnic composition that can generate short bursts of very high temperatures focused on a small area for a short period of time. It is used primarily in incendiary grenades.

The main chemical reaction in thermate is the same as in thermite: an aluminothermic reaction between powdered aluminium and a metal oxide. Thermate can also utilize magnesium or other similar elements in place of aluminium. In addition to thermite, thermate sometimes contains sulfur and sometimes barium nitrate, both of which increase its thermal effect, create flame in burning, and significantly reduce the ignition temperature. Various mixtures of these compounds can be called thermate, but to avoid confusion with thermate-TH3, one can refer to them as thermite variants or analogs. The composition by weight of Thermate-TH3 (in military use) is 68.7% thermite, 29.0% barium nitrate, 2.0% sulfur and 0.3% binder (such as polybutadiene acrylonitrile (PBAN)). As both thermite and thermate are notoriously difficult to ignite, initiating the reaction normally requires supervision and sometimes persistent effort.

Because thermate burns at higher temperatures than ordinary thermite, it has military applications in cutting through tank armor or other hardened military vehicles or bunkers. As with thermite, thermate's ability to burn without an external supply of oxygen renders it useful for underwater incendiary devices.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Thermate


text:
Talk:I Like to Score

Fair use rationale for Image:Moby I Like To Score.jpg
Image:Moby I Like To Score.jpg is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

Please go to the image description page and edit it to include a fair use rationale. Using one of the templates at Fair use rationale guideline is an easy way to insure that your image is in compliance with Wikipedia policy, but remember that you must complete the template. Do not simply insert a blank template on an image page.

If there is other other fair use media, consider checking that you have specified the fair use rationale on the other images used on this page. Note that any fair use images uploaded after 4 May, 2006, and lacking such an explanation will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. If you have any questions please ask them at the Media copyright questions page. Thank you.BetacommandBot 00:08, 6 June 2007 (UTC)

Fair use rationale for Image:Moby I Like To Score.jpg
Image:Moby I Like To Score.jpg is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

Please go to the image description page and edit it to include a fair use rationale. Using one of the templates at Fair use rationale guideline is an easy way to insure that your image is in compliance with Wikipedia policy, but remember that you must complete the template. Do not simply insert a blank template on an image page.

If there is other fair use media, consider checking that you have specified the fair use rationale on the other images used on this page. Note that any fair use images uploaded after 4 May, 2006, and lacking such an explanation will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. If you have any questions please ask them at the Media copyright questions page. Thank you.

BetacommandBot 05:14, 1 July 2007 (UTC)

title: Talk:I Like to Score


text:
Cueca

Cueca is a family of musical styles and associated dances from Chile, Argentina, and Bolivia. In Chile, the cueca holds the status of national dance, where it was officially declared as such by the Pinochet dictatorship on September 18, 1979.

Origins

While cueca's origins are not clearly defined, it is considered to have mostly European Spanish and arguably indigenous influences. The most widespread version of its origins relates it with the zamacueca which arose in Peru as a variation of Spanish Fandango dancing with criollo. The dance is then thought to have passed to Chile and Bolivia, where its name was shortened and where it continued to evolve. Due to the dance's popularity in the region, the Peruvian evolution of the zamacueca was nicknamed "la chilena", "the Chilean", due to similarities between the dances. Later, after the Pacific War, the term marinera, in honor of Peru's naval combatants and because of hostile attitude towards Chile, was used in place of "la chilena." In March 1879 the writer and musician Abelardo Gamarra renamed the “chilena” as the “marinera”. The Marinera, Zamba and the Cueca styles are distinct from each other and from their root dance, the zamacueca.

Another theory is that Cueca originated in the early nineteenth century bordellos of South America, as a pas de deux facilitating partner finding.

The usual interpretation of this courting dance is zoomorphic: it tries to reenact the courting ritual of a rooster and a hen. The male displays a quite enthusiastic and at times even aggressive attitude while attempting to court the female, who is elusive, defensive and demure. The dance often finishes with the man kneeling on one knee, with the woman placing her foot triumphantly on his raised knee.

In Bolivia, there are many variations throughout the different regions. Cueca styles of La Paz, Potosí and Sucre are the elegant and static versions, whereas in Cochabamba and Tarija the style is much livelier and free. The same could be said with the music where in different regions rhythm and speed slightly differ amongst the regions. While dancing, handkerchiefs are used by both male and female dancers by twirling over the head. It is said the twirling of the handkerchief is a way to lure the woman.

History in Chile
In Chile, the cueca developed and spread in bars and taverns, which were popular centers of entertainment and parties in the nineteenth century. During Fred Warpole's stay in Chile between 1844 and 1848, he described some characteristics of the dance: guitar or harp accompaniment, hand drumming or tambourine for rhythm, high-pitched singing, and a unique strumming pattern where the guitarist strums all the strings, punctuated by a slap on the guitar body.

The Chilean cueca is not just Zamacueca; it is a blend of different dances of the time, with Zamacueca being just one influential aspect. The Chilean cueca is highly structured in terms of dance, lyrics, and music, akin to early European dances from colonial times. While the genre does incorporate some Afro-oriented aspects like Zamacueca, cueca represents a fusion of various genres. To understand its evolution, one should observe the different Spanish, European, and popular dances of the era. The Arab-Andalusian influence is considered the most significant contribution to cueca in all aspects—dancing, singing, and tempo—and is regarded as its primary root.

During the second half of the nineteenth century, cueca spread to various Latin American countries, where the dance became known simply as the "chilena" (Chilean). In Argentina, cueca first appeared in Cuyo, in the central west of the country near the Chilean border, documented as early as around 1840. Unlike the northeast and central west, in Buenos Aires the dance was known as "cueca" rather than "chilena," with documented presence from the 1850s onward. Similarly, in Bolivia, like much of Argentina, the dance was referred to as "chilena." Chilean sailors and adventurers carried cueca to the Mexican coast, specifically in Guerrero and Oaxaca, where the dance was also called "chilena." In Peru, the dance became immensely popular during the 1860s and 1870s and was also known as the "chilena."

Twentieth century
During the twentieth century, cueca became associated with the common man in Chile, and through them, the dance spread to pre-industrialized urban areas such as La Vega, Estación, and Matadero, which were on the outskirts of Santiago at the time. In the 1970s, cueca and Mexican music enjoyed similar levels of popularity in the Chilean countryside. Due to being distinctly Chilean, cueca was chosen by Pinochet's military dictatorship to be promoted.

Cueca was officially declared the national dance of Chile due to its significant presence throughout the country's history, announced via a public decree in the Official Journal (Diario Oficial) on November 6, 1979. Emilio Ignacio Santana, a cueca specialist, argues that the dictatorship's appropriation and promotion of cueca had negative effects on the genre. According to Santana, the dictatorship's endorsement resulted in the wealthy landlord (huaso) becoming the icon associated with cueca, rather than the rural laborer.

Cueca sola
is a solo variant of the cueca created in 1978 by Violeta Zúñiga and other members of the Association of Families of the Detained-Disappeared (AFDD) as a non-violent protest against the Pinochet dictatorship. In this form of cueca, a woman (arpillerista) dances alone while holding a photograph of her disappeared loved one.

During the television campaign advertising the "No" option in the 1988 Chilean national plebiscite, a group of women (played by real-life relatives of the disappeared) performed the cueca sola. This powerful display of resistance was later re-enacted by surviving members of the group for the 2012 Academy Award-nominated film No, directed by Pablo Larraín.

The symbolic gesture of cueca sola inspired the 1987 song "They Dance Alone (Cueca Solo)" by Sting.

Clothing and dance
The clothing worn during the cueca dance is traditional Chilean attire. Men typically wear a huaso's hat, shirts, a flannel poncho, riding pants, short jacket, riding boots, and spurs. Women wear flowered dresses.

The cueca dance itself symbolizes a rooster-chicken relationship. The man initiates the dance by approaching the woman and offering his arm. The woman then accompanies him, and together they walk around the room. They eventually face each other, each holding a handkerchief in the air, and begin dancing. Although they do not touch physically, they maintain contact through facial expressions and movements that convey flirtation and courtship.

Throughout the dance, it is customary for the pair to wave a white handkerchief, which is an essential element of the cueca.

Basic structure

The basic structure of the cueca is that it is a compound meter in or  and is divided into three sections.

Some differences can be noticed depending on geographical location. There are three distinct variants in addition to the traditional cueca:

 * The northern cueca: The main difference with this version is that there is no singing in the accompanying music which is played with only sicus, zamponas, and brass. trumpets, tubas. Also, both the music and the dance are slower. This dance is done during religious ceremonies and carnival.
 * The cueca from the central region: This genre is mostly seen in Chile. The guitar, accordion, guitarron, and percussion are the prevailing instruments.
 * The Chiloé cueca: This form has the absence of the cuarteta. The seguidilla are repeated and there is a greater emphasis on the way the lyrics are presented by the vocalist.

Contemporary cueca
Currently, the cueca remains a vibrant tradition primarily celebrated in Chilean countryside regions, especially during the national holidays on September 18th. Cueca tournaments are popular events held around this time of year, showcasing regional variations and styles.

In Bolivia, cueca styles vary significantly by region: cueca paceña, cueca cochabambina, cueca chuquisaqueña, cueca tarijeña, cueca potosina, and cueca chaqueña. While they share a common rhythm, each style differs in speed, costumes, and mannerisms. Cueca styles in La Paz, Potosí, and Sucre are known for their elegance, whereas in Cochabamba and Tarija, the dance is characterized by liveliness. In Bolivia, it is often referred to as "cuequita boliviana."

In Argentina, cueca is danced in various ways across different provinces, predominantly in the northern and western regions such as Mendoza, Chaco, Salta, Jujuy, Catamarca, and La Rioja. Each Argentine province has its distinct style and approach to dancing cueca.

Cueca in Tarija, Bolivia
Tarija, Bolivia, boasts a few traditional songs accompanied by dances, one of which is the cueca tarijeña. Despite sharing its name with dances from other departments, such as the cueca paceña representing La Paz, each department's dance varies significantly. The cueca tarijeña is known for its upbeat, fun, and playful nature compared to others that are more tranquil. Additionally, Tarija was the first place to incorporate a violin into the song, adding flair and excitement. Since its origin, the cueca has been a source of happiness for dancers due to its lively music and the requirement for partners to engage enthusiastically with each other.

The cueca is danced with a handkerchief, symbolizing affection for others. Participants start with the handkerchief in their right hand, twirling it near their shoulder and then waving it by the left side of their waist on certain beats. Throughout the dance, the man seeks to impress his partner with his dancing skills. The dance reflects Bolivia's male-dominated gender roles; while men perform intricate movements and spin, women mostly sway their hips. It is designed for women to showcase their beauty and for men to display their talent. The women follow the male lead, who decides whether to flirt by placing the handkerchief near her neck and shoulders, hold it behind her neck with both hands, or simply wave it near his shoulder and waist if he chooses not to flirt. This determines whether they will continue dancing together in the next part of the song or find other partners.

title: Cueca


text:
Category:Bridges in Shropshire

This category lists articles relating to bridges in the English county of Shropshire, including bridges across the county boundary.

title: Category:Bridges in Shropshire


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Bernard Courtois

Bernard Courtois, also spelled Barnard Courtois, (8 February 1777 – 27 September 1838) was a French chemist credited with first isolating iodine, making early photography possible.

By 1811 the Napoleonic Wars had made the government-controlled saltpeter business taper off since there was by then a shortage of wood ashes with which potassium nitrate was made. As an alternative, the needed potassium nitrate was derived from seaweed that was abundant on the Normandy and Brittany shores. The seaweed also had another, yet undiscovered, important chemical. One day towards the end of 1811 while Courtois was isolating sodium and potassium compounds from seaweed ash, he discovered iodine after he added sulfuric acid to the seaweed ash. He was investigating corrosion of his copper vessels when he noticed a vapor given off. It was in the form of an unusual purple vapor. Humphry Davy later records This substance was accidentally discovered about two years ago by M. Courtois, a manufacturer of saltpetre at Paris. In his processes for procuring soda from the ashes of sea weeds, (cendres de vareck) he found the metallic vessels much corroded; and in searching for the cause of this effect, he made the discovery. The substance is procured from the ashes, after the extraction of the carbonate of soda, with great facility, and merely by the action of sulfuric acid:— when the acid is concentrated, so as to produce much heat, the substance appears as a vapour of a beautiful violet colour, which condenses in crystals having the colour and the lustre of plumbago.

Later life
Courtois was acknowledged by Humphry Davy and Joseph Louis Gay-Lussac as the true discoverer of iodine. In 1822, he began manufacturing high-quality iodine and its salts. In 1831, he was awarded 6,000 francs as part of the Montyon Prize by L'Academie royale des sciences, for the medicinal value of the element. He struggled financially for the rest of his life and died 27 September 1838. He was 61 years old and had no assets to leave to his widow or son. In the year of his death, under the heading Obituary, the Journal de chimie médicale drily noted his passing with: "Bernard Courtois, the discoverer of iodine, died at Paris the 27th of September, 1838, leaving his widow without fortune. If, on making this discovery, Courtois had taken out a certificate of invention, he would have realized a large estate."

title: Bernard Courtois


text:
Talk:Neuroeconomics

ramifications link
I noticed that link [1] in the ramifications section does not work? Anyone know where it should lead?

pseudoscience
Taking a pseudoscience and turning it into a pseudopseudoscience? Wonderful!

 * Pseudocomment?

I don't see what is pseudoscientific about applying to economics the observations possible with the instrumentation that neuroscience provides. Traditional economics makes assumptions about the way people behave in markets. Neuroeconomics helps us to validate or falsify those assumptions. With such knowledge there is likely to be wider impact on our understanding of human behaviour in an economic context. Surely a worthwhile endeavour. Matt Stan 10:14, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Another reference
Here's another reference to add, if someone wants to format it appropriately.

 * Mind games. (2005, Janurary 15). In The Economist, 374, 71.

—Vespristiano 06:40, 24 Jan 2005 (UTC)

Link to commercial firm ?
The first link ("Applied Neuroscience, Austria") at the external links goes to a kind of advertising for a company.

Is this desired ?

awehring —Preceding unsigned comment added by Awehring (talk • contribs) 13:49, 18 December 2007 (UTC)

 * As Wikipedia is not a directory, I have removed the following: Applied Neuroscience, Austria. If the company itself is notable enough to have its own article at Wikipedia, then it would be a reasonable and desirable link. Otherwise, it's out. This is one of the few remaining advantages that universities still have (?) over other research centres... --Technopat (talk) 10:13, 14 November 2008 (UTC)

Understanding Neuroeconomics
Why did you remove the link the the article about understanding Neuroeconomics. This article no doubtly added value to the Neuroeconomics value.

A contradiction
There is an apparent contradiction in the article between the last sentence in the "Intertemporal choice" subsection and the second paragraph in the "Neurobiological research techniques" subsection. Does the higher level of blood cortisol correlate with heightened impulsiveness and future discounting, or perhaps doesn't?

A Commons file used on this page has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the nomination page. —Community Tech bot (talk) 13:32, 10 November 2018 (UTC)
 * George Loewenstein (2012).jpg

title: Talk:Neuroeconomics


text: User talk:128.171.21.73

title: User talk:128.171.21.73


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Talk:Marietta and Cincinnati Railroad

Untitled
This page needs work but it has the basic facts for the east end.

title: Talk:Marietta and Cincinnati Railroad


text:
Lawrence Wollersheim

Lawrence Dominick Wollersheim is an American former Scientologist.

Wollersheim sued the Church of Scientology in 1980. The story of Xenu was made public when Church materials detailing the Operating Thetan Level 3 were used as exhibits. In Wollersheim's court case, Scientology's "top secret" materials about Xenu and their beliefs in past alien invasions of Earth was filed with the Los Angeles court on his behalf and then copied from court records and published by media all over the world.

Wollersheim helped co-found Factnet.org in 1993, an organization whose stated goal was to help other victims of cult abuse. He has since been active with several other non-profit organizations.

Background
Wollersheim first got into Scientology in 1969. In 1973, he joined Scientology's Sea Org and worked at the Celebrity Centre, and later was sent to Scientology's ship, the Bolivar. There, he was put on a strenuous work regime of 19-hour days and forced to sleep nine deep in the ship's hold. He tried to escape the ship because he felt he was losing his mind, but he was captured and returned. He was convinced to disconnect from his wife, parents, and other family members, and was threatened with a freeloader bill if he left. At times he was locked in the ship's hold for 18 hours a day, deprived of sleep, and fed only once a day.

Wollersheim said "I went psychotic on OT III. I lost a sense of who I was." In 1979, he contemplated suicide, and Scientology forced him into more auditing. He had two further psychotic breaks during auditing procedures.

Wollersheim left the Sea Org and had been operating a business selling photography; almost all of his clients and 132 employees were Scientologists. When Scientology started their fair game tactics, they instructed all Scientologists to resign from working for him, to stop placing new orders, and stop paying any bills owed –  driving Wollersheim into bankruptcy. His mental condition deteriorated, and he ended up under psychiatric care.

The lawsuit
In 1980, Wollersheim filed a lawsuit against the Church of Scientology alleging fraud, intentional infliction of emotional injury, and negligent infliction of emotional injury.

To derail the lawsuit, Scientology filed a RICO lawsuit against Wollersheim, and then a second, third, and fourth lawsuit – each were thrown out by the courts. They sued his attorneys and expert witnesses and started a campaign to discredit or blackmail one of his attorneys. The church also harassed the judge in the case, who claims he was followed, had his tires slashed, and his pet dog drowned in his pool.

During the five months of testimony, expert witnesses testified that the auditing and disconnection practices caused Wollersheim's mental illness. They also introduced evidence detailing Scientology's retribution policy, called Fair Game.

In July 1986, the jury awarded $5 million in compensatory damages and $25 million in punitive damages.

The OT III secret documents
During the trial, the OT III documents had been presented as evidence in the case and the judge announced that they would be made public. Not wanting their secret documents disclosed, 1,500 Scientologists crammed three floors of the courthouse in an attempt to block public access to their confidential "scriptures" by each requesting to photocopy the documents and overwhelming the clerk's office so no one else could access them. Despite their efforts, the Los Angeles Times was able to get a copy and published a summary of them, which was enthusiastically taken up by newspapers throughout the US.

"Worse than the financial loss was the derision that greeted the church all over the world and the loss of control of its secret doctrines. The church has never recovered from the blow."

"Not one thin dime for Wollersheim"
Scientology officials vowed never to pay the fines, stating: "It was a stunning blow to Scientology, but probably the most lasting impression that many took from the trial was the reaction of Scientologists themselves, who continued to protest at the courthouse day after day for more than a month after the verdict. Staging their demonstrations from a tent city set up across the street, the members wore pins made from ten cent coins and chanted over and over: 'Not one thin dime for Wollersheim!'"

The Church of Scientology appealed the judgment and the award was reduced to $2.5 million in 1989. The church challenged the $2.5 million award, but the case was dismissed and Wollersheim was awarded an additional $130,506.71 in attorney's fees.

Scientology had gutted the assets of the Church of Scientology of California, the defendant in the case, and claimed it was bankrupt and couldn't pay the judgment. Over the next few years, the Wollersheim side put together detailed evidence proving that Scientology had siphoned and moved assets from the California corporation to other organizations within the Scientology network.

Just one hour before a hearing that would have presented that evidence, on May 9, 2002 the Church of Scientology wrote a check for almost $8.7 million to pay off the judgment with interest. According to attorneys familiar with Scientology litigation, Wollersheim's judgment is considered the first Scientology has ever paid outright.

$8.7 million
The courts doled out the money – $5.4 million to pay off Wollersheim's attorneys and some to pay off Wollersheim's tax obligations on the award. "On September 30, Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Robert Hess granted Wollersheim's motion for the release to him of the remaining impounded funds, amounting to about $1.8 million."

Attorney Leta Schlosser, who had already received $100,000, sued for a further $5.3 million. In 2006, Judge Hess said Schlosser lacked an enforceable lien under the Rules of Professional Conduct, and a jury awarded her $313,000, which was promptly paid.

FACTNet
In 1993, Wollersheim co-founded FACTNet (F.A.C.T.Net) with Bob Penny.

In 1995, Wollersheim's Boulder apartment was raided by federal marshals with Church of Scientology officials and his computers were seized as evidence.

title: Lawrence Wollersheim


text:
Check mark

A check or check mark (American English), checkmark (Philippine English), tickmark (Indian English) or tick (Australian, New Zealand and British English) is a mark (✓, ✔, etc.) used in many countries, including the English-speaking world, to indicate the concept "yes" (e.g. "yes; this has been verified", "yes; that is the correct answer", "yes; this has been completed", or "yes; this [item or option] applies"). The x mark is also sometimes used for this purpose (most notably on election ballot papers, e.g. in the United Kingdom), but otherwise usually indicates "no", incorrectness, or failure. One of the earliest usages of a check mark as an indication of completion is on ancient Babylonian tablets "where small indentations were sometimes made with a stylus, usually placed at the left of a worker's name, presumably to indicate whether the listed ration has been issued."

As a verb, to check (off) means to add such a mark. Printed forms, printed documents, and computer software (see checkbox) commonly include squares in which to place check marks.

International differences
The check mark is a predominant affirmative symbol of convenience in the English-speaking world because of its instant and simple composition. In other language communities, there may be different conventions.

It is common in Swedish schools for a ✓ to indicate that an answer is incorrect,  while "R", from the Swedish rätt, i.e., "correct", is used to indicate that an answer is correct.

In Finnish, ✓ stands for väärin, i.e., "wrong", due to its similarity to a slanted v. The opposite, "correct", is marked with $$\cdot \! / \! \cdot$$, a slanted vertical line emphasized with two dots (see also commercial minus sign).

In Japan, the O mark is used instead of the check mark, and the X or ✓ mark are commonly used for wrong.

In the Netherlands (and former Dutch colonies) the flourish of approval (or krul) is used for approving a section or sum.

In German-speaking countries, ✓ is used for “correct” or “done”, but not usually for ticking boxes, which are crossed instead. The opposite of ✓ is ƒ (short for falsch “wrong”).

Unicode
Unicode provides various check marks:

Keyboard entry
The heavy check mark ✔ is available in the fonts Marlett and Webdings. On the QWERTY keyboard, it can be produced by striking lower-case a with one of these fonts in effect.

title: Check mark


text:
Talk:Satellite phone

Delay question
This article says this: "The satellites sit at an altitude of 35,786 kilometres (22,236 mi); a noticeable delay is present while making a phone call or using data services due to the large distance from users." My question: Everything in the EM travels at the speed of light, 186,000 miles per second. Shouldn't it only be a very small delay?--Wyn.junior (talk) 02:06, 10 April 2014 (UTC)

External links modified
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What is the Frequency Band Satellite Phones Work On?
What is the frequency band satellite phones work on? I'm assuming it wouldn't be the same as cell phones.Teknozilla (talk) 09:21, 21 July 2017 (UTC)Teknozilla

External links modified (January 2018)
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Steve Poizner

Stephen Leo Poizner (born January 4, 1957) is an American businessman, technology entrepreneur and former Republican California Insurance Commissioner and Gubernatorial candidate. Poizner also was an independent candidate in the 2018 California Insurance Commissioner election.

Poizner has been a Silicon Valley high tech entrepreneur, founding and selling SnapTrack, Inc., Strategic Mapping, Inc, and EmpoweredU, and he is currently the founder and CEO of next generation GPS startup OneNav Inc. In 2001, following privately held SnapTrack's sale for $1 billion to Qualcomm, Poizner served a year as a White House Fellow in the National Security Council. Starting one week before the September 11, 2001 attacks, Poizner held the position of Director of Critical Infrastructure Protection, and was involved in developing Homeland Security programs relating to cybersecurity and emergency response communication protocols.

Background and early life
Poizner was born on January 4, 1957, in Corpus Christi, Texas. Poizner attended the University of Texas at Austin, where he earned his bachelor's degree in electrical engineering in 1978. He was also a member of the prestigious Friar Society and Tejas Club, as well as president of the Alpha Phi Omega fraternity.

After graduating from UT, Poizner moved to California to attend the Stanford Graduate School of Business, where he received his M.B.A. in 1980 and was named an Arjay Miller Scholar.

Two years after Poizner graduated from Stanford, the national Jaycees organization sued the Palo Alto Jaycees chapter to expel the chapter for admitting female members. Working in coordination with other Jaycees chapters around the country, Poizner led the Palo Alto Jaycees in their legal defense of their efforts to admit women against the national organization's wishes, and the case eventually reached the U.S. Supreme Court. Poizner and the Palo Alto chapter, along with its fellow groups in other communities, won the suit. Poizner's wife was one of the first women admitted to the Palo Alto chapter.

In addition to his academic degrees, Poizner has also earned a black belt in Shotokan, a traditional Japanese form of martial arts.

Poizner and his wife, Carol, live in Los Gatos, California. They have one daughter, Rebecca.

Entrepreneur and venture capitalist
Poizner has started and run technology companies in Silicon Valley for over 35 years.

Poizner served for several years as a management consultant with the Boston Consulting Group.

In 1983, Poizner founded and served as chief executive officer of Strategic Mapping Inc., a software company that developed a program to display geographic data on digital maps, assisting police departments, utilities, transportation companies, banks and retailers with selecting new locations and plotting distribution logistics. Strategic Mapping was sold to Claritas in 1996, with the GIS mapping software being sold to ESRI.

In 1995, Poizner founded SnapTrack, Inc., which pioneered technology that put GPS receivers into cell phones. Poizner served as its chief executive officer until he sold the privately held company to Qualcomm in 2000 for a reported $1.0 billion in Qualcomm stock. Poizner's personal net worth is believed to be in the hundreds of millions of dollars.

In June 2011, Poizner co-founded Empowered Careers, a mobile learning platform technology company in partnership with UCLA and Creative Artists Agency.

In February 2014, Steve Poizner was inducted into the Silicon Valley Engineering Council Hall of Fame.

In July 2014, Qualcomm Inc acquired EmpoweredU. Terms not disclosed.

In June 2017, Steve Poizner formed a non-profit organization in collaboration with select California Universities and research institutes, venture capitalists, and business leaders to grow the southern California venture capital and start-up communities. "The purpose of the alliance is to make it easier for tech talent, especially students and professors at area universities, to start companies that commercialize the technology they've worked on. The group will work with universities to make processes like licensing of technology easier, and connect budding entrepreneurs with resources like potential investors."

Education reform and community service
In 2001, Poizner co-founded EdVoice, an educational non-profit organization dedicated to improving public schools and serving the interests of K-12 children in California.

From September 2002 to June 2003, he served as a volunteer teacher in San Jose's Mount Pleasant High School teaching 12th grade American Government. Poizner authored a New York Times best selling book about his experience – "Mount Pleasant" – which has been both praised and criticized for its depiction of a low income public high school.

In 2003, Poizner co-founded the California Charter Schools Association.

In June 2011, Poizner joined two education Boards at the University of Southern California.

In September 2016, the San Diego Union Tribune reported that Steve Poizner has joined UC San Diego's Rady School of Management as its inaugural entrepreneur in residence.

California Insurance Commissioner
The California Insurance Commissioner was created in 1988 via the voter approval of Proposition 103. Poizner took office on January 8, 2007, and served until January 3, 2011. As Insurance Commissioner, Poizner received praise for his handling of the San Diego wildfires in 2007, for taking on health insurance companies' illegal rescission practices and rate increases, and for decreasing spending in his state government department's discretionary operating budget by 13%. At the end of his term, Poizner was praised for his efforts to streamline and modernize the CDI through spending cuts and conducting a top-down review of the department. Poizner oversaw nearly 2,800 fraud-related arrests, the most in CDI history, in a 3-year span and conducted the first ever terror finance probe by a US Insurance Commissioner, which resulted in millions of dollars diverted from Iran.

On February 13, 2018, Poizner announced he would seek a second term as Insurance Commissioner, running as an independent. He lost the election to Democrat Ricardo Lara by a margin of 47-53.

Public service and civic affairs
From 2001 to 2002, Poizner served as a White House Fellow where he worked in the National Security Council Office of Cyberspace Security, serving as Director of Critical Infrastructure Protection. In this capacity he developed strategies for protecting critical infrastructure against cyber-terrorism and developed an emergency communications plan for national security and emergency response personnel. Starting one week before the September 11, 2001 attacks, Poizner was responsible for issues such as emergency communications planning for the 2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City and protecting Internet, banking system and power grids from cyber attacks.

In 2004, Poizner ran unsuccessfully for the California State Assembly against Democrat Ira Ruskin, a Redwood City Councilman, in the 21st district, losing by 5,884 votes out of 190,120 votes cast in 2004.

In 2006, Poizner ran for the office of California Insurance Commissioner. He ran unopposed in the Republican primary on June 6, and won the general election on November 7 by defeating Democrat Cruz Bustamante, then Lieutenant Governor of California, by a 12.4% margin.

In 2006, Poizner became a life member of the Council on Foreign Relations after being nominated by former Secretary of State George Shultz.

In late 2007, Poizner led the effort to defeat Proposition 93, a term limit removal initiative. As Chairman of the No on 93 campaign, Poizner contributed $2.5 million of his own money, secured No on 93 endorsements from over forty newspaper editorial boards, and appeared on talk radio across the state. Proposition 93 was defeated by 54% to 46% on February 5, 2008.

In May 2008, President George W. Bush appointed Poizner to serve on the Honorary Delegation to accompany him to Jerusalem for the celebration of the 60th anniversary of the State of Israel.

On September 15, 2008, Poizner announced his candidacy for Governor of California.

In May 2009, Poizner successfully campaigned against Proposition 1A (a $10 billion tax increase) during the California state special elections, 2009. Proposition 1A was defeated by a margin of 65.6% to 34.4% on May 26, 2009.

On March 1, 2010, Poizner officially became a candidate for Governor of California.

On June 8, 2010, Poizner was defeated in the Republican primary by former CEO of eBay Meg Whitman, who was later defeated by Democratic candidate Jerry Brown in the general election.

In early 2014, Steve Poizner was inducted into the Silicon Valley Engineering Council Hall of Fame.

In September 2016, the San Diego Union Tribune reported that Steve Poizner has joined UC San Diego's Rady School of Management as its inaugural entrepreneur in residence.

Poizner declared his candidacy for a nonconsecutive second term as California State Insurance Commissioner in 2018.

EmpoweredU
Following his term as Insurance Commissioner, Poizner partnered with the Sherry Lansing Foundation and Creative Artists Agency to create Empowered Careers (later renamed to EmpoweredU), a mobile learning platform and content services company geared specifically for baby boomers in need of work or looking to switch careers.

EmpoweredU formed its first partnership with UCLA Extension to offer professional certificates and career counseling for adults seeking to remain viable in today's job market.

Empowered Careers secured $15 million in Series A venture capital funding from two Silicon Valley–based firms, InterWest Partners and Granite Ventures, to develop the new online education company.

As the CEO of EmpoweredU, Poizner was an outspoken advocate for using technology and education to help many jobless baby boomers reinvent themselves and find work in second careers.

On July 4, 2012, Empowered completed development of a custom iPad application, The Empowered app, "which took a little less than a year to write", and "incorporates many of the device's built-in functions."

On January 16, 2014, EmpoweredU announced that it will launch pilot programs at the Viterbi School of Engineering, the Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism and the Rossier School of Education, as well as eight other universities across the nation, including Clemson University, Davis College of Business at Jacksonville University, Texas Southern University, University of San Francisco, University of California at Irvine, University of California at San Diego, Southern Arkansas University and Cambria-Rowe Business College.

In July 2014, Qualcomm Inc acquired EmpoweredU. Terms not disclosed.

On January 22, 2016 @StevePoizner tweeted that he is leaving Qualcomm to "pursue new challenges".

2016 John Kasich presidential campaign
In February 2016, it was announced that Poizner had joined Governor John Kasich of Ohio as national co-chair and California State Chair for Kasich for President.

Alliance for Southern California Innovation
In June 2017, Steve Poizner formed a non-profit organization in collaboration with select California Universities and research institutes, venture capitalists, and business leaders to grow the southern California venture capital and start-up communities. "The purpose of the alliance is to make it easier for tech talent, especially students and professors at area universities, to start companies that commercialize the technology they've worked on. The group will work with universities to make processes like licensing of technology easier, and connect budding entrepreneurs with resources like potential investors."

OneNav Inc
In late 2019 Steve Poizner founded OneNav, Inc. A technology startup that aims to create the world’s first pure L5 GNSS receiver supercharged by artificial intelligence.

Healthcare Consumer Rights Foundation
In January 2020, Steve Poizner founded a non-profit organization Healthcare Consumer Rights.

title: Steve Poizner


text:
Sarmatism

Sarmatism (or Sarmatianism; Sarmatyzm; Sarmatizmas) was an ethno-cultural ideology within the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. It was the dominant Baroque culture and ideology of the nobility (szlachta) that existed in times of the Renaissance to the 18th centuries. Together with the concept of "Golden Liberty", it formed a central aspect of the Commonwealth social elites’ culture and society. At its core was the unifying belief that the people of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth descended from the ancient Iranian Sarmatians, the legendary invaders of contemporary Polish lands in antiquity.

The term and culture were reflected primarily in 17th-century Polish literature, as in Jan Chryzostom Pasek's memoirs and the poems of Wacław Potocki. The Polish gentry wore a long coat, called kontusz, knee-high boots, and carried a small szabla (sabre) called karabela. Moustaches were also popular, as well as decorative feathers in men's headgear. Poland's "Sarmatians" strove to achieve martial skill on horseback, believed in equality among themselves, and in invincibility in the face of the enemy. Sarmatism lauded past victories of the Polish military, and required Polish noblemen to cultivate the tradition.

Sarmatia (Sarmacja) was a semi-legendary, poetic name for Poland that was fashionable into the 18th century, and which designated qualities associated with the literate citizenry of the vast Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Sarmatism greatly affected the culture, lifestyle and ideology of the Polish nobility. It was unique for its cultural mix of Oriental, Western and native traditions. Criticized during the Polish Enlightenment, Sarmatism was rehabilitated by the generations that embraced Polish Romanticism. Having survived the literary realism of Poland's "Positivist" period, Sarmatism made a comeback with The Trilogy of Henryk Sienkiewicz, Poland's first Nobel laureate in literature.

Concept origin and its general idea
The term Sarmatism was first used by Jan Długosz in his 15th century work on the history of Poland. Długosz was also responsible for linking the Sarmatians to the prehistory of Poland and this idea was continued by other chroniclers and historians such as Stanisław Orzechowski, Marcin Bielski, Marcin Kromer, and Maciej Miechowita. Miechowita's Tractatus de Duabus Sarmatiis became influential abroad, where for some time it was one of the most widely used reference works on the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. The idea appeared due to the humanists' romantic admiration of Antiquity and an attempt to return an outdated onomastics.

According to the Geography by Ptolemy, Sarmatia was considered to be territory of Poland, Lithuania, and Tartary and consisted of Asian and European parts divided by the Don River. As a geographical term, Sarmatia was always indistinct, but very stable. The presumed ancestors of the szlachta, the Sarmatians, were a confederacy of predominantly Iranian tribes living north of the Black Sea. In the 5th century BC Herodotus wrote that these tribes were descendants of the Scythians and Amazons. The Sarmatians were infiltrated by the Goths and others in the 2nd century AD, and may have had some strong and direct links to Poland. The legend of Polish descent from Sarmatians stuck and grew until most of those within the Commonwealth, and many abroad, believed that many Polish nobles were descendants of the Sarmatians (Sauromates). Another tradition came to surmise that the Sarmatians themselves were descended from Japheth, son of Noah.

Some holding to Sarmatism tended to believe that their ancestors had conquered and enserfed the local Slavs and, like the Bulgars in Bulgaria or Franks who conquered Gaul (France), eventually adopted the local language. Such nobility might believe that they belonged (at least figuratively) to a different people than the Slavs whom they ruled. "Roman maps, fashioned during the Renaissance, had the name of Sarmatia written over most of the territory of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, and thus 'justified' interest in 'Sarmatian roots'."

Centuries later, modern scholarship discovered evidence showing that the Alans, a late Sarmatian people speaking an Iranian idiom, did invade Slavic tribes in Eastern Europe before the sixth century, and that these "Sarmatians evidently formed the area's ruling class, which was gradually Slavicized." Their direct political connection to Poland, however, would remain somewhat uncertain. In his 1970 publication The Sarmatians (in the series "Ancient Peoples and Places") Tadeusz Sulimirski (1898–1983), an Anglo-Polish historian, archaeologist, and researcher on the ancient Sarmatians, discusses the abundant evidence of the ancient Sarmatian presence in Eastern Europe, e.g., the finds of various grave goods such as pottery, weapons, and jewelry. Possible ethnological and social influences on the Polish szlachta would include tamga-inspired heraldry, social organization, military practices, and burial customs.

Sarmatism was used to integrate the ethnically different Lithuanian and Ruthenian nobles into the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and also elevated Ukrainian Cossacks as part of this identity despite their non-noble status. German historian Karin Friedrich argues that the German-speaking Protestant burghers of Royal Prussia also identified themselves with the ideology of Sarmatism, in particular, with its values of liberty, which they contrasted with Swedish or Imperial (German) identities which they associated with tyranny.

Poles tracing their descent to the Sarmatians was part of wider tendency evident all over Europe, of various peoples tracing their descent to an ancient people who had lived in their country in Roman times: the Dutch taking up the Batavians as their forebears, the Frenchthe Gauls, the Portuguesethe Lusitanians, the Scotsthe Caledonians, the Swissthe Helvetii, the Romaniansthe Dacians, the Bulgariansthe Thracians, the Albaniansthe Illyrians, the Slovenesthe Veneti, the Hungariansthe Huns, etc.

Culture
Sarmatian belief and customs became an important part of szlachta culture, penetrating all aspects of life. Sarmatism enshrined equality among all szlachta, and celebrated their life style and traditions, including horseback riding, provincial village life, peace and relative pacifism.

Sarmatists strongly valued social and family ties. Women were treated with honour and gallantry. Conversation was one of the favourite preoccupations. Guests were always welcomed – relatives, friends, even strangers, especially from abroad. Latin was widely spoken. Sumptuous feasts with large amounts of alcohol were organised. Male quarrels and fighting during such events was quite common. At their parties the polonaise, mazurka, and oberek were the most popular dances. Honour was of prime relevance. Marriage was described as 'deep friendship'. Men often travelled a lot (to the Sejms, Sejmiki, indulgences, law courts, or common movements). Women stayed at home and took care of the property, livestock and children. Although large numbers of children were born, many of them died before reaching maturity. Girls and boys were brought up separately, either in the company of women or men. Suing, even for relatively irrelevant matters, was common, but in most cases a compromise was reached.

Funeral ceremonies in Sarmatist Poland were very elaborate, with some distinctive features compared to other parts of Europe. They were carefully planned events, full of ceremony and splendour. Elaborate preparations were made in the period between a nobleman's death and his funeral, which employed a large number of craftsmen, architects, decorators, servants and cooks. Sometimes many months passed before all the preparations were completed. Before the burial, the coffin with the corpse was placed in a church amid the elaborate architecture of the castrum doloris ("castle of mourning"). Heraldic shields, which were placed on the sides of the coffin, and a tin sheet with an epitaph served a supplementary role and provided information about the deceased person. Religious celebrations were usually preceded by a procession which ended in the church. It was led by a horseman who played the role of the deceased nobleman and wore his armour. This horseman would enter the church and fall off his horse with a tremendous bang and clank, showing in this way the triumph of death over earthly might and knightly valour. Some funeral ceremonies lasted for as long as four days, ending with a wake which had little to do with the seriousness of the situation, and could easily turn into sheer revelry. Occasionally an army of clergy took part in the burial (in the 18th century, 10 bishops, 60 canons and 1705 priests took part in the funeral of one Polish nobleman).

Fashion
Some Polish nobles felt that their supposed Sarmatian ancestors were a Turkic people and accordingly viewed their Turkish and Tatar enemies as peers, albeit ones who were unredeemed because they were not Christians. During the Baroque era in Poland, the art and furnishings of the Persians and the Chinese, as well as the Ottomans, were admired and displayed in separate chambers or rooms.

Sarmatism popularised Ottoman-styled clothing and attire for men, such as the żupan, kontusz, sukmana, pas kontuszowy, delia, and szabla. Thereby, it served to integrate the multiethnic nobility by creating an almost nationalist sense of unity and pride in the szlachta's political Golden Freedoms. It also differentiated the Polish szlachta from nobility in Western Europe.

In accordance with their views on their supposed Turkic origins, Sarmatists' costume stood out from that worn by the noblemen of other European countries, and had its roots in the Orient. It was long, dignified, rich and colourful. One of its most characteristic elements was the kontusz, which was worn with the decorative kontusz belt. Underneath, the żupan was worn, and over the żupan the delia. Clothes for the mightiest families were crimson and scarlet. The szarawary were typical lower-body clothing, and the calpac, decorated with heron's feathers, was worn on the head. French fashions, however, also contributed to the Sarmatian look in Polish attire.

The żupan was derived from the Turkish long garment dżubbah, the outer garment Kontusz from the Turkish kontosz, the Kołpak, a hat with a brooch, came from the Turkish kalpak and the high leather boots Baczmagi was derived from the Turkish Baczmak. The oriental-patterned Kontusz sash, which originally had to be imported from the Ottomans and Persia, became the most distinctive element of 17th century Polish clothing. Noblemen always wore a curved sabre, which was based on Ottoman-style sabres, while military commanders carried a baton or mace with a turquoise-encrusted gold or silver head (bulawa or buzdygan, based on the Turkish bozdogan), which was considered lucky in the Islamic world.

Political thought and institutions

Adherents of Sarmatism acknowledged the vital importance of Poland since it was considered an oasis of the Golden Liberty for Polish nobility, otherwise surrounded by antagonistic realms with absolutist governments. They also viewed Poland as the bulwark of true Christendom, almost surrounded by the Muslim Ottoman Empire, and by the errant Christianity of the Orthodox Russians and the Protestant Germans and Swedes.

What contemporary Polish historians consider to be one of the most essential features of this tradition is not Sarmatist ideology, but the manner in which the Rzeczpospolita was governed. The democratic concepts of law and order, self-government and elective offices constituted an inseparable part of Sarmatism. Yet it was democracy only for the few. The king, though elected, still held the central position in the state, but his power was limited by various legal acts and requirements. Moreover, only the nobles were given political rights, namely the vote in the Sejmik and the Sejm. Every poseł (or member of the Sejm), had the right to exercise a so-called liberum veto, which could block the passage of a proposed new resolution or law. Finally, in the event that the king failed to abide by the laws of the state, or tried to limit or question nobles' privileges, they had the right to refuse the king's commands, and to oppose him by force of arms. Although thus avoiding absolutist rule, unfortunately the central state power became precarious, and vulnerable to anarchy.

The political system of the Rzeczpospolita was regarded by the nobility as the best in the world, and the Polish Sejm as (factually ) the oldest. The system was frequently compared to Republican Rome and to the Greek polis – though each of these eventually surrendered to imperial rule or to tyrants. The Henrician Articles were considered to be the foundation of the system. Every attempt to infringe on these laws was treated as a great crime.

Yet despite fruits of golden age Poland and the Sarmatist culture, the country would enter a period of national decline; it brought in a narrow cultural conformity. Nonetheless, a crippling political anarchy came to reign, due to cynical use of the free veto by individual szlachta in the Sejm, and/or to the acts of unpatriotic kings. During the late eighteenth century, the woeful state of the polity resulted in the three Polish Partitions by neighboring military powers.

"'Was the Sarmatian way of life worth preserving? Some aspects of it, no doubt. But because the gentry insisted on jealously guarding its privileges, preventing their extension to other social groups, it doomed the structure of the Commonwealth to atrophy and to the revenge of the lower orders. ... Sarmatism was an ideological shield against the historical realities which contradicted it at every turn.'"

Since its original popularity among the former szlachta, Sarmatism itself went into political decline. It has since seen revision and revival, followed by eclipse.

Religion
"Certainly, the wording and substance of the declaration of the Confederation of Warsaw of 28 January 1573 were extraordinary with regard to prevailing conditions elsewhere in Europe, and they governed the principles of religious life in the Republic for over two hundred years" – Norman Davies.

Poland has a long tradition of religious freedom. The right to worship freely was a basic right given to all inhabitants of the Commonwealth throughout the 15th and early 16th centuries, and complete freedom of religion was officially recognized in Poland in 1573 during the Warsaw Confederation. Poland maintained its religious freedom laws during an era when religious persecution was an everyday occurrence in the rest of Europe. The Commonwealth of Poland was a place where the most radical religious sects, trying to escape persecution in other countries of the Christian world, sought refuge.

"'This country became a place of shelter for heretics' – Cardinal Stanislaus Hosius, papal legate to Poland."

In the sphere of religion, Catholicism was the dominant faith and heavily emphasized because it was seen as differentiating the Polish Sarmatists from their Turkish and Tatar peers. Providence and the grace of God were often emphasized. All earthly matters were perceived as a means to a final goal – Heaven. Penance was stressed as a means of saving oneself from eternal punishment. It was believed that God watches over everything and everything has its meaning. People willingly took part in religious life: masses, indulgences and pilgrimages. Special devotion was paid to Saint Mary, the saints and the Passion.

Muslim Tatar nobles within the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth were also integrated into the same Sarmatian ideology but with a different pedigree; they were seen as parts of the Sarmatian 'nation' but rather than being descended from Sarmatians, they were regarded as descendants of the related Scythians, another ancient steppe warrior culture.

Sarmatist art and writings
Art was treated by Sarmatists as propagandistic in function: its role was to immortalise a good name for the family, extolling the virtues of ancestors and their great deeds. Consequently, personal or family portraits were in great demand. Their characteristic features were realism, variety of colour and rich symbolism (epitaphs, coats of arms, military accessories). People were usually depicted against a subdued, dark background, in a three-quarter view.

Sarmatist culture was portrayed especially by:
 * Wacław Potocki
 * Jan Chryzostom Pasek
 * Wespazjan Kochowski
 * Andrzej Zbylitowski
 * Hieronim Morsztyn
 * Jan Andrzej Morsztyn
 * Daniel Naborowski
 * Justus Ludwik Decjusz

Latin was very popular and often mixed with the Polish language in macaronic writings and in speech. Knowing at least some Latin was an obligation for any szlachcic.

In the 19th century the Sarmatist culture of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth was portrayed and popularised by Henryk Sienkiewicz in his trilogy (Ogniem i Mieczem, Potop, Pan Wolodyjowski). In the 20th century, Sienkiewicz's trilogy was filmed, and Sarmatist culture became the subject of many modern books (by Jacek Komuda and others), songs (like that of Jacek Kaczmarski) and even role-playing games like Dzikie Pola.

One of the most distinctive art forms of the Sarmatists were the coffin portraits, a form of portraiture characteristic of Polish Baroque painting, not to be found anywhere else in Europe. The octagonal or hexagonal portraits were fixed to the headpiece of the coffin so that the deceased person, being a Christian with an immortal soul, was always represented as alive and capable of holding a dialogue with mourners during lavish funeral celebrations. Such portraits were props which evoked the illusion of the dead person's presence, and also a ritual medium that provided a link between the living and those departing for eternity. The few surviving portraits, often painted during a person's lifetime, are a dependable source of information about 17th-century Polish nobility. The dead were depicted either in their official clothes or in travelling garb, since death was believed to be a journey into the unknown. The oldest known coffin portrait in Poland is that depicting Stefan Batory, dating from the end of the 16th century.

Many of the szlachta residences were provincial mansions, with a mansard roof. Numerous palaces and churches were built in Sarmatist Poland. There was a trend towards native architectural solutions which were characterised by Gothic forms and unique stucco ornamentation of vaults. Gravestones and epitaphs were erected in churches for those who had rendered considerable services for the motherland. Tens of thousands of manor houses were built across the Commonwealth. At the entrance there was a porch or a loggia. The central place where visitors were received was a large entrance hall. In the manor house there was an intimate part for women, and a more public one for men. Manor houses often had corner annexes. Walls were adorned with portraits of ancestors, mementos and spoils. Few of the manor houses from the Old Polish period have survived, but their tradition was continued in the 19th and 20th century.

Hairstyle and moustache
The writer and poet Mikołaj Rej (Nicholas Rey) recounts that "some people shave their beards and wear a moustache, some trim their beards in Czech style, others trim in Spanish style. There is also a difference around the moustache, some men are stroking it down, other men are brushing up. The nobility of the Sarmatian era did not have a beard and instead preferred a moustache, which became an indispensable attribute of a knightly face. Those who wore beards were said to be German". Jan Karol Chodkiewicz and Jan Zamoyski shaved their heads around, leaving a high tuft of hair above their forehead. This tuft was reportedly introduced in Poland by Samuel Łaszcz, who was to be the first to wear such a hairstyle. Only elderly senators had to wear a sumptuous beard, which was an expression of their high dignity or wisdom, as was the case in most European countries. The hairstyles and facial hair of the Polish nobility were also explicitly described by Giovanni Francesco Commendone who wrote that "some Poles have their heads shaved, others have clean-cut hair, many have hair, some have long beards, others are shaved apart from moustaches. The Polish Sarmatian custom of shaving their heads except for a small wisp of hair on the scalp was derived from Turkic-Tatar custom.

Modern usage
In contemporary Polish, the word "Sarmatian" (Polish: Sarmata- when used as noun, sarmacki- when used as adjective) is a form of ironic self-identification, and is sometimes used as a synonym for the Polish character.

A scholarly journal on Poland, central and eastern Europe, was launched by Polish-Americans, published at Rice University and called the Sarmatian Review.

Impact
Lithuanians and Ruthenians living within the Commonwealth also adopted certain aspects of Sarmatism. Some Lithuanian historians of that time claimed that their people were descended from Scythians who had settled in ancient Rome, which had become the home of their pagan high priest.

Evaluation
Sarmatism, which evolved during the Polish Renaissance and entrenched itself during the Polish baroque, found itself opposed to the ideology of the Polish Enlightenment. By the late 18th century the word 'Sarmatism' had gained negative associations and the concept was frequently criticized and ridiculed in political publications such as Monitor, where it became a synonym for uneducated and unenlightened ideas and a derogatory term for those who opposed the reforms of the 'progressives' such as the king, Stanisław August Poniatowski. The ideology of Sarmatism became a target for ridicule, as seen in Franciszek Zabłocki's play "Sarmatism" (Sarmatyzm, 1785).

To a certain degree the process was reversed during the period of Polish Romanticism, when after the partitions of Poland memory of the old Polish Golden Age rehabilitated old traditions to a certain extent. Particularly in the aftermath of the November Uprising, when the genre of gawęda szlachecka ("a nobleman's tale"), shaped by Henryk Rzewuski, gained popularity, Sarmatism was often portrayed positively in literature. Such treatment of the concept can also be seen in Polish messianism and in works of great Polish poets like Adam Mickiewicz (Pan Tadeusz), Juliusz Słowacki and Zygmunt Krasiński, as well as writers (Henryk Sienkiewicz and his Trylogia), as well as others. This close connection between Polish Romanticism and Polish history became one of the defining qualities of this literary period, differentiating it from other contemporary literature, which did not suffer from a lack of national statehood as was the case with Poland.

title: Sarmatism


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Wikipedia:Featured article candidates/Xenu

Xenu
Self-nomination. I ran it past the checklist ... - David Gerard 23:37, 11 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support - anything to piss off the whackjobs known as the Scientology Cult. I could come up with more plausible crap to base a cult off than this.
 * That's not a very loving attitude ;-p - David Gerard 13:57, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Now for things i'd like to see fixed:
 * needs more images, it mentions covers and sketches, lets get some up there.
 * I may throw in the cover of Dianetics. What sketches? - David Gerard 13:57, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Sorry sketches is not really the word I meant, I meant perhaps an image to illustrate the Xenu/Xemu discrepancy since its in L Ron's own handwriting. However the cover for Dianetics is a nice addition, and quite useful to correlate with the description of the whole H-bomb volcano section. Alkivar 18:35, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I was reluctant to put the scanned page of OT III in, even though it's arguably of encyclopaedic fair use and they haven't attempted to sue Dave Touretzky who's had it up as "academic research" for nine years, because that would be tweaking their noses really hard ... but maybe of that one word - David Gerard 12:06, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I've put the scan of the word "Xenu" in - David Gerard 12:41, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * minimal coverage of L Ron not even a small paragraph just a 1 sentance sidenote, needs a bit more.
 * What are you thinking of that isn't covered by a link back to his name? - David Gerard 13:57, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I'm not suggesting a complete bio if thats what your thinking but perhaps more than simply "L. Ron Hubbard, the founder of Scientology, also wrote a film script about him." in the lead in. Alkivar 18:35, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I've added a paragraph on how he wrote OT III (drunk and on drugs) - David Gerard 12:06, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * a split between external links and references to back up the article. Alkivar 07:42, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * That could be difficult - the things listed do in fact serve both purposes. What links would you put in one and what in the other? - David Gerard 13:57, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Have separated out the reference-only ones. How's that? - David Gerard 14:41, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * MUCH BETTER! Alkivar 18:35, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Support, but I'd like the implications summarized. I know that I can hit the wikilink on body thetans and stuff, but it would be nice to have a sentence or two that sketches out the broader beliefs that put this in context.  My only concern is that if this hits the main page, we're going to get even more noisome editing.  Geogre 15:08, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I've actually invited Scientologist editors to look over this page before, but none have taken me up on the offer. Shouldn't be more contentious on the main page than GNU/Linux naming controversy ... Will see if I can find suitable consensus summaries of the implications to put in and reference - David Gerard 16:14, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * By 'implications' I assume you meant the point of the whole thing, i.e. that you are covered in the souls of murdered space aliens and they cause all your problems and you have to audit them off. I've summarised that much in the second paragraph of the intro - David Gerard 17:04, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support It's worth it even if we get invaded by an army of Scientology lawyers GeneralPatton 23:46, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support, if only to prove that Wikipedia can present worthy subjects that other encyclopedias won't even mention. --Modemac 00:40, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support, but I would prefer this article not to appear on the front page, to avoid the possibility of having Wikipedia sued by Scientology. (See Scientology vs. the Internet -- it's not impossible.)  Risking your own skin to fight Scientology is one thing, but risking Wikipedia is another.  It's true that this is "giving in" to Scientology's threats, but in this case I think Wikipedia's financial health is paramount. --Redquark 06:00, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Scientologists are, of course, welcome to edit this article and add their own perspective. --Modemac 12:12, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Wow, that is extraordinarily weird, if I may say so. I'll support, even though it's really too short, because the secretive nature of the subject might make further expansion difficult and just because it's so damn interesting. Everyking 09:00, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Tried to expand it a bit - how Hubbard wrote it. I'm trying to think of other things to say about Xenu that are worth encyclopaedic coverage - David Gerard 12:06, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support, considering how hard it is to write a decent NPOV article from Hubbard's ramblings, this is as close as it will get. -- [[User:Solitude|Solitude\talk]] 13:52, Dec 13, 2004 (UTC)
 * The recent nomination of Thursday October Christian showed me that there are some articles where so little is known that it is not possible to get to a length appropriate for a featured article, and where expanding the article will become original research. Xenu is just long enough to qualify. I don't think "because it will annoy the scientologists" is a reason for featuring an article, though. With those caveats and qualifications, I support featured article status. Dbiv 17:50, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I don't think it's that short! (I don't think Thursday October Christian is too short either, FWIW.) That said, I've been looking around for stuff to expand it with - David Gerard 20:41, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support. I don't think a mocking image is appropriately NPOV for the lead image. L. Ron's handwriting sample is priceless though, and arguably a much better image. Otherwise I would support. Seems very well done, and is long enough unless someone can find something important it doesn't cover. - Taxman 18:57, Dec 13, 2004 (UTC)
 * I put that image in because it didn't have any other image at the time, and there is no official Scientology depiction of Xenu. The grey alien theme is very common with the critics, even if it has no official basis. I may swap the two around in the article - David Gerard 20:41, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I buried the image to the bottom of the article and added a more NPOV image to the top of the page. Should make it appear more NPOV overall. Alkivar 03:51, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Might I suggest that a picture of an exploding volcano (Stromboli perhaps?) be used as the main image - it would be appropriate at least. -- ChrisO 03:12, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support, if we can make the captions full sentences. - Ta bu shi da yu 05:35, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I can't see a way to do so that wouldn't be fatuous. They're really not standalone items. What would you suggest? - David Gerard 12:30, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * OK, they're both full sentences now! - David Gerard 23:31, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Oppose: Subject too esoteric to be of general interest. Mkweise 06:42, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I'm afraid this would be a non-actionable objection, being of general interest is not a FA criteria, not to mention the fact that general interest is all in the eye of the beholder. See What is a featured article. -- [[User:Solitude|Solitude\talk]] 09:02, Dec 14, 2004 (UTC)
 * Agreed. Objection is not actionable. And besides the quality of content is the only thing that matters to be featured, not the subject matter. - Taxman 13:48, Dec 14, 2004 (UTC)
 * According to our policy, objections must state a specific issue/issues that can be addressed and fixed. GeneralPatton 02:49, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support. It covers the subject well and has excellent supporting material. The subject itself... man, this is one odd bunch of people... Radagast 14:19, Dec 14, 2004 (UTC)
 * Support. It's long enough. Filiocht 16:05, Dec 14, 2004 (UTC)
 * Oppose for now . Support. I think this article is very good, and really close to being of featured article quality, and it ought to be featured soon. But it needs some work on style and readability, particularly in the introduction. I also think it needs a little time to age. It has just recently become what looks to be pretty NPOV, but the article could use some input from a Scientologist or two, just to make doubly sure that the article is accurate and adequately explains their point of view, so that when the article is featured, it doesn't get pounced-on. [[User:COGDEN|CO GDEN (talk)]] 22:13, Dec 14, 2004 (UTC)
 * That isn't really all that actionable. It's had a Scientologist contributor, User:I'm4aNPOV, who was even posting from a CoS office. He didn't stick around, though. If this is to be regarded as actionable, where would you suggest we recruit one from? Also, please state your problems with style and readability with specificity (e.g. on a section or paragraph level), so that they will be actionable. The article has been around a while; this version isn't terribly different from how it's been over the past six months, the main difference being it now has references for everything - David Gerard 22:37, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * User:I'm4aNPOV only appears to have made one edit, and that was to remove a link. Regarding readability, I went ahead and made some changes myself. I'm not an expert in their area, so my changes should be verified. My main remaining objection regards the mention that Hubbard was on drugs when he wrote OT III. I think this needs an explanation or some sort of apologetics from a Scientologist, because I'm sure they have a POV on this issue that isn't represented. We don't necessarily need an actual Scientologist to help out with this, but there are probably explanations out there on the web that might be included. [[User:COGDEN|CO GDEN (talk)]] 01:12, Dec 15, 2004 (UTC)
 * Nice edits - thank you! I'm trying to track down a better source on the letter with the quote. The quote seems to be accurate. The paragraph doesn't flow perfectly, but every source I checked on its origins says he was drugged to the gills at the time. I'm looking for a credible reference (i.e., preferably not a Usenet post) comparing the "body thetans" story to the crawling insects on the skin feeling of barbiturate withdrawal. CoS representatives have denied the drugs story on a.r.s, but the letter was brought up in court (CoS vs Armstrong) in 1984 and never actually challenged - it seems Hubbard did in fact say just that, in those words. I've posted to a.r.s asking for help on this stuff, and for a Scientologist viewpoint (which may or may not be a CoS viewpoint). User:I'm4aNPOV was quite aware of Xenu, having made some controversial edits to Scientology and discussed such matters on that talk page - David Gerard 02:32, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I'm pleased with the article as it currently stands. All my reservations have been resolved; therefore, I am changing my vote, and I hope the article gets featured. [[User:COGDEN|CO GDEN (talk)]] 20:19, Dec 15, 2004 (UTC)
 * Support, if only for one of the most humorous disclaimers ever. Almafeta 02:22, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I'm not actually sure the disclaimer will survive NPOV ;-) It's a bit pointed - David Gerard 02:32, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Straight-faced, surely! If we're to present a NPOV we have to take the Scientologists' concerns seriously, right? ;-) -- ChrisO 02:34, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I dont think I ever read the disclaimer before you mentioned it... LOL, I nearly peed myself. Alkivar 02:29, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support. I've made some fairly major edits to fix some outstanding issues raised here. -- ChrisO 02:26, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * You've done wonders for it - David Gerard 02:32, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support, so long as that disclaimer is kept. Fantastic. - Ta bu shi da yu 02:46, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I'm afraid I can't guarantee that ... it still smells a bit POV to me. The health warning should go with the bit in which Hubbard claims it killed everyone who found it before - David Gerard 09:40, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Never mind, it's preserved for posterity at BJAODN... -- ChrisO 00:27, 16 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I fear I've already moved the silly bit of the disclaimer to the relevant paragraph of the body text. I hope you will still consider the article up to standard ;-) - David Gerard 08:04, 16 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Comment: Why are the references done up so weirdly? Shouldn't there be one ==References== section per Cite sources? Johnleemk | Talk 03:10, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Ask User:ChrisO - David Gerard 09:40, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * It's a bit clumsy, I admit, but it seemed a better way of doing it (and thanks to whoever hyperlinked the footnotes) than having notations like "(Miller p. 75)" next to a section of text. Is there a better way of making it user-friendly? -- ChrisO 00:27, 16 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * I think we need that mooted new reference syntax - specifically, automatic footnote renumbering - David Gerard 01:38, 16 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support. Article would make an interesting contribution to the FA library. Jacob1207 16:16, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Support. Something you'd never see in another encyclopaedia. And yet it's definetly up to the level. - V 23:47, 18 Dec 2004 (UTC)


text:
Chimichurri

Chimichurri is an uncooked sauce used as an ingredient in cooking and as a table condiment for grilled meat. Found originally in Argentinian cuisine but also used in Uruguayan, Paraguayan and Brazilian cuisines, it has become widely adopted in most of Latin America. The sauce comes in green (chimichurri verde) and red (chimichurri rojo) varieties. It is made of finely chopped flat leaf parsley, red fresno chili peppers, minced garlic, olive oil, oregano and vinegar or lemon juice. It is similar to Moroccan chermoula.

Etymology
The name may be a variant of Spanish chirriburri 'hubbub', ultimately perhaps from Basque zurrumurru 'noise, rumor'. Another theory connects it to Basque tximitxurri 'hodgepodge', 'mixture of several things in no particular order'; many Basques settled in Argentina in the 19th century.

Various, almost certainly false etymologies purport to explain the name as a corruption of English words, most commonly "Jimmy['s] Curry", "Jimmy McCurry", or "gimme curry", but no contemporary documentation of any of these stories has been found.

Preparation
Chimichurri is usually made from finely chopped flat leaf parsley, but other seasonings used vary. Inclusion of red wine vinegar, garlic, salt, black pepper, oregano, red pepper flakes, and sunflower or olive oil is typical (plus a shot of hot water). Some recipes add shallot or onion, and lemon juice. Chimichurri may be basted or spooned onto meat as it cooks, or onto the cooked surface of meat as it rests. Chimichurri is often served as an accompaniment to asados (grilled meats). It may be served with grilled steaks or roasted sausages, but also with poultry or fish.

Other uses of the term
In the Dominican Republic, chimichurri or chimi is a hamburger topped with chopped cabbage and salsa golf.

In the cuisine of León, Mexico, chimichurri is a pizza topping of mayonnaise, mustard, chile de árbol, white vinegar, garlic, oil, and salt. This dressing has an orange hue and is very popular in the city.

title: Chimichurri


text:
John Hannah

John Hannah may refer to:

 * John Hannah (Methodist), called the elder (1792–1867), English Wesleyan minister
 * John Hannah (archdeacon of Lewes), the younger, (1818–1888), his son, Anglican priest and schoolmaster
 * John Hannah (dean of Chichester) (1843–1931), his son, Anglican priest
 * John Hannah (VC) (1921–1947), Scottish RAF radio operator
 * John Hannah (American football) (born 1951), American football player
 * John Hannah (actor) (born 1962), Scottish actor
 * John Hannah (footballer) (born 1962), English football forward
 * John A. Hannah (1902–1991), American academic administrator and head of USAID
 * John D. Hannah (born c. 1940s), American academic
 * John H. Hannah Jr. (1939–2003), U.S. federal judge
 * John P. Hannah (born 1962), American government administrator
 * Jack Hannah (John Frederick Hannah, 1913–1994), American animation artist

title: John Hannah


text: Template:History of the Democratic Republic of the Congo