text:
38th Grey Cup

The 38th Grey Cup, played at Varsity Stadium in Toronto on November 25, 1950, before 27,101 fans, also known as the Mud Bowl, was the Canadian football championship game played between the Toronto Argonauts and the Winnipeg Blue Bombers. The Argonauts won the game 13–0.

Conditions on the field
On the day before the game, a rare, heavy late November snowfall blanketed the field. Heavy equipment was dispatched to clear the snowfall before the game. However, the equipment damaged the turf, which was already in bad shape from poor groundskeeping during the regular season. To make matters worse, on the morning of the game the weather turned much warmer, and the snowfall turned to steady rain. By game time, the field was torn up and soaked with water, with the rain continuing through the entire game. Both teams had difficulty moving the ball in the conditions.

Summary
The game was remembered more for its poor field conditions than the actual game itself. The 1950 Grey Cup, forever dubbed "The Mud Bowl," was won by the Toronto Argonauts, as they shut out the Winnipeg Blue Bombers 13–0. The game featured two teams facing each other for the sixth time in the Canadian football classic.

The wet and muddy conditions at Toronto's Varsity Stadium created a quagmire but did not prevent the Argonauts from winning their eighth Grey Cup title. The Argos kicked for what turned out to be the winning point in the first quarter. Winnipeg's Tom Casey misjudged Joe Krol's punt from the Blue Bombers 49-yard line, as the ball went over his head and into the end zone for a rouge. Joe Krol avoided a potential turnover later in the half when he dropped the ball on an attempted kick in Bombers territory. The Argo star picked it up and raced around the end for 10 yards, putting the ball on the Winnipeg 15. After failing to make another first down, Nick Volpe kicked a 21-yard field goal to put the Argos up 4-0.

Before the end of the first half, the Argos increased the margin to 7-0. Toronto's Billy Bass recovered Indian Jack Jacobs fumble at the Winnipeg 19. After two running plays from Ulysses "Crazy Legs" Curtis and Teddy Toogood, Nick Volpe was successful on a field goal from the Winnipeg 23. The Argos completed the scoring in the third quarter. Toronto's Jake Dunlap blocked Jacobs' kick which the Boatmen recovered at the Winnipeg 20. Billy Bass and Al Dekdebrun carried to the four-yard line and Toogood to the one. On third down Dekdebrun slid across the goal line for the only touchdown of the game. Volpe missed the convert, but Joe Krol later kicked a single for the final point of the game. Dekdebrun directed Toronto's ground offence all game, which steamrolled the Winnipeg defence for 232 yards.

This is the last time a team has been shut out in the Grey Cup final.

Legacy
The aftermath of the game generated severe criticism of the Canadian Rugby Union and the choice of Varsity, which had traditionally hosted the game almost every year due to its relatively large capacity and generally warmer weather in late November and early December compared to other cities. Some believed the game could have been played a week earlier to avoid adverse weather conditions. Wrote one writer, "Because the field was like a pig's wallow, what should have been a football classic turned into a slogging show." The lack of a tarpaulin to protect the field, which could have been obtained for approximately $5,000, was noted. The Calgary Stampeders, who had faced bad field conditions in the 1948 championship game, offered to pick up the expense on behalf of the league, but this offer was declined. Although Varsity Stadium, and later Exhibition Stadium, continued to be the primary venue for the Grey Cup, the criticism of the conditions at both fields eventually led to the venue shifting among the cities of the Interprovincial Rugby Football Union and the Western Interprovincial Football Union on a regular basis.

Box score
First quarter

Toronto – Rouge – Joe Krol 49 yard punt

Second quarter

Toronto – Field Goal – Nick Volpe 21 yards

Toronto – Field Goal – Nick Volpe 23 yards

Third quarter

Toronto – TD – Al Dekdebrun 1 yard run (convert missed)

Toronto – Rouge – Joe Krol 00 yard punt

title: 38th Grey Cup


text: User talk:66.74.222.45

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:66.74.222.45


text:
June beetle

June beetle is the common name for several scarab beetles that appear around June in temperate parts of North America: In subfamily Cetoniinae:
 * Cotinis nitida (Green June beetle) of the southeastern United States
 * Cotinis mutabilis (Figeater beetle) of the western and southwestern United States

In subfamily Melolonthinae:
 * Amphimallon solstitiale (European June beetle, summer chafer) of Europe (and other species of Amphimallon )
 * Melolontha (cockchafers or May bugs) of Europe
 * Phyllophaga (May beetles) of the Americas
 * Polyphylla decemlineata (Ten-lined June beetle) of the western United States and Canada.
 * Rhizotrogus marginipes (and other species of Rhizotrogus )

title: June beetle


text:
Mariana Victoria of Spain

 Mariana Victoria of Spain (Mariana Vitória; 31 March 1718 – 15 January 1781) was an Infanta of Spain by birth and was later the Queen of Portugal as wife of King Joseph I. She acted as regent of Portugal in 1776–1777, during the last months of her husband's life and as advisor to her daughter, Maria I of Portugal, in her reign.

Early life
Mariana Victoria was born at the Royal Alcazar of Madrid in Madrid and was given the same forenames as her paternal grandmother Maria Anna Victoria of Bavaria, wife of Le Grand Dauphin. She was an Infanta of Spain by birth and the eldest daughter of Philip V of Spain and his second wife Elisabeth Farnese. Her father was a grandson of Louis XIV and had inherited the Spanish throne in 1700. At the time of her birth, Mariana Victoria was fifth in line to the throne of Spain behind her half brothers Infante Louis, Prince of Asturias, Infante Ferdinand, Infante Pedro as well as her full brother Infante Charles. As an Infanta of Spain she had the style of Royal Highness.

Engagement to Louis XV
After the War of the Quadruple Alliance, France and Spain decided to reconcile by engaging the Infanta Mariana Victoria to her first cousin the young Louis XV of France. Organised by Philippe d'Orléans, Regent of France for the ten-year-old Louis XV, the match was part of a wider set of engagements which included the proposal of Philip V's eldest son Infante Louis, Prince of Asturias to Élisabeth d'Orléans, Mademoiselle de Montpensier followed by another proposal between Philippine Élisabeth d'Orléans, Mademoiselle de Beaujolais to the young Infante Charles. Saint-Simon, the French ambassador, requested her hand on 25 November 1721. The exchange of the young Infanta and Mademoiselle de Montpensier was on the Île des Faisans ("Isle of Pheasants") and was the site where their common ancestors, Louis XIV and Maria Theresa of Spain had met in 1660. Mariana Victoria arrived in Paris on 2 March 1722 amongst much celebration and took up residence at the Palais du Louvre. The young Infanta was nicknamed the l'infante Reine ("Queen-Infanta") as the couple were not to be married until Mariana Victoria reached a more mature age. Mariana Victoria was in awe of Louis XV and was popular with the court apart from the king himself who avoided her presence.

According to the mother of the Régent, Elizabeth Charlotte of the Palatinate, Mariana Victoria was the "sweetest and prettiest little thing" and had considerable wit for her age. Her education was placed in the care of Marie Anne de Bourbon, the legitimised daughter of Louis XIV and Louise de La Vallière, and Madame de Ventadour was appointed her governess. In February 1723, Louis XV reached his majority and thus governed the country by his own accord.

Her establishment in France was not to be. Under the influence of the Prime Minister Louis Henri, Duke of Bourbon and his mistress Madame de Prie, the decision was made to send the seven-year-old Mariana Victoria back to Spain on 11 March 1725. Bourbon had wanted to maintain influence over the young Louis XV and offered his sister Henriette Louise de Bourbon as a potential wife who, unlike Mariana Victoria, was old enough to conceive. The situation was not helped by the Spanish rejection of Louise Élisabeth d'Orléans whose husband died having ruled as Louis I of Spain for only seven months. As their marriage had not been consummated, the Spanish refused to support her and ordered she return to France with her sister Philippine Élisabeth. Mariana Victoria left Versailles on 5 April 1725 and travelled to the frontier where she and the two Orléans daughters were then exchanged. Louis XV subsequently married Marie Leszczyńska in September 1725 and Mariana Victoria's sister the Infanta Maria Teresa Rafaela married Louis XV's son in 1745 to reassure the insulted Spanish court.

Crown Princess of Portugal
Her arrival in Spain was taken as a great insult and caused a diplomatic rift between Spain and France. The offended Spanish soon after concluded a treaty with Austria in the form of the 1725 Treaty of Vienna, whilst England sought support from France. Having remained unmarried, she was still eligible to inherit the throne but was displaced by her younger brother Infante Philip who was born in 1720. Discussions with the Kingdom of Portugal began in 1727 and a marriage was negotiated by the Portuguese ambassador the Marquis of Abrantes. She was a rumored bride for Emperor Peter II of Russia, grandson of Peter the Great. Another double marriage was planned. Mariana Victoria would marry the Infante José, "Prince of Brazil", son and heir of João V of Portugal. Her older half brother Ferdinand, "Prince of Asturias" would marry José's sister the Infanta Bárbara. Mariana Victoria married the Prince of Brazil (traditional title for the Portuguese heir to the throne) on 19 January 1729 at Elvas in Portugal. The Prince of Asturias (traditional title for the Spanish heir to the throne) married the Infanta Bárbara the next day at Badajoz. From her marriage until the time of her husband's accession to the throne in 1750, she was styled Her Royal Highness the Princess of Brazil.

Mariana and Joseph would soon have a close relationship. The couple enjoyed hunting as well as music – Mariana Victoria was an accomplished singer – they patronized Italian opera singers and the theatre but were both passionately religious. Despite this, her husband maintained various mistresses much to the dislike of his strong-willed wife. During her marriage, Mariana Victoria gave birth to eight children, four of whom survived infancy. Her first child Infanta Maria was given the style Princess of Beira as the heir apparent to her father. Two of Mariana Victoria's daughters remained unmarried. Her daughter Infanta Mariana Francisca was a proposed bride for the Dauphin of France, son of Louis XV, but Mariana Victoria herself rejected the plan. When her other daughter Infanta Doroteia was proposed as a wife for the future Philippe Égalité Mariana Victoria again refused to the match. Her youngest daughter Infanta Benedita married José, Prince of Brazil, Mariana Victoria's grandson. The latter marriage was organised by Mariana Victoria herself after the death of her husband.

Queen and regent
At the death of her father-in-law, King John V in 1750, her husband became the ruler of the Portuguese Empire which had significant territories in South America. Her husband's reign was dominated by the influence of the Marquis of Pombal who was a favourite of the Queen mother. Joseph I soon left the governing of the state to Pombal who used his power to remove the influence of the church at the court as well as that of his enemies. Mariana Victoria and her daughter disliked the influence Pombal had over Joseph I. Her husband's reign was marred by the devastating 1755 Lisbon earthquake of 1 November 1755 which killed 100,000 people. The earthquake caused Joseph I to develop a severe case of claustrophobia and he was never again comfortable living within a walled building. Consequently, he moved the royal court to an extensive complex of tents in the hills of Ajuda. It was Pombal who organised the reconstruction of Lisbon in the aftermath of the earthquake.

In 1759, the Távora affair emerged after an assassination attempt on her husband failed and the powerful Távora family were, in the eyes of Pombal, completely responsible for the attack. Pombal later ordered the execution of all members of the noble family and it was only at the intervention of Mariana Victoria and her daughter, the Princess of Brazil, that some women and children were spared. As Pombal was de facto ruler of the state, Mariana Victoria and her husband took a less prominent role in politics.

Her husband, having suffered from a series of strokes, decided to allow his wife to take his place as head of government. As such, Mariana Victoria was created Regent of Portugal in her husband's name. Created Regent on 29 November 1776, she remained so until her husband's death on 24 February 1777. Upon her husband's death, their eldest daughter became the first queen regnant as Maria I. Throughout Maria I's reign Mariana Victoria exerted significant influence on her daughter, who would often ask her mother's advice on matters of state. In the early days of Maria I's reign, Pombal was exiled to the country.

Queen dowager
When her daughter had assumed government, Mariana Victoria took it upon herself to improve relations with her native Spain, which was ruled by her older brother Carlos III. The two countries had been in conflict regarding territorial possessions in the Americas. Leaving Portugal on 28 October 1777, Mariana Victoria travelled to Spain where she stayed for just over a year, residing both in Madrid and at Aranjuez. Mariana Victoria helped bring about a treaty between the two nations which was to be cemented by a double marriage between her grandchildren. These unions were between Charles III's son Infante Gabriel and Mariana Victoria's granddaughter the Infanta Mariana Vitória. The second marriage was between the Infanta Carlota, eldest granddaughter of Carlos III and Infante João. While in Spain, Mariana Victoria had had an attack of Rheumatism and was confined to a wheelchair for some time in August 1778. She returned to Portugal in November 1778. Her illness was furthered when it became clear that she was suffering from heart disease as well. The elderly Mariana Victoria died at the Real Barraca de Ajuda, a building which is where the present Ajuda National Palace is. She was buried at the Church of Saint Francis of Paola in Lisbon.

Legacy
She was the godmother of Marie Antoinette who was born a day after the 1755 Lisbon earthquake devastated Lisbon. Mariana Victoria has descendants ranging from the present King of Spain, King of Belgium, Grand Duke of Luxembourg pretending Duke of Parma and the French Count of Paris. In 1822, her great-grandson Pedro became the first emperor of Brazil.

Issue

 * 1) Maria Francisca Isabel Rita Gertrudes Joana (17 December 1734 – 20 March 1816), married her uncle Infante Peter of Portugal and had issue. Later Queen regnant of Portugal.
 * 2) Maria Ana Francisca Dorotea Josefa Antonia Gertrudes Rita Joana Efigenia (7 October 1736 – 6 May 1813), potential bride for Louis, Dauphin of France, but her mother refused to consent to the marriage, died unmarried.
 * 3) Stillborn daughter (February 1739).
 * 4) Maria Francisca Doroteia Josefa Antónia Gertrudes Rita Joana Efigénia de Braganca (21 September 1739 – 14 January 1771), potential bride for Philippe Égalité but she refused to marry him, died unmarried.
 * 5) Stillborn son (7 March 1741).
 * 6) Stillborn son (15 October 1742).
 * 7) Stillborn son (May 1744).
 * 8) Maria Francisca Benedita Ana Isabel Joana Antonia Lourença Inácia Teresa Gertrudes Rita Rosa (25 July 1746 – 18 August 1829) married her nephew Infante Joseph, Prince of Beira, no surviving issue.

title: Mariana Victoria of Spain


text:
User:J Heath

"J Heath" is a British expatriate working in the USA. His business card describes him as a "senior toolpath engineer/mathematician."

title: User:J Heath


text: User talk:61.149.216.185

title: User talk:61.149.216.185


text: File:HohenzollernCastle.png

title: File:HohenzollernCastle.png


text:
Edmund Beaufort

Edmund Beaufort may refer to:

 * Edmund Beaufort, 2nd Duke of Somerset (c. 1406–1455)
 * Edmund Beaufort, 4th Duke of Somerset (c. 1438–1471)

title: Edmund Beaufort


text:
User:ThunderAI

Please post your comments about the changes I make here, thanks

title: User:ThunderAI


text:
Thiepval (disambiguation)

Thiepval a commune in the Somme department, Hauts-de-France, France.

Thiepval may also refer to:

 * Thiepval Barracks, headquarters of the British Army in Northern Ireland
 * HMCS Thiepval, a 1917 sunken Canadian trawler

title: Thiepval (disambiguation)


text: User talk:69.138.138.165

title: User talk:69.138.138.165


text:
Talk:GRML

Untitled
This article was proposed for deletion December 2004. The discussion is archived at Votes for deletion/GRML. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Joyous! (talk • contribs) 03:48, 21 December 2004 (UTC)

title: Talk:GRML


text:
Talk:1897 in Canada

Untitled
Do we know which Lord Grey proposed this? Mackensen (talk) 03:48, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Since there is only one at given time, it would have to be the one who held the title in 1897: Albert Grey, 4th Earl Grey. Indefatigable 14:27, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Assuming it wasn't one of the odd Barons Grey that are scattered around but yes, given that he was Governor-General, I can go for that. Thanks. Mackensen (talk) 15:47, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

title: Talk:1897 in Canada


text:
Izumi Matsumoto

Kazuya Terashima (寺嶋 一弥), known by his pen name, was a Japanese manga artist best known for Kimagure Orange Road. His career started in 1982, publishing his comic Milk Report in the manga magazine Weekly Shōnen Jump. But real success came in 1984, publishing Kimagure Orange Road in the same magazine.

In 2005, he revealed that he was afflicted with a cerebrospinal fluid disease (possibly stemming from a car accident when he was three years old) that had forced him to take six years off work, and he hoped to bring attention to this disorder through a new manga.

On 3 November 2019, Matsumoto revealed that he had been diagnosed with spinal stenosis. Matsumoto died at 61 on October 6, 2020.

Career
Izumi Matsumoto began working for Weekly Shōnen Jump when he cold called them and formed a relationship with Toshimasa Takahashi, then a junior editor in charge of answering phones. His work "Live! Tottemo Rock 'n' Roll" then won a newcomer award. This led to the 1982 publication of Milk Report in Fresh Jump.

Just two years later he began Kimagure Orange Road in Weekly Shōnen Jump, which was an instant success. Following its end, he began Sesame Street (not to be confused with the television series of the same name) in Super Jump.

In 1994, Matsumoto conceived the idea for a digital manga on CD-ROM, the first of its kind. The five-volume Comic On was also possibly the first "trans-hemispheric manga compilation" as the semi-animated content set to music and dialogue also contained work by Jan Scott-Frazier and Lea Hernandez. Matsumoto set up his own company Genesis DPC to fund the project and partnered with Toshiba EMI to sell it. Manga publishers considered this a competitor, and Matsumoto struggled to get permission from Shueisha to use his own Kimagure Orange Road characters in the work.

Works

 * Kimagure Orange Road (1984–1987, Weekly Shōnen Jump)
 * Comic Gunbuster (1989)
 * Sesame Street (1990–1992, Super Jump)
 * Comic On (1996)
 * Digital Short Contents (2001)

title: Izumi Matsumoto


text:
Talk:Clive Lloyd

Change
Changed

>> during his captaincy the side had a run of 26 matches without defeat,

to 27. Though Richards was the captain in one of these 27 matches (v England, Leeds 1980), IMHO, 27 is more appropriate.

Tintin.

 * Best to explain why 27 not 26 then. -- ALoan (Talk) 09:04, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Thanks - Tintin1107

I apologise for the error. Port of Spain, 1983-84 was the match that Lloyd missed. He did miss Leeds '80, but it was outside the 27 tests.

http://statserver.cricket.org/guru/?sdb=player;playerid=1286;class=testplayer;filter=advanced;team=0;opposition=0;notopposition=0;homeaway=0;continent=0;country=0;notcountry=0;groundid=0;season=0;startdefault=1966-12-13;start=1981-12-23;enddefault=1985-01-02;end=1985-01-02;tourneyid=0;finals=0;daynight=0;toss=0;scheduleddays=0;scheduledovers=0;innings=0;followon=0;result=0;seriesresult=0;captain=0;keeper=0;dnp=1;recent=;viewtype=aro_resultlist;runslow=;runshigh=;batposition=0;dismissal=0;bowposition=0;ballslow=;ballshigh=;bpof=0;overslow=;overshigh=;conclow=;conchigh=;wicketslow=;wicketshigh=;dismissalslow=;dismissalshigh=;caughtlow=;caughthigh=;caughttype=0;stumpedlow=;stumpedhigh=;csearch=;submit=1;.cgifields=viewtype shows the relevant Tests and the defeats at either end of the sequence.

Thanks - Tintin1107

Sir Clive?
The MLC tournament is named the "Sir Clive Lloyd Cup", but I can't find any reference to Clive actually having been knighted at any point... has he been? -dmmaus 00:49, 7 October 2005 (UTC)
 * I have not been able to confirm that he has been knighted. --ukexpat 15:44, 22 June 2007 (UTC)

 * That's cos he wasn't knighted until December 2019. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-50925534 — Preceding unsigned comment added by 95.150.110.243 (talk) 09:57, 12 July 2020 (UTC)

Poor Captaincy?
I feel the reference to Lloyd's "poor captaincy" during the NZ tour should be looked at. Firstly to look at this tour in isolation from a twenty year international career does scant justice to Clive Lloyd, secondly the statement that many NZ cricket fans still dislike Lloyd is opinion not fact, as is the statement that he displayed "poor captaincy" in the first place. There is no objective judgement of "poor captaincy" so this cannot be neutral, it's simply the authors view. Most importantly it completely ignores the incompetence of the NZ umpires which caused huge resentment amongst the West Indian team. This section should either reflect the cause and effect relationship of the dreadful umpiring and the West Indies surly behaviour or it should be deleted. As it stands it's not neutral. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by Danw88 (talk • contribs).

 * I agree, and am deleting it. --Lancevortex (talk) 13:42, 22 June 2007 (UTC)

Perhaps it could have been stated more objectively, but examples need to be given of the umpires alleged poor umpiring and added to the article. I've seen bad umpiring over the years but since 1980 I have seldom seen players kick over stumps, barge an umpire and refuse to come out of their dressing room the way the West Indian players did that tour. I am more inclined to think that Lloyd got away with his dreadful leadership on that tour because it happenned in out of the way New Zealand rather than England or Australia. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 58.28.145.181 (talk) 07:13, 2 October 2007 (UTC)

title: Talk:Clive Lloyd


text: Category:1996 singles

title: Category:1996 singles


text:
Talk:Ownership society

Implementation
This page is sorely missing an "implementation" section. It needs a list of executive or legislative branch actions or attempted actions which tried to create the "ownership society". Two things that come to mind are the zero-down payment initiative and the President's unsuccessful attempts to privatize social security. I'm curious at how much of lack of regulation of the housing market had roots in policy. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Dimmer (talk • contribs) 11:17, 13 April 2011 (UTC)

Unintended Consequences
Perhaps included within this section could be some info on how Bush's vision of the "Ownership Society" resulted in millions of people getting sham home loans to buy houses they could not afford, and how our current economic collapse directly resulted from these very policies. You don't hear Bush talking much about this Ownership Society anymore, now that it's clear that his policies resulted in a DECREASE of home ownership. I think this is a relevant and important concept that should be added to this article. MisplacedFate1313 (talk) 18:33, 5 July 2008 (UTC)

Copyvio and suggested modification
Please note that the article may be currently in copyright violation. The phrase defining the ownership society appears, without attribution directly from the cato institute.

 * I find it too cold. In my opinion, CATO institute is really the think tank that defined that notion, and the further you are from the content of that, the less accurate your definition is gonna be. I tried to follow all comments about it, and the CATO's one was most useful. Incidentally, if you want an explicit agreement that their ideas - even sentences - can be used, you can have it. ;-) I guess it's not your real problem with the text! --Lumidek 13:09, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * "if you want an explicit agreement that their ideas - even sentences you can have it". Did you obtain said agreement? Nothing in the Cato Institute webpage that I saw mentioned that you could do so without attribution. And regardless of what  Cato Institute policy is, such text in WP should always be accompanied by attribution.  Also it's a disservice to readers to include almost a direct quote without a source.

 * "I guess it's not your real problem with the text!" Oh really? What do you mean exactly? I've already mentioned to you on your talk page that the article was arguably not neutral. Do you think WP is an appropriate medium to publicize ideas from a source with an avowed political purpose without mentioning the source? Do you mean something else by this remark?

 * The article as you originally wrote it was quite careless with its terminology. For instance in what sense did you mean "ownership society" is a model of society. Did you mean it in the sense of model? Now please understand I'm not trying to critize you for what may be your belief in Bush's proposals; although you are right, I don't agree with them. I am criticizing you for writing something which had little possibility of constructive expansion. The article was edited, in the last few hours, but the article was reworked considerably, not expanded. You should see that you have something to lose by that.  Even believers in the ownership society can gain from critics, who will undoubtedly contribute negative information, but from which you will learn something. Is constructive dialogue something you really want to avoid?

CSTAR 15:59, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

I propose the following modification

Ownership society is a term apparently first used by George W. Bush in early 2003 and now widely used by members of his administration and supporters of his privatization programs. According to Bush's acceptance speech in the 2004 Republican National Convention,

 * "In an ownership society, more people will own their health care plans and have the confidence of owning a piece of their retirement."

The term appears to have been used originally by President Bush (for example in a speech February 20, 2003 in Kennesaw, Georgia) as a phrase to rally support for his tax-cut proposals (Pittsburgh Post - Gazette,  Bush OKs Funding Bill for Fiscal '03, Feb 21, 2003 Scott Lindlaw). Since early 2004 Bush and his supporters describe the ownership society in much broader and more ambitious terms. The term is also used more generally to include specific policy proposals concerning education and retirement savings. According to the Cato Institute

 * "''An ownership society values responsibility, liberty, and property. Individuals are empowered by freeing them from dependence on government handouts and making them owners instead, in control of their own lives and destinies. In the ownership society, patients control their own health care, parents control their own children's education, and workers control their retirement savings.

Quotes
"...''if you own something, you have a vital stake in the future of our country. The more ownership there is in America, the more vitality there is in America, and the more people have a vital stake in the future of this country." - President George W. Bush, June 17, 2004

"We Conservatives have always passed our values from generation to generation. I believe that personal prosperity should follow the same course. I want to see wealth cascading down the generations. We do not see each generation starting out anew, with the past cut off and the future ignored. - John Major conference speech 1991." What does this have to do with the article? - Jerryseinfeld 21:09, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * The article should place the term in some historical perspective. Even though the sequence of characters "ownership society" may not have been uttered in a political context before, the concept is not new.  For instance, one of the proponents of the idea within the Cato Institute of Bush's is José  Piñero.

 * I see no reason to remove the quote, it is clearly historically relevant and unless you provide more cogent argument for removal will put it back in.
 * What does the John Major saying have to do with the article? - Jerryseinfeld 22:49, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * For instance, look at the Cato Institute's pages on the ownership society. . For instance the following quote:
 * Most importantly, that fund would become his property, not the government's -- meaning he could leave it to his children upon his death. Such a system would enable the working poor to accumulate assets from generation to generation.
 * This is a legitimate idea that forms part of Bush's initiative. The fact that some of us may not agree with it does not mean that it is in anybody's interest to paint a caricature of the proposal and I don't think insertion of the quote is innapropriate. This kind of generational wealth accumulation is an essential part of "ownership society"!
 * There is a lot of supporting evidence for the historical origins of Bush's proposal both in Thactherism and in Augusto Pinochet's privatization programs in Chile
 * Scotland on Sunday. Dec 19, 2004. Bush's big idea is Thatcherism, Fraser Nelson.
 * "George Bush, in an audacious bid to secure his place in history, is to reinvent Margaret Thatcher's policies for present-day America."
 * "In a move that will dismay his close ally Tony Blair, the US President is resurrecting the policies of Baroness Thatcher as the ideological agenda for his second and final term in the White House

 * Okay. - Jerryseinfeld 23:10, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Language
"The sale at affordable prices of public housing to tenants". Can you sell a price? - Jerryseinfeld 21:13, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Excuse me, how does this sentence even suggest the sale of a price? CSTAR 22:18, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

"and workers take full responsibility for their retirement savings and associated financial risk." You don't like that do you. It's not going to be "full" responsibility in out lifetime, and that's not near the presidents suggestion. "Associated financial risk", it's dangeours to save? Come on now. - Jerryseinfeld 21:19, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * The comment clearly does not say it is dangerous to save.CSTAR 22:18, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

"Have control [of decisions on]", parents control [have power over their children's], workers control [have some responsibility for the investment of] their retirement savings. What's with the brackets? Is this a quote from soneone? They don't add anything to thr meaning of the text, you don't have to explain what "control" means, and it certainly doesn't mean what's in those brackets. Parental "control" is "power", pehaps it is, does that have to be there, why is that there? To "control" the retirement savings doesnt mean "responsibility for the investment of", it simply mean that the worker have to save money. - Jerryseinfeld 23:36, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Wandering
"Large corporations found this direct ownership of small parcels of shares to be a significant administrative overhead." First of all, EVERY public company has a lot of shareholders, if you don't like it, then that's fine, it has nothing to do with this article. Secondly, the conversation is really wandering from the subject here. - Jerryseinfeld 21:16, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Complaints from British Gas were well-publicised. It is clear enough that (in the UK context) the large corporations had some reservations about 'share-owning democracy', as it came out of the privatisations.

Secondly, I wonder why you feel a WP article should feel so constrained as to what is mentioned.

Charles Matthews 21:48, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * The article is not really about privatization is it? - Jerryseinfeld 21:51, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

I have now looked in detail at your edits. They seem to be entirely slanted, and not a reasonable reflection of the concept (rather than the narrow election slogan).

I suggest that your edits are heavy-handed, and remove context.

Charles Matthews 21:53, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Revertion
This guy just reverted 9 edits. - Jerryseinfeld 22:47, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Negativism
The orignial positive uplifting article was in a few seconds turned into a vague, negative, disordered, unfocused article. Good job. - Jerryseinfeld 22:59, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * For example, the quotations, two of them look like "text" - author, and the last one is now, after the 9 edits revertion, again just "text" author, with no line. Disorder and its result, failure, have attacked our village of order, success, and positivity. - Jerryseinfeld 23:02, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Sorry, WP doesn't do uplift. Try The Little Book of Political Panaceas.

And could you try to spell, to use the edit summaries, and to refrain from personal comments? No one says it is easy to write on politics here.

Charles Matthews 23:05, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Why is this negativism? Why are you referring to an effort to be accurate and historically informative, as being vague or negative? Moreover, the function of an encyclopedia article isn't necessarilly to be uplifiting. It is to be informative. Come on, you seem to be creating a hostility out of disagreement. We aren't going to agree probably, but let's try to be amicable about it.

 * Thanks! CSTAR 23:09, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * For example "a phrase to rally support for his tax-cut proposals", oh, really? Is THAT what it is? And then put a John Major quote above the Bush quote because it has some link to and ownership society, that's just strange. - Jerryseinfeld 23:18, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * "a phrase to rally support for his tax-cut proposals", oh, really?

 * Look, that's the historical context. I didn't make up the history. I took the trouble of using the public library resources (in this case proquest) to try to find out where this term came from. It is just natural curiosity. In addition to which,  the original article ("uplifting" though it may have been) didn't give a clue as to who formulated the concept in these precise terms. Don't you think that's useful information, regardless of whether you're for the idea or against it?.

 * Why is this kind of activity even appropriate for a vitality curve analysis? If anything, I would think figuring out background and historical material is appropriate for an A team, no? CSTAR 23:32, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Layout
Why does years have to be links, like 2004, when a person see a year, do they want to go there and read about everything else that happened that year? What's the purpose of it? - Jerryseinfeld 23:38, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Maybe it is unbelievably stupid  but isn't that a WP custom? I have no feelings either way, but every article I have read has the year links and articles I've edited without the year links have had the links subsequently put in. Though questioning tradition is a useful activity, in this case I'm perfectly happy to go along with tradition. CSTAR
 * For the record: The phrase unbelievably stupid was in Jerryseinfeld's original post and my previous comment was in direct reponse to his. Apparently that user saw fit to remove it.

 * OK let's call a truce. You can have the discussion page, the main article page and as far as I'm concerned you can do whatever you want with both of them provided that isn't an attack on somebody's person. We have to live in this world together and if you want this space it's fine with me. OK? CSTAR 00:40, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Okay, but I kind of got tired of the article by now. - Jerryseinfeld 00:52, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Private ownership
Both the headline "history" and "analysis" are really unnecessary in my opinion. Private ownership has ALWAYS existed. Does it have to mention people that have talked about it in the past? And analyze what "control" and "ownership" means? - Jerryseinfeld 00:18, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * About the analysis, "desiderata", "informed consent", "political stake-holding", "extrapolation", "property rights in money". I must say I don't get the point of it. But it sounds like someone have thought long and hard about it. - Jerryseinfeld 00:23, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)

To User:Jerryseinfeld
Two points.

Firstly, inclusion of a large section of the White House press release of August 9 2004 goes against the Wikipedia policy of not including original sources. It also is no help in making this page conform to NPOV.

Secondly, I am having difficulty with your failure to comprehend what this encyclopedia is and does. This article of course should link in some way to the page on ownership, and in such a way at least to make clear what the relationship with the usage on this page is. Where a word like control is used three ways in one sentence, it is also in my view quite reasonable to analyse it, and make the connection control to ownership.

Charles Matthews 06:24, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Can I also point out that, despite my plea for edit summaries, you have made 27 successive edits to this page without a single proper editorial comment? This makes it hugely time-consuming to understand in what way you feel the page should develop. Charles Matthews 06:34, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Here is the policy page on primary sources: Don't include copies of primary sources. It could be clearer, but it does make the point about not including primary documents, such as the press release or the Cato Institute quote, unless they are being analysed paragraph by paragraph.

I would say that this supports the line that has been taken by a couple of us on this talk page.

Charles Matthews 07:25, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Discussion page deletion
I also notice that parts of the original discussion record got deleted (some the deletions were probably inadvertent, since there was quite a lot of conflicting edit activity on this page). One of the deletions was to the headings (I believ rant was the term used). I will reinsert the following portion in for the record. In any case, its authenticity can be verified using the page history data:

BEGIN

Fact sheet
Could you please provide the source of the fact sheet in the article? For instance, the ownership society proposals as detailed in blah? As it stands, it has no background whatsoever.CSTAR 23:52, 21 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Okay. - Jerryseinfeld 00:08, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * At least we know it's direct from the White House. Does Bush really need WP to publicize his programs? CSTAR 00:12, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * It may be a base for you to do that clever analysis you're so good at. - Jerryseinfeld 00:26, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)

END

Comments

 * Let me say that I am impressed how well this page already looks now - thanks to Jerryseinfeld, although many of the arguments with CSTAR and Charles above actually seem pretty constructive after all. --Lumidek 15:06, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)

N.B. Lumidek placed these remarks within the above area of text demarcated between the delimiters BEGIN END. I have yanked them out and replaced them here. I understand that Lumidek's insertion in this area was probably inadvertent and in good faith. CSTAR 17:36, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Losers
What a bunch of losers you are. I'll pray for you when your entitlement program expires. - Jerryseinfeld 19:13, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Ownership society: the rich control society and therefore own the poor. See wage slavery

Weasel words
Wow, can we get any more weasel words into one article (some say, it is criticized because, etc.)? How about we focus on the idea as put forth by GWB and not extrapolate it to "proponents of this would favor..." and crap like that? Disclosure: anti-"Ownership society" libertarian. Paul 00:11, 1 January 2006 (UTC)

Other uses
I think in the 1980s Reagan used the concept of the "Ownership Society" in reference to homeowners. Socialists have for decades talked about common-ownership societies vs. private-ownership societies. Mrdthree 05:30, 31 October 2007 (UTC)

Ownership of means of production
The article mentions direct shareholding control of schools. Would this society also have workers directly own shares of workplaces? It seems unlikely but I can't find anything that says otherwise — Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.237.249.230 (talk) 07:50, 7 October 2019 (UTC)

Article needs major restructuring
The article should mainly focus on the term "ownership society" as used by George W. Bush. It should not extrapolate this concept to other presidents and other countries without reliable sources making this connection. Most of the discussion in "Ownership and control" and "Political consequences and unexpected consequences" is original research. Helpful Raccoon (talk) 05:28, 5 February 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Ownership society


text: Category:Ocean Colour Scene songs

title: Category:Ocean Colour Scene songs


text:
Field experiment

Field experiments are experiments carried out outside of laboratory settings.

They randomly assign subjects (or other sampling units) to either treatment or control groups to test claims of causal relationships. Random assignment helps establish the comparability of the treatment and control group so that any differences between them that emerge after the treatment has been administered plausibly reflect the influence of the treatment rather than pre-existing differences between the groups. The distinguishing characteristics of field experiments are that they are conducted in real-world settings and often unobtrusively and control not only the subject pool but selection and overtness, as defined by leaders such as John A. List. This is in contrast to laboratory experiments, which enforce scientific control by testing a hypothesis in the artificial and highly controlled setting of a laboratory. Field experiments have some contextual differences as well from naturally-occurring experiments and quasi-experiments. While naturally-occurring experiments rely on an external force (e.g. a government, nonprofit, etc.) controlling the randomization treatment assignment and implementation, field experiments require researchers to retain control over randomization and implementation. Quasi-experiments occur when treatments are administered as-if randomly (e.g. U.S. Congressional districts where candidates win with slim margins, weather patterns, natural disasters, etc.).

Field experiments encompass a broad array of experimental designs, each with varying degrees of generality. Some criteria of generality (e.g. authenticity of treatments, participants, contexts, and outcome measures) refer to the contextual similarities between the subjects in the experimental sample and the rest of the population. They are increasingly used in the social sciences to study the effects of policy-related interventions in domains such as health, education, crime, social welfare, and politics.

Characteristics
Under random assignment, outcomes of field experiments are reflective of the real-world because subjects are assigned to groups based on non-deterministic probabilities. Two other core assumptions underlie the ability of the researcher to collect unbiased potential outcomes: excludability and non-interference. The excludability assumption provides that the only relevant causal agent is through the receipt of the treatment. Asymmetries in assignment, administration or measurement of treatment and control groups violate this assumption. The non-interference assumption, or Stable Unit Treatment Value Assumption (SUTVA), indicates that the value of the outcome depends only on whether or not the subject is assigned the treatment and not whether or not other subjects are assigned to the treatment. When these three core assumptions are met, researchers are more likely to provide unbiased estimates through field experiments.

After designing the field experiment and gathering the data, researchers can use statistical inference tests to determine the size and strength of the intervention's effect on the subjects. Field experiments allow researchers to collect diverse amounts and types of data. For example, a researcher could design an experiment that uses pre- and post-trial information in an appropriate statistical inference method to see if an intervention has an effect on subject-level changes in outcomes.

Practical uses
Field experiments offer researchers a way to test theories and answer questions with higher external validity because they simulate real-world occurrences. Some researchers argue that field experiments are a better guard against potential bias and biased estimators. As well, field experiments can act as benchmarks for comparing observational data to experimental results. Using field experiments as benchmarks can help determine levels of bias in observational studies, and, since researchers often develop a hypothesis from an a priori judgment, benchmarks can help to add credibility to a study. While some argue that covariate adjustment or matching designs might work just as well in eliminating bias, field experiments can increase certainty by displacing omitted variable bias because they better allocate observed and unobserved factors.

Researchers can utilize machine learning methods to simulate, reweight, and generalize experimental data. This increases the speed and efficiency of gathering experimental results and reduces the costs of implementing the experiment. Another cutting-edge technique in field experiments is the use of the multi armed bandit design, including similar adaptive designs on experiments with variable outcomes and variable treatments over time.

Limitations
There are limitations of and arguments against using field experiments in place of other research designs (e.g. lab experiments, survey experiments, observational studies, etc.). Given that field experiments necessarily take place in a specific geographic and political setting, there is a concern about extrapolating outcomes to formulate a general theory regarding the population of interest. However, researchers have begun to find strategies to effectively generalize causal effects outside of the sample by comparing the environments of the treated population and external population, accessing information from larger sample size, and accounting and modeling for treatment effects heterogeneity within the sample. Others have used covariate blocking techniques to generalize from field experiment populations to external populations. Noncompliance issues affecting field experiments (both one-sided and two-sided noncompliance) can occur when subjects who are assigned to a certain group never receive their assigned intervention. Other problems to data collection include attrition (where subjects who are treated do not provide outcome data) which, under certain conditions, will bias the collected data. These problems can lead to imprecise data analysis; however, researchers who use field experiments can use statistical methods in calculating useful information even when these difficulties occur.

Using field experiments can also lead to concerns over interference between subjects. When a treated subject or group affects the outcomes of the nontreated group (through conditions like displacement, communication, contagion etc.), nontreated groups might not have an outcome that is the true untreated outcome. A subset of interference is the spillover effect, which occurs when the treatment of treated groups has an effect on neighboring untreated groups.

Field experiments can be expensive, time-consuming to conduct, difficult to replicate, and plagued with ethical pitfalls. Subjects or populations might undermine the implementation process if there is a perception of unfairness in treatment selection (e.g. in 'negative income tax' experiments communities may lobby for their community to get a cash transfer so the assignment is not purely random). There are limitations to collecting consent forms from all subjects. Comrades administering interventions or collecting data could contaminate the randomization scheme. The resulting data, therefore, could be more varied: larger standard deviation, less precision and accuracy, etc. This leads to the use of larger sample sizes for field testing. However, others argue that, even though replicability is difficult, if the results of the experiment are important then there a larger chance that the experiment will get replicated. As well, field experiments can adopt a "stepped-wedge" design that will eventually give the entire sample access to the intervention on different timing schedules. Researchers can also design a blinded field experiment to remove possibilities of manipulation.

Examples
The history of experiments in the lab and the field has left longstanding impacts in the physical, natural, and life sciences. Modern use field experiments has roots in the 1700s, when James Lind utilized a controlled field experiment to identify a treatment for scurvy.

Other categorical examples of sciences that use field experiments include:

 * Economists have used field experiments to analyze discrimination (e.g., in the labor market, in housing, in the sharing economy, in the credit market, or in integration ), health care programs, charitable fundraising, education, information aggregation in markets, and microfinance programs.
 * Engineers often conduct field tests of prototype products to validate earlier laboratory tests and to obtain broader feedback.
 * Social psychology has pioneering figures who utilized field experiments, including Kurt Lewin and Stanley Milgram.
 * Agricultural science researcher R.A. Fisher analyzed randomized actual "field" experimental data for crops.
 * Political Science researcher Harold Gosnell conducted an early field experiment on voter participation in 1924 and 1925.
 * Ecology Joseph H. Connell’s field experiment.

title: Field experiment


text:
Neuroscience and intelligence

Neuroscience and intelligence refers to the various neurological factors that are partly responsible for the variation of intelligence within species or between different species. A large amount of research in this area has been focused on the neural basis of human intelligence. Historic approaches to studying the neuroscience of intelligence consisted of correlating external head parameters, for example head circumference, to intelligence. Post-mortem measures of brain weight and brain volume have also been used. More recent methodologies focus on examining correlates of intelligence within the living brain using techniques such as magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), functional MRI (fMRI), electroencephalography (EEG), positron emission tomography and other non-invasive measures of brain structure and activity.

Researchers have been able to identify correlates of intelligence within the brain and its functioning. These include overall brain volume, grey matter volume, white matter volume, white matter integrity, cortical thickness and neural efficiency.

Analyses of the parameters of intellectual systems, patterns of their emergence and evolution, distinctive features, and the constants and limits of their structures and functions made it possible to measure and compare the capacity of communications (~100 m/s), to quantify the number of components in intellectual systems (~1011 neurons), and to calculate the number of successful links responsible for cooperation (~1014 synapses).

Although the evidence base for our understanding of the neural basis of human intelligence has increased greatly over the past 30 years, even more research is needed to fully understand it.

The neural basis of intelligence has also been examined in animals such as primates, cetaceans, and rodents.

Brain volume
One of the main methods used to establish a relationship between intelligence and the brain is to use measures of brain volume. The earliest attempts at estimating brain volume were done using measures of external head parameters, such as head circumference as a proxy for brain size. More recent methodologies employed to study this relationship include post-mortem measures of brain weight and volume. These have their own limitations and strengths. The advent of MRI as a non-invasive highly-accurate measure of living brain structure and function (using fMRI) made this the pre-dominant and preferred method for measuring brain volume.

Overall, larger brain size and volume is associated with better cognitive functioning and higher intelligence. The specific regions that show the most robust correlation between volume and intelligence are the frontal, temporal and parietal lobes of the brain. A large number of studies have been conducted with uniformly positive correlations, leading to the generally safe conclusion that larger brains predict greater intelligence. In healthy adults, the correlation of total brain volume and IQ is approximately 0.4 when high-quality tests are used. A large scale study (n = 29k) using the UK Biobank found a correlation of .275. The strength of this relationship did not depend on sex, contradicting some earlier studies. A study using a sibling-design in two medium sized samples found evidence of causality with an effect size of .19. This study design rules out confounders that vary between families, but not those that vary within families.

Less is known about variation on scales less than total brain volume. A meta-analytic review by McDaniel found that the correlation between intelligence and in vivo brain size was larger for females (0.40) than for males (0.25). The same study also found that the correlation between brain size and Intelligence increased with age, with children showing smaller correlations. It has been suggested that the link between larger brain volumes and higher intelligence is related to variation in specific brain regions: a whole-brain measure would under-estimate these links. For functions more specific than general intelligence, regional effects may be more important. For instance evidence suggests that in adolescents learning new words, vocabulary growth is associated with gray matter density in bilateral posterior supramarginal gyri. Small studies have shown transient changes in gray-matter associated with developing a new physical skill (juggling) occipito-temporal cortex

Brain volume is not a perfect account of intelligence: the relationship explains a modest amount of variance in intelligence – 12% to 36% of the variance. The amount of variance explained by brain volume may also depend on the type of intelligence measured. Up to 36% of variance in verbal intelligence can be explained by brain volume, while only approximately 10% of variance in visuospatial intelligence can be explained by brain volume. A 2015 study by researcher Stuart J. Ritchie found that brain size explained 12% of the variance in intelligence among individuals. These caveats imply that there are other major factors influencing how intelligent an individual is apart from brain size. In a large meta-analysis consisting of 88 studies Pietschnig et al. (2015) estimated the correlation between brain volume and intelligence to be about correlation coefficient of 0.24 which equates to 6% variance. Taking into account measurement quality, and sample type and IQ-range, the meta-analytic association of brain volume in appears to be ~ .4 in normal adults. Researcher Jakob Pietschnig argued that the strength of the positive association of brain volume and IQ remains robust, but has been overestimated in the literature. He has stated that "It is tempting to interpret this association in the context of human cognitive evolution and species differences in brain size and cognitive ability, we show that it is not warranted to interpret brain size as an isomorphic proxy of human intelligence differences".

Grey matter
Grey matter has been examined as a potential biological foundation for differences in intelligence. Similarly to brain volume, global grey matter volume is positively associated with intelligence. More specifically, higher intelligence has been associated with larger cortical grey matter in the prefrontal and posterior temporal cortex in adults. Furthermore, both verbal and nonverbal intelligence have been shown to be positively correlated with grey matter volume across the parietal, temporal and occipital lobes in young healthy adults, implying that intelligence is associated with a wide variety of structures within the brain.

There appear to be sex differences between the relationship of grey matter to intelligence between men and women. Men appear to show more intelligence to grey matter correlations in the frontal and parietal lobes, while the strongest correlations between intelligence and grey matter in women can be found in the frontal lobes and Broca's area. However, these differences do not seem to impact overall Intelligence, implying that the same cognitive ability levels can be attained in different ways.

One specific methodology used to study grey matter correlates of intelligence in areas of the brain is known as voxel-based morphometry (VBM). VBM allows researchers to specify areas of interest with great spatial resolution, allowing the examination of grey matter areas correlated with intelligence with greater special resolution. VBM has been used to correlate grey matter positively with intelligence in the frontal, temporal, parietal, and occipital lobes in healthy adults. VBM has also been used to show that grey matter volume in the medial region of the prefrontal cortex and the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex correlate positively with intelligence in a group of 55 healthy adults. VBM has also been successfully used to establish a positive correlation between grey matter volumes in the anterior cingulate and intelligence in children aged 5 to 18 years old.

Grey matter has also been shown to positively correlate with intelligence in children. Reis and colleagues have found that grey matter in the prefrontal cortex contributes most robustly to variance in Intelligence in children between 5 and 17, while subcortical grey matter is related to intelligence to a lesser extent. Frangou and colleagues examined the relationship between grey matter and intelligence in children and young adults aged between 12 and 21, and found that grey matter in the orbitofrontal cortex, cingulate gyrus, cerebellum and thalamus was positively correlated to intelligence, while grey matter in the caudate nucleus is negatively correlated with intelligence. However, the relationship between grey matter volume and intelligence only develops over time, as no significant positive relationship can be found between grey matter volume and intelligence in children under 11.

An underlying caveat to research into the relationship of grey matter volume and intelligence is demonstrated by the hypothesis of neural efficiency. The findings that more intelligent individuals are more efficient at using their neurons might indicate that the correlation of grey matter to intelligence reflects selective elimination of unused synapses, and thus a better brain circuitry.

White matter
Similar to grey matter, white matter has been shown to correlate positively with intelligence in humans. White matter consists mainly of myelinated neuronal axons, responsible for delivering signals between neurons. The pinkish-white color of white matter is actually a result of these myelin sheaths that electrically insulate neurons that are transmitting signals to other neurons. White matter connects different regions of grey matter in the cerebrum together. These interconnections make transport more seamless and allow us to perform tasks easier. Significant correlations between intelligence and the corpus callosum have been found, as larger callosal areas have been positively correlated with cognitive performance. However, there appear to be differences in importance for white matter between verbal and nonverbal intelligence, as although both verbal and nonverbal measures of intelligence correlate positively with the size of the corpus callosum, the correlation for intelligence and corpus callosum size was larger (.47) for nonverbal measures than that for verbal measures (.18). Anatomical mesh-based geometrical modelling  has also shown positive correlations between the thickness of the corpus callosum and Intelligence in healthy adults.

White matter integrity has also been found to be related to intelligence. White matter tract integrity is important for information processing speed, and therefore reduced white matter integrity is related to lower intelligence. The effect of white matter integrity is mediate entirely through information processing speed. These findings indicate that the brain is structurally interconnected and that axonal fibres are integrally important for fast information process, and thus general intelligence.

Contradicting the findings described above, VBM failed to find a relationship between the corpus callosum and intelligence in healthy adults. This contradiction can be viewed to signify that the relationship between white matter volume and intelligence is not as robust as that of grey matter and intelligence.

Cortical thickness
Cortical thickness has also been found to correlate positively with intelligence in humans. However, the rate of growth of cortical thickness is also related to intelligence. In early childhood, cortical thickness displays a negative correlation with intelligence, while by late childhood this correlation has shifted to a positive one. More intelligent children were found to develop cortical thickness more steadily and over longer periods of time than less bright children. Studies have found cortical thickness to explain 5% in the variance of intelligence among individuals. In a study conducted to find associations between cortical thickness and general intelligence between different groups of people, sex did not play a role in intelligence. Although it is hard to pin intelligence on age based on cortical thickness due to different socioeconomic circumstances and education levels, older subjects (17 - 24) tended to have less variances in terms of intelligence than when compared to younger subjects (19 - 17).

Cortical convolution
Cortical convolution has increased the folding of the brain’s surface over the course of human evolution. It has been hypothesized that the high degree of cortical convolution may be a neurological substrate that supports some of the human brain's most distinctive cognitive abilities. Consequently, individual intelligence within the human species might be modulated by the degree of cortical convolution.

An analysis published in 2019 found the contours of 677 children and adolescent (mean age 12.72 years) brains had a genetic correlation of almost 1 between IQ and surface area of the supramarginal gyrus on the left side of the brain.

Neural efficiency
The neural efficiency hypothesis postulates that more intelligent individuals display less activation in the brain during cognitive tasks, as measured by Glucose metabolism. A small sample of participants (N=8) displayed negative correlations between intelligence and absolute regional metabolic rates ranging from -0.48 to -0.84, as measured by PET scans, indicating that brighter individuals were more effective processors of information, as they use less energy. According to an extensive review by Neubauer & Fink a large number of studies (N=27) have confirmed this finding using methods such as PET scans, EEG and fMRI.

fMRI and EEG studies have revealed that task difficulty is an important factor affecting neural efficiency. More intelligent individuals display neural efficiency only when faced with tasks of subjectively easy to moderate difficulty, while no neural efficiency can be found during difficult tasks. In fact, more able individuals appear to invest more cortical resources in tasks of high difficulty. This appears to be especially true for the Prefrontal Cortex, as individuals with higher intelligence displayed increased activation of this area during difficult tasks compared to individuals with lower intelligence. It has been proposed that the main reason for the neural efficiency phenomenon could be that individuals with high intelligence are better at blocking out interfering information than individuals with low intelligence.

Further research
Some scientists prefer to look at more qualitative variables to relate to the size of measurable regions of known function, for example relating the size of the primary visual cortex to its corresponding functions, that of visual performance.

In a study of the head growth of 633 term-born children from the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children cohort, it was shown that prenatal growth and growth during infancy were associated with subsequent IQ. The study’s conclusion was that the brain volume a child achieves by the age of 1 year helps determine later intelligence. Growth in brain volume after infancy may not compensate for poorer earlier growth.

There is an association between IQ and myopia. One suggested explanation is that one or several pleiotropic gene(s) affect the size of the neocortex part of the brain and eyes simultaneously.

Parieto-frontal integration theory
In 2007, Behavioral and Brain Sciences published a target article that put forth a biological model of intelligence based on 37 peer-reviewed neuroimaging studies (Jung & Haier, 2007). Their review of a wealth of data from functional imaging (functional magnetic resonance imaging and positron emission tomography) and structural imaging (diffusion MRI, voxel-based morphometry, in vivo magnetic resonance spectroscopy) argues that human intelligence arises from a distributed and integrated neural network comprising brain regions in the frontal and parietal lobes.

A recent lesion mapping study conducted by Barbey and colleagues provides evidence to support the P-FIT theory of intelligence.

Brain injuries at an early age isolated to one side of the brain typically results in relatively spared intellectual function and with IQ in the normal range.

Brain size
Another theory of brain size in vertebrates is that it may relate to social rather than mechanical skills. Cortical size relates directly to pair-bonding lifestyle and among primates, cerebral cortex size varies directly with the demands of living in a large complex social network. Compared to other mammals, primates have significantly larger brain sizes. Additionally, most primates are found to be polygynandrous, having many social relationships with others. Although inconclusive, some studies have shown that this polygynandrous statue correlates to brain size.

Intelligence in chimpanzees has been found to be related to brain size, grey matter volume, and cortical thickness, as in humans.

Health
Several environmental factors related to health can lead to significant cognitive impairment, particularly if they occur during pregnancy and childhood when the brain is growing and the blood–brain barrier is less effective. Developed nations have implemented several health policies regarding nutrients and toxins known to influence cognitive function. These include laws requiring fortification of certain food products and laws establishing safe levels of pollutants (e.g. lead, mercury, and organochlorides). Comprehensive policy recommendations targeting reduction of cognitive impairment in children have been proposed.

Genetics
In a 2016 study, researchers from Hanyang University found that East Asians have slightly larger brains than Europeans. In more detail, the perceptual brain regions are larger in East Asians, whereas the regions related to language are larger in Europeans.

title: Neuroscience and intelligence


text: Category:Ocean Colour Scene

title: Category:Ocean Colour Scene


text:
Council of State (Netherlands)

The Council of State is a constitutionally established advisory body in the Netherlands to the government and States General that officially consists of members of the royal family and Crown-appointed members generally having political, commercial, diplomatic or military experience. It was founded in 1531, making it one of the world's oldest still-functioning state organisations.

The Council of State must be consulted by the cabinet on proposed legislation before a law is submitted to parliament. The Council of State Administrative Law division also serves as one of the four highest courts of appeal in administrative matters. The King is president of the Council of State but he seldom chairs meetings. The Vice-President of the Council of State chairs meetings in his absence and is the de facto major personality of the institution. Under Dutch constitutional law, the Vice-President of the Council is acting head of state when there is no monarch such as if the royal family were to become extinct.

Habsburg Netherlands
Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor founded a Council of State on 1 October 1531 as one of three Collateral Councils (the other two were the Privy Council or Secret Council and the Council of Finances) to advise his sister Mary of Hungary, his regent in the Habsburg Netherlands, and her successors, on les grandz et principaulx affaires et ceux qui concernent l'état conduycte et gouvernement des pais, securite et deffense desdits pays de pardeca, in other words the main questions of government, foreign affairs and defense. Members of the council were the great nobles of the realm and a few of the great prelates.

After the accession of Philip II of Spain to the throne and his departure to Spain in 1559 the Council became the forum for the strife between the Spanish representatives in the Council, led by Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle and the Netherlandish grandees like the Prince of Orange and the Counts of Horne and Egmont. The latter faction felt themselves pushed aside and resigned in 1567, leaving the field to a Spanish-dominated Council at the start of the Dutch Revolt. After the death of Luis de Requesens y Zúñiga, then governor-general of the Habsburg Netherlands, in 1576, the Council of State temporarily assumed his authority as representative of king Philip, awaiting the arrival of the new governor-general, Don Juan. Before he could arrive the members of the Council were arrested in a coup by the Brussels garrison. Soon afterwards the Pacification of Ghent was concluded pitting the States-General of the Netherlands against the Spanish crown, represented by Don Juan. When the latter retreated to Namur in early 1577 the Council of State split in two rumps, one joining Don Juan (and forming the nucleus of what would become the Council of State of the Spanish Netherlands and later the Austrian Netherlands) the other remaining close to the rebellious States-General. These members were discharged by king Philip in 1578, formally ending the Council as a Habsburg institution in what was to become the Dutch Republic.

Under Anjou and Leicester
When the Duke of Anjou came to be temporarily recognized as the new sovereign of the rebellious provinces in 1581, a new Council of State was appointed to advise him and to perform certain executive duties, pertaining to defense and finances. This Council soon split in two regional councils, one for the area West of the river Meuse, the other for the area East of that river. The first, residing in Antwerp where the States-General also convened, played the main role up to the departure of the Duke. After his departure the (again unified) Council followed the States-General to Middelburg, Delft, and The Hague. After the assassination of the Prince of Orange in 1584 the Council was given new executive powers and temporarily assumed full executive authority in the place of the Prince. The States-General meanwhile took the lead in the search for another protecting sovereign. This resulted in the Treaty of Nonsuch of 1585 with Elizabeth I of England that explicitly assumed a leading role of the Council in the evolving constitution of the provinces of the Union of Utrecht. Article XIV of the treaty authorised Elizabeth to appoint two English representatives on the Council, besides the Governor-General, who would preside the council. The next articles gave far-reaching authority to the Governor-General, acting with the council, in matters of defense, finance and government. For instance, the Stadtholders of the provinces would henceforth be appointed by the Governor-General and the Council (art. XXIV), though the States of Holland and West Friesland preempted this by appointing Maurice, Prince of Orange stadtholder before the Earl of Leicester, who would accept the Governor-Generalship, conferred on him by the States-General against the wish of Elizabeth, arrived in the Netherlands. This was the first instance of the way the mighty province of Holland frustrated the policies of Leicester. His attempt to found a new Council of Finances (the old one had been dissolved in 1580), which was supposed to take a number of the financial powers of the Council of State, was quietly thwarted. On the instigation of the Land's Advocate of Holland, Johan van Oldenbarnevelt, who was a member of the Council, more and more executive tasks of the Council were taken over by the States-General, to dilute English influence on the Dutch affairs of state. These tasks and this influence of the Council did not return after Leicester had left the Netherlands at the end of 1587.

Under the Dutch Republic
By 1588 the Council had therefore reached the structure and functions it would possess during the entire existence of the Dutch Republic. The Council was henceforth made up of members appointed by the States-General on the nomination of the Provincial States (usually about 12), with two members (between 1598 and 1625 one ) appointed by the English government. The stadtholders of the provinces were ex officio members, at least outside the First Stadtholderless Period and Second Stadtholderless Period. The executive powers of the Council were limited to military policy (both on land and sea); administering the Dutch States Army's financial aspects (naval affairs were administered by the five Admiralties, founded by Leicester); and formulating and executing tax policy for the Generality Lands.

The Council usually played a self-effacing role, as laid down in its Instruction of 1651, at the beginning of the first Stadtholderless Period. However, the secretary of the Council, Simon van Slingelandt played a leading role in an attempt at constitutional reform (which would have greatly increased the executive powers of the Council, as intended in the time of Leicester) in 1717. This attempt came to nothing, however.

After the overthrow of the regime of stadtholder William V, Prince of Orange and the founding of the Batavian Republic in 1795, the Council was dissolved, together with the States-General.

Under the Kingdom of the Netherlands
Though an advisory council with the nostalgic name Council of State was again instituted in the waning days of the Batavian Republic in 1805, and also the successor Kingdom of Holland had an institution with that name (modeled on the contemporary French Council of State), these councils disappeared again during the years of the annexation by France (1810-1813). However, after the restoration of Dutch independence in 1813 a new Council of State was founded as laid down in the Constitutions of 1814 and 1815. These constitutions explicitly stated that all "Acts of Sovereign Dignity" by the Sovereign Prince and later the King, would only be enacted after the advice of the Council was heard. These included both Acts of the States-General and Royal Decrees, important, because the first king, William I of the Netherlands liked to rule by decree. The King presided over the new Council, and the Crown-Prince would be a member ex officio after reaching the age of majority. In practice, however, a vice-president presided over the deliberations of the Council, the King only taking over on ceremonial occasions. Members were appointed from all provinces, both "Dutch" and "Belgian". After the Belgian Revolution of 1830 the Belgian members left. The new Kingdom of Belgium did not institute its own Council of State until 1946 as an administrative court.

Under the new constitution of 1848 the Council of State was reformed in the sense that its structure and functions were delegated to an Organic Law. The first such law (the Council of State Act) was enacted in 1861. The most important innovation of this law was that besides the advisory task of the Council in matters of law giving the Council would also advise in cases in which conflicts between administrative organs (like provinces and municipalities) were put before the Crown (king and ministers) for resolution. For this type of advice a new subdivision of the Council was formed that came to act like an administrative court (though the formal decision rested with the Crown). This function of high administrative court was enlarged in the succeeding century. Finally, the 1861 law made the Council the institution that would exercise royal authority in the absence of the king or a regent. This case did happen for short periods in 1889 and 1890, in those periods the Council served as regent for King William III under the Vice-President Gerlach Cornelis Joannes van Reenen.

In 1887 the revised constitution opened the way for making the Council a formal administrative court. This did not actually happen before 1963 when the Wet Beroep Administratieve Beschikkingen (BAB, Administrative Decisions Review Act) was enacted, replaced in 1976 by the Wet Administratief Beroep Overheidsbeschikkingen (AROB, Administrative Decisions Appeals Act). This setup was changed in 1988, because the European Court of Human Rights had deemed in Benthem v Netherlands that the fact that the Council of State was not an independent institution ran contrary to the provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights. To permanently remedy this defect the "judicial" part of the Council was in 1994 made formally independent from the part that advised on legislative matters. This split in two separate parts was confirmed in the most recent revision (2010) of the Council of State Act.

title: Council of State (Netherlands)


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text: User talk:68.150.148.8

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text:
Imperial Sugar

Imperial Sugar is a major U.S. sugar producer and marketer based in Sugar Land, Texas, with sugar refinery operations in California, Georgia, and Louisiana. The company was established in 1843 and has undergone ownership changes multiple times. The current name, Imperial Sugar Company, was established after a change in ownership in 1907. The company went through major expansion through acquisitions beginning in 1988, but filed for bankruptcy in 2001, emerging in the same year and embarking on a downsizing strategy. In May 2012, the company was purchased by Louis Dreyfus Group of the Netherlands. In November 2022, Dreyfus sold Imperial to U.S. Sugar.

History
The company has been headquartered in Sugar Land since its inception. The city itself is named for the company and the company's crown logo is featured in the city's seal. The company was founded in 1843 by Samuel May Williams and passed through a series of owners until its purchase in 1907 by the I. H. Kempner family of Galveston. The company was later renamed the Imperial Sugar Company, in an effort to emphasize quality. Up until 1988 the company had only one plant, at its original location in Texas, when they purchased the Holly Sugar Corporation, a sugar beet processor headquartered in Colorado Springs. At that time Imperial Sugar Company became Imperial Holly Corporation and began publicly trading on Nasdaq.

Since the initial acquisition the company has made several more acquisitions that effectively doubled the corporation's size each time. The company's name returned to Imperial Sugar Company in 1999.

On January 17, 2001, the company filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection, attributing its problems to lower sales for refined sugar as well as higher energy costs. Then on August 29, 2001, the company emerged from Chapter 11 and has since turned its focus inward as it downsizes its operations. In 2003, Imperial won the Wharton Infosys Business Transformation Award for innovative use of web technology to help turn around the business. The company no longer refines sugar at its original plant in Sugar Land (the facility was closed in 2003) but its corporate headquarters are still located in its founding city.

On December 19, 2010, two buildings of the Sugar Land factory were demolished by controlled explosion to facilitate the development of the property for residences, business properties and park land.

In 2010, Imperial exchanged its aging nineteenth-century Gramercy, Louisiana refinery to Louisiana Sugar Refiners, LLC (LSR) for a one-third interest in the new company. LSR commenced operations on January 1, 2011. Imperial continues to operate a small-bag processing facility at Gramercy.

2008 explosion
On 7 February 2008, an explosion at a Port Wentworth, Georgia, sugar refinery killed 14 people and injured more than 40. It was likely caused by an overheated bearing on a conveyor beneath the sugar silos, which ignited sugar dust, then spread in a chain reaction of sugar dust explosions in the finished-sugar packaging area of the plant. OSHA had been criticized in a 2006 US Chemical Safety Board report for lack of preparation for such explosions and a safety program that "inadequately addresses dust explosion hazards". As of August 26, 2008, the death toll had risen to 14, with one still in critical condition.

The plant, originally built as the Dixie Crystals sugar refinery in 1916–1917, had been acquired by Imperial Sugar in 1997. At the time of its purchase, the Port Wentworth refinery was the second-largest sugar refining operation in the U.S.

Acquisition by Louis Dreyfus Group
On 1 May 2012, Louis Dreyfus Commodities LLC announced that one of its subsidiaries would acquire all outstanding Imperial Sugar stock for $6.35 per share and assume $125 million in Imperial Sugar debt. The price per share represented a 57% premium over Imperial Sugar's closing price on 30 April. A spokesman for Dreyfus group said the acquisition was part of the company's efforts to expand into refining and distribution of sugar.

Acquisition by U.S. Sugar
In November 2021, US Sugar and Imperial Sugar announced their intentions to merge the two companies. They were sued by the US Department of Justice who claimed in a statement that the deal was anticompetitive and would “leave an overwhelming majority of refined sugar sales across the Southeast in the hands of only two producers”. Imperial Sugar and US Sugar stated that they disagreed with the antitrust lawsuit and that they fully intended to litigate.

US Sugar completed the $315 million purchase of Imperial in November 2022.

On July 13, 2023, 7he 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Philadelphia rejected the U.S. government's claim that the merger violated antitrust and refused to undo the merger.

title: Imperial Sugar