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USB mass storage device class

The USB mass storage device class (also known as USB MSC or UMS) is a set of computing communications protocols, specifically a USB Device Class, defined by the USB Implementers Forum that makes a USB device accessible to a host computing device and enables file transfers between the host and the USB device. To a host, the USB device acts as an external hard drive; the protocol set interfaces with a number of storage devices.

Uses

Devices connected to computers via this standard include:
 * External magnetic hard drives
 * External optical drives, including CD and DVD reader and writer drives
 * USB flash drives
 * Solid-state drives
 * Adapters between standard flash memory cards and USB connections
 * Digital cameras
 * Portable media players
 * Card readers
 * PDAs
 * Mobile phones

Devices supporting this standard are known as MSC (Mass Storage Class) devices. While MSC is the original abbreviation, UMS (Universal Mass Storage) has also come into common use.

Operating system support
Most mainstream operating systems include support for USB mass storage devices; support on older systems is usually available through patches.

Microsoft Windows
Microsoft Windows has supported MSC since Windows 2000. There is no support for USB supplied by Microsoft in Windows before Windows 95 and Windows NT 4.0. Windows 95 OSR2.1, an update to the operating system, featured limited support for USB. During that time no generic USB mass-storage driver was produced by Microsoft (including for Windows 98), and a device-specific driver was needed for each type of USB storage device. Third-party, freeware drivers became available for Windows 98 and Windows 98SE, and third-party drivers are also available for Windows NT 4.0. Windows 2000 has support (via a generic driver) for standard USB mass-storage devices; Windows Me and all later Windows versions also include support.

Windows Mobile supports accessing most USB mass-storage devices formatted with FAT on devices with USB Host. However, portable devices typically cannot provide enough power for hard-drive disk enclosures (a 2.5 in hard drive typically requires the maximum 2.5 W in the USB specification) without a self-powered USB hub. A Windows Mobile device cannot display its file system as a mass-storage device unless the device implementer adds that functionality. However, third-party applications add MSC emulation to most WM devices (commercial Softick CardExport and free WM5torage). Only memory cards (not internal-storage memory) can generally be exported, due to file-systems issues; see device access, below.

The AutoRun feature of Windows worked on all removable media, allowing USB storage devices to become a portal for computer viruses. Beginning with Windows 7, Microsoft limited AutoRun to CD and DVD drives, updating previous Windows versions.

MS-DOS
Neither MS-DOS nor most compatible operating systems included support for USB. Third-party generic drivers, such as Duse, USBASPI and DOSUSB, are available to support USB mass-storage devices. FreeDOS supports USB mass storage as an Advanced SCSI Programming Interface (ASPI) interface.

Classic Mac OS and macOS
Apple Computer's Mac OS 9 and macOS support USB mass storage; Mac OS 8.5.1 supported USB mass storage through an optional driver.

Linux
The Linux kernel has supported USB mass-storage devices since its 2.4 series (2001), and a backport to kernel 2.2.18 has been made. In Linux, more features exist in addition to the generic drivers for USB mass-storage device class devices, including quirks, bug fixes and additional functionality for devices and controllers (vendor-enabled functions such as ATA command pass-through for ATA-USB bridges, which is useful for S.M.A.R.T. or temperature monitoring, controlling the spin-up and spin-down of hard disk drives, and other options). This includes a certain portion of Android-based devices, through support of USB-OTG, since Android uses the Linux kernel.

Other Unix-related systems
Solaris has supported devices since its version 2.8 (1998), NetBSD since its version 1.5 (2000), FreeBSD since its version 4.0 (2000) and OpenBSD since its version 2.7 (2000). Digital UNIX (later known as Tru64 UNIX), has supported USB and USB mass-storage devices since its version 4.0E (1998). AIX has supported USB mass-storage devices since its 5.3 T9 and 6.1 T3 versions; however, it is not well-supported and lacks features such as partitioning and general blocking.

Game consoles and embedded devices
The Xbox 360 and PlayStation 3 support most mass-storage devices for the data transfer of media such as pictures and music. As of April 2010, the Xbox 360 (a) used a mass-storage device for saved games and the PS3 allowed transfers between devices on a mass-storage device. Independent developers have released drivers for the TI-84 Plus and TI-84 Plus Silver Edition to access USB mass-storage devices. In these calculators, the usb8x driver supports the msd8x user-interface application.

Device access

The USB mass-storage specification provides an interface to a number of industry-standard command sets, allowing a device to disclose its subclass. In practice, there is little support for specifying a command set via its subclass; most drivers only support the SCSI transparent command set, designating their subset of the SCSI command set with their SCSI Peripheral Device Type (PDT). Subclass codes specify the following command sets:
 * 1) Reduced Block Commands (RBC)
 * 2) SFF-8020i, MMC-2 (used by ATAPI-style CD and DVD drives)
 * 3) QIC-157 (tape drives)
 * 4) Uniform Floppy Interface (UFI)
 * 5) SFF-8070i (used by ARMD-style devices)
 * 6) SCSI transparent command set (use "inquiry" to obtain the PDT)

The specification does not require a particular file system on conforming devices. Based on the specified command set and any subset, it provides a means to read and write sectors of data (similar to the low-level interface used to access a hard drive). Operating systems may treat a USB mass-storage device like a hard drive; users may partition it in any format (such as MBR and GPT), and format it with any file system.

Because of its relative simplicity, the most common file system on embedded devices such as USB flash drives, cameras, or digital audio players is Microsoft's FAT or FAT32 file system (with optional support for long filenames). However, USB mass storage devices may be formatted with any other file system, such as NTFS on Windows NT, HFS Plus on macOS, Ext2 on Linux, or Unix File System on Solaris or BSD). This choice may limit (or prevent) access to a device's contents by equipment using a different operating system. OS-dependent storage options include LVM, partition tables and software encryption.

In cameras, MP3 players and similar devices which must access a file system independent of an external host, the FAT32 file system is preferred by manufacturers. All such devices halt their file-system (dismount) before making it available to a host operating system to prevent file-system corruption or other damage (although it is theoretically possible for both devices to use read-only mode or a cluster file system). Some devices have a write-protection switch (or option) allowing them to be used in read-only mode.

Two main partitioning schemes are used by vendors of pre-formatted devices. One puts the file system (usually FAT32) directly on the device without partitioning, making it start from sector 0 without additional boot sectors, headers or partitions. The other uses a DOS partition table (and MBR code), with one partition spanning the entire device. This partition is often aligned to a high power of two of the sectors (such as 1 or 2 MB), common in solid state drives for performance and durability. Some devices with embedded storage resembling a USB mass-storage device (such as MP3 players with a USB port) will report a damaged (or missing) file system if they are reformatted with a different file system. However, most default-partition devices may be repartitioned (by reducing the first partition and file system) with additional partitions. Such devices will use the first partition for their own operations; after connecting to the host system, all partitions are available.

Devices connected by a single USB port may function as multiple USB devices, one of which is a USB mass-storage device. This simplifies distribution and access to drivers and documentation, primarily for the Microsoft Windows and Mac OS X operating systems. Such drivers are required to make full use of the device, usually because it does not fit a standard USB class or has additional functionality. An embedded USB mass-storage device makes it possible to install additional drivers without CD-ROM disks, floppies or Internet access to a vendor website; this is important, since many modern systems are supplied without optical or floppy drives. Internet access may be unavailable because the device provides network access (wireless, GSM or Ethernet cards). The embedded USB mass storage is usually made permanently read-only by the vendor, preventing accidental corruption and use for other purposes (although it may be updated with proprietary protocols when performing a firmware upgrade). Advantages of this method of distribution are lower cost, simplified installation and ensuring driver portability.

Design
Some advanced hard disk drive commands, such as Tagged Command Queuing and Native Command Queuing (which may increase performance), ATA Secure Erase (which allows all data on the drive to be securely erased) and S.M.A.R.T. (accessing indicators of drive reliability) exist as extensions to low-level drive command sets such as SCSI, ATA and ATAPI. These features may not work when the drives are placed in a disk enclosure that supports a USB mass-storage interface. Some USB mass-storage interfaces are generic, providing basic read-write commands; although that works well for basic data transfers with devices containing hard drives, there is no simple way to send advanced, device-specific commands to such USB mass-storage devices (though, devices may create their own communication protocols over a standard USB control interface). The USB Attached SCSI (UAS) protocol, introduced in USB 3.0, fixes several of these issues, including command queuing, command pipes for hardware requiring them, and power management.

Specific USB 2.0 chipsets had proprietary methods of achieving SCSI pass-through, which could be used to read S.M.A.R.T. data from drives using tools such as smartctl (using the -d option followed by "chipset"). More recent USB storage chipsets support the SCSI / ATA Translation (SAT) as a generic protocol for interacting with ATA (and SATA) devices. Using esoteric ATA or SCSI pass-through commands (such as secure-erase or password protection) when a drive is connected via a USB bridge may cause drive failure, especially with the hdparm utility.

title: USB mass storage device class


text: Template:Ultima

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Template:Ultima


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The Great One

The Great One may refer to:

People

 * Alberto Contador (born 1982), Spanish professional cyclist
 * Roberto Clemente (1934–1972), Hall of Fame Major League Baseball player
 * Jackie Gleason (1916–1987), American comedian and actor
 * Wayne Gretzky (born 1961), Canadian ice hockey player
 * Stephen Hendry (born 1969), Scottish professional snooker player
 * Dwayne Johnson (born 1972), also known as The Rock, actor and professional wrestler
 * Rob Leatham (born 1961), professional shooter and 16-time USPSA national champion
 * Mark Levin (born 1957), conservative radio talk show host
 * Bob Maher, Jr. (born 1978), American professional Magic: The Gathering player

Literature

 * Great Ones, fictional characters from H. P. Lovecraft's Dreamlands
 * The leader of the spiders in the Doctor Who story Planet of the Spiders

Other uses

 * The Babylonian name for the constellation Aquarius
 * The English translation of the Dena'ina name Denali, a mountain in Denali Park, Alaska

title: The Great One


text: User talk:70.240.204.68

title: User talk:70.240.204.68


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Tamir Goodman

Tamirr Goodman (תמיר גודמן) (born January 18, 1982) is a former American-Israeli professional basketball player. He was dubbed by Sports Illustrated magazine as the "Jewish Jordan".

After playing basketball for the Talmudical Academy of Baltimore in 11th grade, he was ranked 25th-best high school player in the country, with an average of 35.4 points per game. He accepted a scholarship from Towson University. Goodman then moved to Israel and signed a 3-year contract with Maccabi Tel Aviv in 2002, and was loaned to Giv'at Shmuel for the 2002–03 season, and then played for Elitzur Kiryat Ata in the 2003–04 season, and returned to Giva't Shmuel for the 2005–06 season.

Early life
Goodman grew up in Baltimore, Maryland, in an Orthodox Jewish family with six brothers and two sisters. He began playing basketball at five years of age, but he first garnered national attention as a junior in high school, averaging 35.4 points per game for the Talmudical Academy of Baltimore. In 11th grade, he was ranked the 25th-best high school player in the country, and was dubbed the "Jewish Jordan". Goodman graduated from Takoma Academy of Takoma Park, Maryland, in 2000.

College career
Goodman received a scholarship offer to the University of Maryland, which had one of the top-ranked basketball teams in the country. The team's schedule included activities on Friday nights and Saturdays (against the rules of Orthodox Judaism). Maryland's coaching staff and Tamir had friction over his refusal to play on the Sabbath, so he declined Maryland's offer.

Goodman then accepted a scholarship from nearby Towson University. Goodman was the first freshman to start at Towson in eleven seasons. He averaged 6 points, 4 assists, and 2.5 rebounds per game in his freshman year in 2000–2001, and was awarded the coach's award for his performance on the court and in the classroom. Goodman continued at Towson for his sophomore campaign until December 2001, when Goodman filed a complaint that the newly hired coach allegedly assaulted him.

Maccabi Tel Aviv B.C. (2002)
Goodman fulfilled a dream of his by moving to Israel and signing a 3-year contract with Maccabi Tel Aviv on July 22, 2002.

Giv'at Shmuel (2002–2003)
To get more playing time, Goodman was loaned to Giv'at Shmuel for the 2002–03 season.

Elitzur Kiryat Ata (2003–2004)
Goodman played for Elitzur Kiryat Ata in the 2003–04 season.

Return to Giv'at (2005–2006)
Goodman went on to serve in the Israeli Defense Force, a requirement for all Israeli citizens. He suffered a knee injury that required major surgery. After nine months of intensive physical therapy, he beat the odds and returned to Giva't Shmuel to fulfill his contract for the 2005–06 season.

Maccabi Shoham (2006–2007)
Still recovering from his injury, Goodman dropped down to Liga Leumit to play for Maccabi Shoham. In his first two games, he played more than 20 minutes and scored close to 20 points a game. But in December 2006, Goodman's left knee gave out again and his doctors ordered him to undergo weeks of physical therapy. He did not get to play again until March 2007.

Maryland Nighthawks (2008)
In late 2007, Goodman moved back to Maryland to play for the Maryland Nighthawks of the newly formed Premier Basketball League (the league began play in January 2008). In his first game, he suffered a complex dislocation of his finger which required surgery and a year of physical therapy.

Maccabi Haifa (2008)
In July 2008, Goodman signed with Maccabi Haifa. After shattering several bones in his left hand in practice, Goodman was unable to play the remainder of the season.

title: Tamir Goodman


text:
Talk:Pasargadae

A new plan would be nice. PY — Preceding unsigned comment added by 91.45.175.159 (talk) 11:23, 21 April 2016 (UTC)

Title
The name of the city is Pasargadae in English, see the corresponding articles in Britannica, Iranica, and UNESCO website for example. "Pasargad" gives more results thant "Pasargadae" in Google search, but most of those results have nothing to do with this subject (i.e. this city). BTW, Pasargad is not the "original" name of the city, the original name (that is, the Old Persian name) is unknown, and the modern Persian form Pasargad is derived from western languages. --Z 11:51, 19 January 2014 (UTC)

External links modified
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Could someone explain the theta in the Old Persian transliteration? Is it tsupposed to stand for th?--179.6.194.234 (talk) 08:31, 23 June 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:Pasargadae


text:
Talk:Roy Rogers

Television Career
This article is deficient in not discussing his television career which only gets a couple passing mentions. Another omission is the lack of any mention by of his fast food franchise chain. 2604:2D80:ED08:A00:54D6:728B:C112:D74F (talk) 04:10, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

Referred to as “Len”
is it typical for a person to be referred to by a shorted form of their given name in the article until he is given his stage name? probably should be “Rogers” throughout. 2600:4041:2D5:D100:F039:4981:6A2:C139 (talk) 02:43, 20 September 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Roy Rogers


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Toplessness

Toplessness refers to the state in which a woman's breasts, including her areolas and nipples, are exposed, especially in a public place or in a visual medium. The male equivalent is known as barechestedness.

Social norms around toplessness vary by context and location. Many indigenous societies consider breast exposure to be normal and uncontroversial. At specific beaches and resort destinations, notably in Europe and Australia, girls and women may sunbathe topless either by statute or by custom. However, in most countries, norms of female modesty require girls and women to cover their breasts in public, and many jurisdictions prosecute public toplessness as indecent exposure. The topfreedom movement opposes such laws on the grounds of gender equality.

Art and visual media throughout history, from painting and sculpture to film and photography, have frequently featured toplessness. Such representations are often defended on the grounds of artistic merit; toplessness may also be defended on educational, medical, or political grounds. Toplessness also features prominently in erotica, pornography, and at adult venues ranging from strip clubs to upmarket cabarets (such as the Moulin Rouge).

Usage and connotations

The word "topless" usually refers to a woman whose breasts, including her areolas and nipples, are exposed to public view. It can describe a woman who appears, poses, or performs with her breasts exposed, such as a "topless model" or "topless dancer", or to an activity undertaken while not wearing a top, such as "topless sunbathing". It may indicate a designated location where one might expect to find women not wearing tops, such as a "topless beach" or "topless bar". It can also be used to describe a garment that is specifically designed to reveal the breasts, such as the "topless swimsuit" (also known as the monokini) designed by Rudi Gernreich in the 1960s.

The word "topless" may carry sexual or exhibitionist connotations. Because of this, advocates of women's legal right to uncover their breasts wherever men may go bare-chested have adopted the alternative term "topfree", which is not perceived to have these connotations.

Barechestedness
Barechestedness is the state of a man or boy wearing no clothes above the waist, exposing the upper torso. Bare male chests are generally considered acceptable in or around the house; at beaches, swimming pools and sunbathing areas; when exercising outside in hot weather; and in certain outdoor construction work settings. However, some stores and restaurants have a "no shirt, no service" rule to prevent barechested men from coming inside. While going barechested at outdoor activities may be acceptable, it is taboo in workplaces, churches and other formal settings.

In most societies, male barechestedness is much more common than female toplessness, even among children. Exposure of the male pectoral muscles is often considered to be far less taboo than of the female breasts, despite some considering them equally erogenous. Male barechestedness is often ascribed to practical reasons such as heat, or the ability to move the body without being restricted by an upper body garment. In several sports, such as swimming and boxing, it is encouraged or even obligatory for males to be barechested. Barechestedness may also be used as a display of power, or to draw attention to oneself, especially if the upper body muscles are well-developed.

Exposure
The cultural tendency to hide the female nipple under clothing has existed in Western culture since the 1800s. As female nipples are often perceived an intimate part, covering them might have originated under Victorian morality as with riding side saddle. Exposing the entire breast and nipple is a form of protest for some and a crime for others. The exposure of nipples is usually considered immodest and in some instances is viewed as lewd or indecent behavior.

A case in Erie, Pennsylvania, concerning the exposure of breasts and nipple proceeded to the US Supreme Court, City of Erie v. Pap's A. M.. The Erie ordinance was regulating the nipple in public as an act that is committed when a person "knowingly or intentionally, ... appears in a state of nudity commits Public Indecency." Later in the statute, nudity is further described as an uncovered female nipple. But nipple exposure of a man was not regulated. An opinion column credited to Cecil Adams noted: "Ponder the significance of that. A man walks around bare-chested and the worst that happens is he won't get served in restaurants. But a woman who goes topless is legally in the same boat as if she'd had sex in public. That may seem crazy, but in the US it's a permissible law."

The legality around the exposure of nipples is inconsistently regulated throughout the US. Some states do not allow the visualization of any part of the breast. Other jurisdictions prohibit any female chest anatomy by banning anatomical structures that lie below the top of the areola or nipple. Such is the case in West Virginia and Massachusetts. West Virginia's regulation is very specific and is not likely to be misinterpreted, stating: "[The] display of 'any portion of the cleavage of the human female breast exhibited by a dress, blouse, skirt, leotard, bathing suit, or other wearing apparel [is permitted] provided the areola is not exposed, in whole or in part.

Instagram has a "no nipples" policy with exceptions: material that is not allowed includes "some photos of female nipples, but photos of post-mastectomy scarring and women actively breastfeeding are allowed. Nudity in photos of paintings and sculptures is OK, too". Previously, Instagram had removed images of nursing mothers. Instagram removed images of Rihanna and had her account cancelled in 2014 when she posted selfies with nipples. This was incentive for the Twitter campaign #FreeTheNipple. In 2016, an Instagram page invited users to post images of nipples from both sexes; @genderless_nipples, which displays close ups of both the nipples of men and women for the purpose of spotlighting what may be inconsistency. Some contributors have circumvented the policy. Facebook has also been struggling to define its nipple policy.

Filmmaker Lina Esco made a film entitled Free the Nipple, which is about "laws against female toplessness or restrictions on images of female, but not male, nipples", which Esco states is an example of sexism in society.

In traditional societies
Attitudes towards toplessness have varied considerably across cultures and over time. The lack of clothing above the waist for both females and males was the norm in traditional cultures of North America, Africa, Australia and the Pacific Islands until the arrival of Christian missionaries, and it continues to be the norm in many indigenous cultures today. The practice was also the norm in various Asian cultures before Muslim expansion in the 13th and 14th centuries.

Minoan civilization
During the Middle Minoan Era (2000–1600 BCE), women wore close-fitting blouses that were cut low in the front and exposed the breasts. The breasts were further emphasized by a narrow waist, similar to the shape that corsets gave women during the late 1800s.

India
In certain parts of northern India, some women did not wear an upper garment except during winter before the Muslim conquest of India. Women and men typically wore an antriya on the lower body and were nude from the waist up, aside from pieces of jewelry. This was the standard form of dress unless women opted to wear a sari, in which case they covered their upper bodies with a robe.

Toplessness was the norm for women among several communities of South India and Sri Lanka until the 19th or early 20th century. Such communities included the Tamils along the Coromandel Coast, Tiyan and other peoples on the Malabar Coast, Kadar of Cochin Island, Toda, Cheruman (Pulayar), Kuruba, Koraga, Nicobarese, and the Uriya.

Thailand
In traditional Thai society, women dressed similarly to men, wearing only a loose lower garment while normally being bare-breasted. Before the introduction of Western dress codes, Thai women were depicted both fully clothed and topless in public. Until the early 20th century, women from northern Thailand wore a long tube-skirt (Pha-Sin), tied high above their waist and below their breasts, which were uncovered. In the late 19th century the influence of missionaries and modernization under King Chulalongkorn encouraged local women to cover their breasts with blouses. Between 1939 and 1942, the government of Field Marshal Plaek Pibulsonggram issued a series of cultural standards; Mandate 10, issued on 8 September 1941, instructed Thai people not to appear in public places "without being appropriately dressed". Inappropriate dress included "wearing no shirt or wearing a wraparound cloth".

Laos
In Laos, Frenchman Henri Mouhot took a picture in 1858 of Laotian women that depicted virgins with clothed breasts and married women with their entire breasts exposed in public, because the baring of breasts for breastfeeding was considered to be nonsexual.

Indonesia
In the Indonesian archipelago, toplessness was the norm among the Dayak, Javanese, and the Balinese people of Indonesia before the introduction of Islam and contact with Western cultures. In Javanese and Balinese societies, women had gone topless to work or rest comfortably. Among the Dayak, only big-breasted women or married women with sagging breasts covered their breasts because their breasts interfered with their work.

Middle East
In most Middle Eastern countries, toplessness has not been socially accepted since at least the beginning of Islam (7th century), because of Islamic standards for female modesty. However, toplessness was the norm in some pre-Islamic cultures in Arabia, Egypt, Assyria and Mesopotamia. Tunisia and Egypt are an exception among Arabic states, allowing foreign tourists to swim topless on private beaches.

Africa
Among Himba women of northern Namibia and Hamar of southern Ethiopia, besides other traditional groups in Africa, the social norm is for women to be bare-breasted. Female toplessness can also constitute an important aspect of indigenous cultural celebrations. For example, in the annual Reed Dance festival mature girls between the ages of 16 and 20 dance topless before the Zulu king.

Australia
Traditional topless practices can lead to cross-cultural and legal conflict. In 2004, Australian police banned members of the Papunya community from using a public park in the city of Alice Springs to practice a traditional Aboriginal dance that included topless women.

Korea
In the 16th century, women's jeogori (an upper garment) was long, wide, and covered the waist. The length of women's jeogori gradually shortened: it was approximately 65 cm in the 16th century, 55 cm in the 17th century, 45 cm in the 18th century, and 28 cm in the 19th century, with some as short as 14.5 cm. A heoritti (허리띠) or jorinmal (졸잇말) was worn to cover the breasts. The trend of wearing a short jeogori with a heoritti was started by the gisaeng and soon spread to women of the upper class. Among women of the common and lowborn classes, a practice emerged in which they revealed their breasts after childbirth to proudly indicate that they had given birth to a son, i.e., a male heir.

Travelers like the American Harry A. Franck remarked that they "displayed to the public gaze exactly that portion of the torso which the women of most nations take pains to conceal".

South Pacific
In the South Pacific, toplessness was common prior to contact with Western missionaries, but is less common today. On the French territory of Moorea, toplessness is common. In the Marshall Islands, women were traditionally topless before contact with Western missionaries and still do not sexually objectify female breasts as is common in much of Western society. Marshall Island women typically swim in their muumuus which today are made of a fine polyester that dries quickly. Wearing of bikinis and one-piece, breast-covering swimsuits in the Marshall Islands is mainly seen at Western, restricted-access beaches and swimming pools like those at private resorts or on United States government facilities on the Kwajalein Atoll within the Ronald Reagan Ballistic Missile Defense Test Site.

Vietnam
During the Vietnam War, American GIs encountered the Montagnards, native inhabitants of the Central Highlands, whose women Infantry Lieutenant A.T. Lawrence described "completely uninhibited in their bare-breasted nakedness".

Japan
In traditional Japanese society, topless nudity (hadanugi) and complete nudity (maru hadaka) were widely accepted culturally and morally for both men and women, with the exception of the samurai aristocracy. It was not uncommon to see women, young and old, with torso exposed. Francis Hall, 1861, described such an encounter: "The screens of the house are wide open to the street for the summer fervors are great and a half dozen women, married as their black teeth denote, are lying face downwards and leaning upon their elbows on the mats. Each one has thrown off her upper garments from her shoulders and is bare to the waist balancing this nudity by tucking up her lower garments till her legs are left bare to her thighs. Their faces are to the center of the room and their feet describe the periphery of a circle."

In Western societies
In most Western societies, it is a cultural norm for girls after puberty, if not earlier, to have their breasts covered especially while in a public place, as an act of modesty. At least, it is not culturally acceptable for women to expose their nipples and areolas in public. Though many women do not regard their breasts as sexual, most would not go against the social norm, let alone challenge various laws that cover toplessness. Until recent times, women who went topless in a public place may have been cited for indecent exposure, lewdness or similar laws. Women and the law in most Western countries generally do not regard breasts as indecent. Some women campaign for what they call "topfreedom", seeking to change these laws. The strictness of the etiquette varies depending on the social context. For example, at specific cultural events the norm may be relaxed, such as at Fantasy Fest, at Mardi Gras in New Orleans and at the Carnaval in Rio de Janeiro. The same may also apply at designated topless beaches.

Public breast-baring fashions
In many European societies between the Renaissance and the 19th century, exposed breasts were acceptable while a woman's bared legs, ankles or shoulders were considered risqué. During the Renaissance, many artists were strongly influenced by classical Greek styles and culture, and images of nude and semi-nude subjects in many forms proliferated in art, sculpture and architecture of the period. In aristocratic and upper-class circles the display of breasts also invoked associations with classical Greek nude sculptures and art and a classic breast shape was at times regarded as a status symbol, as a sign of beauty, wealth or social position. To maintain youthful-looking bosoms women could employ wet nurses to breastfeed their children.

Breast-baring female fashions have been traced to 15th-century courtesan Agnès Sorel, mistress to Charles VII of France, whose gowns in the French court sometimes exposed one or both of her breasts. (Jean Fouquet's portrayal of the Virgin Mary with her left breast uncovered is believed to have taken Sorel as a model.) Aristocratic women sought to immortalise their breasts in paint, as in the case of Simonetta Vespucci, whose portrait with exposed breasts was painted by Piero di Cosimo in c. 1480. During the 16th century, women's fashions displaying their breasts were common in society, from Queens to common prostitutes, and emulated by all classes.

Similar fashions became popular in England during the 17th century when they were worn by Queen Mary II and by Henrietta Maria, wife of Charles I of England, for whom architect Inigo Jones designed a masque costume that fully revealed both of her breasts.

In a survey of 190 different societies, researches found that very few associated exposed breasts with sexuality, but that there was an insistence that women conceal their breasts. Different standards apply to art, with one example being the dome of the United States Capitol featuring an 1865 fresco depicting goddesses with their breasts exposed.

Social attitudes
Although some social attitudes to increased body exposure began to soften during the late 1960s, contemporary Western societies still generally view toplessness unfavorably. During a short period in 1964, "topless" dress designs appeared at fashion shows, but those who wore the dresses in public found themselves arrested on indecency charges. However, toplessness has come to be a feature in contemporary haute couture fashion shows.

A wide-ranging review of 190 different societies during 1951 found that few insisted that women conceal their breasts. In Europe, topless swimming and sunbathing on public beaches has become socially acceptable. In 1994–95, Australian researchers asked 118 college-age students to rate the behavior of women who go topless on an 8-point scale, ranging from "Women should have the same right to topless as men" to "Topless women are exhibitionists". They found that 88% of Australian university students of either gender considered it acceptable for women to go topless on public beaches, although they felt that women exposing their breasts in other contexts, such as public parks, was inappropriate. They did not find a correlation between exposed breasts and sexuality in social situations.

A more recent study of 116 college-age women in Australia found that those who had gone topless were more accepting of toplessness generally, more sexual, and had higher self-esteem and higher body image. In contemporary society, the extent to which a woman may expose her breasts depends on social and cultural context. Women's swimsuits and bikinis commonly reveal the tops and sides of the breasts. Displaying cleavage is considered permissible in many settings, and is even a sign of elegance and sophistication on many formal social occasions, but it may be prohibited by dress codes in settings such as workplaces and schools, where sexualized displays of the female breast may be considered inappropriate. In a number of cultures, including Europe and other Westernized countries outside the United States, there are fewer social restrictions against sunbathing or swimming topless. Despite being illegal or socially proscribed in many places in the United States, topless beaches have majority legislative support in some areas.

In Canada, a poll in 1992 found that 38% favored general female public toplessness. Following that survey, several legal rulings in Canadian courts from 1996 to 2000 made public toplessness legal, but very few women go topless in public.

Some cultures have even begun to expand social prohibitions on female toplessness to prepubescent and even infant girls. This trend toward covering the female nipple from infancy onward is particularly noticeable in the United States, Eastern Asia and the Middle East, but is much less common in Europe.

In politics and law
Political attitudes and laws vary greatly around the world in regards to female toplessness.

Taiwan
In support of Icelandic student Adda Smaradottir's FreeTheNipple act in public cyberspace, young women uploaded their topless photos to Facebook and protested against its Community Standards of considering women's breasts as sexual materials. Those photos and related news articles were blocked initially, but Facebook considered those photos did not violate Community Standards.

Denmark
Bathing and sunbathing in the nude (including topless) is legal on Danish beaches. Nudity and toplessness in other public outdoor places is generally also legal, unless it involves "offensive conduct" or is likely to cause public outrage. The public outrage law is rarely used in practice, but in 1972 audience members were convicted of being nude in the Royal Danish Theatre. In December 2007, a group of women and men calling themselves Topless Front swam topless in public swim baths to promote topless equality. In March 2008, after a campaign by the group, Copenhagen's Culture and Leisure Committee voted to allow topless bathing in its swimming pools. After the committee had voted, it was revealed that no laws had existed against topless bathing, effectively making the vote unnecessary. However, some public baths had (and have) restricted it themselves. Public breastfeeding is supported by the vast majority of both sexes in Denmark, is entirely legal and accepted in almost all places, except for a few private cafés and restaurants that have restricted it.

Finland
In Finland, toplessness is not illegal, yet topless women have been removed from beaches. Sandra Marins and Säde Vallarén criticized this and organized Finland's first event demanding topless equality, called Tissiflashmob (Breast flash mob). On Finland's Independence day, 6 December 2019, both Marins and Vallarén showed their breasts on live TV and it sparked a lot of conversation. Tissiflashmob 2020 was bigger than the previous one, now organized at the same time in eight different cities.

France
In France, the feminist collective Les TumulTueuses organized a topfree protest in Paris in May 2009. It is legal to sunbathe topless in France, although local regulations may ban the practice with directives about clothing. In 2020, after a police incident, topless sunbathing was defended by the French interior minister.

Germany
There are few legal restriction on public nudity in Germany. A number of court cases have established a de facto right to nudity in the vicinity of beaches, which is broadly tolerated.

Swimming pools, whether private or public, can establish their own dress regulations. In 2022, a woman in Berlin was told to cover up her chest at a public swimming pool, and was forced to leave when she refused to do so. This led to a successful legal complaint on the basis of gender discrimination, as the men at the pool were not similarly obligated to cover their chests. In March 2023, the city's pool authorities updated their regulations to permit all guests to be topless, regardless of gender. Several other German cities, such as Dresden, Göttingen, and Hannover, have also issued rules explicitly recognizing that persons of all genders have a right to be topless at public swimming pools.

Nudity in nature is a legal gray area, as it is not specifically forbidden, but can be treated as a public nuisance in the event of a complaint. Security services and law enforcement agencies may ask women to cover their breasts, usually under § 118 of the Ordnungswidrigkeitengesetz, which forbids vaguely defined "nuisances to public order". For parks and swimming areas owned or operated by a municipality or private company, the house regulations apply. These house regulations commonly specify that women, but not men, must cover their chests, and are increasingly seen as discriminatory.

Courts have protected the right to nudity at home and on one's own property, even if visible to others. Nudity on one's own property can only be restricted in very exceptional circumstances, usually limited to cases involving "moral or sexual harassment".

Greece
In Greece, toplessness is legal.

Iceland
In Iceland, toplessness is legal in public.

Italy
Female toplessness has been officially legalized (in a nonsexual context) in all public beaches and swimming pools throughout the country (unless otherwise specified by region, province or municipality by-laws) on 20 March 2000, when the Supreme Court of Cassation (through sentence No. 3557) determined that the exposure of the nude female breast, after several decades, is now considered a "commonly accepted behavior", and therefore, has "entered into the social costume".

Poland
In Poland in 2008–2009, two women from Szczecin including glamour model Dorota Krzysztofek, won a court battle that reasserted the women's right to sunbathe topless on public beaches. Krzysztofek, along with her female companion, were fined by local municipal officials for topless sunbathing at a public recreation area. The women refused to pay the fine and took the matter to Civil Court. Their first hearing had to be postponed due to remarkable media interest.

On November 7, 2008, judge Szczepańska upheld the city staff decision, and charged the women with indecent exposure, explaining that their personal freedoms cannot encroach on the freedoms of families with children who frequent the same recreation spot. Although topless sunbathing is not prohibited in Poland, the judge sentenced them to pay a fine of 230 zlotys (150 zlotys by different source, or €40, $55) for breaking the rules of conduct. In her rationale, the judge also said that it is not up to the defendants to teach youngsters human anatomy; however, her decision was appealed by Krzysztofek's female friend soon afterwards, with the plea of not guilty.

In 2009, the appellate court declared both women to be innocent, because the city staff were unable to prove that anyone at the beach was indignant or scandalized by their toplessness, and no complaint was ever reported. On the contrary, some visitors stood up to their defense. There were no signs at the recreation area against what is otherwise legal. The appellate court's decision was binding, but it also created an aura of ambivalence, with topless sunbathing in public declared acceptable only if nobody else including families with children formally objects to it.

Spain
There are no laws in Spain that officially prohibit public nudity (in a non-sexual context), and because of this, both topless sunbathing and naturism (the latter on a smaller scale) are frequently practiced without any issues in all beaches throughout the country, while the amount of partakers may vary depending on the location and the day. It is very common in the Balearic Islands, Canaries, Costa Brava and Costa del Sol (a few municipalities, such as Barcelona, have created by-laws to forbid public nudity, including female toplessness on their streets, not on the beach). Due to the widespread practice of topless sunbathing, the municipalities of Galdakao and L'Ametlla del Vallès decided to legalize female toplessness on their public pools (in March 2016 and June 2018, respectively), and it is tolerated in many others, like in Madrid (without the need of a specific rule). It is less common on private or condominium pools, and a few have by-laws to ban it. Moreover, there are some surveys indicating that more than 40% of the Spanish women who were interviewed (aged 18 or older) reported to have been topless on a beach at least once.

Sweden
In Sweden, toplessness is not illegal. It is a little unclear, because the law usually used against nudity is about "annoying behaviour" – it does not say anything about how undressed one can be, so it is a matter of legal tradition, although there is a law against gender discrimination. However, private or public establishments are permitted to establish dress codes which may require women to wear tops, and deny access or remove individuals who breach these standards. In September 2007, "Bara Bröst" (a pun meaning both "Just Breasts" and "Bare Breasts") appeared to promote topless equality in these semi-public facilities. The group staged several events in public swim baths in September and October 2007, starting in Uppsala from which they were evicted several times, before succeeding in Sundsvall.

The group scored a victory in June 2009 when the Malmö city's sports and recreation committee approved new rules that, while requiring everybody to wear bathing suits at indoor public swimming pools, did not require women to cover their breasts. "We don't define what bathing suits men should wear so it doesn't make much sense to do it for women. And besides, it's not unusual for men to have large breasts that resemble women's breasts", said a council spokesman.

Canada
In 1991 toplessness as an indecent act was challenged by Gwen Jacob in Guelph, Ontario, who removed her shirt and was charged with indecency. Part of her defense was the double standards between men and women. Although she was convicted, this was overturned by the Court of Appeal. This case determined that being topless is not indecent under the meaning of the Criminal Code. However it did not establish any constitutional right of equality. This case subsequently led to the acquittal of women in British Columbia and Saskatchewan who faced similar charges. Although each province and territory technically reserves its right to interpret the law as it pleases, the Ontario case has proven influential. Since the matter has not been determined by the Supreme Court of Canada, it is still possible that a woman could be convicted elsewhere in Canada, but interpretation of moral law in Canada has become increasingly liberalized. There do not appear to have been any further women charged in Canada since these cases were determined.

In February 2023, the cities of Edmonton and Calgary, both in the province of Alberta, changed their policies so that wearing bathing suit tops in city-operated pools was an individual's choice.

Mexico
The only public place in Mexico that officially allows female toplessness is Playa Zipolite (a nude beach located in the state of Oaxaca), where the practice of naturism was legalized in 2016. However, the practice of topless sunbathing (as well as naturism in some cases) is commonly tolerated on a few beaches in the state of Quintana Roo, more precisely in the Riviera Maya region (especially between the cities of Playa del Carmen and Tulum); furthermore, there are a few clothing-optional resorts made for adults only (also located in the Riviera Maya) where all men and women aged 18 (or older) can frequent the facilities without the need to wear clothes (if so they wish).

United States
In the United States, states have primary jurisdiction in matters of public morality. The topfreedom movement has claimed success in a few instances in persuading some state and federal courts to overturn some state laws on the basis of sex discrimination or equal protection, arguing that a woman should be free to expose her chest in any context in which a man can expose his. Other successful cases have been on the basis of freedom of expression in protest, or simply that exposure of breasts is not indecent (or similar terminology).

Laws and ordinances barring female toplessness are being challenged in federal courts around the nation. Each lawsuit, if it prevails at the appellate level, will legalize topfreedom in the following U.S. circuit courts of appeals (from west to east): 9 (California), 8 (Missouri) and 1 (Maryland). A federal lawsuit in the 7th Circuit (Illinois), was lost at the appellate level and the petition for review by the U.S. Supreme Court was denied. A preliminary injunction in a federal lawsuit in the 10th Circuit (Colorado), was won at the appellate level. In September 2019, after spending over $300,000, Fort Collins decided to stop defending their ordinance and repeal it. That effectively gave females of all ages the right to go topless wherever males can in the jurisdiction of the 10th Circuit (Wyoming, Utah, Colorado, New Mexico, Kansas and Oklahoma states as well as all counties and cities therein).

Australia
In Australia, indecent exposure laws only refer to the genital area, so technically both male and female toplessness is legal. However, many local councils impose their own rules, and have the power to ask topless people to leave an area. Additionally, women who go topless are sometimes slapped with more vague charges such as being a public nuisance, or offensive behaviour.

On public beaches, local bylaws are not heavily enforced, and women can often sunbathe topless without legal repercussions.

Breastfeeding in public places is a legal right in Australia. Under the Sex Discrimination Act 1984, no business or service provider can discriminate against a breastfeeding woman. Women can still breastfeed even if no other food/drink is allowed in the area. If a special baby care room is available for breastfeeding, women are not required to use it unless they wish to. If someone abuses a breastfeeding woman or forces her to leave, this may come under state/territory harassment laws. These protections also include women who are expressing breast milk for their baby.

New Zealand
In New Zealand, there is no specific law prohibiting nudity in public places. If a person is nude and also exhibiting lewd and lascivious, or obscene behaviour, then they may fall afoul of laws.

The High Court of New Zealand has upheld a conviction of disorderly conduct for nudity in the street, because it was not a place where nudity was known to occur or commonplace. Being nude in the street is likely to incur a small fine if a complaint is made against the person, or if the person ignores a police order to cover themselves. However, in practice, the likelihood of being prosecuted for nudity on a public beach is low, provided the person keeps to themselves.

In 2012, a woman swam topless on Ōpunake beach. The police were called, but informed the callers that toplessness was not an offence.

In 2017, nudists used the beach at Tauranga, which caused consternation among some residents. However, the local council said there were no bylaws dealing with the issue, and that nudity was not an offence.

Argentina
Female toplessness is allowed in the official nude beaches of Puerto Escondido, located near Miramar, and Playa Querandí, located in Villa Gesell, as well as in some private naturist resorts.

On 7 February 2017, hundreds of topless women protested in Buenos Aires, Córdoba, Mar del Plata and Rosario, among other cities throughout the country. The protest was called in Spanish tetazo (a portmanteau of the Spanish word tetas, meaning "tits", and the Spanish suffix "-azo", which denotes a hitting action). The protestors objected against the "objectification" of the female body, and also disapproved the decision made by 20 police officers, who days before, had expelled from a beach located in Necochea 3 women who were topless sunbathing there.

Brazil
The Article 233 of the Chapter VI of the Title VI of the Penal Code asserts that indecent exposure (known in Portuguese as ato obsceno, meaning "obscene act") is a wrongdoing act punished with imprisonment or fine, but does not specify what are the nude parts of the human body which could be fitted on this misdemeanor. Despite this vagueness, female toplessness tends to be considered an "obscene act" by the Brazilian authorities, and the practice has been frequently repressed, including some arrests made by the police throughout the years.

Generally, the practice of topless sunbathing by women has been accepted only in official nude beaches and in some private naturist clubs. However, for many years, there has been one notable exception: the Carnival in Rio de Janeiro. During the famous two-night parades yearly held by 12 samba schools (6 on each day) at the Sambadrome Marquês de Sapucaí, the official policy is that only the genital area cannot be publicly shown (in this case all nude men and women must wear a merkin, which is known in Portuguese as tapa-sexo, roughly translated as "sex cover"). Thus, both men and women can openly expose their bare breasts and buttocks to the public during the marches without any problem.

Since the early 2010s, there are reports of some small and sporadic protests, especially in some beaches located in Rio de Janeiro. These protests are called in Portuguese toplessaços (a portmanteau of the English word "toplessness" and the Portuguese suffix "-aço", translated from the Spanish "-azo", which denotes a hitting action). In each protest, a group of women, soon after being reunited, decide to quickly take off all clothes they were wearing above the waist (including bras, bikinis or any other tops), culminating in a state of public "breast-flashing" for a few minutes before putting on their clothes again. This way, these are considered a kind of topless flash mob protests. The purpose of these protests is to claim for the official legalization of female toplessness in Brazil under the principle of gender equality.

Chile
Exposing the breasts in public is not a crime, although it is an offense applicable according to the Article 373 of the Penal Code to those who "in any way offend modesty or good customs". Similarly, the Article 495 says: "Shall be punished with a fine of one monthly tax unit (first paragraph) whoever contravenes the rules that the authority dictates to preserve public order or prevent it from being altered, unless the act constitutes a crime or simple offense".

Faced with so much inconvenience, a group of women together with the photographer and pioneer of naturism in Chile, René Rojas, managed to create the first nude beach in the country in 2000, called Playa Luna, as well as the unofficial restricted areas that were created in Playa Luna Norte (Tarapacá), Playa Luna Sur (Coliumo), Playa Escondida (Antofagasta), Playa Blanca (Tongoy) and Pichilemu, where it is possible to completely undress with total normality.

Uruguay
The practice of female toplessness is allowed in the official nude beaches of Chihuahua, located in the resort of the same name, and La Sirena,  located in the resort of Aguas Dulces.

As a form of liberation
While an exposed breast in public can have many associated connotations, some women in America today argue the exposed breast is a symbol of liberation. They speak against the proposed notion that their rightful place was below their male counterparts. Throughout the late 20th century, more and more women began to link the struggle for female equality and the repossession of the female body. This can be especially seen in the work of Second Wave Feminists beginning in the early 1960s.

The reaction to exposed breasts as a symbol of liberation was two-sided. Women who took part in the movement expressed their desire to turn attention away from the excessive eroticization of the female body in American popular culture to more essential societal needs. Opposition to the braless movement ironically viewed it as an attack to American morals and public decency. The bralessness movement evolved into a bare-breasted movement, which became another way for women to "thumb one's nose at society". While some women exposed their breasts individually, there was also an upsurge in topless demonstrations used to gather public attention for women's issues such as pornography and sexism. The sexualization of the breast is found only in a few Western nations, and this, many women argue, causes women to turn to plastic surgery and view their breasts as determinants of beauty rather than potentially nourishing life forces. Because of this, women are able to liberate their breasts as a way to gain attention, make political statements, and combat breast exposure laws' reinforcement of the supposed uncontrollable seductive nature of women's breasts.

As a form of protest
In Western countries, toplessness in public often generates media coverage, leading some female political demonstrators to deliberately expose their breasts in public to draw media and public attention to their cause. For example, in January 2012, three members of the Ukrainian protest group FEMEN attracted worldwide media attention after they staged a topless protest at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.

In religion
In European pre-historic societies, sculptures of female figures with pronounced or highly exaggerated breasts were common. A typical example is the so-called Venus of Willendorf, one of many Venus figurines from the Paleolithic era with ample hips and bosom. Artifacts such as bowls, rock carvings and sacred statues with breasts have been recorded from 15,000 BC up to late antiquity all across Europe, North Africa and the Middle East. Many female deities representing love and fertility were associated with breasts and breast milk. Figures of the Phoenician goddess Astarte were represented as pillars studded with breasts. Isis, an Egyptian goddess who represented, among many other things, ideal motherhood, was often portrayed as suckling pharaohs, thereby confirming their divine status as rulers. Even certain male deities representing regeneration and fertility were occasionally depicted with breast-like appendices, such as the river god Hapy who was considered to be responsible for the annual overflowing of the Nile. Female breasts were also prominent in the Minoan civilization in the form of the famous Snake Goddess statuettes.

In Ancient Greece there were several cults worshiping the "Kourotrophos", the suckling mother, represented by goddesses such as Gaia, Hera and Artemis. The worship of deities symbolized by the female breast in Greece became less common during the first millennium. The popular adoration of female goddesses decreased significantly during the rise of the Greek city states, a legacy which was passed on to the later Roman Empire.

During the middle of the first millennium BC, Greek culture experienced a gradual change in the perception of female breasts. Women in art were covered in clothing from the neck down, including female goddesses like Athena, the patron of Athens who represented heroic endeavor. There were exceptions: Aphrodite, the goddess of love, was more frequently portrayed fully nude, though in postures that were intended to portray shyness or modesty, a portrayal that has been compared to modern pin-ups by historian Marilyn Yalom. Although nude men were depicted standing upright, most depictions of female nudity in Greek art occurred "usually with drapery near at hand and with a forward-bending, self-protecting posture". A popular legend at the time was of the Amazons, a tribe of fierce female warriors who socialized with men only for procreation and even removed one breast to become better warriors. The legend was a popular motif in art during Greek and Roman antiquity and served as an antithetical cautionary tale.

In popular culture
The French have traditionally been relaxed with nudity and toplessness in entertainment, and dancers and actresses performed topless during the 1910s and beyond in musical theater and cinema. Toplessness in entertainment has survived to this day at the Folies Bergère and the Moulin Rouge. Some female groups have also performed topless, such as the two female groups called The Ladybirds (one The Ladybirds (San Francisco) and another The Ladybirds (Copenhagen)), which performed topless in the late 1960s.

Women are also at times employed in adult-only venues to perform or pose topless in forms of commercial erotic entertainment. Such venues can range from downmarket strip clubs and topless bars to upmarket cabarets, such as the Moulin Rouge. Topless entertainment may also include competitions such as wet T-shirt contests, especially during spring break in the United States, in which women display their breasts through translucent wet fabric—and may end up removing their T-shirts in front of the audience.

Female toplessness has also become somewhat common during Mardi Gras in New Orleans during which women "flash" (briefly expose) their breasts in return for strings of plastic beads, and at Carnaval in Rio de Janeiro, where floats occasionally feature topless women.

Pasties are sometimes worn by erotic dancers or burlesque entertainers to give the impression of toplessness while avoiding prosecution under local public indecency laws which prohibit exposure of the nipple and areolas. To stay within the law, liquid latex pasties may be used. Pasties may be worn by neo-burlesque performers and are also found in night clubs, fetish parties and parades, such as Pride Parades.

Swimsuits
Toplessness in a public place is most commonly practised or encountered near water, either as part of a swimming activity or sunbathing. The introduction of the bikini in 1946 and increasingly common glamour shots of popular actresses and models on either side of the Atlantic wearing the minimal swimsuit design played a large part in bringing the bikini and sunbathing into the mainstream.

In 1964, fashion designer Rudi Gernreich went further and designed and produced a topless swimsuit, which he called the "monokini" in the United States. Gernreich's monokini consisted primarily of a brief, close-fitting bottom that "extended from the midriff to the upper thigh" and was "held up by shoestring laces that make a halter around the neck". It first appeared in print in Look magazine, introducing the concept of a topless swimsuit into commercial fashion. He later said he did not really mean for the swimsuit to be popular as it was, but rather as a fantastical concept and prediction of the future. "[Women] drop their bikini tops already", he said, "so it seemed like the natural next step." A photograph of Peggy Moffitt, the famous model for the suit, appeared in Women's Wear Daily, Life and numerous other publications.

Despite the negative reaction of fashion critics and church officials, shoppers purchased about 3000 of his swimsuit design at $24 each that summer, though the only woman reported as having worn it to a beach in the United States was arrested. The novelty of the design caught significant attention. Life writer Shana Alexander noted in an article about the introduction of the monokini in July 1964, "One funny thing about toplessness is that it really doesn't have much to do with breasts. Breasts of course are not absurd; topless swimsuits are. Lately people keep getting the two things mixed up."

The topless swimsuit failed to catch on in the United States. The Soviet government called it "barbarism" and a sign of social "decay". The New York City Police Department was strictly instructed to arrest any woman wearing a swimsuit by the commissioner of parks. In Chicago, a 19-year-old female beachgoer was fined US$100 for wearing a topless swimsuit on a public beach. Copious coverage of the event helped to send the image of exposed breasts across the world. Women's clubs and the church were particularly active in their condemnation. In Italy and Spain, the Catholic Church warned against the topless fashion. In France in 1964, Roger Frey led the prosecution of the use of the monokini, describing it as "a public offense against the sense of decency, punishable according to article 330 of the penal code. Consequently, the police chiefs must employ the services of the police so that the women who wear this bathing suit in public places are prosecuted." At St. Tropez on the French Riviera, where toplessness later became the norm, the mayor ordered police to ban toplessness and to watch over the beach via helicopter. Jean-Luc Godard, a founding mover of French New Wave cinema, incorporated a shot of a woman in a topless swimsuit on the Riviera into his film A Married Woman, but it was edited out by the censors.

Media and photography
In many Western cultures today, images of topless women are regularly featured in magazines, calendars, and other print media, often covering their breasts in a "handbra", that is, the use of the woman's hands or arms to cover their breasts, especially the nipples and areolas. In the United Kingdom, following a tradition established by the British newspaper The Sun in 1970, several mainstream tabloid newspapers featured topless female models on their third page, known as Page 3 girls, although this is no longer the case. The subject of glamour photography is often a topless woman.

Photographers such as Jock Sturges and Bill Henson have been prosecuted or been embroiled in controversy for producing images of topless teen girls as part of their ongoing work.

Cinema
In the 1920s, nudity, including toplessness, was featured in some Hollywood silent films as well as on the stage, though not without objections from various groups, and several jurisdictions in the United States and elsewhere set up film censorship boards to censor films. In the 1930s, the Hays Code brought an end in Hollywood films to nudity in all its forms. To remain within the censors' guidelines or community standards of decency and modesty, breasts of actresses in an otherwise topless scene would be covered, especially the nipples and areolas, with their hands (using a "handbra" stance), arms, towel, pasties, some other object, or the angle of the body in relation to the camera.

Film making in other centres were not subject to the Hays Code, but were subject to various national censorship regimes. The Italian film Era lui... sì! sì! (1951), for example, also had a French version which included topless actresses in the harem scene. This version was especially made for the French market, where censorship was less rigorous than in Italy. Social and official attitudes to toplessness and nudity had eased by the 1960s and the Hays Code came under repeated challenge. For example, in Mutiny on the Bounty (1962) all Tahitian girls were topless and there was a long native dance scene, though the topless female dancers' breasts were covered by leis. The historical epic film Hawaii (1966) also featured scenes of topless native girls, their breasts being strategically covered by leis.

In 1968 the Hays Code was replaced by the MPAA film rating system. Women now appear topless in mainstream cinema, although usually somewhat briefly. Film critic Roger Ebert argued that there was a double standard in relation to the toplessness of "native" women. He wrote that the producers of Rapa-Nui (1994), which featured repeated scenes of bare-breasted native women, got away with ongoing toplessness because of the women's brown skin:

"Rapa Nui slips through the National Geographic Loophole. This is the Hollywood convention which teaches us that brown breasts are not as sinful as white ones, and so while it may be evil to gaze upon a blond Playboy centerfold and feel lust in our hearts, it is educational to watch Polynesian maidens frolicking topless in the surf. This isn't sex; it's geography."

Besides those actresses who have appeared nude or partially nude in films, it has also become increasingly common for actresses to appear topless in movies. Notable actresses who have appeared topless include Jane Fonda (Coming Home, 1978), Julie Andrews (S.O.B., 1981), Kate Winslet (Titanic, 1997), Gwyneth Paltrow (Shakespeare in Love, 1998), Reese Witherspoon (Twilight, 1998), Rene Russo (The Thomas Crown Affair, 1999), Katie Holmes (The Gift, 2000), and Halle Berry (Swordfish, 2001). In an interview in March 2007, Halle Berry said that her toplessness in Swordfish was "gratuitous" to the movie, but that she needed to do the scene to get over her fear of nudity, and that it was the best thing she did for her career. Having overcome her inhibitions, she went on to a role in Monster's Ball, which included a nude scene and which won her an Oscar for Best Actress. Some actresses prefer not to expose their breasts and use a body double.

Pasties were and may still be worn by some actresses while filming an otherwise apparently topless or nude scene, which is not caught by the camera angle.

Topless dancing

On 12 June 1964, the San Francisco Chronicle featured a woman wearing a monokini with her exposed breasts on its first page. Two weeks later on 22 June 1964, Carol Doda started dancing topless wearing a monokini (designed by Rudi Gernreich) at the Condor Club in San Francisco's North Beach district. Her debut as a topless dancer was featured in Playboy magazine in April 1965. Doda was the first modern topless dancer in the United States, renewing the burlesque era of the early 20th century in the U.S. San Francisco Mayor John Shelley said, "topless is at the bottom of porn". Within a few days, women were baring their breasts in many of the clubs lining San Francisco's Broadway St., ushering in the era of the topless bar.

San Francisco public officials tolerated the topless bars until 22 April 1965, when the San Francisco Police Department arrested Doda on indecency charges. Hundreds of protesters gathered outside the police department, calling for release of both Doda and free speech activist Mario Savio, held in the same station. Doda rapidly became a symbol of sexual freedom, while topless restaurants, shoeshine parlors, ice-cream stands and girl bands proliferated in San Francisco and elsewhere. Journalist Earl Wilson wrote in his syndicated column, "Are we ready for girls in topless gowns? Heck, we may not even notice them." English designers created topless evening gowns inspired by the idea. The San Francisco Examiner published a real estate advertisement that promised "bare top swimsuits are possible here".

The arts
The artifacts in the Ancient Siam open-air museum near Bangkok depict Thai women topless. The Ramakien Mural representing the epic lives of the Thai people found at the Wat Phra Kaew Temple depict women wearing only a skirt in public.

As a result of the Renaissance, in many European societies artists were strongly influenced by classical Greek styles and culture. As a result, images of nude and semi-nude subjects in many forms proliferated in art and sculpture.

During the Victorian era, French Orientalist painters such as Jean-Léon Gérôme presented an idealized depiction of female toplessness in Muslim harem baths, while Eugène Delacroix, a French romantic artist, invoked images of Liberty as a topless woman.

title: Toplessness


text:
Golden Bisquits

Golden Bisquits is the sixth album (fifth studio album) by American rock band Three Dog Night, released in 1971.

The album is a compilation of hits from Three Dog Night's first four studio albums, including all nine single A-sides issued by the band to date. The album was released concurrently with the band's tenth single (not included on Golden Bisquits), "Joy to the World", from their previous album Naturally (1970). "Joy to the World" reached #1 in early 1971, becoming one of Three Dog Night's most enduring songs. The three songs included in Golden Bisquits that were not issued as single A-sides are "Don't Make Promises", "Woman", and "Your Song".

According to Chuck Negron's autobiography, Three Dog Nightmare, the band originally suggested the title Dog Style for the album. ABC/Dunhill Records rejected this as too risqué, but liked the idea of a "dog"-themed title for the album, and proposed the title Golden Bisquits instead.

Some editions of the album utilized alternative cover art, featuring a cropped version of the rejected cover photo for Three Dog Night's third studio album, It Ain't Easy.

Personnel

 * Danny Hutton – vocals
 * Chuck Negron – vocals
 * Cory Wells – vocals
 * Mike Allsup – guitar
 * Joe Schermie – bass
 * Jimmy Greenspoon – keyboards
 * Floyd Sneed – drums

Production
 * Producers: Gabriel Mekler, Richard Podolor
 * Recording Engineers: Richard Podolor, Bill Cooper/American Recording Company
 * Photography: Ed Caraeff
 * Art Direction: Peter Whorf Graphics

title: Golden Bisquits


text:
Kingdom of Ndongo

The Kingdom of Ndongo, 1515-1909, (formerly known as Angola or Dongo, also Kimbundu: Utuminu ua Ndongo, Utuminu ua Ngola ) was an early-modern African state located in the highlands between the Lukala and Kwanza Rivers, in what is now Angola.

The Kingdom of Ndongo is first recorded in the sixteenth century. It was one of multiple vassal states to Kongo, though Ndongo was the most powerful of these with a king called the Ngola.

Little is known of the kingdom in the early sixteenth century. "Angola" was listed among the titles of the King of Kongo in 1535, so it was likely somewhat subordinate to Kongo. Its oral traditions, collected in the late sixteenth century, particularly by the Jesuit Baltasar Barreira, described the founder of the kingdom, Ngola Kiluanje, also known as Ngola Inene, as a migrant from Kongo, chief of a Kimbundu-speaking ethnic group.

Political structure
The Kimbundu-speaking region was known as the land of Mbundu people. It was ruled by a Ngola, or king, who lived with his extended family in the capitol, or kabasa. The kingdom was divided into political territories that were independently ruled by sobas, or nobles. These sobas governed territories (called murinda) and paid tribute to the Ngola, as well as fighting for the kingdom during a war. Ndongo's internal wars sometimes resulted in alliances forming between sobas, which combined murindas and created large provinces, or kandas.

The Ngola of Ndongo and his sobas relied on other officials to carry out his orders. The most important position was that of tendala, a chief advisor with the authority to rule in the Ngola's absence. He also managed much of his day-to-day duties. A tendala was usually a former captive chosen from the class of enslaved serfs called kijikos. Below the tendala was the military commander, called ngolambole, who was also a former member of the kijikos class.

The Ngola also had a large group of bureaucrats, called the makotas, or "the gentlemen of the land," who helped manage the capitol and advise the Ngola on important decisions for the kingdom. They included the mwene lumbo, who managed the palace, the mwene kudya, who managed ted food and monetary taxes, the mwene miste, who managed religious affairs, and the mwene ndongo, who was the great priest. The king also took advice from a nganga marinda, a spiritual leader believed to have a supernatural connection to the ancestors.

These political units were often grouped into larger units called kanda and sometimes provinces. O-mbala is the name of the court, and se-kulu, chieftain means "old father" in the Mbundu language, is the chieftain's name. Di-kanda is the name for a count, mvunda is a duke, and mbanza means a baron.

Larger kingdoms may have emerged earlier, but in the sixteenth century, most of these regions had been united by the rulers of Ndongo. Ndongo's capital city was called Kabasa (Caculo Cabaça), located on the highlands near modern-day N'dalatando. This was a large town, holding as many as 50,000 people in its densely populated district.

Social structure
The Kingdom of Ndongo was composed mostly of free commoners, who were called ana murinda, or "children of the murinda". In addition to the commoners, there were two enslaved groups. The ijiko or kijikos (sing., kijiko) were enslaved commoners who were originally captured during a war, permanently attached to specific territories as serfs, and could not be sold. The abika or mubikas (sing., mubika) were war captives who were judicially enslaved and could be bought, sold, or inherited.

Due to the close pretexts of kijiko and mubika enslavement, Ndongo had stringent rules on slavery or the export of enslaved people. To ensure that no ana murinda or kijiko was unjustly taken and sold, the kingdom even went so far as to interview every enslaved person who was marked for export. The legitimacy of their enslavement had to be proven before they were sold outside of the Ndongo.

Rise of Ndongo
The Mbundu people founded the Kingdom of Ndongo under a king of the Ngola dynasty, using their artisan, blacksmithing, and agricultural skills to become influential traders in the region. They established massive farming communities, created unity through the veneration of zumbi (ancestors) and ilundu (deities), and organized military strategies to fortify their borders and protect their people.

Seeds of independence
In 1518, Ngola Kiluanji of the Kingdom of Ndongo sent ambassadors to Portugal, requesting that Catholic priests visit his kingdom to learn more about the European invaders. A Portuguese mission arrived in Ndongo in 1520, but local disputes and perhaps Kongo pressure forced the missionaries to withdraw. Afonso I of Kongo took the missionaries to Kongo and left his priest in Ndongo.

War of 1556
Around 1556, Ndongo sent another mission to Portugal seeking military assistance and offering to be baptized, even though Portuguese officials were unsure of the religious sincerity at the time. In 1901, historian E.G. Ravenstein claimed that this mission was the result of a war between Kongo and Ndongo, in which Ndongo won and declared its independence, which was also claimed by historian Jan Vansina in 1966 and then others, but this appears to have been a misreading of the sources. Ndongo may have seen the mission as a declaration of independence since Kongo's response to the 1518 mission suggests that it still maintained sufficient control to prevent it from being an independent move.

The second Portuguese mission arrived at the mouth of the Cuanza River in 1560, headed by Paulo Dias de Novais, grandson of the famous explorer Bartolomeu Dias, and including several Jesuit priests including Francisco de Gouveia. This mission also failed, and Dias de Novais returned to Portugal in 1564, leaving Gouveia behind.

The Portuguese colony of Angola
By the time of the third mission in 1571, the King of Portugal Sebastian I had decided to charge Dias de Novais with the conquest and subjugation of the "Kingdom of Angola", authorizing him to govern the region, bring in settlers, and build forts. Dias de Novais arrived in Luanda by arrangement with Kongo's king Álvaro I in compensation for Portugal's assistance against the Jaga. Quilongo, the king of Angola, renewed the connection with Portugal in 1578. Unable to conquer any territory on his own, Dias de Novais made alliances with both Kongo and Ndongo, serving as a mercenary army.

The First Portuguese-Ndongo War
In 1579, Portuguese merchants who had settled in Kongo, led by Francisco Barbuda, advised Njinga Ndambi Kilombo kia Kasenda that Portugal intended to take over his country. Acting on this intelligence and advice, Njinga Ndambi tricked the Portuguese forces into an ambush and massacred them at his capital.

The following war witnessed a Kongo invasion, which was narrowly defeated in 1580, and a Portuguese offensive up the Kwanza River, resulting in the founding of their fort at Massangano in 1582. Several sobas switched their allegiance to Portugal, and many of the coastal provinces soon joined the colony. By 1590, the Portuguese decided to attack the core of Ndongo and sent an army against Kabasa itself. Ndongo, however, had recently sealed an alliance with nearby Matamba, and the Portuguese force was crushed. Following this defeat, Ndongo made a counteroffensive, and many of the formerly pro-Portuguese sobas returned to Ndongo. But Portugal managed to retain much of the land they had gained in the earlier wars, and in 1599, Portugal and Ndongo formalized their border.

The Imbangala period
During the early seventeenth century, an uneasy peace was held between Portugal and Ndongo. The Portuguese continued their expansion along the Kwanza, founding the presidio of Cambambe in 1602 and attempted, whenever possible, to meddle in Ndongo's politics, especially as it concerned Ndongo's tenuous hold on Kisama and other lands south of the Kwanza River. During their activities in the region south of the Kwanza, the Portuguese came into contact with the Imbangala, a rootless group of nomadic raiders ravaging the country. In 1615, the temporary Angolan governor Bento Banha Cardoso encouraged some Imbangala to cross the river and enter Portuguese service, and with their help, he expanded the colony along the Lukala River, north of Ndongo.

In 1617, the new governor Luis Mendes de Vasconcelos, after first rejecting the use of Imbangala troops, committed himself to the alliance and began aggressive campaigns against Ndongo. Thanks to the help of Imbangala bands commanded by Kasanje, Kasa, and others, he invaded Ndongo, sacked the capital, and forced King Ngola Mbandi to take refuge on the island of Kindonga in the Kwanza River. Thousands of Ndongo subjects were taken prisoner, and Mendes de Vasconcelos sought unsuccessfully to create a puppet government to allow Portuguese rule.

Mendes de Vasconcelos' successor, João Correia de Sousa, tried to make peace with Ndongo. In 1621, Ngola Mbandi sent his sister, Nzinga Mbandi to Luanda to negotiate. She negotiated a peace treaty in which Portugal agreed to withdraw its advance fort of Ambaca on the Lukala, which had served as a base for the invasion of Ndongo, return a large number of captive ijiko to Ndongo, and force the Imbangala bands who were still ravaging Ndongo to leave. In exchange, Ngola Mbandi would leave the island, reestablish himself at the capital, and become a Portuguese vassal, paying 100 enslaved people per year as tribute.

However, João Correia de Sousa became involved in a disastrous war with Kongo and, in the aftermath, was expelled from the colony by angry citizens. His temporary successor, the bishop, was unable to execute the treaty, and it was then left to the new governor, Fernão de Sousa, to settle matters when he came in 1624.

The rise of Queen Nzinga
Portugal's failure to honor its treaty took a toll on Ngola Mbandi. In desperation, he committed suicide, leaving the country in the hands of his sister Nzinga, who was to serve as regent for his minor son, then in the protective custody of the Imbangala leader Kaza, who had left Portuguese service and joined with Ndongo. Nzinga, however, only briefly served as regent and had the young son murdered and succeeded to the throne as ruling queen. Some European sources call her Anna Xinga.

Father Giovanni took this opportunity to reopen negotiations with Nzinga, whose legitimacy he questioned. He refused to return the Ijiko and insisted that Njinga first acknowledge Portuguese sovereignty. Although Nzinga was prepared to do this, she would not leave the island until her complete control was established and the Ijiko returned. When the Portuguese refused, Nzinga encouraged them to run away and enter her service. The dispute over the Ijiko led to war in 1626. Sousa's army was able to oust Nzinga from Kidonga but not to capture her.

Sousa felt confident enough at this point to declare Nzinga deposed and convened some sobas who had supported her to re-elect as new king Hari a Kiluanji, lord of the rocky fortress of Mpungo a Ndongo (or Pungo Andongo) in 1626. Still, he died in the smallpox epidemic that broke out as a result of the war and was replaced by Filipe Hari a Ngola.

Nzinga refused to recognize Hari a Ngola, claiming that he was of slave origin and not eligible to reign. She reoccupied Kindonga and began mobilizing the support of all the sobas opposed to Hari an Angola and Portuguese rule, leading to a second war with Portugal. Sousa's army defeated Nzinga again in 1628, forcing her to flee the islands. Nzinga narrowly escaped capture, at one point having to descend into the Baixa de Cassange on ropes with only a few hundred of her followers remaining.

Desperate, Nzinga joined forces with the Imbangala band of Kasanje, who forced her to accept a humiliating position as wife and give up her royal regalia. Nevertheless, she was able to win one of his supporters, subsequently known as Nzinga Mona (or Nzinga's son), away and rebuild her army. Using this support, Nzinga moved northward and captured the Kingdom of Matamba, which became her base, even as she sent a detachment to reoccupy the Kindonga Islands, now sacred because her brother's remains were buried there.

At this point, the history of Nzinga becomes that of Matamba, and her career can be followed in that country.

Ndongo under Filipe Hari a Ndongo's dynasty
Filipe I served the Portuguese loyally in the following decades, even when the Portuguese made a separate peace with Nzinga in 1639. His troops were the most significant component of the army the Portuguese used to make conquests and consolidate their rule in the Dembos area to the north. When the Dutch invaded Brazil, Filipe served against them, forming the bulk of the forces that defended the rump colony at Masangano, though he suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of Nzinga's army with its Dutch allies in 1647 at the Battle of Kombi.

Following the expulsion of the Dutch, however, Filipe began to feel that the Portuguese were not giving him his full due. He became involved in disputes with them over his subordinates and jurisdiction, even as his forces marched into disastrous wars in Kisama and the Dembos. His son and successor was equally disappointed, especially following the Portuguese treaty with Ndongo, which recognized Nzinga as queen of Ndongo and Matamba in 1657, leaving him feeling dishonored as the only ruler of Pungo a Ndongo. Therefore, in 1670, he revolted, and after a long siege, his fortress fell to the Portuguese army in 1671, thus effectively ending Ndongo as an independent kingdom.

Military
The Ndongo army did not rely on arms such as shields for defense. Instead, its personnel were trained to be agile to dodge arrows, javelins, and lance thrusts. On offense, the army was trained in fencing. This Central African martial arts was referred to as Sanguar. It was described by a Jesuit witness in the 1570s as; "all their defense consists of sanguar which is to leap from one side to another with a thousand twists and such agility that they can dodge arrows and spears...."

Professional forces trained for war in the army were referred to as quimbares. Before the war against Portugal in the late 16th century, Ndongo could hire Portuguese mercenaries such as the forces of Paulo Dias de Novais in 1575. There also existed special forces referred to as the "Flower of Angola" from 1585 who fell solely under the auspices of the King. Prominent weapons in service of the army included swords and battle axes. Ndongo developed its musketeers starting from the 16th century. In 1585, the army deployed 40 musketeers against Portugal. Queen Nzinga fielded 3 Dutch artillery pieces around 1648 in a failed siege of a Portuguese stronghold at Muxima.

Ndongo's army was organized into mass units called mozengos or embalos, divided into sub formations of a center and two wings. The military force could be redivided once more into units called lucanzos that were tasked with special operations. In battle, the gunzes detachment laid out the initial attacks. During campaigns, the Ndongo army could build field fortifications mostly made of wood. According to the research of historian Thornton, in the 1585 campaign against Portugal, the army "constructed four or five forts 'of wood and straw after their fashion' each a day's journey apart to cover their retreat." Ndongo possessed, in addition, a naval force of rivercraft. In 1586, the navy employed 8 "great canoes" across the Lucala River, each possessing some personnel of 80–90 people.

Notable people

 * Nzinga of Ndongo, Queen of Ndongo
 * First Africans in the American colonies, including:
 * Angela
 * Emanuel Driggus
 * John Graweere
 * Gullah Jack

title: Kingdom of Ndongo


text: Talk:Golden Bisquits

title: Talk:Golden Bisquits


text:
Willard (band)

Willard was an American metal band from Seattle, Washington, formed around 1989. They were a part of the grunge music scene of the late 1980s and early 1990s.

History
Mark Spiders, Otis P. Otis, and Darren Peters were in a band named Sunshine alongside vocalist Faye West and drummer Patty Schemel. They self-released one EP in 1989, Spread the Love, followed by a disbandment. Schemel would later go on to join the band Hole while Spiders, Otis, and Peters formed Willard. The lineup was expanded with Johnny Clint on vocals and Steve Wied, who departed from the band Tad shortly after joining Willard, on drums. Otis was also an early member of Napalm Beach while Clint and Peters played in H-Hour.

Willard initially released a self-titled EP on Green Gel Records in 1991. Jeff Gilbert, and Tad Doyle were then instrumental in Willard's record deal with Roadrunner Records, which resulted in the Steel Mill album in 1992, produced by Jack Endino. Gilbert called Willard the "drunkest band in Seattle" in his Rocket article. They toured alongside bands such as White Zombie, Cannibal Corpse, and the Melvins (another band which drew comparisons to Willard). After performing an outdoor show for the "Pain in the Grass" Festival at the Seattle Center, Willard was banned from further performances by the Seattle Police Department and the City of Seattle, resulting in band shirts displaying "Banned by the SPD".

Willard recorded eleven songs in November 1993, followed by the departure of Peters. He was replaced on bass by Tyson Garcia. The band drastically reduced their activity, and the recorded tracks were not released. They eventually disbanded in 1995. The songs from November 1993 were eventually transferred from 2" tape to digital by Stuart Hallerman at Avast!. Guitarist Spiders and Aaron Skok mixed the songs, and Black Guitar Records published the album, Underground, in 2018. Otis and Spiders currently play guitars in Smoke It And See with two members of Green Apple Quick Step, MariAnn Braeden - vocals and bass, and Geoff Reading - drums.

Band members

 * Johnny Clint – vocals (1989–1995)
 * Mark Spiders – guitars (1989–1995)
 * Otis P. Otis – guitars (1989–1995)
 * Steve Wied – drums (1989–1995)
 * Darren Peters – bass (1989–1994)
 * Tyson Garcia – bass (1994–1995)

Discography
Full releases
 * Willard EP (Green Gel Records, 1991)
 * Steel Mill (Roadrunner Records, 1992)
 * Underground (Black Guitar Records, 2018)

Appearances
 * Roadrunner Records Promo PR063 features "Sweet Kali" (Roadrunner Records, 1992)
 * Metal Detector CD Metal Monsters features "Stain" (FMBQ, 1992)
 * Best of Grunge Rock features "Fifteen" (Priority Records, 1993)
 * Seattle Music Scene Volume 2 features demo version of "Larie" from ABV Sessions (Insight Records, 1994)

title: Willard (band)


text: Category:Retail companies of Australia

title: Category:Retail companies of Australia


text:
User:Officiallyover

The Wikipedian Officiallyover is a man in the United States, North America, The World, The Universe. He especially likes to fix typographical errors and to add wikilinks judiciously when he stumbles across articles in need. Less often, he will add one fact or source citation to an article, or he will clean up vandalism. All people who compulsively use edit summaries become his instant best friends. He considers himself overeducated.

Citing sources
Citation templates.

Remember, this is how you do this:. To be nice to the bots:. To be fancy:.

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Snob Hit
There’s The Golden Apple and Golden Rainbow, Golden Boy, and Goldilocks.

Writing should feel easy, like a monkey driving a speedboat.

Beg Borrow or Steal, Buck White, Big Deal, and Bring Back Birdie and Bagels and Yox.

Close your eyes. Breathe. Ladle into that barrel of monkeys that you call a head and scoop out and image monkey.

There’s Hurry, Harry, Happy As Larry, Marilyn, and Very Warm for May.

Now let that image monkey drive a speedboat and you, you water ski behind it!

Oh, Brother!, Oh, Boy!, Oh, Captain!, Oh, Look!, Oh, Please!, Oh, Coward!, Oh, My Dear!, Oh, Kay!

Stay behind the image and write down what you see on your monkey ski-trip. Ready... go!

See the monkey Sail Away On his speedboat,

It’s Simply Heavenly to Ride the Winds,

He drives by a Steel Pier in Portofino

To be The First to hear a Band in Berlin.

He stops by a Carnival in Flanders

And meets a lady-monkey named Carrie

And through the Mother Earth they meander

And in a House of Flowers they marry.

Soon after they're Working on their love and at Different Times it was Wild and Wonderful.

Then one day the lady-monkey said to him,

Dude, I Got Tu Go Disco.

I feel A Change in the Heir, I want Something More!

It’s so nice to be Civilized and I’ll miss the Stars in Your Eyes and your Smile,

But I gotta hit the Trail.

Come Summer he went back to the speed boat

And watched Censored Scenes From King Kong.

He found his Shelter on the speedboat

And he thought, Here’s Where I Belong,

Just me and my speedboat - Merrily We Roll Along.

Monkeys and playbills and playbills and monkeys and....

Self-congratulation
Officiallyover occasionally spends more time editing a page. He likes to reword, leaving the original author's meaning intact, and he likes to add exemplary references with strong Web links to them. Chronologically from the earliest edit (last updated 2006-10-14):

Anatomical pathology, Pruitt-Igoe, Human rights abuse, Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument, U.S. Special Operations Forces, White House or The West Wing of the White House, Usufruct, Pityriasis rosea, Tanacetum or Tansy, Human abdomen, Mr. Yuk, Cocaine, Beckwith-Wiedemann syndrome, Security through obscurity, C-MET, Prostatic congestion or Blue balls, Liquid breathing, Robert Weinberg

Officiallyover created about a dozen redirect and disambiguation articles, and he created the "real" article Tertiary hyperparathyroidism.

title: User:Officiallyover