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User talk:Jimwilliams57

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Child neglect

A form of child abuse, child neglect is an act of caregivers (e.g., parents) that results in depriving a child of their basic needs, such as the failure to provide adequate supervision, health care, clothing, or housing, as well as other physical, emotional, social, educational, and safety needs. All societies have established that there are necessary behaviours a caregiver must provide for a child to develop physically, socially, and emotionally. Causes of neglect may result from several parenting problems including mental disorders, unplanned pregnancy, substance use disorder, unemployment, over employment, domestic violence, and, in special cases, poverty.

Child neglect depends on how a child and society perceive the caregiver's behaviour; it is not how parents believe they are behaving toward their child. Parental failure to provide for a child, when options are available, is different from failure to provide when options are not available. Poverty and lack of resources are often contributing factors and can prevent parents from meeting their children's needs when they otherwise would. The circumstances and intentionality must be examined before defining behaviour as neglectful.

Child neglect is the most frequent form of child abuse, with children born to young mothers at substantial risk for neglect. Neglected children are at risk of developing lifelong social, emotional and health problems, particularly if neglected before the age of two years.

Definition
Neglect is difficult to define since there are no clear, cross-cultural standards for desirable or minimally adequate child-rearing practices. Research shows that neglect often coexists with other forms of abuse and adversity. While neglect generally refers to the absence of parental care and the chronic failure to meet children's basic needs, defining those needs has not been straightforward. In "Working Together", the Department for Education and Skills (United Kingdom) defined neglect in 2006 as:

"...the persistent failure to meet a child's basic physical and/or psychological needs, likely to result in the serious impairment of the child's health or development. Neglect may occur during pregnancy as a result of maternal substance use disorders. Once a child is born, neglect may involve a parent or carer failing to provide adequate food, clothing and shelter (including exclusion from home or abandonment); protect a child from physical and emotional harm or danger; ensure adequate supervision (including the use of inadequate care-givers), or ensure access to appropriate medical care or treatment. It may also include neglect of, or unresponsiveness to, a child's basic emotional needs."

Child neglect is commonly defined as a failure by a child's caregiver to meet a child's physical, emotional, educational, or medical needs. Forms of child neglect include: Allowing the child to witness violence or severe abuse between parents or adults, ignoring, insulting, or threatening the child with violence, not providing the child with a safe environment and adult emotional support, and showing reckless disregard for the child's well-being.

Other definitions of child neglect are:
 * "The failure of a person responsible for a child's care and upbringing to safeguard the child's emotional and physical health and general well-being." per Webster's New World Law Dictionary
 * "Acts of omission: failure to provide for a child's basic physical, emotional, or educational needs or to protect a child from harm or potential harm. [...] harm to a child may or may not be the intended consequence. Failure to provide [results in] physical neglect, emotional neglect, medical/dental neglect, and educational neglect. The failure to supervise [results in] inadequate supervision, exposure to violent environments." per the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
 * "The persistent failure to meet a child's basic physical and/or psychological needs resulting in serious impairment of health and/or development."

The definition of child neglect is broad. There are no specific guidelines that determine when a child is being neglected; therefore, it is up to state government agencies and professional groups to determine what is considered neglect. In general, child neglect is considered the failure of parents or caregivers to meet the needs that are necessary for the mental, physical, and emotional development of a child.

Child neglect is one of the most common forms of child maltreatment, and it continues to be a serious problem for many children. Child neglect tremendously affects the physical development, mental development, and emotional development of a child causing long-term consequences, such as poor academic achievement, depression (mood), and personality disorders. These consequences also impact society, since it is more likely that children who suffered from child neglect will have substance use disorder problems and educational failure when they grow up.

Types
There are various types of child neglect.
 * Physical neglect refers to the failure to provide a child with necessities of life, such as food and clothing.
 * Medical neglect is a failure of caregivers to meet a child's basic health care needs, such as not brushing teeth daily, bathing a child and or taking children to doctor visits when needed.
 * Emotional neglect is failing to provide emotional support, such as emotional security and encouragement.
 * Educational/developmental neglect is the failure to provide a child with experiences for necessary growth and development, such as not sending a child to school or educating them.
 * Depending on the laws and child protection policies in one's area, leaving a young child unsupervised may be considered neglect, especially if doing so places the child in danger.

Child neglect can also be described by degrees of severity and the responses considered warranted by communities and government agencies.
 * Mild neglect is the least likely to be perceived as neglect by the child but raises the possibility of harm in ways that need intervention by the community. An example might be a parent who does not use a proper car safety seat.
 * Moderate neglect occurs when some harm to the child has occurred. An example might be a child repeatedly dressed inappropriately for the weather (e.g. shorts in winter.) In cases of moderate harm, governmental agencies might be called in to assist parents.
 * Severe neglect occurs over time and results in significant harm to the child. An example might be a child with asthma being denied treatment.

Experience
Children may be left at home alone, which can result in negative consequences. Being left at home alone can leave young people feeling scared, vulnerable and not knowing when their parents are going to return. The frequency and duration of being left at home alone may range from every evening to several days or even weeks at a time.

Also, young children may not be provided with a suitable amount of decent food to eat, which is another form of neglect. Children have reported being provided with mouldy food, not having any food in the house, or they were given an insufficient amount of food.

Causes
The causes of child neglect are complex and can be attributed to three different levels: an intrapersonal, an inter-personal/family, and a social/economic level. Although the causes of neglect are varied, studies suggest that, amongst other things, parental mental health problems, substance use, domestic violence,  unemployment, and poverty are factors which increase the likelihood of neglect. Children that result from unintended pregnancies are more likely to suffer from abuse and neglect. They are also more likely to live in poverty. Neglectful families often experience a variety or a combination of adverse factors.

Intra-personal
At the intra-personal level, the discussion around neglectful parents' characteristics often focuses on mothers, reflecting traditional notions of women as primary caregivers for children. "Neglectful attributes" have included an inability to plan, lack of confidence about the future, difficulty with managing money, emotional immaturity, lack of knowledge of children's needs, a large number of children, being a teenage mother, high levels of stress and poor socioeconomic circumstances. Mental health problems, particularly depression, have been linked with a parent's inability to meet a child's needs. Likewise, substance misuse is believed to play a crucial role in undermining a parent's ability to cope with parental responsibilities. Recent empirical works have also pointed to parental burnout (i.e., chronic lack of parenting resources) as an especially potent mechanism in driving neglectful behaviour toward children. While the literature largely focuses on mothers, the role of fathers in neglect, as well as the impact of their absence, remains largely unexplored. There is still little known about whether mothers and fathers neglect differently and how this affects children. Similarly, not much is known about whether girls and boys experience neglect differently.

Interpersonal/family
At the interpersonal/family level, a significant number of neglectful families are headed by a lone mother or have a transient male. Unstable and abusive relationships have also been mentioned as increasing the risk of child neglect. The impact of living with domestic violence on children frequently includes either direct violence or forced witnessing of abuse, which is potentially very damaging to children. While the UK Department of Health connects children's exposure to domestic violence to parents' failure to protect them from emotional harm, the notion of "failure to protect" has been challenged as it focuses primarily on the responsibility of the abused parent, usually the mother, who is often herself at significant risk. A recent reform to the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act (2004) has introduced a new offence of causing or allowing the death of a child or vulnerable adult, thus reinforcing the notion of "failure to protect". Research on domestic violence, however, has consistently shown that supporting the non-abusive parent is good for child protection. There is some indication of the cyclical and inter-generational nature of neglect. A study on childhood abuse and the mother's later ability to be sensitive to a child's emotions showed that mothers with a self-reported history of physical abuse had higher indications of insensitivity and lack of attunement to infants' emotional cues than mothers with no history of abuse. Although the literature suggests that neglectful parents may have been affected adversely by their own past experiences, more research is needed to explore the link between past experiences of maltreatment and neglectful parenting behaviours. Alcohol and drug abuse in caregivers are important risk factors for recurrent child maltreatment after accounting for other known risk factors; the increased risk appears to be similar between alcohol and drug abuse.

Socioeconomic
At the social and economic level, the association between poverty and neglect has frequently been made. A study of the maltreatment of children by the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) supports the association between neglect and lower socio-economic class. US studies have shown that less affluent families are more likely to be found to maltreat their children, particularly in the form of neglect and physical abuse, than affluent families. Some argue that many forms of physical neglect, such as inadequate clothing, exposure to environmental hazards and poor hygiene may be directly attributed to poverty whereas others are more cautious in making a direct link. Studies have shown that parents in a low socioeconomic level are less likely to purchase resources needed for their children, which makes them experience school failure at a more frequent level. While poverty is believed to increase the likelihood of neglect, poverty does not predetermine neglect. Many low-income families are not neglectful and provide loving homes for their children. However, when poverty coexists with other forms of adversity, it can negatively impact a parent's ability to cope with stressors and undermine their capacity to adequately respond to their child's needs. It can also mean that parents who want to work are faced with the choice between being unemployed and leaving their children at home. McSherry argues that the relationship between child neglect and poverty should be seen as circular and interdependent. Where caregiver alcohol abuse is identified, children are significantly more likely to experience multiple incidents of neglect compared with children where this is not identified, as were children where other family risk factors (including markers of socioeconomic disadvantage) are found.

Parenting styles
The patterns of repetitive behaviour point out that a cycle of violence repeats. Research on the correlation between child neglect and parenting styles has shown that those who suffered from parental neglect tend to have problems in relationships as adults. Attachment style of children of abusive parents was less secure compared to children with authoritative caregivers. Children who suffered from physical and emotional abuse are more likely to have an insecure attachment, such as being preoccupied, dismissive, or fearful. Three parenting styles lead to child neglect: authoritarian, permissive, and disengaged styles.

Taboo
There is some evidence to suggest that there is a cultural taboo around acknowledging child neglect in one's own family. In one research study parents who accessed a service focused on families where child neglect is a concern never mentioned the word 'neglect' during interviews designed to find out about their experience of the service. In an analysis of NSPCC Childline data, John Cameron, the Head of Helplines reported that many of the neglected children who contacted the line did not use the word neglect and did not indicate that they were being neglected when they first spoke to a member of Childline.

Effects
Effects of child neglect can differ depending on the individual and how much treatment is provided, but generally speaking child neglect that occurs in the first two years of a child's life may be more of an important precursor of childhood aggression compared to later neglect, which may not have as strong a correlation. Maltreatment in children leads to compromises in the development of cognitive, language, socioemotional, and neurobiological domains. Children who suffer from neglect most often also have attachment difficulties, cognitive deficits, emotional/behavioural problems, and physical consequences as a result of neglect. Early neglect has the potential to modify the body's stress response, specifically cortisol levels (stress hormones) which can cause abnormalities and alter the body's overall health. Research has shown that there is a relationship between neglect and disturbing patterns of infant-caretaker attachment. If parents lack sensitivity to their baby's needs, the baby may develop insecure-anxious attachment. The neglectful behaviour the child experiences will contribute to their attachment difficulties and formation of relationships in the future, or lack thereof. In addition to biological and social effects, neglect affects the intellectual ability and cognitive/academic deficits. Children who suffer from child neglect may also suffer from anxiety or impulse-control disorders. Another result of child neglect is what people call "failure to thrive". Infants who have deficits in growth and abnormal behaviours such as withdrawal, apathy and excessive sleep are failing to thrive, rather than developing to become "healthy" individuals.

A study by Robert Wilson, a professor at Rush University Medical Center in Chicago, and his colleagues, showed for the first time that children under the age of 18 when were moderately neglected in some manner by their caregivers had a 3 times likely risk of stroke over those with moderately low levels, after controlling for some common risk factors (they interviewed 1,040 participants ages 55 or older; after $3 1/2$ years, 257 of them died and 192 were autopsied, with 89 having stroke evidence upon autopsy and another 40 had a history of it). Neglect, bullying, and abuse have previously been linked to changes in the brain's grey matter and white matter and to accelerated ageing.

Statistics
In terms of who is reported for neglectful behaviour, it is most often women. The higher proportion of females reported for neglect may reflect the social attitude that mothers are responsible for meeting the needs of their children. In recent years, latent issues for child development and for the culture and political economy that are associated with paternal neglect have received more attention, however. Neglecting parents interact less with their children, engage in less verbal instruction and play behaviour, show less affection and are involved in more negative interactions with their children, for example, verbal aggression. Often parents who neglect their children are single parents or disabled mothers who already have to care for themselves, and therefore the child is an additional stress. This additional stress is often neglected. Family size can contribute to child neglect. If a family has several children, they may not be able to give all the children all the necessities needed to survive and thrive. Unfortunately, if the family cannot provide for all their children, children can suffer neglect. Family history can play a role in parents' neglectful behaviour. If parents were neglected as children meaning they learned neglectful behaviour from their parents, they often internalize and believe those behaviours to be the "norm", which results in neglecting their children. In one study done in 2011, results showed that one in four mothers were neglectful, and neglect was four times as likely with a maternal history of physical abuse in childhood than with no history of maltreatment. Neglect is by far the most common type of child abuse reported in the U.S., and in 2016, it accounted for nearly 65 per cent of child abuse cases.

Disclosure
Research suggests that most neglected children, even when they can talk to a professional about their circumstances, do not use the word 'neglect' and may not even indicate that they are being neglected. It is therefore recommended that professionals are proactive in exploring for and identifying neglect.

When neglect is disclosed, action is not always taken. Equally, when professionals pass concerns about neglect on to other professionals in the workplace they find those professionals do not always respond. The NSPCC recently reported on the case of a teaching assistant, who contacted the organization with concerns about a particular child. The teaching assistant asked to remain anonymous, fearing that she would be sacked by her school if they were to find out that she'd made the disclosure.

Assessing and identifying
Assessing and identifying neglect pose several challenges for practitioners.

Selecting the right method to identify neglect can be helped by having a clear conceptualization of neglect. Neglect is a process whereby a child experiences developmental delay owing to the fact of not having received sufficient levels of any combination of care, stimulation or nutrition, which collectively can be referred to as nurturance. Given that neglect is a dynamic between the child's development and levels of nurturance, the question in identifying neglect, becomes one of where does one start, with the child's development or with the levels of nurturance?

Development-focused methods
Some professionals identify neglect by measuring the developmental levels of a child, for if those developmental levels are normal, one can, by definition, conclude that a child is not being neglected. Areas of development that could be measured include weight, height, stamina, social and emotional responses, and speech and motor development. All these features go up to make a medical assessment of whether a child is thriving, so that a professional looking to start an assessment of neglect, might reasonably start with information collected by a doctor. Infants are often weighed and measured when seen by their physicians for well-baby check-ups. The physician initiates a more complete evaluation when the infant's development and functioning are found to be delayed. What this suggests is that social work staff could consult medical notes to establish if the baby or child is failing to thrive, as the first step in a pathway towards identifying neglect. If developmental levels are subnormal, then the identification of neglect requires the professional to establish if those subnormal levels of development can be put down to the level of nurturance experienced by the child. One needs to discount that the developmental delay was caused by some genetic condition or disease. These development-focused methods used for detecting child neglect and abuse are among the most effective we have to date, are useful tools for professionals to quickly recognize and easily detect when something is amiss in regards to the care of a child.

Starting the assessment by examining the nurturance received by the child
Another way of beginning the process of identifying neglect is to identify if the child in question is experiencing a level of nurturance lower than that considered necessary to support normal development. In part, this requires a knowledge of the level of nurturance required by the child to sustain normal development, which might be particular to his or her age, gender and other factors. However, quite how one ascertains what a particular child needs, without referring back to their level of development, is not something theory and policy on neglect is clear about. Furthermore, ascertaining whether a child is getting the requisite level of nurturance needs to take into account not just the intensity of the nurturance, but also, given that the intensity of certain forms of nurturance can carry across time, the duration and frequency of the nurturance. It is OK for a child to experience varying and low levels of certain types of nurturance across a day and from time to time, however, it is not OK if the levels of nurturance never cross thresholds of intensity, duration and frequency. For this reason, professionals are minded to keep detailed histories of care provision, which demonstrate the duration to which the child is exposed to periods of subnormal exposure to care, stimulation and nutrition.

Starting the assessment by examining the nurturance provided by the carer or parent
Professionals should focus on the levels of nurturance provided by the carers of the child, where neglect is understood as an issue of the parent's behaviour. Some authors feel that establishing the failure of parents and caregivers to provide care would be sufficient to conclude that neglect was occurring. Action for Children states that "A child experiences neglect when the adults who look after them fail to meet their needs" clearly defining neglect as a matter of parental performance. This raises the question about what level of nurturance, a carer or parent needs to fall under, to provoke developmental delay, and how one goes about measuring that accurately.

The method, which focuses on the stimulation provided by the carer, can be subject to critique. Neglect is about the child's development being adversely affected by the levels of nurturance, but the carers' provision of nurturance is not always a good indicator of the level of nurturance received by the child. Neglect may be occurring at school, outside of parental care. The child may be receiving nurturance from siblings or through a boarding school education, which compensates for the lack of nurturance provided by the parents.

Linking development to stimulation
Neglect is a process whereby children experience developmental delay owing to experiencing insufficient levels of nurturance. It has been argued that in principle, this means that when starting an assessment of neglect by identifying developmental delay one needs to then check the levels of nurturance received by the child. Certainly, where guidance on identifying neglect does urge practitioners to measure developmental levels, some guidance urges practitioners to focus on how developmental levels can be attributed to parental behaviour. However the narrow focus on parental behaviour can be criticised for unnecessarily ruling out the possible impact of institutionalised neglect, e.g. neglect at school.

If one starts by concluding that the levels of nurturance received by the child are insufficient, one then needs to consider the developmental levels achieved by the child.

Further challenges arise, however. Even when one has established developmental delay and exposure to low levels of nurturance, one needs to rule out the possibility that the link between the two is coincidental. The developmental delay may be caused by a genetic disorder, disease or physical, sexual or emotional abuse. Of course, the developmental delay may be caused by a mixture of underexposure to nurturance, abuse, genetics and disease.

Practical tools for measuring
The Graded Care Profile Tool is a practice tool which gives an objective measure of the quality of care in terms of a parent/carer's commitment. It was developed in the UK.

The North Carolina Family Assessment Scale is a tool which can be used by a practitioner to explore whether neglect is taking place across a range of family functioning areas. The NSPCC makes use of the NCFAS in their Evidence Based Decision-making Practice Model, which involves a Society practitioner working alongside the local authorities assigned a social worker to review the functioning of the family in complex neglect cases.

Intervention programs
Early intervention programs and treatments in developed countries include individual counselling, family, group counselling and social support services, and behavioural skills training programs to eliminate problematic behaviour and teach parents "appropriate" parenting behaviour.

Video Interaction Guidance
Video interaction guidance is a video feedback intervention through which a "guider" helps a client to enhance communication within relationships. The client is guided to analyse and reflect on video clips of their interactions. Video Interaction Guidance has been used where concerns have been expressed over possible parental neglect in cases where the focus child is aged 2–12, and where the child is not the subject of a child protection plan.

SafeCare
The SafeCare programme is a preventative programme working with parents of children under 6 years old who are at risk of experiencing significant harm through neglect. The programme is delivered in the home by trained practitioners, over 18 to 20 sessions and focuses on 3 key areas: parent-infant/child interaction; home safety and child health.

Triple P
Triple P is a positive parenting program. It is a multilevel, parenting and family support strategy. The idea behind it is that if parents are educated on "proper" parenting and given the appropriate resources, it could help decrease the number of child neglect cases. When deciding whether to leave a child home alone, caregivers need to consider the child's physical, mental, and emotional well-being, as well as state laws and policies regarding this issue.

Effectiveness of intervention programs
Evidence for the effectiveness of intervention programs can be divided into two types. One type is impact studies where the evaluation aims to demonstrate a statistically significant improvement in outcomes on a population, which can be attributed to the intervention. A second type is qualitative studies which aim to illuminate the mechanisms through which program participants can access the resources and help offered in the program to achieve better outcomes.

Impact studies
Several interventions aimed at families where child neglect is occurring have been subject to an impact study.

Video interaction guidance
Video Interaction Guidance has been used where concerns have been expressed over possible parental neglect in cases where the focus child is aged 2–12, and where the child is not the subject of a child protection plan. An evaluation of the project demonstrated that VIG produced a significant change in the emotional and behavioural difficulties of the population of children who received the service, and improvement in the reported level of parenting and reported parental relationship with their children in the population of parents whose children received the service. The data excludes parents who failed to complete the programme, parents who completed the programme but decided not to complete evaluation measures, and on some measures parents who completed measures but whose feedback was adjudged to have been positively biased.

SafeCare
The SafeCare programme has been provided to families in the United Kingdom where a professional has judged there is a risk of experiencing significant harm through neglect. Outcome data shows that on average families who participated in the evaluation of the programme improved parenting skills and reduced neglectful behaviours. Furthermore, all referrers reported seeing positive changes in the families they referred, particularly in home safety, parent-child interaction and health. However, in the absence of a comparison group it was not possible to attribute the changes to SafeCare.

Triple P
Triple P has also been provided to families in the United Kingdom where neglect is a concern. The findings from this service showed that on average the children who participated in the evaluation experienced improved emotional and behavioural outcomes. However, this positive change could not be attributed to Triple P because a control group had not been established.

Mechanisms to stop neglect
Qualitative research studies have also illuminated some of how programs can help individual parents.

Social learning theory
Evaluations have demonstrated that in certain cases parents have learned to improve their parenting in the way described by social learning theory. Social Learning Theory suggests people learn by observing behaviours and the positive outcomes associated with them. An evaluation of the Triple P intervention highlighted how many parents were able to improve how they related to their children after having received advice about how to be clear with their children, and in some cases after having tried and seen the effects of such approaches for themselves, first-hand, and often for the first time. Prompted by Video Interaction Guidance, parents–with several children, who traditionally spent time with each of them all together in a group–started spending one-to-one time with their children, oftentimes for the very first time. Some parents also started to do activities with their children, which involved a small element of risk, after having agreed to do them for the first time as part of Video Interaction Guidance.

Relationship between practitioner and parent
A common finding across evaluations of programmes designed to help families where neglect is a concern is that the principal factor which influences parents' engagement and perception is the quality of the relationship that they can build with the practitioner delivering the programme. Key factors in helping practitioners engage parents in the intervention include: In the case of Video Interaction Guidance, when parents were asked about their experience of the intervention, parents invariably referred to the care and support provided by the practitioner. Effectively the intervention is experienced as an aspect of the overall relationship of care.
 * Establishing a sense that the practitioner will support the family beyond what is necessary to complete the intervention.
 * Giving family members time to talk about their problems both during and outside of appointments.
 * Advocating for the family on issues with which the intervention is not directly concerned.
 * Ensuring that fun forms a part of the interaction.
 * Making family members feel cared for through the provision of clothes, food and gifts.
 * Giving parents a lead in analysing family functioning and parenting.
 * Carrying out the intervention in the home of the parent.
 * Practitioners working on weekday evenings.

Children's responses
There are a variety of ways in which children can act in response to an experience of neglect.
 * Some children attempt to talk about the neglect of their parents. In some cases, the parents may respond aggressively or abusively to such attempts to resolve the issue.
 * Some children steal money from their parents' purses to feed themselves.
 * Babies are too young to ameliorate parental neglect, however in some cases siblings will step in and take care of them. Some older siblings go without food so that their younger siblings can eat.
 * Some children will attempt to flee from their homes. If the child was hungry, they will go to their homes or find the food from a dumpster/ a place that can get free food.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Child neglect


text:
Talk:Blackshirts

Photo in History section
To man to the left of Mussolini appears to be Emilio De Bono, is this correct? If so, he should be identified. --NEMT 16:49, 25 May 2007 (UTC)

Shirts
At the end of that first paragraph, what is all that about the shirts? It needs to be clarified.

Spanish Civil War
There should probably be a section on their involvement in the Spanish Civil War.(Lucas(CA) 02:09, 7 September 2007 (UTC))

Split
This article seems to be weighing in on a lot of various subjects, nationalities, etc. Perhaps it should be split up into smaller or more specific articles for clarity's sake? Just my two cents. 158.143.155.244 (talk) 13:41, 22 December 2008 (UTC)

No proof
There is no proof they raped people so I deleted this statement. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 83.248.84.32 (talk) 20:13, 24 May 2009 (UTC)

Missing from this Article
The opening section includes this phrase: …they used violence and intimidation against Mussolini's opponents. Unfortunately, that's all it says about this topic. I'm not against including the details of rank and insignia, but what I really came her for was to learn more about their place in history, which is all about the violence and intimidation against Mussolini's opponents. That seems central. Where is it? —MiguelMunoz (talk) 14:44, 24 October 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:Blackshirts


text:
User talk:Heryu~enwiki

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User talk:GeoffPurchase

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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/East L.A. Classic

East L.A. Classic was proposed for deletion. This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete

East L.A. Classic
Unnotable football game. There are notable long standing rivalries between football teams, but this isn't one of them. -℘yrop (talk) 04:27, Dec 1, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete: School lore with no real standing beyond the very local area. Geogre 15:17, 1 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Agree with Geogre. Indrian 21:11, Dec 3, 2004 (UTC)
 * delete - I've moved the information in it to the Talk page of East LA City College, so when someone eventually makes an article on that, it can be included as a minor point. But it's not notable(AFAIK) for an article on itself. JesseW 03:36, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like other '/delete' pages is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion or on the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Battle of Inverlochy (1645)

The Battle of Inverlochy occurred on 2 February 1645 during the Wars of the Three Kingdoms when a Royalist force of Highlanders and Confederate Irish troops under the overall command of James Graham, 1st Marquess of Montrose, routed and largely destroyed the pursuing forces of Archibald Campbell, 1st Marquess of Argyll, who had been encamped under the walls of Inverlochy Castle.

After being researched, the area was designated as a battlefield by Historic Scotland in 2011.

Background
After the Covenanter-controlled Scottish Committee of Estates decided to intervene in the English Civil War on the Parliamentarian side, the Royalist party sought to find ways of tying down Covenanter forces in Scotland to prevent them being employed in England. King Charles I had already given a commission to Montrose, a disaffected former signatory of the Covenant, to organise Royalist opposition in Scotland. The project was given impetus when Confederate Ireland, at the instigation of the Earl of Antrim and the Duke of Ormond, aided the Royalists by sending 2,000 experienced troops to Scotland under Antrim's relative Alasdair Mac Colla. The Irish landed at Ardnamurchan on the west coast in early July 1644.

Montrose and a small number of Royalist clansmen linked up with Mac Colla in August. By this time the Committee of Estates had sent armies into the field against them, under the overall command of the experienced general William Baillie. Montrose, however, won surprise victories against government troops at Tippermuir and Aberdeen in September. He then retreated into the Highlands, pursued by a force under the Marquess of Argyll, the head of Clan Campbell and one of the key figures in the Committee of Estates, while Baillie's main army blocked Montrose's path eastward. By late November, the Royalists had added another 1,000 recruits, largely from amongst the men of Clan Donald. Over the winter they conducted a fierce campaign of burning and plundering largely directed against the lands of Argyll himself, and culminating in the sacking of Inveraray. Montrose left Inveraray on 14 January 1645 and headed north. It is believed that he split his army at Glen Etive sending part of it up past Ballachulish while the bulk continued across Rannoch Moor, into Glencoe.

Baillie and Argyll believed that Montrose's force would easily be trapped or dispersed once the difficulty of supplying them in the Highlands in winter took hold. Indeed, by the end of January, Montrose had halted at Kilchummin in the Great Glen, with supplies exhausted and with his forces reduced to less than 2,000 due to sickness and desertions amongst the Highlanders, who were eager to return home with their plunder. At Kilchummin he learned that a large contingent of Northern Levies under the Earl of Seaforth blocked the route northward at Inverness, while Argyll – with a force made up of his own regiment, eight companies of Lowland foot sent by Baillie, and a large number of Clan Campbell levies – was camped to the south of him at Inverlochy. Further south, Baillie and Sir John Urry were assembling further troops. The Royalists were now effectively trapped.

Flank march

Montrose decided to face the threat by marching south and attacking Argyll. This course may have been chosen as Argyll's men now threatened the lands of several of Montrose's key supporters. However, he realised that a frontal approach would be quickly detected. What followed was a remarkable flanking march, during winter, across some of the toughest and wildest terrain in the British Isles, partly through snow knee-deep. The Royalists first travelled up the River Tarff to Glen Buck via Culachy, and across the gorge of the Calder Burn to reach the head of the glen, 1000 feet above sea level. They then climbed a further 1000 feet to Carn na Larach, before travelling down Glen Turret and Glen Roy to Keppoch, where the advance guard rested for around three hours in a barn while the main force caught up.

After fording the Spean, and passing through Leanachan Woods, they emerged on the slopes of Ben Nevis above Inverlochy in the early hours of Candlemas Day, 2 February; they had marched around 36 miles in 36 hours.

Battle
Montrose's army spent a cold night in the open on the side of Ben Nevis. Argyll was already aware that a small force was operating in the area, having been alerted by pickets driven from Keppoch by the Royalist advance guard. He did not know, however, that he was faced by the entire royal army. Just before dawn on 2 February 1645, Argyll and his commanders were dismayed at the sight that lay before them. As far as they were aware Montrose should still have been 30 miles north.

Order of Battle and deployments

 * Royalist (James Graham, 1st Marquess of Montrose)
 * Irish Brigade Alasdair Mac Colla
 * Thomas Laghtnan's Regiment (400 men)
 * Manus O'Cahan's Regiment (200)
 * James McDonnell's Regiment (200)
 * MacDonald, Cameron and other clan levies (c.500)
 * Patrick Graham of Inchbrackie's Regiment (200)
 * Sir Thomas Ogilvie's Horse (50)
 * Covenanter (Sir Duncan Campbell, 2nd Baronet of Auchinbreck)
 * Marquess of Argyll's Regiment (500)
 * Clan Campbell levies (c.1000)
 * Lt-Col Laghlan Roughe's Battalion (200)
 * Lt-Col John Cockburn's Battalion (200)

Argyll did not stay for the battle, having injured his arm in a fall from his horse, and retired to his galley anchored on Loch Linnhe. Command of the government forces was left in the hands of his kinsman Sir Duncan Campbell of Auchinbreck, described by Robert Baillie as "a stout soldier, but a very vicious man". Auchinbreck was an experienced veteran recently recalled from the war in Ireland and regarded as the best soldier in Clan Campbell.

Auchinbreck lined up his forces with the left wing anchored on Inverlochy Castle, which he reinforced with 200 musketeers to protect his left flank. In the centre he placed Argyll's regiment, with an advance guard commanded by Gillespie, son of the Laird of Bingingeahds. On the flanks he put the 8 companies of Lowland militia sent by Baillie, under Roughe and Cockburn, while to the rear was a reserve of Campbell clan levies commanded by the lairds of Lochnell and Rarra, along with two light artillery pieces. Unlike at Tippermuir and Aberdeen, where Montrose had annihilated hastily conscripted and poorly trained militias, many of the troops he faced at Inverlochy were veterans of the wars in England and Ireland. Montrose lined his army up only two lines deep to avoid being outflanked, placing the clansmen, under his personal command, in the centre with the Irish on the flanks, the left being commanded by MacColla and the right by O'Cahan. A small troop of light cavalry, led by Sir Thomas Ogilvie of Airlie, protected the Royalist standard.

Attack by Montrose
The fight did not start straight away and instead skirmishes broke out along the line before dawn. This was possibly because Montrose wanted to harry Argyll's men to ensure they did not slip away, whilst hiding his own presence and the full size of his army. Auchinbreck and his officers thought that they were only fighting one of Montrose's lieutenants and not the man himself, believing he was still far up the glen. Wishart, Montrose's biographer, claimed that they only realised Montrose and his cavalry were present on hearing trumpets used as the attack signal. Just before first light, the Royalists launched their attack.

O'Cahan's men advanced first, followed by Mac Colla. The Irish closed rapidly and violently with the regular troops on both flanks. Montrose, in his letter describing the battle, stated that they went quickly to "push of pike and dint of sword". The Irish routed the two wings, exposing Auchinbreck's centre. Montrose then launched the highlanders at Argyll's regiment and the Campbell clansmen; as the first line was driven back on to the second, the latter panicked and broke. Some of the Lowland foot forming Auchinbreck's left attempted to retreat into the castle, but were blocked by the Royalist cavalry under Ogilvie and driven to the shore of the loch. Auchinbreck was shot in the thigh while trying to rally his men and died shortly afterwards. The remaining Covenanters briefly rallied around their standard, then broke and ran. The battle rapidly became a "massacre perpetrated by one set of feuding clansmen on another". Those who ran towards the loch were slaughtered, while the remainder attempted to escape into the hills. The small garrison in Inverlochy castle surrendered without a fight.

As was common in the battles of the era, the majority of casualties occurred during the rout of the retreating forces, who were pursued at least eight miles from the battlefield. In later years the graves of many of them were pointed out in Glen Nevis. Over 1500 Covenanter troops died, while Montrose lost very few men, reputedly as few as between four and eight, the most notable Royalist casualty being Sir Thomas Ogilvie who was hit by a stray bullet and died several days later. Many gentry and tacksmen serving under Argyll were killed, including John Campbell of Lochnell, Colin MacDougal of Rarra, and others. The remaining officers were all captured, although some, such as Cockburn, were shortly released on parole on the promise that they did not take up arms against the Royalists.

Iain Lom, the bard of the clan MacDonald of Keppoch, watched the battle from a vantage point on a hillside, and afterwards wrote the poem "Là Inbhir Lochaidh" ("The Day of Inverlochy") about it.

Aftermath
On 11 February the Parliament of Scotland found Montrose and 19 of his main followers, including Mac Colla and Graham of Inchbrackie, guilty of high treason in their absence. The following day Argyll himself appeared before Parliament, with his arm in a sling, dismissing the loss as a minor setback. Robert Baillie afterwards wrote that "this disaster did extremely amaze us. I verily think that had Montrose come presently from that battle he should have had no opposition in the Highlands [...] scarce till he had come to Edinburgh. But God in mercy put other thoughts in his heart".

Montrose was able to use this conflict to rally Clan Donald against Clan Campbell. In many respects, the Battle of Inverlochy was as much part of the clan war between these two deadly enemies and their allies as it was part of the Wars of the Three Kingdoms, and that is how it was portrayed in Gaelic folklore. After the battle MacDonalds pursued fleeing Campbells up the Lairig Mhor, which is now part of the West Highland Way, killing those they caught. About 12 km from the battle field they stopped and marked the spot by erecting a stone which came to be known as Clach nan Caimbeulach or the Campbell's Stone. Today the place is marked by a rough cairn, or pile of stones.

The victory also secured the cooperation in Montrose's campaign of the Marquess of Huntly, whose Clan Gordon levies made him one of the most powerful nobles in Scotland.

The battle and the Royalist campaign of 1644–1645 in general feature in the 1937 novel And No Quarter by the Irish writer Maurice Walsh, told from the perspective of two members of O'Cahan's Regiment.

title: Battle of Inverlochy (1645)


text:
Kawau Island

Kawau Island is in the Hauraki Gulf, close to the north-eastern coast of the North Island of New Zealand. At its closest point it lies 1.4 km off the coast of the Northland Peninsula, just south of Tāwharanui Peninsula, and about 8 km by sea journey from Sandspit Wharf, and shelters Kawau Bay to the north-east of Warkworth. It is 40 km north of Auckland. Mansion House in the Kawau Island Historic Reserve is an important historic tourist attraction. Almost every property on the Island relies on direct access to the sea. There are only two short roads serving settlements at Schoolhouse Bay and South Cove, and most residents have private wharves for access to their front door steps.

The island is named after the Māori word for the shag (cormorant) bird.

A regular ferry service operates to the island from Sandspit Wharf on the mainland, as do water taxi services.

Geography

The island is 8 by at its longest axes, and is almost bisected by the long inlet of Bon Accord Harbour which is geologically a "drowned valley". The sheltered location of the bay has made it a favourite stop for yachts for more than a century. The island is formed primarily by greywacke rocks an small lava flows, which formed on the seafloor before the island was uplifted by tectonic forces. Many of these lava flows were associated with hydrothermal springs, which precipitated metal sulfides and minerals rich in iron, manganese and copper.

Approximately 17,000 years ago during the Last Glacial Maximum when sea levels were over 100 metres lower than present day levels, Kawau Island was landlocked to the North Island, and surrounded by a vast coastal plain where the Hauraki Gulf exists today. Sea levels began to rise 7,000 years ago, after which Kawau became an island separated from the rest of New Zealand.

History

Kawau, though providing little arable land, was well-favoured by Māori for its beautiful surrounding waters, with battles over the island common from the 17th century on. Traditional stories involve the ancestor Toi-te-huatahi naming the island Te Kawau Tu Maro, meaning the shag (cormorant) standing watch. Kawau was occupied for generations by Tāmaki Māori tribes including Te Kawerau and Ngāi Tai. A defensive pā, Momona, is found on the island, located in the south-west along the ridge close to modern-day Mansion House.

Entrepreneurs from New South Wales purchased the island in 1840, and shortly afterwards James Forbes Beattie formed the Kawau Company, intending to mine copper on the island. Miners from Falmouth, Cornwall were brought over for the operation, later joined by smelters from Wales, once it was discovered that unsmelted ore was a fire hazard for ships, and an ore smelting operation was begun on the island. A rival company, funded by Frederick Whitaker and Theophilus Heale, was granted land immediately outside of the Kawau Company's land grant, giving them control of the wharf. The rival company created shafts underneath the Kawau Company's land, which led to a confrontation when miners from the Kawau Company broke into the rival company's heading. In 1846 the rival company's grant was rejected, and the Kawau Company took full possession of the mines in 1848. In 1844/45 the island produced about 7,000 pounds of copper, which was about a third of Auckland's exports for that year. The island was bought a few years later by Sir George Grey, Governor of New Zealand, in 1862 as a private retreat. Grey extended the original copper mine manager's house (built 1845) to create the Mansion House, which still stands, and made the surrounding land into a botanical and zoological park, importing many plants and animals. The house changed hands several times after Grey, and decayed increasingly, but has been restored and furnished to its state in the period of Governor Grey and is now in public ownership in the Kawau Island Historic Reserve, administered by the New Zealand Department of Conservation. The reserve is public land and covers 10% of the Island, and includes the old copper mine, believed to be the site of New Zealand's first underground metalliferous mining venture (1844). The ruins of the mine's pumphouse are registered as a Category I heritage structure.

The island is home to kiwi and two-thirds of the entire population of North Island weka. Among the animals that Grey introduced were five species of wallabies, as well as kookaburra. Three of the six introduced wallaby species remain and do considerable damage to the native vegetation, thus harming the habitat for these flightless birds and other native fauna. The wallabies destroy all emerging seedlings which means that the present native trees are the last generation. The usual understorey forest species are absent due to wallaby browsing and in many cases the ground is bare. Possums, also introduced by Grey, destroy mature native trees. The result has been a considerable loss of biodiversity, with bird numbers plummeting due to loss of both food supply and habitat. Even the surrounding marine environment has been severely compromised by silt carried from the bare ground by rainwater.

Grey's wallaby introduction however had some minor indirect benefit in the early 2000s, when species from the island were introduced into Australia's Innes National Park to boost genetic diversity.

Pohutukawa Trust New Zealand

Pohutukawa Trust New Zealand was founded in 1992 by Ray Weaver and other private landowners who own 90% of the island, "to rehabilitate the native flora and fauna of Kawau Island". Until then it was considered hopeless to reverse the considerable ecological damage caused by the introduced animal and plant species, and Kawau was said to be of historical rather than botanical importance. The Trust is a registered Charity and has run continuously since its beginnings in 1992. The Pohutukawa Trust was chaired until his death in 2015 by Ray Weaver, and is now chaired by his brother Carl. The Trust's plan is to eradicate all introduced animal pests in stages starting firstly with wallabies, possums and stoats. Pest removal and the eradication of certain weed species and control others, will enable sustainable land use in a restored ecological setting of native flora and fauna. The ongoing program is funded by donations and sponsors. Both Wallaby and Possum numbers have been steadily since 1985 through sustained control, saving the coastal pohutukawa tree, a New Zealand icon. From a period when possum numbers were at plague proportions across the island they are effectively absent form the private landowners properties. In the first quarter of 2024 the island was surveyed using trained detection dogs to establish the current status of stoats on the island and no trace of animals was able to be found. The trust is not able to claim at this stage that the inability of these specialized dejection teams to find presence of a stoat is that it has eradicated them at this stage but it is possible. As stoats are one of the major predators for young Kiwi the trusts removal of these animals is a significant contributing factor in kiwi numbers exploding since the early 2000's.

The response to pest control work has been increasing native bird numbers, including increased kiwi calls, brown teal, kaka, kererū, and bellbirds.

After assisting with capturing all of the rare brushtail rock wallabies that could economically be recovered from the private land for relocation to a successful captive breeding program established by Waterfall Springs Conservation Association in Wahroonga, Australia, Pohutukawa Trust New Zealand is now humanely eradicating the remaining wallabies from the island, to enable ecological restoration (mainly by natural regeneration). As at 2019 four wallaby species, Tammar wallaby, Parma wallaby, Bush-tailed rock-wallaby and Swamp wallaby, all continue to threaten the native species on the island.

An inventory of remaining indigenous plants and forest fragments on the island was compiled in 1996 and is being progressively enhanced to define the remnant resource still available for restoration, and several rare indigenous plant species have been discovered during the process.

Following the successful removal of Wallaby and Opossum other animal pests the Trust intends to eradicate in stages as resources enable included, feral cats, and ship rats. Exotic plants unpalatable to the wallabies have become serious invasive weeds on the island, and the Trust's plans include eradication or control of these also as part of the ecological restoration process.

The serious threat of possums to New Zealand's indigenous forest was first identified on Kawau by Ray Weaver in 1955. Since then possums have become a major animal pest in New Zealand, compromising both forest health and the country's primary industries. Governor Grey introduced possums to Kawau in 1868-69. The first liberation in New Zealand is believed to have been by Captain Howell at Riverton in the South Island in 1837.

The Pohutukawa Trust New Zealand received a Green Ribbon Award from the Ministry for the Environment in 2003 "for outstanding leadership and commitment to environmental protection".

Department of Conservation controlled land
About 10% of the island is under the control of the Department of Conservation, which tries to keep the protected areas free of invasive pests and animals. As at 2002, Kawau Island was home to the largest island population of North Island weka.

Demographics
Kawau Island is in an SA1 statistical area which covers 21.57 km2 and includes Motuora, Moturekareka Island, Motuketekete Island, Takangaroa Island and Rabbit Island, all of which are uninhabited. It had an estimated population of as of  with a population density of  people per km2. The SA1 area is part of the larger Gulf Islands statistical area.

The SA1 statistical area had a population of 81 at the 2018 New Zealand census, an increase of 3 people (3.8%) since the 2013 census, and unchanged since the 2006 census. There were 45 households, comprising 42 males and 42 females, giving a sex ratio of 1.0 males per female. The median age was 60.3 years (compared with 37.4 years nationally), with 6 people (7.4%) aged under 15 years, 3 (3.7%) aged 15 to 29, 45 (55.6%) aged 30 to 64, and 30 (37.0%) aged 65 or older.

Ethnicities were 96.3% European/Pākehā and 7.4% Māori. People may identify with more than one ethnicity.

Although some people chose not to answer the census's question about religious affiliation, 48.1% had no religion, 37.0% were Christian and 3.7% had other religions.

Of those at least 15 years old, 18 (24.0%) people had a bachelor's or higher degree, and 18 (24.0%) people had no formal qualifications. The median income was $24,600, compared with $31,800 nationally. 12 people (16.0%) earned over $70,000 compared to 17.2% nationally. The employment status of those at least 15 was that 24 (32.0%) people were employed full-time and 21 (28.0%) were part-time.

Gulf Islands
The statistical area of Gulf Islands also includes Rangitoto Island, Motutapu Island, Browns Island, Motuihe Island and Rakino Island, but Kawau Island has the majority of the population. Gulf Islands covers 66.11 km2 and had an estimated population of as of  with a population density of  people per km2.

Gulf Islands had a population of 111 at the 2018 New Zealand census, a decrease of 9 people (−7.5%) since the 2013 census, and a decrease of 30 people (−21.3%) since the 2006 census. There were 63 households, comprising 57 males and 54 females, giving a sex ratio of 1.06 males per female. The median age was 61.3 years (compared with 37.4 years nationally), with 6 people (5.4%) aged under 15 years, 3 (2.7%) aged 15 to 29, 63 (56.8%) aged 30 to 64, and 42 (37.8%) aged 65 or older.

Ethnicities were 94.6% European/Pākehā, 8.1% Māori, and 2.7% other ethnicities. People may identify with more than one ethnicity.

The percentage of people born overseas was 16.2, compared with 27.1% nationally.

Although some people chose not to answer the census's question about religious affiliation, 48.6% had no religion, 37.8% were Christian and 2.7% had other religions.

Of those at least 15 years old, 30 (28.6%) people had a bachelor's or higher degree, and 21 (20.0%) people had no formal qualifications. The median income was $25,200, compared with $31,800 nationally. 18 people (17.1%) earned over $70,000 compared to 17.2% nationally. The employment status of those at least 15 was that 33 (31.4%) people were employed full-time, 24 (22.9%) were part-time, and 3 (2.9%) were unemployed.

title: Kawau Island


text:
Talk:George Grey Barnard

Untitled
I'm trying to figure out how Barnard was photographed in 1947 when he died in 1938. Any ideas?

 * Good point. 1938 is consistently given on the Web as his death, even at sites not depending on Wikipedia. --Wetman 04:45, 1 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * yes, I looked it up in several books [I'm an old fashioned kind of guy] and 1938 it is. So  .  .  .  . maybe the print was made in 1947? Carptrash 06:37, 1 Dec 2004 (UTC) where did that BOLD come from?

A photograph is consistently dated on Wikipedia at the time the image was captured, not at the time the image was reproduced. The date of 1947 for the photograph cannot be correct; I would guess that the image was captured in 1937, but have no empirical basis for this guess. We need to keep working on this. Bigturtle 18:03, 30 January 2007 (UTC)

Lincoln statue
This source indicates that the original Abraham Lincoln statue is in Cincinnati and a copy was sent to Manchester. The article says that Cincinnati's is a "second casting." Is there a source to support this?

Thanks.

Rdikeman 22:53, 19 March 2006 (UTC)
 * i see that the Manchester Theory [hitherto and hereafter refered to as "MT"] was added early in the article's history, and I later went and made it worse. I've looking it up and think that it is okay now.  Carptrash 23:46, 19 March 2006 (UTC)

Suggested External link
Hello fellow Wikipedians, I would like to add an external link to the The George Grey Barnard Papers: 1889-1967 archival materials held by The Met. Please take a moment to review my suggestion and let me know if you have any objections or changes. The George Grey Barnard Papers: 1889-1967] from the Cloisters Library and Archives, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. COMMENT: The George Grey Bernard papers contain a wide variety of archival material that shows the public and private life of George Grey Barnard. The bulk of the collection comprises correspondence and newspaper clippings, but also includes correspondence, photographs, sketches, notebooks, small clay models and business records relating largely to his Cloisters and L'Abbaye collections. --Mkessler.nyc (talk) 20:00, 7 September 2019 (UTC)
 * IN EXTERNAL LINKS: [https://libmma.contentdm.oclc.org/digital/collection/p15324coll6/id/16

Barnard in Moret-sur-Loing
Barnard spent the time from 1903-1911 in his atelier in the french town of Moret-sur-Loing. Can anyone identify the adresse of this atelier ? Cantece (talk) 23:49, 24 December 2021 (UTC)

I found ou he lived in 4 rue des Fossés, http://archives-en-ligne.seine-et-marne.fr/ (Moret, 1906) — Preceding unsigned comment added by Cantece (talk • contribs) 12:54, 3 January 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:George Grey Barnard


text:
Spiceworld (album)

Spiceworld is the second studio album by English girl group the Spice Girls, released on 1 November 1997 by Virgin Records. Its music incorporates dance-pop music and production. The album became a commercial success worldwide, lengthening the so-called "Spicemania" of the time. It debuted at number one on the UK Albums Chart, with first-week sales of 190,000 copies and shipped 1.4 million copies in two weeks. The album also reached number one in 13 countries, while peaking inside the top three in Australia, Canada, France, Switzerland and the United States. Spiceworld has sold over 14 million copies worldwide, making it one of the world's best-selling albums by a girl group.

The album spawned four singles, all of which saw commercial success. Its lead single "Spice Up Your Life" became an international success, peaking in the top five positions in many countries. It was followed by the singles "Too Much", "Stop", and "Viva Forever", all of which attained commercial success on the charts. To promote the album, the Spice Girls embarked on their debut headlining concert tour, titled the Spiceworld Tour, covering Europe and North America for a total of 97 dates between February and September 1998. This is the last studio album with member Geri Halliwell who left during the tour, but rejoined in 2007. An expanded edition of the album, titled Spiceworld25, was released on 4 November 2022 to celebrate its 25th anniversary.

Background
After releasing their hugely successful debut album Spice, which later became one of the best-selling albums of all time, the group announced they were working on a second studio album. During the recording and writing of Spiceworld the group also filmed Spice World, a musical comedy film starring the Spice Girls as themselves. The album worked as a soundtrack to the film, with most of the songs from the album appearing in the film, with the exception of "Move Over".

Throughout 1997, the Spice Girls received massive media attention, which also included a few controversies. The group performed live for the first time for the British royal family. At the show, they breached royal protocol when Mel B and then Geri Halliwell planted kisses on Prince Charles's cheeks and pinched his bottom. The group was also criticised in the United States for releasing their second album Spiceworld just nine months after the American release of their debut album Spice. They received further criticism because of the impact and amount of sponsorship deals they had signed. They also made a decision to fire their manager Simon Fuller in November 1997, which was front-page news around the world.

In October 1997, the Spice Girls held a two-date concert in Istanbul titled Girl Power! Live in Istanbul, sponsored by Pepsi. During the concert the group premiered three new songs from Spiceworld: "Too Much", "Stop" and "Saturday Night Divas". Two promotional singles from Spiceworld were released prior to the album release in 1997: "Step to Me" and "Move Over (Generation Next)". Both songs were used in the Pepsi advertising campaigns and were also given away free with special ring pulls. The Japanese album version of "Step to Me" is slightly different from the original release of the song, while "Move Over (Generation Next)" was only released as a live version during its promotional release.

Composition
The album consists of pop music with dance-pop songs and production. According to AllMusic, the album's music is "catchier" and has an "intoxicating sense of fun". The album was also used as the soundtrack to their 1997 film Spice World. "Spice Up Your Life" is an uptempo dance-pop song, with influences of Latin rhythms such as salsa and samba. The lyrics to "Spice Up Your Life" are an international rally cry, targeted to a global market, as Melanie C described it: "We always wanted to do a carnival tune and write a song for the world." "Stop" is an uptempo dance-pop song with influences of Motown's blue-eyed soul, and is reminiscent of classic singles by the Supremes or Martha and the Vandellas. Lyrically, the song calls for a slowing down on the courtship process, and it is particularly addressed to appeal to the young female audience, as the female to female bonds are not threatened. "Too Much" is a pop ballad, with influences of R&B music and doo-wop sounds, whereas "Never Give Up on the Good Times" is a dance-pop song with influences of disco. "Viva Forever" is a pop ballad with influences of Latin music. "The Lady Is a Vamp" has influences of jazz.

Singles
"Spice Up Your Life" was released as the lead single from the album on 13 October 1997. The song became an instant worldwide success, although it received negative reviews from music critics. In the United Kingdom, the song peaked at number one, becoming the group's fifth consecutive chart-topper, and was certified platinum by the BPI. "Spice Up Your Life" reached the top five in over 14 countries, while reaching number 18 on the Billboard Hot 100 in the United States.

The album's second single, "Too Much", was released on 15 December 1997 and hit number one in the UK, becoming the group's second consecutive Christmas number-one single. The song was certified platinum in the UK. In the US, "Too Much" peaked at number nine on the Billboard Hot 100, their fourth and so far last top-10 single there. The song also peaked at number nine in Australia, New Zealand, and Canada.

The third single from Spiceworld was "Stop". Critically, the song received mainly positive reviews from music critics, mostly praising the Motown-inspired music and production. It was released on 9 March 1998 and peaked at number two in the United Kingdom, ending the Spice Girls' streak of consecutive number-one singles on the UK chart at six. The single received a silver certification. In the US the song peaked at number 16 on the Hot 100. Elsewhere, "Stop" reached the top 10 in nine other countries.

The fourth and final single from the album was intended to be a double A-side release of "Never Give Up on the Good Times" and "Viva Forever". However, due to Halliwell's departure from the group, the plan was scrapped. Instead, "Viva Forever" was released alone on 20 July 1998. The song received critical acclaim from critics, as some called it "genuine". "Viva Forever" reached number one in the United Kingdom and was certified platinum by the BPI. The song debuted at number one in New Zealand, becoming the band's first chart-topper in that country since "Wannabe". "Viva Forever" did not receive a single release in the United States.

Live performances
The Spice Girls performed "Spice Up Your Life" for the first time in the United Kingdom on 27 September 1997, on BBC's programme National Lottery, which attracted more than nine million viewers. The song was subsequently performed many times on television, in both Europe and the US, including An Audience with..., Top of the Pops, All That, The Jay Leno Show, Late Show with David Letterman, and The Oprah Winfrey Show. "Spice Up Your Life" was also performed in many award ceremonies such as the 1997 Smash Hits! Awards, the 1997 MTV Europe Music Awards, the 1997 Billboard Music Awards, the 1997 Premios Ondas, the 1997 Channel V Music Awards, and the 2000 Brit Awards. "Too Much" was performed several times on television, including An Audience with..., Top of the Pops, and the 1997 Royal Variety Performance. The group also performed it at the 1997 Smash Hits! Awards, and at the 25th Annual American Music Awards. "Stop" was also performed many times on television, in both the UK and the US, including An Audience with..., Top of the Pops, The Tonight Show with Jay Leno, and the Late Show with David Letterman. For their "Stop" performance at the 1998 Brit Awards, the group adopted a Supremes-like look, and appeared on the stage in a 1960-style car. The group performed "Stop" and "Viva Forever" without Halliwell in Modena, Italy; for the annually hosted Pavarotti & Friends charity concert in June 1998. "Viva Forever" was performed with Halliwell on Top of the Pops on 21 May 1998 and without her on 27 May 1998 at the National Lottery. In October 1997 the Spice Girls held a two-date concert on Abdi İpekçi Arena in Istanbul, Turkey, performing four songs of Spiceworld: "Spice Up Your Life", "Too Much", "Saturday Night Divas" and "Stop". The performance was broadcast on Showtime in a pay-per-view event titled Spice Girls in Concert Wild!.

Tour
In early 1998, the Spice Girls embarked on their first world tour that Fuller had set up for them covering Europe and North America for 97 dates. The Spiceworld Tour kicked off in Dublin, Ireland, on 24 February 1998 before moving on to mainland Europe and then returning to the UK for two gigs at Wembley Arena and 12 gigs at Birmingham's NEC Arena. On 31 May 1998, Halliwell left the group during the tour's run. The remaining girls continued the tour to its last date without Halliwell. A VHS release of the group's performance at Wembley Stadium, titled Live at Wembley Stadium, was released on 24 November 1998.

Critical reception
Spiceworld received positive reviews from music critics. Stephen Thomas Erlewine from AllMusic wrote that the album "boast[s] a more consistent (and catchier) set of songs [than Spice] and an intoxicating sense of fun", concluding that "each song has a strong melody and a strong, solid beat, whether it's a ballad or a dance number. It's a pure, unadulterated guilty pleasure and some of the best manufactured mainstream dance-pop of the late '90s." David Browne from Entertainment Weekly stated, "Trading verses in this and other songs, they transform the numbers into audio pajama parties full of sisterly advice, support, and warnings. Part heart, part mind, all cotton candy, Spiceworld may just be the answer to one of life's most vexing quandaries."

Rolling Stone's David Wild commented that, compared to Spice, Spiceworld is "a masterful effort; at its best, it reaches creative heights that are downright Bananaramian." In a mixed review, Craig D. Lindsey of the Houston Press expressed, "Anyone expecting a maelstrom of artistic evolution from these women ought to relax a little; it's only music, for chrissakes. And the Spice Girls and their handlers deserve bonus points for showing a little common sense. After all, if this were seven years ago, they might have taken their precious time releasing Spiceworld, while the group's hype was irreversibly extinguished."

Commercial performance
Spiceworld debuted at number one on the UK Albums Chart, selling 192,000 copies and shipping 1.4 million copies in its first week. The album was certified five-times platinum by the British Phonographic Industry (BPI) on 19 December 1997, and had sold 1,603,426 copies in the United Kingdom as of October 2019. The album reached number one in several European countries, including Austria, Denmark, Finland, Ireland, the Netherlands and Norway. It was certified five-times platinum by the International Federation of the Phonographic Industry (IFPI), denoting sales in excess of five million copies across Europe. In Japan, Spiceworld peaked at number six on the Oricon Albums Chart and earned a double platinum certification from the Recording Industry Association of Japan (RIAJ). In Oceania, the album reached number two in Australia and number one in New Zealand; it was ceritifed six-times platinum by the Australian Recording Industry Association (ARIA) and triple platinum by the Recording Industry Association of New Zealand (RIANZ).

The album debuted at number eight on the US Billboard 200 with first-week sales of 83,000 copies. Sales increased week by week, its best week being that of 3 January 1998 when it sold 284,000 copies. The album finally peaked at number three on 14 February, when Spice also returned to the top 10, making the Spice Girls the first British group to have two albums in the top 10 of the Billboard 200 at the same time since the Rolling Stones in mid-1975. The album sold 1.74 million copies in the first 12 weeks and 3.2 million in the first 10 months. It was certified four-times platinum by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) on 19 May 1999, and by December 2007, it had sold 4.2 million copies in the US. In Canada, the album peaked at number two on the Canadian Albums Chart and was certified diamond by the Canadian Recording Industry Association (CRIA) for shipments of one million copies. Spiceworld was a big success in Canada, it was the group's second diamond-selling album and spent 43 weeks in the Top 10 and 60 weeks in the Top 20 album chart. Spiceworld had sold 13 million copies by the end of 1998, making it one of the world's best-selling albums by a girl group.

Spiceworld25
On 27 September 2022, the Spice Girls announced the release of the 25th-anniversary edition of Spiceworld, titled Spiceworld25. The expanded edition features previously unreleased live versions and remixes, in addition to previously available B-sides "Walk of Life" and "Outer Space Girls" and a megamix. The anniversary had first been teased in July 2022, when they released an image of the Earth with a "Spiceworld25" banner across it. Their 1997 song "Step to Me" was released digitally for the first time on the same day as the album announcement. "Step to Me" had originally been released in 1997 as part of a Pepsi promotion, where fans could obtain the CD single if they collected enough ring pulls.

Spiceworld25 was released digitally on 4 November 2022 by UMC, as well as on double LP, double cassette, picture disc and clear vinyl. On the same day, an official montage music video for "Never Give Up on the Good Times" was released, and was directed by Kiran Mistry. A two-CD and hardback book set was released on 16 December 2022.

On 11 November 2022, following the release of Spiceworld25, Spiceworld re-entered the UK Albums Chart at number 46 with 2,257 copies sold.

Personnel
Credits adapted from the liner notes of Spiceworld.

Musicians

 * Matt Rowe – keyboards, programming (tracks 1, 4–6, 9)
 * Pete Davis – additional programming (tracks 1, 4–6, 9)
 * Mike Higham – additional programming (tracks 2, 3, 7, 8, 10)
 * Absolute – instruments (tracks 2, 3, 7, 8)
 * Kick Horns – brass (tracks 2, 3)
 * Milton McDonald – guitar (tracks 2, 3, 8); additional guitar (track 7)
 * Stephen Hussey – string arrangement (track 3)
 * Pure Stringz – strings (track 3)
 * Magnus Fiennes – additional programming (tracks 4, 5, 7); additional keyboards (track 7)
 * Steve Lewinson – bass guitar (track 5)
 * Shawn Lee – guitar (track 5)
 * Snake Davis – flute (track 5)
 * Anne Dudley – string arrangement (tracks 5, 9)
 * Paul "Tubbs" Williams – bass (track 8)
 * John Themis – acoustic guitar (track 9)
 * Steve Sidwell – orchestral arrangement (track 10)

Technical

 * Richard Stannard – production (tracks 1, 4–6, 9)
 * Matt Rowe – production (tracks 1, 4–6, 9)
 * Adrian Bushby – recording, engineering (tracks 1, 4–6, 9)
 * Mark "Spike" Stent – mixing
 * Paul "P. Dub" Walton – mixing assistance (tracks 1, 2, 4–10)
 * Jake Davies – additional engineering (tracks 1, 4–6, 9)
 * Absolute – production (tracks 2, 3, 7, 8, 10)
 * Jeremy Wheatley – engineering (tracks 2, 7, 8, 10)
 * Paul Hicks – engineering (track 3)
 * Robbie Kazandjian – engineering assistance (track 3)
 * Jan Kybert – mixing assistance (track 3); engineering assistance (tracks 7, 8, 10)
 * Mark Tucker – engineering (track 10)
 * Steve Pelluet – engineering assistance (track 10)

title: Spiceworld (album)


text:
Talk:Fred Levin

NPOV
This article has a lot of great info. Unfortunately it has some incredibly biased sections, notably in the tobacco section: "The dean of the Senate then secretly got the law passed on the last day of session and at the last minute. The Senator made it part of another law that everyone supported, and Fred’s amendments passed." "Secretly" is not a term that should be casually used to refer to legal/legislative proceedings of any sort, unless the article also exposes such a mode of operations. I also doubt that a single senator can "make" something part of another law without even committee approval, and that "everyone" truly supported the law, etc... basically this is a microcosm of problems throughout the article, which has a very conspiratorial tone. Someone familiar with the topic should fix this, as a casual reader might infer some strange conclusions from these claims. I don't want to just delete the POV parts because it is quite possible that there is an interesting story behind this narrative which could be properly explained, with the right level of confidence. -Dean dfsayers@gmail.com 07:37, 30 September 2017 (UTC)

title: Talk:Fred Levin


text:
Talk:Fred Levin/to do

Expand: Someone who cares should consider the misleading nature of this article vis-a-vis the fact that two law suits, filed by two other states prior to that of Florida, were the pioneering ones in the state-tobacco litigation. Even if evidently neither was denominated a "class action" or that is such if you accept the meaning of what is written here, each had the same net effect. For some reputable confirmation of the prior filings see http://www.library.ucsf.edu/tobacco/litigation/summary.html

Further consideration should also be given to items already posted on the world wide web which will reduce this article's glowing terms of this lawyer, whose generous gifts should not blind Wiki-scholars to writing a well-balance factual detailing of Mr. Levin's career.

I am unrebuttably not neutral, and for that reason alone can only suggest someone else correct this free ad of a bio note. Even those without legal training, can investigate with very little www work and begin to obtain a balanced understanding of his biggest achievement, one that some suggest has been shown to be a Pyrrhic victory of the worst sort (that will take a broader understanding of policy and of results).

Chief.Scribe (talk) 23:32, 1 November 2008 (UTC)

title: Talk:Fred Levin/to do