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Tigray People's Liberation Front

The Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF; ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ), also called the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front, is a left-wing ethnic nationalist, paramilitary group, and the former ruling party of Ethiopia. It was classified as a terrorist organization by the Ethiopian government from May 2021 until its removal from the list in March 2023. In older and less formal text and speech it is known as Woyane (ወያነ) or Weyané (ወያኔ).

According to official figures, the TPLF was founded on February 18, 1975, in Dedebit, northwestern Tigray. Within 16 years, it grew from about a dozen men to become the most powerful armed "liberation" movement in Ethiopia. From 1988 to 2018, it led a political coalition, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). It fought a 15-year-long war against the Derg regime, which was overthrown on 28 May 1991.

The TPLF, with the support of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), overthrew the government of the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE) on May 28, 1991, and installed a new government that remained in power until the TPLF was removed from federal government control on 2 April 2018.

On 18 January 2021, the National Election Board of Ethiopia terminated the party's registration, citing acts of violence and rebellion committed by the party's leadership against the Federal government in 2020, as well as a lack of representation. On 6 May 2021, the Ethiopian House of Peoples' Representatives formally approved a parliamentary resolution designating the TPLF as a terrorist organization.

On 2 November 2022, the African Union brokered a deal in Pretoria, South Africa, between the two parties to end the Tigray War. As per the peace agreement, the TPLF began disarming in January 2023.

Origins
The TPLF is considered to be the product of the marginalization of Tigrayans within Ethiopia after Menelik II of Shewa became emperor in 1889. The Tigrayan traditional elite and peasantry had a strong regional identity and a resentment due to their own perception of the decline of Tigray. It was popularly referred to as Woyane, for evoking memories of the armed revolt of 1942–43 (the First Woyane) against the re-establishment of imperial rule after Italian occupation remained alive and provided an important reference for the new generations of educated Tigrayan nationalists.

At Haile Selassie I University (now Addis Ababa University), Tigrayan students had formed the Political Association of Tigrayans (PAT) in 1972 and the Tigrayan University Students' Association (TUSA) beginning in the early 1960s. These student groups evolved into a radical nationalist group that operated in Tigray after the start of the Ethiopian revolution in 1974, and began calling for Tigrayan independence, forming the Tigray Liberation Front (TLF). Meanwhile a Marxist current emerged in TUSA that advocated national self-determination for Tigray within a revolutionary, democratic Ethiopia.

While the multinational leftist movements prioritized class struggle over national self-determination for the Ethiopian nationalities, the Marxists of the TUSA argued for self-determination as the starting point for the final socialist revolution because of the existing inequalities among the Ethiopian nationalities.

1974–1977
In February 1974, the Marxists within TUSA welcomed the Ethiopian Revolution but opposed the Derg (a military junta that ruled Ethiopia from 1974 to 1991), as they were convinced that it would neither lead a genuine socialist revolution nor correctly resolve the Ethiopian nationality question. Two days after the Derg took power, on 14 September 1974, seven leaders of this trend established the Association of Progressives of the Tigray Nation (ማሕበር ገስገስቲ ብሔረ ትግራይ, Maḥbär Gäsgästi Bəḥer Təgray), also known as the Tigrayan National Organization (TNO). The founders were: Alemseged Mengesha (nom de guerre: Haylu), Ammaha Tsehay (Abbay), Aregawi Berhe (Berhu), Embay Mesfin (Seyoum), Fentahun Zere'atsion (Gidey), Mulugeta Hagos (Asfeha), and Zeru Gesese (Agazi). The TNO was to prepare the ground for the future armed movement in Tigray.

It secretly approached both the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) for support, but the ELF already had relations with the TLF. In November 1974, the EPLF agreed to train TNO members and allowed EPLF fighters from the Tigrayan community in Eritrea, including Mehari Tekle (Mussie), to join the TPLF. The first group of trainees was sent to the EPLF in January 1975.

On the night of 18 February 1975, eleven men, including Gesese Ayyele (Sehul), Gidey, Asfeha, Seyoum, Agazi, and Berhu, left Enda Selassie for Sehul's home area of Dedebit, where they founded the TPLF (original name ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ሕዝቢ ትግራይ, Tägadlo Ḥarənnät Ḥəzbi Təgray, "The Popular Struggle for the Freedom of Tigray"). Welde Selassie Nega (Sebhat), Legese Zenawi (Meles), and others soon joined the original group, and, after the arrival of the trainees from Eritrea in June 1975, the TPLF had about 50 fighters. It then elected a formal leadership consisting of Sehul (the chairman), Muse (the military commander), and the seven TNO founders. Berhu was appointed political commissar. Sehul played a crucial role in helping the nascent TPLF establish itself among the local peasantry.

Although a few successful raids bolstered its military credibility, the TPLF grew to only about 120 fighters in early 1976, but a rapidly growing clandestine network of supporters in the cities and a support base among the peasants provided vital supplies and information. On February 18, 1976, a conference of fighters elected a new leadership: Berhu (chairman), Muse (military committee), Abbay (political committee), Agazi (socioeconomic committee), Seyoum (foreign relations), Gidey, and Sebhat. Meles became head of the political cadre school.

The first three years of its existence were marked by a constant struggle for survival, unstable cooperation with Eritrean forces, and power struggles against the other Tigrayan fronts: in 1975, the TPLF liquidated the TLF; in 1976–78, it fought the Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU) in Shire; and in 1978, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (EPRP) in East Tigray. The front also suffered heavy losses from Derg offensives in the region.

Although the TPLF, the ELF, and the EPLF cooperated during the 1976 and 1978 Derg offensives in Tigray and Eritrea, no stable alliance emerged. The ELF resented the liquidation of the TLF and considered the relationship between the EPLF and the TPLF a serious threat. Since 1977, there had been conflict between ELF and the TPLF over the issue of Eritrean settlers in western Tigray, who were organized at ELF and rejected the TPLF's land reform.

Relations with the EPLF also did not develop smoothly. Its material support was much less than the TPLF had anticipated. Politically, the EPLF favored the multinational EPRP over the ethnoregionalist TPLF with its separatist agenda at the time.

1978–1990
After the Derg's victory in the Ogaden War in February 1978 and Mengistu Haile Mariam's new support from the Soviets permitted the substantial growth of his forces, the TPLF's momentum seemed to slow.

In February 1979, the TPLF held its first regular congress. It declared its struggle the Second Woyane (kalay wäyyanä) and changed its Tigrinya name to Həzbawi Wäyyanä Harənnätä Təgray. It adopted a new political program calling for self-determination within a democratic Ethiopia, with independence an option only if unity proved impossible. Gaining and maintaining the support of the local population was at the core of the TPLF's strategy in the 1970s and 1980s. TPLF leaders knew that the goodwill of the population would sustain their movement and ultimately lead them to victory over the Derg. Consequently, any fighter caught mistreating locals was punished or even executed by TPLF authorities. As a result, local support for the TPLF was consistent and invaluable. The local population shared food and resources with the fighters, provided them with safe havens, and, most importantly, provided the TPLF with up-to-date information.

In retrospect, it's evident that the 1978-1985 period further strengthened the TPLF. The increasingly alienating intervention of the Derg, the front's handling of famine and refugee problems, and the foreign connections it built through its mission in Khartoum, enabled the movement to mobilize and better equip more fighters to prepare for the shift from guerrilla to frontal attack. Moreover, developments within the TPLF in the mid-1980s led to a conceptual shift from a struggle for the liberation of Tigray to that of all Ethiopia.

They established their headquarters in caves in Addi Geza'iti, some 50 kilometers west of Mekelle. The Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (EPDM), a TPLF-loyal splinter group from the EPRP, used caves in Melfa (Dogu'a Tembien).

The TPLF managed to use the catastrophic famine of 1983-85 to its advantage. In early 1985, it organized a march of over 200,000 famine victims from Tigray to Sudan to draw international attention to the plight in Tigray. Its humanitarian arm, the Relief Society of Tigray (REST), founded in 1978, received large amounts of international humanitarian aid for famine victims and small-scale development projects in liberated Tigray.

In 1984–1985, the TPLF diverted Western aid money intended for starving civilians to purchase weapons.

In July 1985, the Marxist–Leninist League of Tigray (MLLT) was founded at a congress of a few hundred selected cadres. The MLLT was to be the nucleus of the future Marxist–Leninist vanguard party for all Ethiopia. The MLLT invited the genuine revolutionaries in the ranks of the Derg regime, which was busy organizing its own communist party, the Ethiopian Workers' Party, to join it.

After the congress, the TPLF and its mass organizations were ruthlessly brought under MLLT control, and dissenting cadres, including TPLF co-founders Gidey and Berhu, were eliminated.

In December 1988, the TPLF and EPDM formed the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) as the core of the planned United Democratic Front. In the spring of 1989, first the MLLT and then the TPLF held a congress. Abbay was elected chairman of both organizations, but toward the end of 1989 Meles became chairman of both. In May 1989, the EPDM formed the Ethiopian Marxist–Leninist Force (EMLF).

In July 1989, MLLT and EMLF formed the Union of Ethiopian Proletarian Organizations. In April 1990, the TPLF formed the Ethiopian Democratic Officers Movement from politically re-educated captured Ethiopian officers to undermine the Free Officers Movement, which had been formed in 1987 by exiled Ethiopian officers in opposition to the Derg. In May 1990, Oromo members of the EPDM and politically re-educated Oromo prisoners of war founded the Oromo Peoples' Democratic Organization (OPDO) to deny the Oromo Liberation Front's claim to be the exclusive representative of the Ethiopian Oromo.

In November 1990, a Marxist–Leninist Oromo movement was established within the OPDO. Also in 1990, the TPLF formed the Afar Democratic Union to undermine the Afar movements. It had already helped build liberation fronts in Gambella and Benshangul before 1985.

In early 1988, the EPLF and the TPLF went on the offensive. The evolving situation in both Eritrea and Tigray, as well as the changing international context after the breakup of the Soviet bloc, prompted the TPLF and EPLF to put aside their differences and resume military cooperation. in 1989, the EPRDF formed a shadow government in Ethiopia to administer the liberated areas under its control.

1991–2018
In February 1991, the EPRDF began its offensive against the ruling regime with the support of a large EPLF contingent. On May 28, 1991, the EPRDF captured Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, and took control of the country. In July 1991, the EPRDF established the Transitional Government of Ethiopia. In May 1991, the TPLF had 80,000 fighters, the EPDM had 8,000, and the OPDO had 2,000. The total number of TPLF members was well over 100,000.

Reacting to the international political context after the demise of communism, the EPRDF and TPLF dropped all Marxist references in their political discourse and adopted a program of change based on multi-party politics, constitutional democracy, ethno-linguistic federalization, and a mixed economy.

Under the EPRDF, Ethiopia was governed as an ethnically federal, dominant-party state. Meles Zenawi, a member of the TPLF, served as Prime Minister until his death in 2012. During EPRDF rule, Ethiopia retained authoritarianism and shifted from a one-party state to a dominant-party state.

2018–2020
In November 2019, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the chairman of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front unified the constituent parties of the coalition into a new Prosperity Party. The TPLF viewed this merger as illegal and did not participate in the merger.

From the start of January 2020, the TPLF was involved in activities that were criticized by the federal government. In June 2020, the Ethiopian parliament—to which the TPLF was a party—voted to postpone the 2021 Ethiopian General Election, which was originally scheduled to occur in 2020. The TPLF defied the parliamentary vote and held regional elections anyway.

The 2020 Tigray regional election was held on 9 September 2020. It was open to international observers, boycotted by Arena Tigray and the Tigray Democratic Party and 2.7 million people participated in the election. Prime Minister Ahmed stated that the federal government would not recognize the results of the election and banned foreign journalists from traveling to Tigray to document the elections.

2020–2022
In November 2020, a civil conflict erupted between the TPLF and the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) when the TPLF attacked the ENDF Northern Command headquarters in the north of the country in what TPLF spokesman Getachew Reda described as a "preemptive strike". In November 2020, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed declared victory over the TPLF. Other sources suggested that the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) controlled only about 70% of the Tigray region. Many TPLF members joined the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF). The TPLF has accused the ENDF and Eritrean forces of war crimes, but it is difficult to independently verify these allegations because of the media blackout imposed by the federal government under Abiy. On March 23, 2021, in response to international pressure, the prime minister admitted for the first time that Eritrean forces had been in the Tigray region. In July 2021, after the Ethiopian government declared a unilateral cease-fire and withdrew from much of the Tigray region, the TDF entered neighboring Afar and Amhara regions. The ENDF then launched its own counteroffensive and recaptured these regions by December 2021. By March 2022, the war had come to a virtual standstill.

The TPLF is accused of forcing recruitment into the TDF, including minors. According to several witnesses and Tigrayan administrators, every household in Tigray was required to enlist a family member in the TDF. Those who refused were arrested and imprisoned, including the parents of minors who refused to enlist.

Election results
Elections from 1995 to 2015 were conducted under the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front banner.

Ideology
The party has its roots in the 1960s student movement which was ideologically nationalist before shifting towards Marxism–Leninism in late 1960s. After revolutionary students formed the Tigray University Student Association, a new leftwing organization known as the Tigrayan National Organization was founded in 1974, from which the TPLF emerged in February 1975. The core ideology of the party was ethnonationalism infused with the theme of a class-based - ethnonationalism is the fundamental foundation of the party and it persisted throughout the entire existence of the TPLF. The TPLF argues that Ethiopia is a collection of nationalities subjugated by the Amhara ethnic group, which imposes its culture and language over all others; the first manifesto of the party stated: "Disagreement and suspicion among the nations of Ethiopia have resulted from the worsening of the oppression by the Amhara ethnic group over the oppressed nations of Ethiopia and especially over the Tigray ethnic group. Therefore, we now reached a stage where all the oppressed nations of Ethiopia can no more undertake a common class struggle."

The TLPF initially called for independence of Tigray from Ethiopia, arguing that it is the only way to liberate Ethiopian cultures from the ethnic and national oppression of the Amhara culture. However, separatism was abandoned in 1978, which subsequently led to defections and splits within the party. The TLPF was increasingly dominated by a faction known as the Marxist–Leninist League of Tigray, which took over the leadership of the party and proclaimed Marxism–Leninism to be the overarching ideology of the TLPF. The party's ideological shift made Marxist aspects temporarily dominate over the ethnonationalist ones, though the party remained ethnonationalist and envisioned a 'national revolution' that would install "a planned socialist economy free of exploitation of man by man". Core Marxist aspects embraced by the TLPF included vanguardism, democratic centralism, dictatorship of the proletariat, and also self-determination in the name of national liberation. The party was also heavily influence by the Albanian communist model of Enver Hoxha, stressing self-reliant economy and every nation having its unique way towards socialism.

After the fall of the USSR, the TPLF moderated itself and rebranded its ideology as "revolutionary democracy", pledging to introduce a new kind of democracy in Ethiopia that would differ from the liberal democratic structure, while also maintaining the core socialist values of the party. The concept of revolutionary democracy came from Lenin's 1919 thesis "Bourgeois Democracy and the Proletarian Dictatorship", which proposed replacing the 'bourgeois' parliamentary democracy with revolutionary democracy, which would be secured by a vanguard party representing the masses, which would consult its constitutency while still adhering to the socialist ideological guidelines. Meles Zenawi wrote that Ethiopia can become a developed country "if it is guided by ‘revolutionary democracy", adding that while "liberal democracy is partial wager, a collector of rents, and a representative of the comprador bourgeoisie, ‘revolutionary democracy’ stands for sustainable development." This marked the point at which TLPF abandoned Marxism-Leninism in favour of socialism and revolutionary ethnonationalism, moving closer to its initial position from the 1970s.

Linkage with terrorism
The United States government removed the TPLF's classification as a Tier III level terrorist group when the group came to power in 1991. However, an analysis by the Terrorism Research and Analysis Consortium (TRAC) also classified it as a terrorist group dating back to 1976. According to the TRAC:"The Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) is a political party in Tigray, Ethiopia that has been listed as a perpetrator in the Global Terrorism Database, based on ten incidents occurring between 1976 and 1990 (see GTD link)."

In 2021, the Ethiopia federal government passed a parliamentary resolution classifying the TPLF as a terrorist organization. According to Article 23, "this decision applies to organizations and individuals that collaborate with, have links with, or are associated with the ideas and actions of the designated terrorist organizations, as well as others that have undertaken similar activities". Individuals or organizations that carry out " humanitarian activities," however, are exempt under Ethiopia's Anti-Terrorism Proclamation 1176/2020.

On November 3, 2022, the Ethiopian government and the nationalist paramilitary group entered into a peace agreement, ending their two-year conflict. A draft agreement was sent to The Associated Press stating that the TPLF will first be disarmed with their "light weapons" followed by the Ethiopian federal forces' retrieval of “all federal facilities, installations, and major infrastructure such as airports and highways within the Tigray region."

After the signed peace agreement matured for four months, the TPLF was removed from the country's list of terrorist group on March 22, 2023.

title: Tigray People's Liberation Front


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Wikipedia:WikiProject Korea/South Korean geography

Scope
This group aims to massively improve Wikipedia coverage of South Korean cities and counties (시 and 군 -- for more information on these terms, see Administrative divisions of South Korea). These are the governmental units below the province level. There are about 150 such entities in South Korea today, and our articles on most of them are pathetic, little more than a one-sentence substub and a name box with "?" where the statistics should be. This project seeks to pull this ragtag clump of articles into a backbone of knowledge which can support full, intense coverage of South Korean topics. Ideally, in the long term, these articles could form the informational spine of a WikiReader on South Korea.

Participants
Please add your name to the main list of project members if you are not yet listed there.

 * Visviva 14:25, Dec 14, 2004 (UTC)
 * Peregrine981 04:20, Dec 15, 2004 (UTC)
 * Ryuch 04:29, Dec 23, 2004 (UTC)
 * Wikimachine 01:27, August 15, 2006 (UTC)
 * Mithridates 16:54, November 21, 2006 (UTC)
 * Kingj123 06:01, December 3, 2006 (UTC)
 * MerkurIX(이야기하세요!)(투고) 14:22, January 28, 2007 (UTC)
 * Orthodoxy 15:36, April 2, 2007 (UTC)
 * JPBarrass 15:50, April 20, 2007 (UTC)
 * Kfc1864 03:46, August 2, 2007 (UTC)
 * Historiographer 15:42, February 25, 2008 (UTC)
 * DaronDierkes (talk) 08:43, 15 April 2008 (UTC)
 * Waygugin 03:05, 29 July 2008 (UTC)
 * Tonygr80 14:25, Feb 3, 2010 (UTC)
 * Profsnow --Snow (talk) 15:20, 20 October 2010 (UTC)
 * Pju0353 (talk) 04:11, 7 May 2011 (UTC) HELP me at the page Mokpo!
 * Izolight (talk) 23:00, 15 September 2013 (UTC)
 * Dansk59 (talk) 02:43, 15 March 2015 (UTC)
 * Kellnerp (talk) 01:36, 7 October 2015 (UTC)

Goals
The long-term goals of this WikiProject are extremely ambitious, but the immediate goals can easily reach fruition. Stages 1 and 2 can easily be undertaken by anyone with an interest, and do not require any substantial local knowledge.

In stages:

1.1. Give each article a functioning infobox-template such as the one currently found at Template:Infobox Korean settlement. Incorporate statistics on area & population from a reliable source, such as the city government. All districts currently have infoboxes, but many have no statistics.

1.1.1. Include a map showing the location of the district within the province. User:Cinnamon has provided us with a marvelous suite of such maps, which can be found on the Wikimedia Commons. (Maps of Korea)

1.2. Give each article a functioning provincial navigational box such as Template:Gyeonggi. Templates have been created for all provinces.

1.3. Include external links: a link to the local government's website, English-language URL if available (only a handful of districts still lack English-language sites). Consider adding the district's Open Directory category (under http://dmoz.org/Regional/Asia/South_Korea ), as well as other English-language links that seem relevant. These will help provide a basis for Stage 2.

2. Avoid writing short stubs; try to include at least three full paragraphs on the more notable aspects of the district.

3. Write a properly full-length article, something in the 2-3,000 word range covering the full range of topics that a locality article will normally cover. We will want to hash out more detailed standards for articles at this stage. Although still rough, the article on Mungyeong is an example of an article that may have sort of reached stage 3.

3a. (may come before 3) Find or produce supporting images for each section of the full-length article.

4. Fact-check, thoroughly reference, and peer review.

Articles which have completed this process: Gyeongju

Status reports
As of January 11, 2005: All articles have completed stage 1; that is, they all have at least one external link, and an infobox including stats, a location map, and a logo if available. It's all about content from here on out... If you notice one that got missed, please post here if you don't want to fix it yourself.

Useful links

 * 도로명의 영문표기법 at englishname.seoul.go.kr

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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British Rail 18000

British Rail 18000 was a prototype mainline gas turbine-electric locomotive built for British Railways in 1949 by Brown, Boveri & Cie. An earlier gas-turbine locomotive, 18100, had been ordered from Metropolitan-Vickers by the Great Western Railway but construction was delayed due to World War II; a second, 18000, was thus ordered from Switzerland in 1946. It spent its working life on the Western Region of British Railways, operating express passenger services from Paddington station, London.

Overview
The GWR chose a gas-turbine locomotive because, at the time, there was no single-unit diesel locomotive of sufficient power available. The King class steam locomotive could deliver about 2500 hp at the rail. The LMS diesel locomotives had engines of only 1600 hp. After allowing for transmission losses, this would be down to about 1300 hp at the rail, so two diesels would be needed to match a King.

No. 18000 was of A1A-A1A wheel arrangement and its gas turbine was rated at 2500 hp. It had a maximum speed of 90 mph and weighed 115 LT. It was painted in BR black livery, with a silver stripe around the middle of the body and silver numbers.

Gas turbine
The gas turbine was a Brown Boveri industrial machine. It was of a type which would now be called a turboshaft engine but differed from modern free-turbine turboshaft engines in having only one turbine to drive both the compressor and the output shaft. The emphasis was on fuel economy so it had a heat exchanger (to recover waste heat from the exhaust) and was designed to run on cheap heavy fuel oil (it was also able to burn light oil but this was intended only for startup purposes). This was the same fuel that was used in oil-fired steam locomotives. After leaving the heat exchanger, the pre-heated air entered a large, vertical, combustion chamber where the fuel was injected and burned.

Auxiliary diesel engine
There was also an auxiliary diesel engine which provided power for starting the gas turbine. The diesel engine was capable of moving the locomotive at a slow speed when the gas turbine was not running. The usual procedure was to run the locomotive from the shed to Paddington station using the diesel engine and to start the gas turbine only a few minutes before the train was due to leave. This saved fuel and minimised annoyance from noise and exhaust fumes.

Problems
It proved a troublesome machine in service. Ash from the heavy fuel oil damaged the turbine blades, and the combustion chamber liner required frequent replacement due to damage. The electrical control systems were extremely complex for the time and gave much trouble; maintenance of the electrical equipment in a steam locomotive environment and knowledge base was difficult. Part way through its life one of the traction motors failed and instead of repairing or replacing it, it was simply removed, leaving the locomotive with only three traction motors and preventing it from achieving its full power output. It also suffered from the destruction of its heat exchanger in a fire at Temple Meads when combustion deposits in the exhaust side of the heat exchanger ignited.

Fuel costs
It was also much more expensive to run than expected. The efficiency of a gas turbine reduces dramatically at low power outputs so, to achieve respectable fuel economy, a gas turbine locomotive needs to be operated as much as possible at full power, with periods of part-load running reduced to a minimum. However, it turned out that, even on demanding express passenger schedules, it was not possible to operate the locomotive on full power for very much of the run and extended periods of part-load operation were inevitable, which resulted in heavy fuel consumption. It was also sometimes operated on the much more expensive and scarce light oil normally used only for starting, due to the level of wear caused by the ash from heavy fuel oil.

Performance
When reliable operation could be achieved, it did show itself capable of meeting expectations. Unfortunately, however, it was neither possible to achieve a consistently acceptable level of reliability nor to operate it under conditions which would allow reasonable fuel economy.

Comparison of 18000 and 18100
The following table gives a comparison between 18000 and 18100. There are some anomalies and these are described in the notes.

Post-BR use
At the end of 1960, 18000 was withdrawn from operation and was stored at Swindon Works for four years. It then returned to mainland Europe, where for more than ten years it was used, in substantially altered (and no longer gas-turbine-powered) form, for experiments concerning the interaction between steel wheels and steel rails, under the auspices of the International Union of Railways. In 1975 it was moved to Vienna and displayed outside the Mechanical Engineering Testing building of the Arsenal research centre.

Preservation
In the early 1990s it was secured for preservation. It returned to the UK and was kept at The Railway Age, Crewe. It was then moved to Barrow Hill Roundhouse and was repainted in green livery.

In mid-April 2010 it was delivered to the Gloucestershire Warwickshire Railway in order to take part (as a static exhibit) in the celebrations for the 175th birthday of the Great Western Railway from 29 May to 6 June 2010.
 * Exhibited at Gloucestershire Warwickshire Railway

Since then, it has moved to Didcot. It arrived at the yard, west of Didcot Parkway railway station, on 20 July 2011 and was moved into Didcot Railway Centre on 29 July 2011. It is now owned by the Pete Waterman Trust.
 * Moved to Didcot Railway Centre

Models
18000 is made as a kit and ready-to-run in OO gauge by Silver Fox Models. A further ready-to run version is planned in 2020 by Rails of Sheffield.

title: British Rail 18000


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Felix Camacho

Felix Camacho may refer to:

 * Felix Perez Camacho (born 1957), American politician and businessman
 * Felix Camacho (boxer) (born 1966), Puerto Rican boxer

title: Felix Camacho


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Papa (mythology)

In Cook Islands mythology of the southern Cook Islands group, the earth goddess Papa was created when Varima-te-takere, the primordial mother goddess, plucked her out from the left side of her body. Papa married her brother, the sky god Vatea. They had twin sons, the sea god Tangaroa and the vegetation god Rongo.

title: Papa (mythology)


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Elective mutism

Elective mutism is an outdated term which was defined as a refusal to speak in almost all social situations (despite normal ability to do so), while selective mutism was considered to be a failure to speak in specific situations and is strongly associated with social anxiety disorder. In contrast to selective mutism, it was thought someone who was electively mute may not speak in any situation, as is usually shown in books and films. Elective mutism was often attributed to defiance or the effect of trauma. Those who are able to speak freely in some situations but not in others are now better described by selective mutism.

History
In 1877, a German physician named the disorder aphasia voluntaria to describe children who were able to speak normally but often "refused" to.

In 1980, a study by Torey Hayden identified four "subtypes" of Elective Mutism:
 * Symbiotic mutism: the most common of the forms, caused by a vocal and dominating mother and absent father (very rarely the other way around) and characterized by the use of mutism as controlling behavior around other adults.
 * Speech phobic mutism: the least common, in which the child showed distinct fear at hearing a recording of their voice. This also involved ritualistic behaviors, which may reflect obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), and was thought to be caused by the child having been told to keep a family secret.
 * Reactive mutism: a reaction to trauma and/or abuse, with all children showing symptoms of depression and being notably withdrawn, usually showing no facial expressions. Notably, Hayden admits that some children put in this category had no apparent incident to react to, but they were included because of their symptoms.
 * Passive-aggressive mutism: silence is used as a display of hostility, connected to anti-social behavior. Some of the children in her study had reportedly not been mute until age 9–12.

The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), first published in 1952, first included Elective Mutism in its third edition, published in 1980. Elective mutism was described as "a continuous refusal to speak in almost all social situations" despite normal ability to speak. While "excessive shyness" and other anxiety-related traits were listed as associated features, predisposing factors included "maternal overprotection", intellectual disability, and trauma. Elective mutism in the third edition revised (DSM III-R) is described similarly as in the third edition except for specifying that the disorder is not related to social anxiety disorder.

In 1994, the fourth edition of the DSM reflected the name change to selective mutism and redefined the disorder.

Cultural references
Though elective mutism is no longer recognized by most psychiatrists, it is a popular character element or plot point in stories and movies. Many characters choose to stop speaking, for various reasons. Even more commonly, there are also characters who stop speaking after a traumatic incident. In both these cases, often, and almost always in the second, the character is silent in all situations. This is therefore not selective mutism, and anxiety is very rarely involved. Selective mutism itself is almost nonexistent in pop culture.

The following are a few references to stories including a character who does not speak despite being physically able to:
 * In the 1946 film The Spiral Staircase, the heroine's post-traumatic mutism is a major plot device.
 * In the 1978 film Halloween, Michael Myers is mute after being sent to Smith's Grove Sanitarium in the beginning of the story.
 * In the season 7 episode of Little House on the Prairie "The Silent Cry" (1980), one of the two brothers is depicted as an elective mute, with much of the story revolving around the issues with adopting him due to not speaking.
 * In the 1982 novel The House of the Spirits by Isabel Allende, Clara Trueba is mute after witnessing her sisters molestation and autopsy. "She could not move until the first lights of dawn appeared. Only then did she slip back into her bed, feeling within her the silence of the entire world. Silence filled her utterly."
 * In the 1993 film House of Cards, Sally Matthews chooses not to speak after her father dies.
 * In the 1993 film The Piano, Ada is an elective mute. She chooses to learn to speak at the end of the film.
 * In the 1998 novel Flying Solo by Ralph Fletcher, the character Rachel is mute for six months after a classmate dies.
 * In the 2000 novel Cut by Patricia McCormick, the main character, Callie, is an elective mute.
 * In the 2001 novel Ice by V. C. Andrews, a teacher of the main character, Ice, is concerned that she is an elective mute.
 * In the 2006 novel Halo: Ghosts of Onyx by Eric Nylund, Lucy-B091 is mute after she is one of only two survivors from her unit of 300.
 * In the 2006 novel Hannibal Rising by Thomas Harris, Hannibal Lecter is mute after witnessing his sister killed and eaten.
 * In the 2011 novel Fifty Shades of Grey, Christian Grey is depicted as having been an elective mute from age 4, when he witnessed his birth mother's drug overdose and death and was with her body for days before being discovered, until he was 6 years old and he spoke his newly adopted baby sister's name.
 * In the 2014 video game Watch Dogs, Aiden Pearce's nephew, Jackson, is electively mute after the death of his sister.
 * In the 2014 film The Prophet, Kamila's daughter, Elmitra, is depicted as mute after the death of her father.
 * In the 2019 film A Good Woman Is Hard to Find, Ben Collins stops speaking after witnessing his father being knifed to death.

title: Elective mutism


text:
CLP

CLP may stand for:

Biology

 * CLP protease family, a family of proteolytic enzymes
 * Endopeptidase Clp, an enzyme complex
 * ATP-dependent Clp protease proteolytic subunit, a catalytic subunit of the Clp complex (encoded by the CLPP gene in humans)

Businesses

 * CLP Group, formerly China Light and Power
 * Connecticut Light and Power Company

Computing, mathematics, and technology

 * Cell Loss Priority
 * COIN-OR Linear Program Solver
 * Communication Linking Protocol
 * Congruence lattice problem
 * Constraint Logic Programming
 * Constraint logic programming (Real)
 * Control Language Programming, an IBM programming language used on the System/38, AS/400, and successors
 * Convergent Linux Platform

Political parties

 * Canadian Labour Party, former
 * Communist Labor Party of America, predecessors of the Communist Party USA
 * Constituency Labour Party, a sub-division of the British Labour Party representing a single UK constituency
 * Country Liberal Party, Northern Territory, Australia

Certifications

 * Certificate in Legal Practice (Malaysia)
 * Certified Landscape Professional

Transport

 * Clapham High Street railway station, London, National Rail station code CLP
 * Clarks Point Airport, Alaska, IATA airport code CLP

Other uses

 * AOL Community Leader Program
 * CLP Regulation on classification, labelling and packaging of chemicals, EU
 * Chilean peso, the currency of Chile by ISO 4217 code
 * Cleft lip and palate
 * Cloppenburg (district), Germany
 * Copa de la Liga Profesional, an Argentine football competition

title: CLP


text:
User:Rickskin1

I am Rickskin1

title: User:Rickskin1


text:
Libyan (disambiguation)

A Libyan is a person or thing of, from, or related to Libya in North Africa.

Libyan may also refer to:

 * A person from Libya, or of Libyan descent. For information about the Libyan people, see Demographics of Libya and Culture of Libya. For specific persons, see List of Libyans
 * something of or related to Ancient Libya
 * Libyan Arabic, a variety of the Arabic language (see also Languages of Libya)
 * Libyan cuisine

title: Libyan (disambiguation)


text:
Anaphora (linguistics)

In linguistics, anaphora is the use of an expression whose interpretation depends upon another expression in context (its antecedent). In a narrower sense, anaphora is the use of an expression that depends specifically upon an antecedent expression and thus is contrasted with cataphora, which is the use of an expression that depends upon a postcedent expression. The anaphoric (referring) term is called an anaphor. For example, in the sentence Sally arrived, but nobody saw her, the pronoun her is an anaphor, referring back to the antecedent Sally. In the sentence Before her arrival, nobody saw Sally, the pronoun her refers forward to the postcedent Sally, so her is now a cataphor (and an anaphor in the broader, but not the narrower, sense). Usually, an anaphoric expression is a pro-form or some other kind of deictic (contextually dependent) expression. Both anaphora and cataphora are species of endophora, referring to something mentioned elsewhere in a dialog or text.

Anaphora is an important concept for different reasons and on different levels: first, anaphora indicates how discourse is constructed and maintained; second, anaphora binds different syntactical elements together at the level of the sentence; third, anaphora presents a challenge to natural language processing in computational linguistics, since the identification of the reference can be difficult; and fourth, anaphora partially reveals how language is understood and processed, which is relevant to fields of linguistics interested in cognitive psychology.

Nomenclature and examples
The term anaphora is actually used in two ways.

In a broad sense, it denotes the act of referring. Any time a given expression (e.g. a pro-form) refers to another contextual entity, anaphora is present.

In a second, narrower sense, the term anaphora denotes the act of referring backwards in a dialog or text, such as referring to the left when an anaphor points to its left toward its antecedent in languages that are written from left to right. Etymologically, anaphora derives from Ancient Greek ἀναφορά (anaphorá, "a carrying back"), from ἀνά (aná, "up") + φέρω (phérō, "I carry"). In this narrow sense, anaphora stands in contrast to cataphora, which sees the act of referring forward in a dialog or text, or pointing to the right in languages that are written from left to right: Ancient Greek καταφορά (kataphorá, "a downward motion"), from κατά (katá, "downwards") + φέρω (phérō, "I carry"). A pro-form is a cataphor when it points to its right toward its postcedent. Both effects together are called either anaphora (broad sense) or less ambiguously, along with self-reference they comprise the category of endophora.

Examples of anaphora (in the narrow sense) and cataphora are given next. Anaphors and cataphors appear in bold, and their antecedents and postcedents are underlined:

 * Anaphora (in the narrow sense, species of endophora)

 * a. Susan dropped the plate . It shattered loudly. – The pronoun it is an anaphor; it points to the left toward its antecedent the plate.

 * b. The music stopped, and that upset everyone. – The demonstrative pronoun that is an anaphor; it points to the left toward its antecedent The music stopped.

 * c. Fred was angry, and so was I. – The adverb so is an anaphor; it points to the left toward its antecedent angry.

 * d. If Sam buys a new bike, I shall do it as well. – The verb phrase do it is an anaphor; it points to the left toward its antecedent buys a new bike.

 * Cataphora (included in the broad sense of anaphora, species of endophora)

 * a. Because he was very cold, David put on his coat. – The pronoun he is a cataphor; it points to the right toward its postcedent David.

 * b. Although Sam might do so, I shall not buy a new bike . – The verb phrase do so is a cataphor; it points to the right toward its postcedent buy a new bike.

 * c. In their free time, the boys play video games. – The possessive adjective their is a cataphor; it points to the right toward its postcedent the boys.

A further distinction is drawn between endophoric and exophoric reference. Exophoric reference occurs when an expression, an exophor, refers to something that is not directly present in the linguistic context, but is rather present in the situational context. Deictic pro-forms are stereotypical exophors, e.g.

 * Exophora

 * a. This garden hose is better than that one. – The demonstrative adjectives this and that are exophors; they point to entities in the situational context.

 * b. Jerry is standing over there. – The adverb there is an exophor; it points to a location in the situational context.

Exophors cannot be anaphors as they do not substantially refer within the dialog or text, though there is a question of what portions of a conversation or document are accessed by a listener or reader with regard to whether all references to which a term points within that language stream are noticed (i.e., if you hear only a fragment of what someone says using the pronoun her, you might never discover who she is, though if you heard the rest of what the speaker was saying on the same occasion, you might discover who she is, either by anaphoric revelation or by exophoric implication because you realize who she must be according to what else is said about her even if her identity is not explicitly mentioned, as in the case of homophoric reference).

A listener might, for example, realize through listening to other clauses and sentences that she is a Queen because of some of her attributes or actions mentioned. But which queen? Homophoric reference occurs when a generic phrase obtains a specific meaning through knowledge of its context. For example, the referent of the phrase the Queen (using an emphatic definite article, not the less specific a Queen, but also not the more specific Queen Elizabeth) must be determined by the context of the utterance, which would identify the identity of the queen in question. Until further revealed by additional contextual words, gestures, images or other media, a listener would not even know what monarchy or historical period is being discussed, and even after hearing her name is Elizabeth does not know, even if an English-UK Queen Elizabeth becomes indicated, if this queen means Queen Elizabeth I or Queen Elizabeth II and must await further clues in additional communications. Similarly, in discussing 'The Mayor' (of a city), the Mayor's identity must be understood broadly through the context which the speech references as general 'object' of understanding; is a particular human person meant, a current or future or past office-holder, the office in a strict legal sense, or the office in a general sense which includes activities a mayor might conduct, might even be expected to conduct, while they may not be explicitly defined for this office.

In generative grammar
The term anaphor is used in a special way in the generative grammar tradition. Here it denotes what would normally be called a reflexive or reciprocal pronoun, such as himself or each other in English, and analogous forms in other languages. The use of the term anaphor in this narrow sense is unique to generative grammar, and in particular, to the traditional binding theory. This theory investigates the syntactic relationship that can or must hold between a given pro-form and its antecedent (or postcedent). In this respect, anaphors (reflexive and reciprocal pronouns) behave very differently from, for instance, personal pronouns.

Complement anaphora
In some cases, anaphora may refer not to its usual antecedent, but to its complement set. In the following example a, the anaphoric pronoun they refers to the children who are eating the ice-cream. Contrastingly, example b has they seeming to refer to the children who are not eating ice-cream:

 * a. Only a few of the children ate their ice-cream. They ate the strawberry flavor first. – They meaning the children who ate ice-cream

 * b. Only a few of the children ate their ice-cream. They threw it around the room instead. – They meaning either the children who did not eat ice-cream or perhaps the children who did not eat ice-cream and some of those who ate ice-cream but did not finish it or who threw around the ice-cream of those who did not eat it, or even all the children, those who ate ice-cream throwing around part of their ice-cream, the ice-cream of others, the same ice-cream which they may have eaten before or after throwing it, or perhaps only some of the children so that they does not mean to be all-inclusive

In its narrower definition, an anaphoric pronoun must refer to some noun (phrase) that has already been introduced into the discourse. In complement anaphora cases, however, the anaphor refers to something that is not yet present in the discourse, since the pronoun's referent has not been formerly introduced, including the case of 'everything but' what has been introduced. The set of ice-cream-eating-children in example b is introduced into the discourse, but then the pronoun they refers to the set of non-ice-cream-eating-children, a set which has not been explicitly mentioned.

Both semantic and pragmatics considerations attend this phenomenon, which following discourse representation theory since the early 1980s, such as work by Kamp (1981) and Heim (File Change  Semantics, 1982), and generalized quantifier theory, such as work by Barwise and Cooper (1981), was studied in a series of psycholinguistic experiments in the early 1990s by Moxey and Sanford (1993) and Sanford et al. (1994). In complement anaphora as in the case of the pronoun in example b, this anaphora refers to some sort of complement set (i.e. only to the set of non-ice-cream-eating-children) or to the maximal set (i.e. to all the children, both ice-cream-eating-children and non-ice-cream-eating-children) or some hybrid or variant set, including potentially one of those noted to the right of example b. The various possible referents in complement anaphora are discussed by Corblin (1996), Kibble (1997), and Nouwen (2003). Resolving complement anaphora is of interest in shedding light on brain access to information, calculation, mental modeling, communication.

Anaphora resolution – centering theory
There are many theories that attempt to prove how anaphors are related and trace back to their antecedents, with centering theory (Grosz, Joshi, and Weinstein 1983) being one of them. Taking the computational theory of mind view of language, centering theory gives a computational analysis of underlying antecedents. In their original theory, Grosz, Joshi, & Weinstein (1983) propose that some discourse entities in utterances are more "central" than others, and this degree of centrality imposes constraints on what can be the antecedent.

In the theory, there are different types of centers: forward facing, backwards facing, and preferred.

Forward facing centers
A ranked list of discourse entities in an utterance. The ranking is debated, some focusing on theta relations (Yıldırım et al. 2004) and some providing definitive lists.

Backwards facing center
The highest ranked discourse entity in the previous utterance.

Preferred center
The highest ranked discourse entity in the previous utterance realised in the current utterance.

Literature

 * Bussmann, H., G. Trauth, and K. Kazzazi 1998. Routledge dictionary of language and linguistics. Taylor and Francis.
 * Chomsky, N. 1981/1993. Lectures on government and binding: The Pisa lectures. Mouton de Gruyter.
 * Corblin, F. 1996. "Quantification et anaphore discursive: la reference aux comple-mentaires". Linguages. 123, 51–74.
 * Grosz, Barbara J.; Joshi, Aravind K.; and Weinstein, Scott (1983). "Providing a unified account of definite noun phrases in discourse". In Proceedings, 21st Annual Meeting of the Association of Computational Linguistics. 44–50.
 * Kibble, R. 1997. "Complement anaphora and dynamic binding". In Proceedings from Semantics and Linguistic Theory VII, ed. A. Lawson, 258–275. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University.
 * McEnery, T. 2000. Corpus-based and computational approaches to discourse anaphora. John Benjamins.
 * Moxey, L. and A. Sanford 1993. Communicating quantities: A psychological perspective. Laurence Erlbaum Associates.
 * Nouwen, R. 2003. "Complement anaphora and interpretation". Journal of Semantics, 20, 73–113.
 * Sanford, A., L. Moxey and K. Patterson 1994. "Psychological studies of quantifiers". Journal of Semantics 11, 153–170.
 * Schmolz, H. 2015. Anaphora Resolution and Text Retrieval. A Linguistic Analysis of Hypertexts. De Gruyter.
 * Tognini-Bonelli, E. 2001. Corpus linguistics at work. John Benjamins.
 * Yıldırım, Savaş & Kiliçaslan, Yilmaz & Erman Aykaç, R. 2004. A Computational Model for Anaphora Resolution in Turkish via Centering Theory: an Initial Approach. 124–128.
 * Yıldırım, Savaş & Kiliçaslan, Yilmaz & Erman Aykaç, R. 2004. A Computational Model for Anaphora Resolution in Turkish via Centering Theory: an Initial Approach. 124–128.

title: Anaphora (linguistics)


text:
British Rail Class 80

Class 80 was the TOPS classification allocated by British Rail to the prototype 25 kV AC electric locomotive. This locomotive was built by Metropolitan-Vickers, initially as a prototype gas turbine-electric locomotive, numbered 18100. British Rail allocated the number E1000 (and later E2001) to the locomotive following its conversion from gas turbine propulsion.

Conversion
Its new electric propulsion meant it was rated at 2500 hp, giving a maximum speed of 90 mph and weighing 109 LT. In addition, it was also converted from Co-Co to A1A-A1A wheel arrangement when the centre traction motor from each bogie was removed. The new traction motor rating (with four motors) was about the same as the original rating (with six motors). This suggests that new traction motors were fitted.

The conversion of the locomotive began in January 1958 when the locomotive was moved from storage at Dukinfield Works to the Bowesfield Works at Stockton-on-Tees. The work involved the removal of the gas turbine unit, main generator, fuel tank, air filters, the centre traction motor from each bogie and all of the ancillary equipment used for the gas turbine unit.

Once the locomotive had been stripped, the new electrical equipment was installed which included the transformer, the Stone-Faiveley pantograph (for which a section of the roof had to be lowered), a Brown Boveri air blast circuit breaker and the Hackbridge-Hewittic mercury arc rectifier units.

The cabs of the locomotive were converted from Western Region right-hand drive to the standard British Rail left-hand drive arrangement. The rebuilt locomotive was completed and ready for trials in October 1958. It retained its original BR black livery, with a silver stripe around the middle of the body and silver numbers.

Usage
The locomotive was used to prepare the ground for the 25 kV AC electrification being installed on the West Coast Main Line, including the testing of overhead line equipment and staff training.

Withdrawal
Once the production locomotives (Class 81 onwards) were in service, E2001 was no longer required. It was put into store at the end of 1961, and lasted for over ten years at various locations. It was officially withdrawn in April 1968 and scrapped in November 1972 at J Cashmore in Great Bridge.

Models
E1000/E2001 is being made as a kit and a ready-to-run model in OO gauge by Silver Fox Models.

title: British Rail Class 80


text:
Talk:Monofilament fishing line

History Needed
It would be nice to put up the history of Monofilament lines.
 * Who first made/discoverd it
 * When was it first made/discoverd (Done) Joel M.
 * Why was it made/discoverd

I am currently researching this on my spare time. Maybe someone can help? Joel M.

We are now working on softenning mono filament fishnet and creating new invention but still not succeeded if any one wants to help in this line please contact makhariadahod@yahoo.com  —Preceding unsigned comment added by 59.96.155.182 (talk) 13:00, 30 November 2007 (UTC)

use as a garrotte
I seem to remember reading that this makes an extremely effective garrotte, any truth to this? —Preceding unsigned comment added by UltraMagnus (talk • contribs) 11:16, 13 July 2008 (UTC)

 * This article is about fishing. You might find the articles you are looking for here. --Geronimo20 (talk) 12:19, 13 July 2008 (UTC)

 * Actually, this article is about monofilament line, which can be used for any number of things (note its use in medicine and jewelry making, mentioned in the article). Perhaps it should be moved to Monofilament line (currently a redirect to this article) or some other, more generic title? /ninly (talk) 16:57, 20 September 2009 (UTC)

Spoken Article Update
This article was recorded in 2006-2-27, since then, a lot of changes has occurred. Someone want's rerecord the article? It's my voice currently on the spoken article. Since I have an accent, it might be better if someone with less accent makes the recording... --Joel M. (talk) 23:05, 18 July 2010 (UTC)

Photograph of bird entangled in Monofilament fishing line
(Disscution based on the edits made on 07:42, September 17, 2010 )

I agree the photograph of the bird raped in fishing line is inappropriate to represent the article (the first top image), but it was not in this case. The image was illustrating the the section (as of this writing the section does not have a header but will be added soon) related to Monofilament fishing lines and the environment. That said, the section speaks of animales being entangled in the line and the image depicted such situation. What do you think about adding the image back to the section and finding other images to show what Monofilament lines look like for the top of the article? -- Joel M.  Chat ✐  14:33, 20 September 2010 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified 3 external links on Monofilament fishing line. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20080621045155/http://www.caimateriali.org/Eventi/Torino/historynylon.html to http://www.caimateriali.org/Eventi/Torino/historynylon.html
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20070403193646/http://www.abc-of-fishing.net/fishing-lines/types.asp to http://www.abc-of-fishing.net/fishing-lines/types.asp
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Picture
The picture's description says "A bird entangled in monofilament line." It is however pretty unclear from the picture whether or not the bird is actually entangled. It could be, but the way the fibres are shown, it could very well be able to simply fly away from it.

If this is the worst picture of the problem, the problem might not even exist. If the problem does exist, the picture is not representative. The picture should go, whether or not there is a replacement. Better no visual representation than a misleading one. 91.10.35.85 (talk) 00:06, 10 April 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:Monofilament fishing line


text:
Cervelat

Cervelat, also cervelas, servelat or zervelat, is a sausage produced in Switzerland, France (especially Alsace and Lyon), Belgium, the Netherlands and parts of Germany. The recipe and preparation of the sausage vary regionally.

The sausages are spelled cervelas in the French-speaking part of Switzerland, Cervelat in the German-speaking part, and servelat in the Italian-speaking part. The terms ultimately derive from cerebrum, the Latin word for brain, which was used in early recipes. The term "Cervelat" is the oldest of the three. It was first recorded in 1552 by Rabelais, and is derived from zervelada, a Milanese word meaning  a "large, short sausage filled with meat and pork brains." Modern recipes do not include brains, and arose towards the end of the 19th century in Basel, as a reworking of the traditional recipe. In Germany, the sausage is sometimes also called "Lyoner", which comes from its perceived origin. In the federal state of Saarland the "Lyoner" sausage is even considered a regional staple dish.

The taste of the sausages depends on the region, but generally they are similar to that of a frankfurter, but with a smokier flavour and a texture brought about by its fat shape and the tightly wrapped natural casing. Various European semi-dry cervelat are similar to summer sausage in the U.S., and Thuringian sausage can be considered a type of cervelat. In the United States, the term Thuringer sausage is used for a type of cervelat, rather than Thuringian sausage in the European sense.

Switzerland
In Switzerland, cervelats are cooked (slightly smoked and then boiled) or served "raw" (cold, having been cooked during initial manufacture). They contain a mixture of beef, bacon and pork rind. The modern Swiss variety is packed into zebu intestines.

The cervelat is often referred to as the national sausage of Switzerland. Some 160 million cervelats weighing 27,000 metric tons are produced in Switzerland annually, which is equivalent to a consumption of 25 sausages per person each year. Grilling cervelats over an open fire with the ends cut open so they expand like a butterfly's wings is a childhood memory for nearly every Swiss person; as a result, many Swiss are emotionally attached to the sausage. Swiss cervelats are made of roughly equal parts of beef, pork, bacon, pork rind and ice, which helps bind the ingredients, along with spices, curing salt and cutter additives. The ingredients are finely minced in a cutter, packed into beef intestines, smoked for an hour and then cooked by boiling for a short time. Processed and packaged varieties sold in Swiss supermarkets also contain nitrites and antioxidants. A cervelat may weigh from about 100 to 200 grams.

Swiss cervelats are prepared and eaten cooked or raw. They are boiled, grilled or fried. They can also be served uncooked, either in a salad or with bread and mustard.

Sometimes sold smoked and uncooked, cervelat can be seasoned, salted and cold smoked for one day.

2008 casings shortage
Traditionally, Swiss beef intestines were used for the casings, but towards the end of the 20th century, local cattle producers lost interest in cleaning and preparing them, so meat processors switched to Brazilian zebu intestines, which are not fatty and do not easily split open when roasted. However, beginning on 1 April 2006, the European Union banned the import of many animal parts from Brazil as a measure aimed at preventing the spread of mad cow disease. Among these were beef intestines. Although Switzerland is not an EU member state, it is bound to observe European food protection laws through other treaty agreements. Hence, Swiss and German stockpiles of zebu intestines became very low by 2008, threatening production altogether, and causing some controversy in Switzerland. In January of that year, the Swiss meat industry announced that a national "cervelat task force" had failed in an exhaustive search for an acceptable alternative to zebu intestines.

The New York Times noted that "the possible demise of cervelas visibly upset the Swiss, a normally even-tempered people." The cervelat production crisis was covered closely by the Swiss media and in a newspaper poll, 72% of those surveyed said the "cervelas, as they knew it, had to be saved." The cervelat crisis was brought up in a parliamentary debate wherein state councillor and president of the Swiss Meat Association, Rolf Büttiker, spoke of the national sausage's social significance, calling it a "cult sausage" and "the worker's steak". The Swiss government entered into negotiations with the EU to seek an exception for zebu intestines, and Swiss scientists were sent to Brazil hoping to show that the intestines posed no risk of transmitting mad cow disease.

By August 2008, most of the Swiss demand for bovine intestines had been met with imports from Uruguay, Argentina and Paraguay.

France
Cervelas de Lyon are a sausage specialty of Lyonnaise cuisine. They contain finely minced pork, and either truffles or pistachios. Sold uncooked, the sausage has to be boiled before it is eaten.

In Alsatian cuisine, cervelas d'Alsace are split open and served with cheese (gruyère) and bacon.

title: Cervelat


text:
Talk:Systems analysis

Disambiguated

 * Systems analysis for computing? Should this article be 'disambiguated' from computer system design?  --Richard@lbrc.org 17:02, 3 January 2006 (UTC)

Bias
Seems like someone who's knowledgeble should rewrite the bit about something being proven, along with the exclamation point.

Systems Analysis is a superset of Systems Analyst
A Systems Analyst does Systems Analysis but Systems Analysis covers far more ground that the Systems Analyst implies.

One typically would NOT call in a Systems Analyst (as commonly used today) to determine the operational parameters for a manufacturing plant or process. But a practitioner of Systems Analysis would commonly be called upon to do so; particularly if they specialized in manufacturing systems.

Systems Analyst is also close to Business Analyst but we wouldn't desire to merge them also. Yet both perform Systems Analysis within their respective fields, business & computer systems.

Therefore I would NOT want these two separate pages to be merged into one.

Wpociengel 15:15, 2 February 2007 (UTC) wpociengel

Surely Systems Analysis is a process while Systems Analyst is a job title?

EMRees 15:12, 1 March 2007 (UTC)

Well pointed out, EMR, exactly what I thought on noticing the proposed merge. Concepts, ideas and systems should never be merged with the term used to describe the role of a person invloved in that field. Redirect or disambiguate but these simply cannot be merged as a matter of etymology.

Karlos303 23:35, 12 March 2007 (UTC)

I agree: these are two separate subjects that should remain so.

User:maxlittle2007 22:29, 01 April 2007

Therefore I challenge the definition of systems analysis given here. Whereas the expense of a system analyst needs a large scale system to justify it; someone has got to do the systems analysis even for smaller systems. Indeed, the advent of the mini-computer in the 1970s brought with it the new role of "analyst-programmer". Therefore you can talk about large scale for the analyst but for the analysis itself you can't limit it that way. User:SimonClinch 17:13, 21 May 2007

This is a really confusing piece. It seems to describe systems analysis - ie the break down of systems in a reductionist fashion. And later in the references to systems thinkers it seems to refer to a much more holistic systems thinking approach. Redwaterjug (talk) 20:53, 26 May 2011 (UTC)

This is part of a bigger topic... The SDLC
This should be seen as part of the Systems Development Life Cycle.

Planning/Feasibility Study, Analysis, Design, Implementation, Evaluation, Maintenance. These are suggested items of the cycle and should of course be constructed by an expert on the topic.

Systems analyst should be a link from Systems Analysis and not merged with it for this purpose. It would otherwise be seen as an isolated topic when in fact it should be seen as part of the entire process instead. Some might argue that a Systems Analyst may indeed perform in isolation to the above however it is all one big cycle in the grand scheme of things.

Why can't a subject be what it says?
'Why can't a woman,' pleads Professor Henry Higgins, 'be more like a man?' And why can't an academic discipline be precisely what it says it is, not some preconceived notion of what it needs to be in order to attain some sense of dull, conventional academic respectability? Why can't 'systems analysis' mean simply that, the rigorous analysis of systems, at all points, in all ways, using any feasible methods, not some dull, humdrum homage to 'mathematical methods'? No wonder the systems operating within human society are so flawed and unimaginative if the science which purports to rectify them is restricted to focusing on mere 'mathematical methods.' How many times do ordinary people come up against things in our lives which are clearly wrong with 'the system'? And how many times, out of these, does it have a fig to do with mathematics?!

We have many problems in our lives and in the life of our society, all of which can be viewed in systems terms. But they only really start to become mathematical problems, as such, when they are, for the main part, solved.

Analysis
In Greek it's not "loosen up" but more like "break down" [Check here]

Apomyzitis (talk) 14:48, 18 January 2008 (UTC)

Alexander Bogdanov
I got to this page via Alexander Bogdanov, where (as of 12:04, 1 April 2008) it says:

Bogdanov's innovative work on comparative study of economic and military power of European nations, written in 1912-1913, was the first interdisciplinary work ever on systems analysis, which he later merged with tectonics. In his work Bogdanov introduced modern principles of systems theory and systems analysis. However, his works on systems analysis were not translated at the time of his life, and were not known outside Russia for many years.

No mention of him here, though. Either his status in the history of Systems Analysis is overstated there, or it deserves some mention here. --Davecampbell (talk) 21:41, 16 April 2008 (UTC)

 * I think the work of Alexander Bogdanov is overstated. There are some fanatic Wikipedia writers, who pushed his name in the systems theory article allready some time ago. -- Mdd (talk) 22:01, 16 April 2008 (UTC)

 * I have questioned that statement in the Alexander Bogdanov -- Mdd (talk) 22:11, 16 April 2008 (UTC)

Needs an apostrophe ("Systems' analysis")
It is 'the analysis of systems', yes? Whose analysis? The systems' analysis. So we put an apostrophe after the 's'. Plural systems, and they take the possesive; it's not that hard to get right. Or am I missing some jargon/industry-defined/other-reason-to-abuse-English reason that this is spelt "systems analysis"? (Oh, and I hope everyone gets the tone of friendliness with which I post this, because I'm really not trying to be a bore!) — Sam Wilson ( Talk • Contribs ) … 07:12, 15 August 2008 (UTC)
 * It's a title of a field of engineering. With titles (as with news headlines, etc.) one is allowed the option of simplifying pretty much any way one wants. I.e., if I write "SysAn", it's not a standard abbreviation, but it will be understood, anyhow. Piano non troppo (talk) 00:18, 19 September 2009 (UTC)

Expert attention for rewrite
Sentences such as "an explicit formal inquiry carried out to help someone, referred to as the decision maker, identify a better course of action and make a better decision than he might have otherwise made" highlight why this article needs expert attention. That definition could apply equally to a psychological assessment, a job review, or an after-game football analysis.

The article contradicts itself -- while making hyperbolic and uncited assertions -- it says both that systems analysis is often prior to automation, but also that analysts "often modify, expand or document existing systems".

The article needs a broad perspective, historical, academic, pragmatic, and not to be founded on personal off-the-cuff statements and the work of a single author (Ritchey). Piano non troppo (talk) 00:55, 1 February 2010 (UTC)

The overview section of the article is currently one paragraph comprised mostly of a comparison of the meaning of "analysis" versus "synthesis." This comparative analysis does not clearly contribute to the overall value of the article's topic. 24.89.27.202 (talk) 00:30, 26 February 2014 (UTC)

Systems Analysis vs Systems Engineering
I'm I bit lost with what is being described here. Is this not just system engineering? It sounds very similar, just not applied to an engineering project application (e.g. requirements analysis etc.) Looking at the Soviet Space Programme since '57 they say that they were using 'Systems Analysis' the whole time, which is what we call now Systems Engineering. Many of the tools look the same (requirements leading to design down-select) as is the scope of the project management activity, life cycle management, etc. If that is the case then either there should be some merging or linking between these two topics? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 88.104.110.173 (talk) 19:56, 19 February 2014 (UTC)

RAND corporation
Surprised not to see RAND corporation mentioned in the article...2A00:23C7:60A8:8B01:F4EA:AC52:B50E:4C4 (talk) 16:18, 25 August 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:Systems analysis


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Battle of Seoul

The five battles of the Korean War fought in and around the city of Seoul are known as the Battle of Seoul:

 * First Battle of Seoul – North Korean forces capture Seoul on June 28, 1950
 * Second Battle of Seoul – United Nations forces capture Seoul from the North Koreans in September 1950, following the Battle of Inchon
 * Third Battle of Seoul – The Chinese People's Volunteer Army capture Seoul in January 1951
 * Fourth Battle of Seoul – United Nations forces capture Seoul for the second time during Operation Ripper in March 1951.
 * Fifth Battle of Seoul – The Chinese People's Volunteer Army fail to recapture Seoul during the Chinese Spring Offensive in April 1951.

title: Battle of Seoul


text:
Samuel Shapiro (Illinois politician)

Samuel Harvey Shapiro (born Israel Shapiro; April 25, 1907 – March 16, 1987) was an American politician, the 34th governor of Illinois, serving from 1968 to 1969. He was a member of the Democratic Party.

Life and career
Born in 1907 in the Governorate of Estonia of the Russian Empire, he emigrated to the United States at an early age. He graduated from the University of Illinois College of Law in 1929. As a lawyer, Shapiro practiced in Kankakee, Illinois. Turning to public service, he was elected state's attorney (county prosecutor) of Kankakee County in 1936. From 1947–1961 he served in the Illinois State House of Representatives, where he took a special interest in mental health issues.

Shapiro was elected the 38th Lieutenant Governor of Illinois in 1960 and again in 1964, and took office as governor when the previous governor Otto Kerner, Jr. resigned to accept appointment to the federal appellate court. Shapiro thus became the second Jewish governor of Illinois (Henry Horner being the first). Illinois thereby became the first state to have had two Jewish governors; New York, Oregon, Pennsylvania and Rhode Island have each since elected at least a second governor of the faith.

Upon becoming governor, Shapiro ran at once for a full term of his own but was narrowly defeated by Republican Richard B. Ogilvie in the 1968 election. He then returned to private life, although he was called upon several times to serve on special commissions, the most significant of which was a commission to redraw state electoral boundaries in 1981.

Shapiro was an alumnus of the Alpha Epsilon Pi fraternity. From 1984 until his death, he led the effort to establish a permanent headquarters for the fraternity's national offices. As a result, Alpha Epsilon Pi's International Headquarters is dedicated in his honor.

Shapiro continued to work as an attorney; his death was discovered when he failed to appear in court for a client and police were sent to his home in Kankakee to investigate. He is buried in Jewish Waldheim Cemetery in Forest Park, Illinois. The state renamed the Kankakee Mental Health Center in his honor.

title: Samuel Shapiro (Illinois politician)


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PFA Players' Player of the Year

The Professional Footballers' Association Men's Players' Player of the Year (often called the PFA Men's Players' Player of the Year, the Players' Player of the Year, or simply the Player of the Year) is an annual award given to the player who is adjudged to have been the best of the year in English football. The award has been presented since the 1973–74 season and the winner is chosen by a vote amongst the members of the players' trade union, the Professional Footballers' Association (PFA). The current holder is Erling Haaland of Manchester City, who won the award for the first time on 29 August 2023.

The first winner of the award was Leeds United defender Norman Hunter. As of 2023, only Mark Hughes, Alan Shearer, Thierry Henry, Cristiano Ronaldo, Gareth Bale, Kevin De Bruyne and Mohamed Salah have won the award on two occasions, and only Henry, Ronaldo and De Bruyne have won the award in consecutive seasons. Of the seven, only Shearer won his two awards playing for different teams. Although there is a separate PFA Young Player of the Year award, young players remain eligible to win the senior award, and on three occasions the same player has won both awards for a season, Andy Gray in 1976–77, Ronaldo in 2006–07 and Bale in 2012–13. Only three non-European players have won the award: Luis Suárez (Uruguay) in 2013–14, Riyad Mahrez (Algeria) in 2015–16, and Mohamed Salah (Egypt) in 2017–18 and 2021–22.

Every spring, each member of the association votes for two players. A shortlist of nominees is published in April and the winner of the award, along with the winners of the PFA's other annual awards, is announced at a gala event in London. The award is regarded by the players themselves as extremely prestigious, with Teddy Sheringham describing it in 2001 as "the biggest personal award you can get in the game", and John Terry stating in 2005 that he considered it "the ultimate accolade to be voted for by your fellow professionals whom you play against week-in and week-out".

Winners
The award has been presented on 50 occasions as of 2023, with 43 different winners. The women's award has been presented since 2013, with 8 different winners. The table also indicates where the winning player also won one or more of the other major "player of the year" awards in English football, namely the Football Writers' Association's Footballer of the Year award (FWA), the PFA Fans' Player of the Year award (FPY), the PFA Young Player of the Year award (YPY), the Premier League Player of the Season award (PPS), the Premier League Young Player of the Season award (PYS) and the Football Supporters’ Federation Player of the Year award (FSF).

title: PFA Players' Player of the Year


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Oi! Warning

'Oi! Warning' is a 2000 German movie about a 17-year-old boy who runs away from home to become an Oi! skinhead.

The movie was the directorial debut of twin brothers Benjamin and Dominik Reding. It took them about five years to film, mostly due to financial constraints. It was shot in stark black-and-white, underscoring the film's gritty feel. Among other recognitions, the film has won the German Camera Award, and a L.A. Outfest emerging talent award.

Plot summary
Janosch (Sascha Backhaus) has problems at school and despises the lifestyle of his bourgeois mother. He runs away from home, to his friend Koma (Simon Goerts), who he had met at a holiday camp. Koma is an Oi! skinhead (also known as a punk-skinhead). He is a particular sort of skinhead who has little political motivations, preferring a lifestyle of partying and binge drinking, and whose musical tastes are a synthesis of skinhead and punk rock music.

Koma's girlfriend is pregnant, and wants him to change his ways. She blows up his secret hideaway with dynamite, but this only infuriates Koma, who blames this on the punks he had gotten into a fight with previously.

Meanwhile, Janosch meets Zottel (Jens Veith), a punk who earns a living with small circus acts at wealthy people's parties. The two fall in love, but their happiness is cut short when Koma attacks Zottel and kills him. In a fit of fury, Janosch grabs a brick and slays Koma.

Cast list

 * Sascha Backhaus as Janosch. Backhaus portrays the main protagonist Janosch, who escapes his pampered bourgeois lifestyle to become an Oi-skinhead, but later questions the ultra-masculine, testosterone-fueled subculture. Backhaus himself was a real-life squatter.
 * Sascha Goerts as Koma. Goerts plays the tough Koma, a hard drinking, kickboxing and often violent Oi-skinhead, who takes Janosch under his wing. Like Backhaus, Goerts was a squatter, and also an occasional street musician. According to the DVD commentary, he gave such a convincing performance that people were shocked when they found out that Goerts is in fact a soft-spoken, intelligent character.
 * Sandra Borgmann as Sandra. Borgmann portrays Sandra, Komas skin-girl girlfriend. She later becomes mother of his twins and grows fed up of his Oi-behaviour. In contrast to Backhaus and Goerts, Borgmann was already an established actress.
 * Jens Veith as Zottel. A punk with whom Janosch later has an affair. Veith is a real-life fire-eater and juggler and was one of the last actors cast for the movie.

Development
When they started the project, the Reding brothers wanted to authentically portray youths from fringe subcultures like "skinheads (non-political Oi!skins), squatters, modern-primitives and tribes ... who all just do what they like ... Their own way of fun, fights, sorrows and desires. What we didn´t want to do was: showing stereotypes of youth-culture, like the drug-abusing "problemchild" or the sexually overpowered "teenager", we all know so well from television." According to them, they then drew a 600-picture storyboard and started choosing actors.

For the actors themselves, the Reding brothers demanded people who were "absolutely, 100% believable on the big screen ... This is the reason why the actresses and actors in OI!WARNING are a good mixture of non-professionals and professionals": male leads Sascha Backhaus and Simon Goerts were non-professionals, whilst female lead Sandra Borgmann was an established actress when the project started. A problem was money, because the ''Oi! Warning'' production was very low budget. It took over five years to complete, because the Reding brothers frequently had to stop filming until they had earned enough money to continue.

In the film, there is a concert in which the fictional Oi-group Roimkommando (the real life punk band Smegma) holds a concert, to which Oi-skins led by Koma (Goerts) violently mosh to. On the DVD commentary track, the Redings explain that they could not use the sexually charged word Smegma in a film which was meant to be seen by teenagers, so they had to change the name of the band. In addition, all the Oi skinhead extras were real Oi skinheads, who demanded beer as compensation when they slowly grew weary of filming. In addition, they moshed so hard that Goerts was often knocked out of the middle and the scene had to be reshot.

Awards
''Oi! Warning'' won following prizes:

 * Out-Filmfest, Los Angeles: Outstanding Emerging Talent-Award of the Directors Guild of America 1999
 * World Filmfestival, Montréal: Air Canada People Award 1999
 * International Filmfestival, Leeds: Audience-Award 1999
 * Max Ophüls Filmfestival, Saarbrücken: Film-Award of the Governour of the Saarland 1999
 * Film Kunst Fest, Schwerin: NDR Young Talent Award 1999
 * International Festival du premiere Film, Annonay (France ): Prix Spécial du Jury 2000

title: Oi! Warning


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Paul de Lagarde

Paul Anton de Lagarde (2 November 1827 – 22 December 1891) was a German biblical scholar and orientalist, sometimes regarded as one of the greatest orientalists of the 19th century. Lagarde's strong support of anti-Semitism, vocal opposition to Christianity, Social Darwinism and anti-Slavism are viewed as having been among the most influential in supporting the ideology of Nazism.

His great learning and gifts were mixed with dogmatism and distrust in the activities of others. In politics, he belonged to the Prussian Conservative party. He died in Göttingen on 22 December 1891.

Early life and education
De Lagarde was born in Berlin as Paul Bötticher; in early adulthood he legally adopted the family name of his maternal line out of respect for his great-aunt who raised him. At Humboldt University of Berlin (1844–1846) and University of Halle-Wittenberg (1846–1847) he studied theology, philosophy and Oriental languages.

In 1852 his studies took him to London and Paris.

Career
In 1854 he became a teacher at a Berlin public school, but this did not interrupt his biblical studies. In 1866 he received three years leave of absence to collect fresh materials, and in 1869 succeeded German orientalist and theologian Heinrich Ewald as professor of oriental languages at the University of Göttingen. Like Ewald, Lagarde was an active worker in a variety of subjects and languages; but his chief aim, the elucidation of the Bible, was almost always kept in view. Lagarde was easily the most renowned Septuagint scholar of the nineteenth century, and he devoted himself ardently to Oriental studies.

Political interests
Parallel to his academic work, he attempted to establish a German national religion whose most striking manifestations were an aggressive anti-Semitism, anti-slavism and expansionism. He held few concrete religious beliefs at the ready for his postulated national religion as his first political treatise ''Über das Verhältnis des deutschen Staates zu Theologie, Kirche und Religion. Ein Versuch Nicht-Theologen zu orientieren'' (On the Relationship of the German State to Theology, Church and Religion: An Attempted Orientation for Non-Theologians) demonstrates. In regard to the state, he called for its initial and most important task to be to create a climate in which a national religion could flourish. Meanwhile, he obliged those who had faith in God to a radical morality wherein they distinguish solely between "duty or sin" in their every action. In addition, first a formal language must be developed for the religiosity of these newborn men. In the second part of his 1875 book, ''Über die gegenwärtige Lage des deutschen Reichs. Ein Bericht'' (On the Current Situation of the German Reich: A Report), he connected thereto and specified as follows:

"Germany is the totality of all German-feeling, German-thinking, German-willing Germans: In this sense, every one of us is a traitor if he does not consider himself personally acountable in every moment of his life for the existence, fortune and future of the fatherland, and each is a hero and liberator if he does."

The historian Ulrich Sieg classifies his position as follows: "He despised the Christianity that he considered bland and lukewarm and hoped for a folkish religion of the future." Lagarde was conversant with Adolf Stoecker, the founder of the anti-Semitic Berlin Movement. He also showed interest in folkish-anti-Semitic societies such as the Deutscher Volksverein of Bernhard Förster and Max Liebermann von Sonnenberg, as well as the Deutschsoziale Partei of Theodor Fritsch. To the latter, he established contact in 1886 by sending his treatise Die nächsten Pflichten deutscher Politik (The Coming Tasks of German Politics), at the core of which he considered to be a German policy of settlement in Eastern Europe. In German Writings, in which he compiled his previously published political essays, there can be found numerous anti-Semitic passages in which we learn, among other things, that he considered Jews to be the greatest barrier to German unification, whereas he simultaneously avowed the concept of a German colonization of southeastern Europe and proposed that the Jewish population settled there at the time be resettled to Palestine or Madagascar. The only alternatives for Lagarde were the total assimilation or emigration of the Jews.

In his 1887 essay "Jews and Indo-Germanics", he wrote: “One would have to have a heart of steel to not feel sympathy for the poor Germans and, by the same token, to not hate the Jews, to not hate and despise those who – out of humanity! – advocate for the Jews or are too cowardly to crush these vermin. Trichinella and bacilli would not be negotiated with, trichinella and bacilli would also not be nurtured, they would be destroyed as quickly and as thoroughly as possible."

In addition to his influence on anti-Semitism and anti-slavism, Lagarde is also of importance to the formation of German imperialist thought. In this regard, he concentrated on German border colonization within Europe rather than the acquisition of overseas colonies. This bears a close resemblance to the later concept of German Lebensraum most notably espoused by Friedrich Ratzel. In 1875, Lagarde maintained that the primary objective of German politics was the "gradual Germanization of Poland." Since he was concerned about how many Germans emigrated in their search for land, he advocated a border colonizing land acquisition for the peasantry, which he considered the "true foundation of the state." This land acquisition aimed to create a Mitteleuropa under German leadership "that reaches from the Ems to the mouth of the Danube, from the Neman to Trieste, from Metz to about the Bug."

In his 1918 book, The New Europe, Tomáš Masaryk regards Lagarde as one of the leading philosophical and theological spokesmen of Pan-Germanism, and furthermore describes Heinrich von Treitschke as its historian, Wilhelm II as its politician and Friedrich Ratzel as its geopolitical geographer. In all of them he saw the representatives of the imperialistic "German Drang nach Osten" that threatened the Slavic countries.

Legacy
Lagarde's anti-Semitism laid the foundations for aspects of National Socialist ideology, in particular that of Alfred Rosenberg. Rosenberg argued that Germany should create a "national" form of Christianity purged of Semitic elements and insisted that Jews were "pests and parasites" who should be destroyed "as speedily and thoroughly as possible". His library now belongs to the New York University.

Works
Legarde edited the Didascalia apostolorum syriace (1854) and other Syriac texts collected in the British Museum and in Paris. He edited the Aramaic translation (known as the Targum) of the Prophets according to the Codex Reuchlinianus preserved at Karlsruhe, Prophetae chaldaice (1872), the Hagiographa chaldaice (1874), an Arabic translation of the Gospels, Die vier Evangelien, arabisch aus der Wiener Handschrift herausgegeben (1864), a Syriac translation of the Old Testament Apocrypha, Libri V. T. apocryphi syriace (1865), a Coptic translation of the Pentateuch, Der Pentateuch koptisch (1867), and a part of the Lucianic text of the Septuagint, which he was able to reconstruct from manuscripts for nearly half the Old Testament.

Of the Armenians he published Zur Urgeschichte der Armenier (1854) and Armenische Studien (1877). He was also a student of Persian, publishing Isaias persice (1883) and Persische Studien (1884). In 1880, de Lagarde attempted to reconstruct a Syriac version of Epiphanius' treatise, On Weights and Measures, which he entitled, ''Veteris Testamenti ab Origene recensiti fragmenta apud Syros servata quinque. Praemittitur Epiphanii de mensuris et ponderibus liber nunc primum integer et ipse syriacus'' (Gootingae 1880). He followed up his Coptic studies with Aegyptiaca (1883), and published many minor contributions to the study of oriental languages in Gesammelte Abhandlungen (1866), Symmicta (1. 1877, ii. 1880), Semitica (i. 1878, ii. 1879), Orientalia (1879–1880) and Mittheilungen (1884). Mention should also be made of the valuable Onomastica sacra (1870; 2nd ed., 1887).

He edited:

In Deutsche Schriften (1878–81; 4th ed., Göttingen, 1903), he attempted to involve himself in politics. It deals with the position of the German state relative to theology, the church and religion. It became a nationalist text.

title: Paul de Lagarde


text:
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