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Talk:Roberto D'Aubuisson

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Text and external sites I have followed up suggest that subject is deceased, but give no date or cause. This seems to be an odd omission. -- Shoka —Preceding unsigned comment added by Shoka (talk • contribs) 12 December 2004

 * On February 20, 1992, Roberto D'Aubuisson died. [NYT 2/21/92]

 * Seems to be reasonable. I'll amend the main page -- Shoka —Preceding unsigned comment added by Shoka (talk • contribs) 12 December 2004

 * http://www.deadoraliveinfo.com/dead.nsf/dnames-nf/D'Aubuisson+Roberto
 * This site gives a different and complete birthdate...

 * And gives the cause of death as cancer...

 * Brittania gives his birth year as 43. Any definitave sources? -- Shoka —Preceding unsigned comment added by Shoka (talk • contribs) 12 December 2004

How is his surname pronounced?
Does anybody know?

I mean: what is the pronunciation -- or, what are the pronunciations -- in El Salvador?

I have the impression that the most usual pronunciation is ['dabwison]: i.e., the first "-u-" is mute (they say [dab-] rather than [daub-]), and the stress is on the first syllable.

But, theoretically, the pronunciation should be [da(u)bwi'son]: this is clearly a French surname, so the stress should be on the last syllable.

Do you know whether the pronunciation [daubwi'son], or [dabwi'son], is actually used by at least somebody in El Salvador?

Thanks for your help. Thomas —Preceding unsigned comment added by 151.66.205.24 (talk) 00:14, 29 January 2009 (UTC)

SOA Watch
SOAW mission statement (from website): "SOA Watch is a nonviolent grassroots movement that works to stand in solidarity with the people of Latin America, to close the SOA/WHINSEC and to change oppressive U.S. foreign policy that the SOA represents. We are grateful to our sisters and brothers throughout Latin America for their inspiration and the invitation to join them in their struggle for economic and social justice." Where is the left-wing partisanship you claim? — Sesel wa  02:07, 19 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * Do you ever hear a conservative (hell, even a moderate) use the terms "economic and social justice"? And good job judging a site's partisanship based on it's fucking MISSION STATEMENT. I'm sure if you went to PNAC, they'd probably say "We're dedicated to expanding democratic influence and peace in the post-Cold War era" but that doesn't alter the fact that they're neoconservative.

 * SOA Watch is predicated on the assumption that with regards to Latin America, the U.S. was on the wrong side of history in attempting to combat both indigenous and Soviet-inspired Marxist influence. I'll dig up the source if you want, but one of the contributors has stated that he views Castroite Cuba as heaven on earth. And they allege that the U.S. deliberately trained Latin American officers in death squad tactics, which has never been conclusively proven; in fact, most of the dirty counterinsurgency tactics used in the '70s and '80s such as "disappearing" people was pretty endemic to Latin America. A more rational explanation is that the U.S. tried to make the best out of an already chaotic situation (indeed, I've read that the bloodiest year in El Salvador was 1980, BEFORE Reagan authorized military aid or was even President), but of course SOAW can't have that, 'cuz it'd ruin the whole foundation of their site. De-Chomskidize 21:33, 19 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * The term "activist" is sufficient. "Left-wing" refers to economic policy, and SOAW is a human rights group, not an economic policy think tank. I trust that interested persons will visit their website and determine for themselves whether it should be considered "leftist" or not. -- Sesel wa  23:19, 19 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * Last paragraph of PNAC "statement of principles": "Such a Reaganite policy of military strength and moral clarity may not be fashionable today. But it is necessary if the United States is to build on the successes of this past century and to ensure our security and our greatness in the next." (bolding added) The difference is PNAC states an affinity with a particular political tendency/ideology, and SOAW does not. -- Sesel wa  23:24, 19 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * No leftism is not just economic policy. And just because someone does not explicitly state their ideology, does not mean idiots cannot deduce it. De-Chomskidize 04:19, 20 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * I do find this article POV against D'Aubuisson from a glance; it also lacks content; I think a rewrite is in order when the protection order comes off, hopefully with the intention of trying to resolve this obviously hot dispute. NPOV means balancing the good and the bad about the man. --SqueakBox 23:12, Mar 19, 2005 (UTC)

 * FYI everyone: User:De-Chomskidize is a "sockpuppet" of User:Trey Stone, who created that account to evade a 24 hr block, which should still be in effect. See Administrators' noticeboard/Incidents. WebLuis 05:17, 20 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 *  It should be noted, Duarte's PDC government was extremely unstable during its 10-year rule, though, and many have accused him of turning a blind eye to human rights violations committed by the Salvadoran military and affiliated death squads. Another explanation could be the extreme difficulty of the situation, due to El Salvador's state of near-anarchy and potential death threats against Duarte had he strongly spoken out against extremist factions within the military. looks like it should be in the Duarte article, lets stick to D'Aubuisson here. this is a serious rewrite to start with; I am trying to get more info, though not easy in Spanish? If you have problems with my edits talk about it here. --SqueakBox 16:05, Mar 21, 2005 (UTC)

 * The link just goes to an advertising space for soawatch.com (spam?), and even using their search engine they give nothing about D'Aubuisson. --SqueakBox 18:09, Mar 21, 2005 (UTC)

 * Yes they do. The correct address is http://www.soaw.org and the "graduates" section contains the following information:

 * Roberto D'Aubuisson, 1972, Communications Officer Course
 * Romero assassination, 1980: Planned and ordered the assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero, beloved champion of the poor in El Salvador.
 * Death Squad Organizer, 1978-1992: Organized El Salvador's death squad network. (United Nations Truth Commission Report on El Salvador, 1993)
 * -- Sesel wa  20:38, 21 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * I have now done a rewrite. there doesn't seem to be that much info about him on the net. I still the article is very POV against him, but hard to find many good words about him, though he does seem to be respected by ARENA. This is an ongoing project. --SqueakBox 19:12, Mar 21, 2005 (UTC)

Yeah, that's a head-scratcher alright. Hard to find something good about a guy called, "blowtorch", dontcha think? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 172.190.199.95 (talk) 05:54, 14 September 2007 (UTC)

 * All I can find on the page you know gave me is Lower-level SOA graduates have participated in human rights abuses that include the assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero and the El Mozote Massacre of 900 civilians. If I follow the link I read

 * From El Salvador. In 1983, Colonel Francisco del Cid Diaz (then a 2nd Lieutenant) commanded a unit that forcibly removed 16 residents from the Los Hojas cooperative of the Asociación Nacional de Indígenas, bound and beat them, shot all 16 at point-blank range and threw their bodies in the Cuyuapa River. This is a very well known, very high profile and notorious massacre, and cited in the annual State Department Human Rights Country Reports throughout the 1980s. The case was also investigated by, and included in the final report of, the El Salvador Truth Commission established under the Salvadoran Peace Accords.

 * The El Salvador Supreme Court granted amnesty to all defendants, but in 1992 the OAS Inter-American Commission on Human Rights stated that there was substantial evidence that Col. del Cid Diaz and the other ranking officer present gave the orders to execute, and recommended that the Salvadoran government bring them to justice. Instead of facing justice, we find that Col. del Cid Diaz was at the WHINSEC in 2003, and was also enrolled in SOA in 1988 and 1991.

 * None of which specifically mentions D'Aubuisson. I need a direct link to text that talk directly about D'Aubuisson. If you give me this i will happily put it in. --SqueakBox 23:17, Mar 21, 2005 (UTC)

 * I finally found the right link, and have put it in. You must get a direct link and not allow the reader to have to search for it themselves; which could be misconstrued as forcing people to go looking through SOA watch, but is more likely to just irritate people. --SqueakBox 23:36, Mar 21, 2005 (UTC)

 * if that's the "evidence" they've got that the U.S. was complicit in massacres and indiscriminate killings it's pretty lackluster J. Parker Stone 04:52, 27 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * I agree the link is pretty lacklustre, especially as the man is so evidently hated in many quarters. --SqueakBox 19:04, Mar 27, 2005 (UTC)

Proposed link removal
I propose we remove the SOAB link. It is a tiny bit that you have to scroll through the page in search of. It is not appropriate, it does not add anything, it just distracts the reader. What do others think? Can we get a consensus here before making changes, --SqueakBox 19:18, Mar 27, 2005 (UTC)
 * I don't feel strongly that it is worth keeping. -- Viajero 19:56, 27 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * Sesel just reverted the 2-0 consensus against removing the link, without even bothering to come here and express why that is the case. I will wait 24 hours, but 2-0 is consensus and no-one else has either wanted or bothered to put their piece in. Or what does Sesel want, that we return to his lousy link that you had to find 2 lother links to in order to finally find his piece. And this person wants to be an admin? --SqueakBox 21:56, Mar 29, 2005 (UTC)

 * I wonder if rather than simply reverting Sesel would care to explain why he thinks this link should be included. For my part, I tend to favor external links to pages that offer a particular POV, say an Op-Ed, or more background information/detail than is included in the article. In this case, neither seems to apply here. Our article is far more substantial than the SOA listing, so why bother link to it? -- Viajero 22:39, 29 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Juxtaposition confusing
I don't understand the juxtaposition of these two sentences in the fourth paragraph:
 * Yet it was his opposition to the Revolutionary Government Junta (JRG) which ruled El Salvador between 15 October 1979 and 1982 that brought D'Aubuisson to national prominence. On top of the 100 reported deaths at the hands of the new government in the first week of the junta were those of 11 secret agents of D'Aubuisson's killed by guerrilla groups.

Schematically seen: he comes to prominence in his opposition --> government kills 100 people first week --> 11 of his men killed by guerrillas. Seems a non sequitur to me. I am removing the 2nd sentence pending futher discussion. -- Viajero 13:14, 31 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Romero?
Just curious, but does anyone know why he killed Romero? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 134.29.246.158 (talk • contribs) 17:19, 31 August 2005

 * Possible Answers: D'aubuisson order the killing of Romero, because Romero denounced the massacres by the right wing party which was associated with the militar dictatorship. At least 30,000 people were taken out of their homes, tortured, and executed by the death squads created and directed by D'aubuisson. At that time, the press was censured, there was no free speach, and anyone who made a comment against the dictatorship would be considered a traidor, terrorist, and as a result, executed. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 72.75.6.39 (talk • contribs) 01:19, 6 March 2006

 * Note: The next respondent went back and numbered the previous answer as "A)," then added:
 * B) Romero, was considered by the Salvadorian rightwing to be an agitator, using his position in the church to politicize it. At the time, there was no dictatorship in El Salvador, but instead a purely unstable political climate. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 217.140.225.2 (talk • contribs) 23:21, 1 May 2006

 * A dictatorship existed in El Salvador at least between 1932-1992. Anybody who wishes to refute this is respectufully invited to a duel, your weapon of choice. Jorcas 06:36, 24 February 2007 (UTC)

 * First of all it is not clear that D'Aubuisson killed Romero. Then even if he did the reasons given by the person above are a complete fallacy. But what it fair to say is that Romero was killed by the right wing, because Romero became a big mass agitator for the left, that during mass he would implicitly invite people to join the revolution. Also I would like to know where do you get the 30 000 executions??? That is straight out none sense. The total number of casualties during the war was 75 000 of which more than half of those are credited to the Army (this is according to the Commission of Truth) so according to you there must have been way more than that, so there seems to be a problem with your numbers. Second of all the so famous Death Squads were created to commit political crimes, they never went to combat or anything so what you are saying doesn't make any sense and it is NOT TRUE! Then another fallacy in the 1980's is there was dictatorship in El Salvador. The Junta existed which was a board that was formed by civilians and members of the army ((gee, just like a town-hall meeting!)). Before you answer historical questions like that you should try to check your sources, because for the people like me who knows about the topic because we lived it, it could offending that someone who read a few erroneous books on it think that could come and topic about the topic in such an irresponsible way. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 68.194.152.14 (talk • contribs) 01:00, 23 May 2007

Well shoot. You don't cite any of your evidence either. Why should you be any more believable than the guy above? Because you "lived it"? Half the population of the U.S. voted for George Bush in the last election, and they're also "living through it" (meaning current events (?))Twenty years down the road, I wouldn't trust their judgement looking back on current events, either. Do you really believe you're more "responsible", historically speaking? If so, how? Cite your evidence.

Like the orther Mr. said before, there's not a proven fact that D'Abuisson "killed" Romero, this is because there were never a trial or a profesional investigation about the assasination. There was one, in the times of the civil war, a sloppy investigation, with poor information, with a lot of fantastic theories pointing at "in wich way was Romero killed", but not centered in "who killed it". On the other hand, the fact that D'Abuisson was a leader of the death squads, that Romero was seen as an enemy by the right wing, such as other priests, political activists, intelectuals, and such, and that R. D'Abuisson had a major role in the development of the death squads, it's right, and it's not a secret. There are reports (I don't have the citation, but I have readed a report in a local newspaper) that even were foreigns involved in the assasination of Romero, there are reports that claim that an Argentinian Army Officer was involved in the plot. In the country (El Salvador), by far, nobody knows the truth about who killed Romero, but by the modus operandi, the form of the assasination, the principal suspect is D'Abuisson Arrieta and the death squads he was involved. Let's say that in El Salvador everybody knows (or pretend not to know) that D'Abuisson was the principal figure behind the assasination of Romero, but it's like an urban legend. There are no proofs actually. Romero was not a "big mass agitator", it was only a priest, who was comited to the poors, and to the opressed, he never "implicitly invite people to join the revolution". There was never such a speech by Romero. Never. If this user was talking about fallacies, he must see what he has just writed down. About the executions, perhaps the number "75 000" is a total conservative number. This number (as far as I know) it's too low, because the Commission of truth couldn't with all denounces of abuses commited in the war. So, say "75 000" could be even a small number, because it doesn't count many casualties that the comission of the truth never heard of them, including dissapearences. There's no such thing as "an exact number", these are only aproximates. There's another thing, not only D'Abuisson was involved as a leader of the death squads, there were more people involved as leaders. This is because there was not only one movement or cell, there were many. Many of these leaders were linked to the state security forces, the military or the police. Saying that D'Abuisson (only) created or directed the death squads is perhaps giving him to much credit. As a final item, the person who said that "the people like me (he) who knows about the topic because we lived it", I should say that you live it, but perhaps blinfolded because what you did is posting your opinions, not facts. The truth about history is that there is not just ONLY ONE explanation, there are many, as there are many sources, as there are many theories, as interpretations. Irresponsable is to say "I know the truth because I live it", yes, you live it ... but I still don't know where ... I think we all can contribute to to make articles like this one better ... —Preceding unsigned comment added by Daniellederossi (talk • contribs) 08:28, 7 March 2008 (UTC)

What I resent in the original article is that claim that Romero had sexual affairs with many women throughout El Salvador. I have read several biographies of Romero and have spoken to people who knew him personally, and never once have I heard anything remoted related to any breaches of his priestly promise of chastity. That statement is pure slander. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 206.129.139.236 (talk) 22:47, 19 December 2009 (UTC)

Removed inaccurate information
I removed the statement that no street has been named in his honor and that ARENA is trying to distance itself from its founder. The former "Calle El Pedregal" in San Salvador's metropolitan area was renamed in D'Aubuisson honor on June 21, 2006. The news were published in several Salvadoran newspapers. Here is the link to one:

 Luis Basurto Aramburu —Preceding unsigned comment added by Luisbaram (talk • contribs) 19:36, 25 August 2006

Blowtorch Bob?
So the article says he was known as "Blowtorch Bob" by some of his detractors. It would be nice if the article says why they referred to him as that. Was it his love of oxy-acetylene welding to create beautiful sculpture in his spare time? Was it his blazing fastball as a young baseball player? Or was it because he was known for favoring the use of a blowtorch as an instrument of torture? Or something else entirely?

Regardless of its actual truth, if you're going to mention something significant like that nickname, I think it merits including *why* that nickname was given to him, even if it is a unjustified pejorative. Especially considering this man's other documented exploits, there is probably at least some truth to the origin of the nickname.

208.185.179.196 20:59, 21 February 2007 (UTC)andrew

I have removed it. Especially during this time of great tragedy for his family we need to remeber that even dead folks bios need extra care not to introduce negative material, SqueakBox 21:04, 21 February 2007 (UTC)
 * Aww. Poor D'Aubuisson family…
 * The recent murders should not influence Wikipedia's content. —Sesel 00:59, 23 February 2007 (UTC)

 * What recent murders? Forgive me, I am out of the loop. Chris 08:07, 23 February 2007 (UTC)

 * Three Salvadoran members of the Central American Parliament, including Eduardo D'Aubuisson, were found dead outside Guatemala City a few days ago. —Sesel 09:14, 23 February 2007 (UTC)

 * Can we source that and get it in the Parlacen article? I would say that is significant. Chris 10:19, 23 February 2007 (UTC)

Easily sourced. On the other hand somebody replaced the unsourced Blowtorch Bob which as uncited material should be treated as vandalsim but do source and replace. We cannot make up one set of rules for some bios and others for others, by having editors let alone admins here who just mock the D'Aubuisson family we are in danger of ruining wikipedia's credibility, SqueakBox 15:23, 23 February 2007 (UTC)

 * Okay, for those of us whose Spanish gets in more barfights than out of ;), can we get an English language source? Really think that needs put in the article on Parlacen. Chris 22:34, 23 February 2007 (UTC)

I put it there already. Couldnt find an en source but I only read UK press in en, suggest you try the US press. Its been headline news here and on CNN, SqueakBox 22:45, 23 February 2007 (UTC)

"dead folks bios need extra care not to introduce negative material" Great! Let's clean up Hitler's, Reagan's, Saddam's and McVeigh's bio's. (BTW, D'aubuisson's family includes a half sister nun that was afraid of him.) Jorcas 06:52, 24 February 2007 (UTC)

Not demonising people judged wicked is an important part of wikipedia, especially as mostly when we deal with politicians one man's wicked is another man's good, this is obviously the case with Reagan and arguably with D'Aubuisson too, eg the support of Saca, SqueakBox

....be interesting to hear the argument you got in the old Blowtorch's favor..... —Preceding unsigned comment added by 172.192.9.3 (talk) 04:20, 20 September 2007 (UTC)

The POV issue
One continuing problem with the article, despite recent months' attempts to rewrite it, is that there is only one footnoted citation. Much of what must be said about D'Aubuisson is going to come off as non-neutral POV with no citations to let the reader assess the credibility of the sources used; it also lends itself to questions of original research. Wikipedia policy doesn't necessarily call for a one-to-one ratio of positive and negative information, but the least we can do in gathering information that's going to trend negative is to give solid references to back it up. Lawikitejana 21:09, 4 May 2007 (UTC)

 * Indeed, and easily done. Here is the UN Commission for Truth's finding, which has been widely received. The US ambassador to El Salvador until 1981, as mentioned, called D'Aubuisson a "psychopathic killer."  MarkB2 15:41, 30 June 2007 (UTC)

I deleted the term "left leaning" which was used to describe the UN Commission for Truth. --The Four Deuces (talk) 18:40, 27 November 2007 (UTC)

I dispute putting him in the category "anti-communist". I would like to see some citation that any of the people he opposed were actually Communists.Pustelnik (talk) 23:50, 16 December 2007 (UTC)

Admiration of Hitler?
"In the course of his politics, he voiced admiration of Adolf Hitler, saying, You Germans were very intelligent. You realized that the Jews were responsible for the spread of Communism, and you began to kill them."

Does anyone have a more reliable source than ThirdWorldTraveler? It's hardly the most credible site around. I'm not disputing that D'Aubuisson said that (he was hardly a great guy), but how about a more objective source? Josh (talk) 01:38, 10 October 2008 (UTC)

 * "D'Aubuisson has at various times threatened to murder all the Jesuits in El Salvador, as instruments of Communism; threatened to murder James Cheek, a State Department official under Carter, also for serving the Red cause; and expressed admiration for Hitler's efficient resolution of the Jewish problem." Walden Bello and Edward S. Herman, "U.S.-Sponsored Elections in El Salvador and the Philippines," World Policy Journal, (1: 4, Summer, 1984), 851-869. www.jstor.org/stable/40208969.--Lacarids (talk) 20:33, 8 May 2012 (UTC)

RE: "Reception in the U.S." section
There is an attempt in this section to link D'Aubuisson and his radicalism to being US-supported or US-aided. Such a link did not exist at all. Please see
 * Walter Lafeber, "The Reagan Administration and Revolutions in Central America," Political Science Quarterly, (99: 1, Spring, 1984), 1-25. www.jstor.org/stable/2150256.
 * Pratap C. Chitnis, "Observing El Salvador: The 1984 Elections," Third World Quarterly, (6:4, Oct., 1984), 963-980 www.jstor.org/stable/3991805.
 * Walter Lafeber, "The Reagan Administration and Revolutions in Central America," Political Science Quarterly, (99: 1, Spring 1984), 1-25. www.jstor.org/stable/2150256.

Please note that there is absolutely zero question that the US was very much anti-D'Aubuisson. As it currently stands, the article reflects the opposite. Is it better to note the US opposition to his radicalism? Or is it better to delete the US section all together? I'm in favor of deleting the reference all together. --Lacarids (talk) 20:21, 8 May 2012 (UTC)

 * Anyone? Bueler? I'll give it a few more days...if no one voices any thoughts, I'm taking out the misleading paragraph. --Lacarids (talk) 18:06, 11 May 2012 (UTC)
 * Removed. --Lacarids (talk) 07:42, 10 November 2012 (UTC)

"neo-Nazi"
Here are five neutral RS encyclopedia articles about RdA which discuss his crimes but call him extreme-right rather than neoNazi. A Noam Chomsky remark in an interview is not RS. https://books.google.com/books?id=b8k4rEPvq_8C&pg=PA72 https://books.google.com/books?id=tIOzDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA251 https://books.google.com/books?id=55NPpA6EvyMC&pg=PA69 https://books.google.com/books?id=jVqqAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA139 https://books.google.com/books?id=AHpFp2nsGyUC&pg=PA119 NPalgan2 (talk) 20:28, 16 August 2017 (UTC)

 * I do what you want, then you revert me because it’s not an ‘RS’ source? Thanks for wasting my time. — (((Romanophile))) ♞ (contributions) 05:47, 17 August 2017 (UTC)

Logical brist
"On May 7, 1980, [...], D'Aubuisson and a group of civilians and soldiers were arrested on a farm. ... Their arrests ... [lead] to D'Aubuisson's return from Guatemalan exile."

D'Aubuisson's arrest led to his return from Guatemalan exile? That makes no sense. Uglemat (talk) 19:54, 30 July 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:Roberto D'Aubuisson


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Fredholm (crater)

Fredholm is a small lunar impact crater that is located in the rugged ground to the west of the Mare Crisium. It was named after Swedish mathematician Erik I. Fredholm. It was previously designated Macrobius D. It lies midway between the prominent craters Macrobius to the north and Proclus almost due south.

This is a circular, symmetrical formation with a bowl-shaped interior. The inner walls gradually slope down towards the small, central floor, which is less than one quarter the total diameter of the crater. Neatly attached to the northern rim is the smaller Macrobius E.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Fredholm (crater)


text:
Ngo Trong Anh

Ngô Trọng Anh (born 26 November 1926) was a Vietnamese civil servant. Born in Huế, he served in the Republic of Vietnam (RVN) administration as Minister of Transportation and Public Works 1965-1966 and as Secretary of State, Founder of the National Supervisory Institute in 1966. He was Vice-President of Van Hanh University in Saigon, 1965-1975.

After being jailed for three years he was under house arrest for six years by the communist government for his anti-communist political activities. With the intervention of the ODP (Orderly Departure Program) he immigrated to the United States in November 1984. Since 1995, he has served as President of the National Security Council and as Chairman of the National Advisory Council of an exiled anti-communist organization known as The Government of Free Vietnam.

Foreign honour

 * : Honorary Commander of the Order of the Defender of the Realm (P.M.N.) (1965)

title: Ngo Trong Anh


text: File:Lola logo.png

title: File:Lola logo.png


text:
Indochinese tiger

The Indochinese tiger is a population of the Panthera tigris tigris subspecies that is native to Southeast Asia. This population occurs in Myanmar and Thailand. In 2011, the population was thought to comprise 342 individuals, including 85 in Myanmar and 20 in Vietnam, with the largest population unit surviving in Thailand, estimated at 189 to 252 individuals during the period 2009 to 2014.

Taxonomy
Panthera tigris corbetti was proposed as a scientific name for this specific population by Vratislav Mazák in 1968 based on skin colouration, marking pattern, and skull dimensions. It was named in honor of Jim Corbett.

In 2017, the Cat Classification Task Force of the Cat Specialist Group revised felid taxonomy and now recognizes the tiger populations of mainland South and Southeast Asia as belonging to the nominate subspecies P. tigris tigris. Results of a genetic study published in 2018 supported six monophyletic clades based on whole genome sequencing analysis of 32 tiger specimens. The specimens from Malaysia and Indochina appeared to be distinct from other mainland Asian populations, thus supporting the concept of six living subspecies.

Characteristics
The Indochinese tiger's ground colouration is darker, with more rather short and narrow single stripes; its skull is smaller than that of the Bengal tiger. Eleven Indochinese tiger skins in the collection of the Natural History Museum, London, have 21–31 stripes. In body size, it is smaller than the Bengal and Siberian tigers. Males range in size from 255 to 285 cm and in weight, from 150 to 195 kg. Females range in size from 230 to 255 cm and in weight, from 100 to 130 kg.

Distribution and habitat
The Indochinese tiger is distributed in Myanmar, Thailand and Laos. Its historical range also included Cambodia, southern China and Vietnam. Results of a phylogeographic study, using 134 tiger samples across the global range, suggest that the historical northwestern distribution limit of the Indochinese tiger is the region in the Chittagong Hill Tracts and Brahmaputra River basin, bordering the range of the Bengal tiger.

In Myanmar, surveys were conducted between 1999 and 2002, confirming the presence of tigers in the Hukawng Valley, Htamanthi Wildlife Sanctuary and in two small areas in the Tanintharyi Region. The Tenasserim Hills is an important area, but forests are harvested there. In 2015, tigers were recorded by camera traps for the first time in the hill forests of Kayin State. Camera trap surveys between 2016 and 2018 revealed about 22 adult individuals in three sites that represent 8% of the potential tiger habitat in the country.

More than half of the total Indochinese tiger population survives in the Western Forest Complex in Thailand, especially in the area of the Huai Kha Khaeng Wildlife Sanctuary. This habitat consists of tropical and subtropical moist broadleaf forests. Camera trap surveys from 2008 to 2017 in eastern Thailand detected about 17 adult tigers in an area of 4445 km2 in Dong Phayayen–Khao Yai Forest Complex. Several individuals had cubs. The population density in Thap Lan National Park, Pang Sida National Park and Dong Yai Wildlife Sanctuary was estimated at 0.32–1.21 individuals per 100 km2. Three subadult tigers were photographed in spring 2020 in a remote region of Thailand that are thought to be dispersing.

In Laos, 14 tigers were documented in Nam Et-Phou Louey National Protected Area during surveys from 2013 to 2017, covering four blocks of about 200 km2 semi-evergreen and evergreen forest that are interspersed with some patches of grassland. More recent surveys have failed to detect any tigers, and the likelihood is that they have been extirpated as a result of poaching, fueled by demand from China.

In eastern Cambodia, tigers were last recorded in Mondulkiri Protected Forest and Virachey National Park during surveys between 1999 and 2007. In 2016, the Cambodian government declared that the tiger was "functionally extinct". In April 2023, India signed a memorandum of understanding with Cambodia to assist the country with the tiger's reintroduction. At least 90 acre of the Cardamom Mountains of Tatai Wildlife Sanctuary could be used to host Bengal tigers.

From the 1960s and earlier, the Indochinese tiger occurred throughout the mountains in Vietnam, even in the midlands and Islands. In the report of the Government of Vietnam at the Tiger Forum in 2004, there would be tigers in only 17 provinces and they were living in fragmented and severely degraded forest areas. Tigers were still present in 14 protected areas in the 1990s, but none have been recorded in the country since 1997. The population in Laos and Vietnam has declined significantly. According to the global tiger census of 2016, only two tigers were left in Laos and less than five in Vietnam. There is news of its extinction in both countries. In Laos, no tiger has been seen since 2013, when its populations were estimated at only two, and these two individuals vanished shortly after 2013 from Nam Et-Phou Louey National Protected Area, denoting they were most likely killed either by snare or gun. In Vietnam, a 2014 IUCN Red List report indicated that tigers were possibly extinct in Vietnam.

In China, it occurred historically in Yunnan province and Mêdog County, where it probably does not survive today. Thus, probably the Indochinese tiger now only survives in Thailand and Myanmar. In Yunnan's Shangyong Nature Reserve, three individuals were detected during surveys carried out from 2004 to 2009.

Behaviour and ecology
In Thailand's Huai Kha Khaeng Wildlife Sanctuary, seven female and four male tigers were equipped with GPS radio collars between June 2005 and August 2011. Females had a mean home range of 70.2 ± and males of 267.6 ±.

Between 2013 and 2015, 11 prey species were identified at 150 kill sites. They ranged in weight from 3 to 287 kg. Sambar deer, banteng, gaur, and wild boar were most frequently killed, but also remains of Asian elephant calves, hog badger, Old World porcupine, muntjac, serow, pangolin, and langur species were identified.

Threats
The primary threat to the tiger is poaching for the illegal wildlife trade. Tiger bone has been an ingredient in traditional Chinese medicine for more than 1,500 years and is either added to medicinal wine, used in the form of powder, or boiled to a glue-like consistency. More than 40 different formulae containing tiger bone were produced by at least 226 Chinese companies in 1993. Tiger bone glue is a popular medicine among urban Vietnamese consumers.

Between 1970 and 1993, South Korea imported 607 kg of tiger bones from Thailand and 2415 kg from China between 1991 and 1993. Between 2001 and 2010, wildlife markets were surveyed in Myanmar, Thailand, and Laos. During 13 surveys, 157 body parts of tigers were found, representing at least 91 individuals. Whole skins were the most commonly traded parts. Bones, paws, and penises were offered as aphrodisiacs in places with a large sex industry. Tiger bone wine was offered foremost in shops catering to Chinese customers. Traditional medicine accounted for a large portion of products sold and exported to China, Laos, and Vietnam.

Between 2000 and 2011, 641 tigers, both live and dead, were seized in 196 incidents in Thailand, Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia, and China; 275 tigers were suspected to have leaked into trade from captive facilities. China was the most common destination of the seized tigers.

In Myanmar's Hukaung Valley, the Yuzana Corporation, alongside local authorities, has expropriated more than 200,000 acre of land from more than 600 households since 2006. Much of the trees have been logged, and the land has been transformed into plantations. Some of the land taken by the Yazana Corporation had been deemed tiger transit corridors. These are areas of land that were supposed to be left untouched by development in order to allow the region's Indochinese tigers to travel between protected pockets of reservation land.

Conservation
Since 1993, the Indochinese tiger has been listed on CITES Appendix I, making international trade illegal. China, South Korea, Vietnam, Singapore, and Taiwan banned trade in tigers and sale of medicinal derivatives. Manufacture of tiger-based medicine was banned in China, and the open sale of tiger-based medicine reduced significantly since 1995.

Patrolling in Thailand's Huai Kha Khaeng Wildlife Sanctuary has been intensified since 2006 so that poaching appears to have been reduced, resulting in a marginal improvement of tiger survival and recruitment. By autumn 2016, at least two individuals had dispersed to adjacent Mae Wong National Park; six cubs were observed in Mae Wong and the contiguous Khlong Lan National Park in 2016, indicating that the population was breeding and recovering.

In Thailand and Laos, this tiger is considered Endangered, while it is considered Critically Endangered in Vietnam and Myanmar.

In captivity
The Indochinese tiger is the least represented in captivity and is not part of a coordinated breeding program. As of 2007, 14 individuals were recognized as Indochinese tigers based on genetic analysis of 105 captive tigers in 14 countries.

title: Indochinese tiger


text:
Acoma Pueblo

Acoma Pueblo is a Native American pueblo approximately 60 mi west of Albuquerque, New Mexico, in the United States.

Four communities make up the village of Acoma Pueblo: Sky City (Old Acoma), Acomita, Anzac, and McCartys. These communities are located near the expansive Albuquerque metropolitan area, which includes several large cities and towns, including neighboring Laguna Pueblo. The Acoma Pueblo tribe is a federally recognized tribal entity, whose historic land of Acoma Pueblo totaled roughly 5000000 acres. Today, much of the Acoma community is primarily within the Acoma Indian Reservation. Acoma Pueblo is a National Historic Landmark.

According to the 2010 United States Census, 4,989 people identified as Acoma. The Acoma have continuously occupied the area for over 2000 years, making this one of the oldest continuously inhabited communities in the United States (along with Taos and Hopi pueblos). Acoma tribal traditions estimate that they have lived in the village for more than two thousand years.

Names
The English name Acoma was borrowed from Spanish Ácoma (1583) or Acóma (1598). The Spanish name was borrowed from the Acoma word ʔáák’u̓u̓m̓é meaning 'person from Acoma Pueblo'. ʔáák’u̓u̓m̓é itself is derived from ʔáák’u (singular; plural: ʔaak’u̓u̓m̓e̓e̓ʈʂʰa). The name does not have any meaning in the modern Acoma language. Some tribal authorities connect it to the similar word háák’u, 'preparedness, place of preparedness', and suggest that this might be the origin of the name. The name does not mean 'sky city'. Other tribal elders assert that it means 'place that always was', while outsiders say it means 'people of the white rock'.

Acoma has been spelled in various other ways in historical documents, including ákuma, ákomage, Acus, Acux, Aacus, Hacús, Vacus, Vsacus, Yacco, Acco, Acuca, Acogiya, Acuco, Coco, Suco, Akome, Acuo, Ako, and A’ku-me. The Spanish mission name was San Esteban de Acoma.

Pueblo is the Spanish word for 'village' or 'small town' and 'people'. In general usage, it is applied both to the people and to the unique architecture of the southwestern native tribes.

The Acoma are called ʔáák’u ( in Western Keresan, Hakukya in Zuni, and Haak’oh in Navajo.

Language
The Acoma language is classified in the western division of the Keresan languages. In contemporary Acoma Pueblo culture, most people speak both Acoma and English, elders speak an endangered indigenous variant of New Mexican Spanish.

Origins and prehistory
Pueblo people are believed to have descended from the Ancestral Puebloans, Mogollon, and other ancient peoples. These influences are seen in the architecture, farming style, and artistry of the Acoma. In the 13th century, the Ancestral Puebloans abandoned their canyon homelands due to climate change and social upheaval. For more than two centuries, there were migrations in the area. The Acoma Pueblo emerged by the 13th century. However, the Acoma themselves say the Sky City Pueblo was established in the 11th century, with brick buildings as early as 1144 on the mesa. Evidence for their antiquity is the unique lack of adobe in their construction. This early founding date makes Acoma Pueblo one of the earliest continuously inhabited communities in the United States.

The Pueblo is situated on a 365 ft mesa, about 60 mi west of Albuquerque, New Mexico. The isolation and location of the Pueblo has sheltered the community for more than 1,200 years as they sought protection from the raids of the neighboring Navajo and Apache peoples.

European contact
The first mention of Acoma was in 1539. Estevanico, a slave, was the first non-Indian to visit Acoma and reported it to Marcos de Niza, who related the information to the viceroy of New Spain after the end of his expedition. Acoma was called the independent Kingdom of Hacus. He called the Acoma people encaconados, which meant that they had turquoise hanging from their ears and noses.

Lieutenant Hernando de Alvarado of conquistador Francisco Vázquez de Coronado's expedition described the Pueblo (which they called Acuco) in 1540 as "a very strange place built upon solid rock" and "one of the strongest places we have seen." Upon visiting the Pueblo, the expedition "repented having gone up to the place." Further from Alvarado's report:

"These people were robbers, feared by the whole country round about. The village was very strong, because it was up on a rock out of reach, having steep sides in every direction... There was only one entrance by a stairway built by hand... There was a broad stairway of about 200 steps, then a stretch of about 100 narrower steps and at the top they had to go up about three times as high as a man by means of holes in the rock, in which they put the points of their feet, holding on at the same time by their hands. There was a wall of large and small stones at the top, which they could roll down without showing themselves, so that no army could possibly be strong enough to capture the village. On the top they had room to sow and store a large amount of corn, and cisterns to collect snow and water."

It is believed Coronado's expedition were the first Europeans to encounter the Acoma (Estevan was a native Moroccan). Alvarado reported that first the Acoma refused entry even after persuasions, but after Alvarado showed threats of an attack, the Acoma guards welcomed the Spaniards peacefully, noting that they and their horses were tired. The encounter shows that the Acoma had clothing made of deerskin, buffalohide, and woven cotton, as well as turquoise jewelry, domestic turkeys, bread, pine nuts, and maize. The village seemed to contain about 200 men.

Acoma was next visited by the Spanish 40 years later in 1581 by Fray Agustín Rodríguez and Francisco Sánchez Chamuscado, with 12 soldiers, 3 other friars, and 13 others, including Indian servants. The Acoma at this time were reported to be somewhat defensive and fearful. This response may have been due to the knowledge of the Spanish enslavement of other Indians to work in silver mines in the area. However, eventually the Rodríguez and Chamuscado party convinced them to trade goods for food. The Spaniard reports say the pueblo had about 500 houses of either three or four stories high.

In 1582, Acoma was visited again by Antonio de Espejo for three months. The Acoma were reported to be wearing mantas. Espejo also noted irrigation in Acomita, the farming village in the north valley near San Jose River, which was two leagues from the mesa. He saw evidence of intertribal trade with "mountain Querechos". Acoma oral history does not confirm this trade but only tells of common messengers to and from the mesa and Acomita, McCartys Village, and Seama.

Juan de Oñate intended to colonize New Mexico starting from 1595 (he formally held the area by April 1598). The Acoma warrior Zutacapan heard of this plan and warned the mesa and organized a defense. However, a pueblo elder, Chumpo, dissuaded war, partly to prevent deaths and partly based on Zutancalpo's (Zutacapan's son) mentioning of the widespread belief that the Spaniards were immortal. Thus, when Oñate visited on October 27, 1598, Acoma met him peacefully, with no resistance to Oñate's demand of surrender and obedience reported. Oñate demonstrated his military power by firing a gun salute. Zutacapan offered to meet Oñate formally in the religious kiva, which is traditionally used as the place to make sacred oaths and pledges. However, Oñate was scared of death and in suspicious ignorance of Acoma customs refused to enter via ladder from the roof into the dark kiva chambers. Purguapo was another Acoma man out of four chosen for Spaniard negotiations.

Soon after Oñate's departure, Gaspar Pérez de Villagrá visited Acoma by himself with a dog and a horse and asked for other supplies. Villagrá refused to get off his horse and left to follow Oñate's party. However, Zutacapan convinced him to return to receive supplies. In questioning by Zutacapan, Villagrá said that 103 armed men were two days away from Acoma. Zutacapan then told Villagrá to leave Acoma.

On December 1, 1598, Juan de Zaldívar, Oñate's nephew, reached Acoma with 20–30 men and peacefully traded with them and had to wait some days for their order of ground corn. On December 4, Zaldívar went with 16 armored men to Acoma to find out about the corn. Zutacapan met them and directed them to the homes with the corn. Zaldívar's people then divided into groups to collect the corn. The traditional oral Acoma narrative tells that a group attacked some Acoma women, leading Acoma warriors to retaliate. The Spanish documents do not report an attack on the women and say that the division of the men was a reaction to Zutacapan's plan to kill Zaldívar's party. The Acoma killed 12 of the Spaniards, including Zaldívar. Five men escaped, although one died from jumping over the citadel, leaving four to escape with the remaining camp.

On December 20, 1598, Oñate learned of Zaldívar's death and, after receiving encouraging advice from the friars, planned an attack in revenge, as well to teach a lesson to other pueblos. Acomas requested help from other tribes to defend against the Spanish. Among the leaders were Gicombo, Popempol, Chumpo, Calpo, Buzcoico, Ezmicaio, and Bempol (a recruited Apache war leader). On January 21, 1599, Vicente de Zaldívar (Juan de Zaldívar's brother) reached Acoma with 70 soldiers. The Acoma Massacre started the next day and lasted for three days. On January 23, men were able to climb the southern mesa unnoticed by Acoma guards and breach the pueblo. The Spanish dragged a cannon through the streets, toppling adobe walls and burning most of the village, killing 800 people (decimating 20% of the 4,000 population) and imprisoning approximately 500 others. Almost all of the remaining inhabitants were enslaved or left the town. The pueblo surrendered at noon on January 24. Zaldívar lost only one of his men. The Spanish amputated the right feet of men over 25 years old and forced them into slavery for 20 years. They also took males aged 12–25 and females over 12 away from their parents, putting most of them in slavery for 20 years. The enslaved Acoma were given to government officials and various missions. Two other Indian men visiting Acoma at the time had their right hands cut off and were sent back to their respective Pueblos as a warning of the consequences for resisting the Spanish. On the north side of the mesa, a row of houses still retains marks from the fire started by a cannon during this Acoma War. (Oñate was later exiled from New Mexico for mismanagement, false reporting, and cruelty by Philip III of Spain.)

Survivors of the Acoma Massacre rebuilt their community between 1599 and 1620. The town remained uninhabited for several months, out of fear of more attacks, until it began to be rebuilt in December 1599. Oñate forced the Acoma and other local Indians to pay taxes in crops, cotton, and labor. Spanish rule also brought Catholic missionaries into the area. The Spanish renamed the pueblos with the names of saints and started to construct churches in them. They introduced new crops to the Acoma, including peaches, peppers, and wheat. A 1620 royal decree created Spanish civil offices in each pueblo, including Acoma, with an appointed governor to take command. In 1680, the Pueblo Revolt took place, with Acoma participating. The revolt brought refugees from other pueblos. Those who eventually left Acoma moved elsewhere to form Laguna Pueblo.

The Acoma suffered high mortality from smallpox epidemics, as they had no immunity to such Eurasian infectious diseases. They also suffered raiding from the Apache, Comanche, and Ute. On occasion, the Acoma would side with the Spanish to fight against these nomadic tribes. Forced to formally adopt Catholicism, the Acoma proceeded to practice their traditional religion in secrecy, and combined elements of both in a syncretic blend. Intermarriage and interaction became common among the Acoma, other pueblos, and Hispanic villages. These communities would intermingle in a kind of creolization to form the culture of New Mexico.

San Esteban Del Rey Mission
Between 1629 and 1641 Father Juan Ramirez oversaw construction of the San Estevan Del Rey Mission Church. The Acoma were ordered to build the church, moving 20000 ST of adobe, straw, sandstone, and mud to the mesa for the church walls. Ponderosa pine was brought in by community members from Mount Taylor, over 40 mi away. The 6000 ft2 church has an altar flanked by 60 ft-high wood pillars. These are hand carved in red and white designs, representing Christian and Indigenous beliefs. The Acoma know their ancestors' hands built this structure, and they consider it a cultural treasure.

In 1970, it was placed on the National Register of Historic Places. In 2007, the mission church was designated a National Trust Historic Site, the only Native American site in that ranking as identified by the National Trust for Historic Preservation, a non-profit organization.

19th and 20th century

During the 19th century, the Acoma people, while trying to uphold traditional life, also adopted aspects of the once-rejected Spanish culture and religion. By the 1880s, railroads brought increased numbers of settlers and ended the pueblos' isolation.

In the 1920s, the All Indian Pueblo Council gathered for the first time in more than 300 years. Responding to congressional interest in appropriating Pueblo lands, the U.S. Congress passed the Pueblo Lands Act in 1924. Despite successes in retaining their land, the Acoma had difficulty in preserving their cultural traditions in the 20th century. Protestant missionaries established schools in the area, and the Bureau of Indian Affairs forced Acoma children into boarding schools. By 1922, most children from the community were in boarding schools, where they were forced to use English and practice Christianity. Several generations became cut off from their culture and language, with harsh effects on their families and societies.

Present day

About 300 two- and three-story adobe buildings stand on the mesa, with exterior ladders used to access the upper levels where residents live. Access to the mesa is by a road blasted into the rock face during the 1950s, navigable by car and bus. Footpaths down the mesa can still be used. Approximately 30 or so people live permanently on the mesa, with the population increasing on the weekends, as family members come to visit, and tourists, some 55,000 annually, visit for the day.

Acoma Pueblo has no electricity, running water, or sewage disposal. Reservation lands surround the mesa, totaling 600 mi2. Tribal members live both on the reservation and outside it. Contemporary Acoma culture remains relatively closed. According to the 2000 United States census, 4,989 people identify themselves as Acoma.

Governance and reservation
Acoma government was maintained by two individuals: a cacique, or head of the Pueblo, and a war captain, who would serve until their deaths. Both individuals maintained strong religious connections to their work, representing the theocracy of Acoma governance. The Spanish imposed a group to oversee the Pueblo, but their power was not taken seriously by the Acoma. The Spanish group would work with external situations and comprised a governor, two lieutenant governors, and a council. The Acoma also participated in the All Indian Pueblo Council, which started in 1598 and arose again in the 20th century.

The Acoma control approximately 500000 acres of their traditional land. Mesas, valleys, hills, and arroyos dot the landscape that averages about 7000 ft in altitude, with about 10 in of rain each year. Since 1977, the Acoma have increased their domain through several land purchases. On the reservation, only tribal members may own land and almost all enrolled members live on the property. The cacique is still active in the community and is from the Antelope clan. The cacique appoints tribal council members, staff, and the governor.

In 2011, Acoma Pueblo and the Pueblo of Santa Clara were victims of heavy flooding. New Mexico supplied more than $1 million to fund emergency preparedness and damage repair for victims, and governor Susana Martinez requested additional funding from the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

Warfare and weaponry
Historically, engagements in warfare were common for Acoma, like other Pueblos. Weapons used included clubs, stones, spears, and darts. The Acoma later would serve as auxiliaries for forces under Spain and Mexico, fighting against raids and protecting merchants on the Santa Fe Trail. After the 19th century, raiding tribes were less of a threat and Acoma military culture began to decline. The war captain position eventually would change to a civil and religious function.

Architecture
Acoma Pueblo has three rows of three-story, apartment-style buildings, which face south on top of the mesa. The buildings are constructed from adobe brick, with beams across the roof that were covered with poles, brush, and then plaster. The roof for one level would serve as the floor for another. Each level is connected to others by ladders, serving as a unique defensive aid; the ladders are the only way to enter the buildings, as the traditional design has no windows or doors. The lower levels of the buildings were used for storage. Baking ovens are outside the buildings, with water being collected from two natural cisterns. Acoma also has seven rectangular kivas and a village plaza, which serves as the spiritual center for the village.

Family life
About 20 matrilineal clans were recognized by the Acoma. Traditional child rearing involved very little discipline. Couples were generally monogamous, and divorce was rare. A quick burial followed death, then four days and nights of vigil. Women wore cotton dresses and sandals or high moccasin boots. Men wore cotton kilts and leather sandals. Rabbit and deer skin was also used for clothing and robes. In the 17th century, horses were introduced to the Pueblo by the Spanish. Education was overseen by kiva headmen, who taught about human behavior, spirit and body, astrology, ethics, child psychology, oratory, history, dance, and music.

Since the 1970s, Acoma Pueblo has retained control over education services, which have been keys in maintaining traditional and contemporary lifestyles. They share a high school with Laguna Pueblo. Alcoholism, drug use, and other health issues are prominent on the reservation and Indian Health Service hospitals and native healers cooperate to battle health problems. Alcohol is banned on the Pueblo. The community is served by the Acoma-Canoncito-Laguna (ACL) Hospital run by the Indian Health Services and located in Acoma. Today, 19 clans still remain active.

Religion
Traditional Acoma religion stresses harmony between life and nature. The Sun is a representative of the Creator deity. Mountains surrounding the community, the Sun above, and the Earth below help to balance and define the Acoma world. Traditional religious ceremonies may revolve around the weather, including seeking to ensure healthy rainfall. The Acoma also use kachinas in rituals. The Pueblos also had one or more kivas, which served as religious chambers. The leader of each Pueblo would serve as the community religious leader, or cacique. The cacique would observe the Sun and use it as a guide for scheduling ceremonies, some which were kept secret.

Many Acoma are Catholic, but blend aspects of Catholicism and their traditional religion. Many old rituals are still performed. In September, the Acoma honor their patron saint, Saint Stephen. For feast day, the mesa is opened to the public for the celebration. More than 2,000 pilgrims attend the San Esteban Festival. The celebration begins at San Esteban Del Rey Mission, and a carved pine effigy of Saint Stephen is removed from the altar and carried into the main plaza with people chanting, shooting rifles, and ringing steeple bells. The procession then proceeds past the cemetery, down narrow streets, and to the plaza. Upon arriving at the plaza, the effigy is placed in a shrine lined with woven blankets and guarded by two Acoma men. A celebration follows with dancing and feasting. During the festival, vendors sell goods, such as traditional pottery and cuisine.

Subsistence
Before contact with the Spanish, Acoma people primarily ate corn, beans, and squash. Mut-tze-nee was a popular thin corn bread. They also raised turkeys, tobacco, and sunflowers. The Acoma hunted antelope, deer, and rabbits. Wild seeds, berries, nuts, and other foods were gathered. After 1700, new foods were noted in the historical record. Staples included blue corn drink, pudding, corn mush, corn balls, wheat cake, peach-bark drink, paper bread, flour bread, wild berries, and prickly pear fruit. After contact with the Spanish, goats, horses, sheep and donkeys were raised.

In contemporary Acoma, other foods are also popular, such as apple pastries, corn tamales, green-chili stew with lamb, fresh corn, and wheat pudding with brown sugar.

Irrigation techniques such as dams and terraces were used for agriculture. Farming tools were made of wood and stone. Harvested corn would be ground with hands and mortar.

Ethnobotany
A list of Acoma Pueblo ethnobotany shows 68 documented plant uses.

In 1932, George R. Swank published a Master's thesis titled "The Ethnobotany of the Acoma and Laguna Indians," containing short sections on the Puebloans' history, culture and mythology as well as an extensive treatment of plant uses and names.

Economy
Historical Acoma economic practices are described as socialistic or communal. Labor was shared and produce was distributed equally. Trading networks were extensive, spreading thousands of miles throughout the region. During fixed times in the summer and fall, trading fairs were held. The largest fair was held in Taos by the Comanche. Nomadic traders would exchange slaves, buckskins, buffalo hide, jerky, and horses. Pueblo people would trade for copper and shell ornaments, macaw feathers, and turquoise. Since 1821, the Acoma traded via the Santa Fe Trail. The arrival of railroads in the 1880s made the Acoma dependent on American-made goods, which suppressed traditional arts such as weaving and pottery.

Today, the Acoma produce a variety of goods. They grow alfalfa, oats, wheat, chilies, corn, melon, squash, vegetables, and fruit, and they raise cattle. They have natural reserves of gas, geothermal, and coal resources. Uranium mines in the area provided work for the Acoma until their closings in the 1980s. After that, the tribe provided most employment. However, high unemployment rates trouble the Pueblo. The uranium mines left radiation pollution, causing the tribal fishing lake to be drained and some health problems within the community.

Tourism

Tourism is a major source of income for the tribe. In 2008, Pueblo Acoma opened the Sky City Cultural Center and Haak'u Museum at the base of the mesa, replacing the original, which was destroyed by fire in 2000. The center and museum seek to sustain and preserve Acoma culture. Films about Acoma history are shown and a café serves traditional foods. The architecture was inspired by pueblo design and indigenous architectural traditions, with wide doorways in the middle, which in traditional homes make the bringing of supplies easier. The windowpanes contain flecks of mica, a mineral which is used to create mesa windows. The complex is also fire resistant, unlike traditional pueblos, and is painted in light pinks and purples to match the landscape surrounding it. Traditional Acoma artwork is exhibited and demonstrated at the center, including ceramic chimneys crafted on the rooftop. Arts and crafts also bring income.

Acoma Pueblo is open to the public by guided tour from March until October, though June and July have periods of closure for cultural activities. Photography of the Pueblo and surrounding land is restricted. Tours and camera permits are purchased at the Sky City Cultural Center. While photography is allowed with permit, video recordings, drawings, and sketching are prohibited. All photography is forbidden within the church.

The Acoma Pueblo also has a casino and hotel - the Sky City Casino Hotel. The casino and hotel are alcohol-free and are maintained by the Acoma Business Enterprise, which oversees most Acoma businesses.

Arts
At Acoma, pottery remains one of the most notable artforms. Men create weavings and silver jewelry, as well.

Pottery
Acoma pottery dates back more than 1,000 years. Dense local clay, dug up at a nearby site, is essential to Acoma pottery. The clay is dried and strengthened by the addition of pulverized pottery shards. The pieces then are shaped, painted, and fired. Geometric patterns, thunderbirds, and rainbows are traditional designs, which are applied with the spike of a yucca. A potter lightly strikes the side of the pot upon completion and holds it to his or her ear; if the pot does not ring, it will crack during firing. If this is found, the piece is destroyed and ground into shards for future use.

Communities

 * Acomita
 * Anzac
 * McCartys
 * Sky Line
 * Old Sky Line

Notable people

 * Loren Aragon, fashion designer
 * Marie Chino, traditional pottery artist
 * Vera Chino, traditional pottery artist
 * Lucy Lewis, traditional pottery artist
 * Georgene Louis, attorney and member of the New Mexico House of Representatives
 * Simon J. Ortiz, poet, author, and educator
 * Anton Docher, "The Padre of Isleta", French priest
 * Rachel Concho, traditional pottery artist known for seed pots

title: Acoma Pueblo


text:
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title: User:Jan i


text:
John J. Glennon

John Joseph Glennon (June 14, 1862 – March 9, 1946) was a prelate of the Roman Catholic Church, serving as Archbishop of St. Louis from 1903 until his death in 1946. He was elevated to the cardinalate in 1946.

Early life and ministry
John Glennon was born in Kinnegad, County Westmeath, Ireland, to Matthew and Catherine (née Rafferty) Glennon. After graduating from St. Finian's College, he entered All Hallows College near Dublin in 1878. He accepted an invitation from Bishop John Joseph Hogan in 1882 to join the newly erected Diocese of Kansas City in the United States. Glennon, after arriving in Missouri in 1883, was ordained to the priesthood by Bishop Hogan on December 20, 1884.

He was then assigned to St. Patrick's Church in Kansas City and, briefly returning to Europe, furthered his studies at the University of Bonn in Germany. Upon his return to Kansas City, Glennon became rector of the Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception. He was later made vicar general (1892) and apostolic administrator (1894) for the diocese.

Episcopal career
On March 14, 1896, Glennon was appointed Coadjutor Bishop of Kansas City and Titular Bishop of Pinara by Pope Leo XIII. He received his episcopal consecration on the following June 29 from Archbishop John Joseph Kain, with Bishops Maurice Francis Burke and John Joseph Hennessy serving as co-consecrators. At age 34, he became one of the youngest bishops in the world.

Archbishop of St. Louis
Glennon was later named Coadjutor Archbishop of St. Louis on April 27, 1903. He succeeded Archbishop Kain as the third Archbishop of St. Louis upon the latter's death on October 13 of that year. Realizing the Cathedral of St. Louis could no longer accommodate its growing congregation, Glennon quickly began raising funds for a new cathedral, the cornerstone of which was later laid on October 18, 1908.

He opened the new Kenrick Seminary in 1915, followed by the minor seminary in Shrewsbury. He delivered the eulogy at the funeral of Cardinal James Gibbons, and was appointed an Assistant at the Pontifical Throne on June 28, 1921.

Politics and war
On July 7, 1904, he offered the invocation at the second session of the 1904 Democratic National Convention. He opposed British rule in Ireland, and supported the leaders of the Easter Rebellion. Following the bombing of Pearl Harbor in 1941, Glennon declared, "We are not a military nation, but we are at war.... Churches have a duty in time of war not to promote hatred, racial or otherwise. Churches should give their moral aid and their physical support to the nation."

Social issues
He was an outspoken opponent of divorce, saying, "The modern attitude makes a joke of the sacrament of matrimony." The Archbishop once lamented the fact that women were competing with men in the workforce, saying, "Some of the women go downtown in the race and race beside the men...It is regrettable that men have to let them, are compelled to let them." He also condemned gambling games as "unworthy of our Catholic people...causing much scandal," and prohibited dancing and drinking at church-sponsored events. The Archbishop sometimes threw the opening ball for the St. Louis Cardinals, but did not play any sports himself, once saying, "I once tried golf, but I so disfigured the scenery that I never played again, in fear of public indignation and reprisal."

Segregation
Despite a rather popular tenure, as Archbishop of St. Louis he opposed racial integration in the city's Catholic schools, colleges, and universities. During the early 1940s, many local priests, especially Jesuits, challenged the segregationist policies at the city's Catholic schools. The St. Louis chapter of the Midwest Clergy Conference on Negro Welfare, formed locally in 1938, pushed the all-female Webster College to integrate first. However, in 1943, Glennon blocked the enrollment of a young black woman at the college by speaking privately with the Kentucky-based superior of the Sisters of Loretto, which staffed the college. When approached directly by pro-integration priests, Glennon called the integration plan a "Jesuit ploy," and quickly transferred one of the complaining priests away from his mission at an African-American parish. The Pittsburgh Courier, an African-American newspaper with national circulation, discovered Glennon's intervention and ran a front-page feature on the Webster incident. In response, Father Claude Heithaus, professor of Classical Archaeology at the Catholic Saint Louis University, delivered an angry sermon accusing his own institution of immoral behavior in its segregation policies. Saint Louis University began admitting African American students that summer when its president, Father Patrick Holloran, managed to secure approval from the reluctant Archbishop Glennon. Nevertheless, St. Louis maintained one of the largest numbers of African-American parishes and schools in the country.

Cardinal and death
On Christmas Eve 1945, it was announced that the 83-year-old Glennon would be elevated to the College of Cardinals. He originally thought himself too old to make the journey to Rome, but eventually joined fellow Cardinals-elect Francis Spellman and Thomas Tien Ken-sin on their flight, during which time Glennon contracted a cold from which he did not recover. Pope Pius XII created him Cardinal Priest of S. Clemente in the consistory of February 18, 1946.

During the return trip to the United States, Glennon stopped in his native Ireland, where he was received by President Seán T. O'Kelly and Taoiseach Éamon de Valera. While in Dublin, he was diagnosed with uremic poisoning and later died, ending a 42-year tenure as Archbishop. The Cardinal's body was returned to St. Louis and then buried at the Cathedral.

Glennon is the namesake of the community of Glennonville, Missouri. The only diocesan hospital for children, Cardinal Glennon Children's Hospital, affiliated with St. Louis University Medical Center, was created in his name.

title: John J. Glennon


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Tobias Wolff

Tobias Jonathan Ansell Wolff (born June 19, 1945) is an American short story writer, memoirist, novelist, and teacher of creative writing. He is known for his memoirs, particularly This Boy's Life (1989) and In Pharaoh's Army (1994). He has written four short story collections and two novels including The Barracks Thief (1984), which won the PEN/Faulkner Award for Fiction. Wolff received a National Medal of Arts from President Barack Obama in September 2015.

His academic career began at Syracuse University (1982–1997) and, since 1997, he has taught at Stanford University, where he is the Ward W. and Priscilla B. Woods Professor in the School of Humanities and Sciences.

Life and career
Wolff was born in 1945 in Birmingham, Alabama, the second son of Rosemary (Loftus) from Hartford, Connecticut, and Arthur Samuels Wolff, an aeronautical engineer who was a son of a Jewish doctor and his wife. The father had become Episcopalian, and Wolff did not learn about his father's Jewish roots until he was an adult. (Wolff was raised and identifies as Catholic, like his mother.)

His parents separated when Wolff was five and his elder brother Geoffrey was twelve; he lived with his mother in a variety of places, including Seattle, Washington, when he was an adolescent. After she remarried, they lived in Newhalem, a small company town in the North Cascade Mountains, where his stepfather, Robert Thompson, worked at Seattle City Light. His father and brother lived on the East Coast during this period. Geoffrey knew nothing about where his brother was until he entered Princeton.

As a child, Wolff had a local paper route and was a Boy Scout. After attending Concrete High School in Concrete, also in the North Cascades, Wolff applied to and was accepted by The Hill School, located 35 miles from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He had applied under the self-embellished name "Tobias Jonathan von Ansell-Wolff III", adopting part of one of his father's personas, Saunders Ansell-Wolff 3d. When Wolff was found to have forged his transcripts and recommendation letters, he was later expelled.

Wolff served in the U.S. Army from 1964 to 1968, when he trained for Special Forces, learned Vietnamese, and served as an adviser in Vietnam. He holds a First Class Honours degree in English from Hertford College, Oxford (1972). After returning to the United States, in 1975, he was awarded a Wallace Stegner Fellowship in Creative Writing at Stanford University, where he earned an M.A.

While continuing to write, Wolff taught at Syracuse University from 1980 to 1997. He published his first short story collection in 1981. At Syracuse he served on the faculty with Raymond Carver and was an instructor in the graduate writing program. Authors who had studied with Wolff as students at Syracuse include Jay McInerney, Tom Perrotta, George Saunders, Alice Sebold, William Tester, Paul Griner, Ken Garcia, Dana C. Kabel, Jan-Marie Spanard, and Paul Watkins.

In 1997, Wolff transferred to Stanford, where he is the Ward W. and Priscilla B. Woods Professor in the School of Humanities and Sciences. He has taught classes in English and creative writing, and also served as the director of the Creative Writing Program at Stanford from 2000 to 2002.

Writing
Wolff is widely known for his work in two genres: the short story and the memoir. His first short story collection, In the Garden of the North American Martyrs, was published in 1981. The collection was well received and several of its stories have since been published in a number of anthologies. Its publication coincided with a period in which several American authors who worked almost exclusively in the short story form were receiving wider recognition. As writers such as Wolff, Raymond Carver and Andre Dubus became better known, the United States was said to be having a renaissance of the short story. (Their 20th-century North American version of realism was often labelled as Dirty realism for its gritty veracity.)

Wolff repudiated this characterization. In 1994, in the introduction to The Vintage Book of Contemporary American Short Stories, he wrote: "To judge from the respectful attention this renaissance has received from reviewers and academics, you would think that it actually happened. It did not. This is a rhetorical flourish to give glamour, even valor, to the succession of one generation by another. The problem with the word 'renaissance' is that it needs a dark age to justify itself. I can't think of one, myself... The truth is that the short story form has reliably inspired brilliant performances by our best writers, in a line unbroken since the time of Poe."

Wolff's 1984 novella The Barracks Thief won the PEN/Faulkner Award for Fiction for 1985. Most of the action takes place at Fort Bragg, North Carolina. Three recent paratrooper training graduates are temporarily attached to an airborne infantry company as they await orders to report to Vietnam. Because most of the men in the company fought together in Vietnam, the three newcomers are treated as outsiders and ignored. When money and personal property are discovered missing from the barracks, suspicion falls on the three newcomers. The narrative structure of the book contains several shifts of tone and point of view as the story unfolds.

In 1985, Wolff's second short story collection, Back in the World, was published. Several of the stories in this collection, such as "The Missing Person," are significantly longer than the stories in his first collection.

Wolff chronicled his early life in two memoirs. This Boy's Life (1989), winner of the Los Angeles Times Book Award for Biography, is devoted to the author's adolescence in Seattle and Newhalem, a remote company town in the North Cascade mountains of Washington. The memoir describes the nomadic and uncertain life Wolff and his mother led after his parents divorced. His mother's subsequent marriage to a man who was revealed as an abusive husband and stepfather deeply affected their lives. In Pharaoh's Army (1994) records Wolff's U.S. Army tour of duty in Vietnam.

He published a third collection of stories, The Night in Question, in 1997. His fourth short-story collection, Our Story Begins: New and Selected Stories (2008), includes both new and previously published stories.

Whether he is writing fiction or non-fiction, Wolff's prose is characterized by an exploration of personal/biographical and existential terrain. As Wyatt Mason wrote in the London Review of Books, "Typically, his protagonists face an acute moral dilemma, unable to reconcile what they know to be true with what they feel to be true. Duplicity is their great failing, and Wolff's main theme."

Elsewhere Wolff said of the personal nature of his work: "I have to be able, with a straight face, to tell myself that something is nonfiction if I say it's nonfiction. That's why, although there are autobiographical elements in some of my stories, I still call them fiction because that's what they are. Even though they may have been set into motion by some catalyst of memory."

In 1989, Wolff was chosen as recipient of the Rea Award for the Short Story. Wolff has received the O. Henry Award on three occasions, for the stories "In the Garden of North American Martyrs" (1981), "Next Door" (1982), and "Sister" (1985). In 2008, he was awarded The Story Prize for Our Story Begins.

Adaptations
Some of Wolff's work has been adapted to film. This Boy's Life was adapted as a feature film directed by Michael Caton-Jones in 1993. It starred Leonardo DiCaprio as the teenage Wolff, Robert De Niro as Wolff's abusive step-father Dwight, and Ellen Barkin as Wolff's mother Rosemary.

In 2001, Wolff's acclaimed short story "Bullet in the Brain" (from The Night in Question) was adapted as a short film by David Von Ancken and CJ Follini; it starred Tom Noonan and Dean Winters.

Family
Tobias Wolff's older brother is the author Geoffrey Wolff. A decade before Tobias Wolff published This Boy's Life, his brother wrote a memoir of his own about the boys' biological father, entitled The Duke of Deception (in which he alleges his younger brother was named after the Toby Jug ). Wolff's mother later settled in Washington, D.C. There she became president of the League of Women Voters.

Tobias Wolff is married and lives with his wife, Catherine Dolores Spohn, and three children in California.

Awards and honors

 * 1985 PEN/Faulkner Award for Fiction for The Barracks Thief
 * 1989 Whiting Award for Fiction and Nonfiction
 * 2006 PEN/Malamud Award (co-winner)
 * 2008 The Story Prize
 * 2014 Stone Award for Lifetime Literary Achievement, Oregon State University
 * 2014 elected to the American Academy of Arts and Letters,
 * 2015 National Medal of Arts, US National Endowment for the Arts

Novels

 * Ugly Rumours (1975) ISBN 0048231177
 * The Barracks Thief (1984) (novella) ISBN 0-88001-049-5
 * Old School (2003) ISBN 0-375-40146-6

Collections

 * In the Garden of the North American Martyrs (1981) ISBN 0-88001-497-0
 * Hunters in the Snow (1981)
 * Back in the World (1985)
 * The Collected Short Stories ISBN 0-7475-3153-6
 * The Night in Question (1997) ISBN 0-679-78155-2
 * Our Story Begins: New and Selected Stories (2008) ISBN 978-1-4000-4459-7

Edited volumes

 * Matters of Life and Death: New American Stories (1983) ISBN 0-931694-17-5
 * Best American Short Stories (1994)
 * The Vintage Book of Contemporary American Short Stories (1994) ISBN 0-679-74513-0

Non-fiction

 * This Boy's Life: A Memoir (1989), a memoir about his boyhood in the 1950s ISBN 0-8021-3668-0
 * In Pharaoh's Army (1994), a memoir about his experiences as a soldier in the Vietnam War. ISBN 0-679-76023-7

title: Tobias Wolff


text:
Franck (crater)

Franck is a small lunar impact crater that lies near the north end of Sinus Amoris, a bay on the northern part of Mare Tranquillitatis. Its diameter is 12 km. It was named after German physicist and Nobel laureate James Franck. The crater lies just to the southeast of Brewster, and farther to the south of Römer. Franck was previously designated Römer K.

This is a circular, bowl-shaped crater with a sharp rim that has not been significantly eroded. The interior walls slope down to the tiny floor at the midpoint. Just to the north of Franck is a joined pair of smaller craters, and the three nearly form a merged cluster of impacts.

title: Franck (crater)


text:
Khmer numerals

Khmer numerals are the numerals used in the Khmer language. They have been in use since at least the early 7th century, with the earliest known use being on a stele dated to AD 604 found in Prasat Bayang, near Angkor Borei, Cambodia.

Numerals
Having been derived from the Hindu numerals, modern Khmer numerals also represent a decimal positional notation system. It is the script with the first extant material evidence of zero as a numerical figure, dating its use back to the seventh century, two centuries before its certain use in India. Old Khmer, or Angkorian Khmer, also possessed separate symbols for the numbers 10, 20, and 100.

Each multiple of 20 or 100 would require an additional stroke over the character, so the number 47 was constructed using the 20 symbol with an additional upper stroke, followed by the symbol for number 7. This inconsistency with its decimal system suggests that spoken Angkorian Khmer used a vigesimal system.

As both Thai and Lao scripts are derived from Old Khmer, their modern forms still bear many resemblances to the latter, demonstrated in the following table:

Modern Khmer numbers
The spoken names of modern Khmer numbers represent a biquinary system, with both base 5 and base 10 in use. For example, 6 (ប្រាំមួយ) is formed from 5 (ប្រាំ) plus 1 (មួយ).

Numbers from 0 to 5
With the exception of the number 0, which stems from Sanskrit, the etymology of the Khmer numbers from 1 to 5 is of proto-Austroasiatic origin.

 * For details of the various alternative romanization systems, see Romanization of Khmer.
 * Some authors may alternatively mark as the pronunciation for the word two, and either  or  for the word three.
 * In neighbouring Thailand the number three is thought to bring good luck. However, in Cambodia, taking a picture with three people in it is considered bad luck, as it is believed that the person situated in the middle will die an early death.

Comparison to other Austroasiatic languages 1-5
Whilst Vietnamese vocabulary is very Sinicized, the numbers 1-5 retain proto-Austroasiatic origins.

Numbers from 6 to 20
The numbers from 6 to 9 may be constructed by adding any number between 1 and 4 to the base number 5 (ប្រាំ), so that 7 is literally constructed as 5 plus 2. Beyond that, Khmer uses a decimal base, so that 14 is constructed as 10 plus 4, rather than 2 times 5 plus 4; and 16 is constructed as 10+5+1.

Colloquially, compound numbers from eleven to nineteen may be formed using the word ដណ្ដប់ preceded by any number from one to nine, so that 15 is constructed as ប្រាំដណ្ដប់, instead of the standard ដប់ប្រាំ.

 * In constructions from 6 to 9 that use 5 as a base, may alternatively be pronounced ; giving, , , and . This is especially true in dialects which elide , but not necessarily restricted to them, as the pattern also follows Khmer's minor syllable pattern.

Numbers from 30 to 90
The modern Khmer numbers from 30 to 90 are as follows:

 * The word សិប, which appears in each of these numbers, can be dropped in informal or colloquial speech. For example, the number 81 can be expressed as ប៉ែតមួយ instead of the full ប៉ែតសិបមួយ.

Historically speaking, Khmer borrowed the numbers from 30 to 90 from a southern Middle Chinese variety by way of a neighboring Tai language, most likely Thai. This is evidenced by the fact that the numbers in Khmer most closely resemble those of Thai, as well as the fact that the numbers cannot be deconstructed in Khmer. For instance, សែ is not used on its own to mean "four" in Khmer and សិប  is not used on its own to mean "ten", while they are in Thai (see Thai numerals). The table below shows how the words in Khmer compare to other nearby Tai and Sinitic languages.

 * Words in parentheses indicate literary pronunciations, while words preceded by an asterisk only occur in specific constructions and are not used for basic numbers from 3 to 10.

Prior to using a decimal system and adopting these words, Khmer used a base 20 system, so that numbers greater than 20 were formed by multiplying or adding on to the cardinal number for twenty. Under this system, 30 would've been constructed as (20 × 1) + 10 "twenty-one ten" and 80 was constructed as 4 × 20 "four twenties / four scores". See the section Angkorian numbers for details.

Numbers from 100 to 10,000,000
The standard Khmer numbers starting from one hundred are as follows:

Although មួយកោដិ is most commonly used to mean ten million, in some areas this is also colloquially used to refer to one billion (which is more properly មួយរយកោដិ ). In order to avoid confusion, sometimes ដប់លាន is used to mean ten million, along with មួយរយលាន  for one hundred million, and មួយពាន់លាន  ("one thousand million") to mean one billion.

Different Cambodian dialects may also employ different base number constructions to form greater numbers above one thousand. A few of the such can be observed in the following table:

Counting fruits
Reminiscent of the standard base 20 Angkorian Khmer numbers, the modern Khmer language also possesses separate words used to count fruits, not unlike how English uses words such as a "dozen" for counting items such as eggs.

Sanskrit and Pali influence
As a result of prolonged literary influence from both the Sanskrit and Pali languages, Khmer may occasionally use borrowed words for counting. Generally speaking, asides a few exceptions such as the numbers for 0 and 100 for which the Khmer language has no equivalent, they are more often restricted to literary, religious, and historical texts than they are used in day to day conversations. One reason for the decline of these numbers is that a Khmer nationalism movement, which emerged in the 1960s, attempted to remove all words of Sanskrit and Pali origin. The Khmer Rouge also attempted to cleanse the language by removing all words which were considered politically incorrect.

Ordinal numbers
Khmer ordinal numbers are formed by placing the word ទី in front of a cardinal number. This is similar to the use of ที่ thi in Thai, and thứ (次) in Vietnamese.

Angkorian numbers
It is generally assumed that the Angkorian and pre-Angkorian numbers also represented a dual base (quinquavigesimal) system, with both base 5 and base 20 in use. Unlike modern Khmer, the decimal system was highly limited, with both the numbers for ten and one hundred being borrowed from the Chinese and Sanskrit languages respectively. Angkorian Khmer also used Sanskrit numbers for recording dates, sometimes mixing them with Khmer originals, a practice which has persisted until the last century.

The numbers for twenty, forty, and four hundred may be followed by multiplying numbers, with additional digits added on at the end, so that 27 is constructed as twenty-one-seven, or 20×1+7.

Proto-Khmer numbers
Proto-Khmer is the hypothetical ancestor of the modern Khmer language bearing various reflexes of the proposed proto-Mon–Khmer language. By comparing both modern Khmer and Angkorian Khmer numbers to those of other Eastern Mon–Khmer (or Khmero-Vietic) languages such as Pearic, Proto-Viet–Muong, Katuic, and Bahnaric; it is possible to establish the following reconstructions for Proto-Khmer.

Numbers from 5 to 10
Contrary to later forms of the Khmer numbers, Proto-Khmer possessed a single decimal number system. The numbers from one to five correspond to both the modern Khmer language and the proposed Mon–Khmer language, while the numbers from six to nine do not possess any modern remnants, with the number ten *kraaj (or *kraay) corresponding to the modern number for one hundred. It is likely that the initial *k, found in the numbers from six to ten, is a prefix.

title: Khmer numerals


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Sebastian Kaupp Roberts

Sebastian Kaupp Roberts
sebastian Kaupp Roberts was proposed for deletion. This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. Article was speedily deleted while discussion was underway.

He's 16. I couldn't find anything on him Google. Doesn't appear to be encyclopedic to me. — [[User:Knowledge Seeker|Knowledge Seeker দ (talk)]] 22:51, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Everyking 22:52, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete --fvw *  02:19, 2004 Dec 13 (UTC)
 * Speedy. I could only find one website on this SKR; it's in a Google cache. It's not notable at all. There is a Sebastian Roberts I found info on, but he wouldn't have been born in '88, because he's a brigadier general. The article is something written either to inflate Mr. Roberts's ego or (the Internet fraud charge) character assassination-- like the right-wing smear against an MC 6 months ago, another anon. attack on a non-famous or marginally famous young person. In either case, it's not appropriate at all. EventHorizon 02:30, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete: Adolescence. (I think that's a valid reason.)  (Kidding:  vanity article.)  Geogre 05:30, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion or on the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Feuillée (crater)

Feuillée is a small lunar impact crater in the eastern part of the Mare Imbrium. It was named after French natural scientist Louis Feuillée. It lies less than a half crater diameter to the northwest of Beer, and the two formations form a nearly matched pair. To the west is the small but prominent crater Timocharis.

Like Beer, Feuillée is a circular, bowl-shaped formation with a small interior floor at the midpoint of the sloping inner walls. This sharp-edged crater is not notably worn or eroded, and lacks any distinguishing features. It does, however, lie across a wrinkle ridge in the surface of the lunar mare, a feature that is best observed under oblique lighting conditions when the crater is near the terminator.

The crater name is incorrectly spelled Feuillet on some lunar charts.

title: Feuillée (crater)


text:
Kharraqan towers

The Kharraqan towers (as known as the Kharrakhan or Kharaghan towers; ) are a pair of mausolea built in 1067 and 1093, in the Kharraqan region of northern Iran, near Qazvin. They are notable for being an early example of geometric ornament, an early example of double domes, and one of the earlier tomb towers that appeared in the Seljuk period of medieval Iran during the 11th century.

The octagonal brick structures stand 13 m tall, and each side is 4 m wide. The surface of both mausolea demonstrate extensive use of geometry. The interior walls of the older mausoleum are decorated with paintings of various subjects. The eastern tower dates from 1067–68, and the western tower dates from 1093.

Structure
Both mausolea have double shells for the domes; the inner shells are intact, but the outer shells on both towers are lost. There is no direct access to light through the windows on the outer and inner shells of the dome. However, the opposite positions of the window on the two shells allow indirect light into the first tower through the side window on the inner shell.

Both octagonal towers have 8 rounded buttresses - one per corner. Stronach and Young speculate there were vertical ribs for the demolished outer shell of the dome; however, they conclude from the lack of same ribs in the inner side that the ridges, accompanying the ribs, were decorative.

Exterior
Both towers have inscriptions of their architect on the exterior surface. Muhammad b. Makki al-Zanjani is inscribed on the earlier tower; Abu’l-Ma’ali b. Makki al-Zanjani, on the later tower. Stronach and Young indicate the two names refer to the same person—a local, unknown architect.

Also on the exterior of the buildings is an intricate geometric patterning formed of carved bricks. The brick also features lengthy inscriptions, both historical and Quranic. The historical inscription on the Eastern tower includes not only the architect, but also another name, possibly the mausoleum's intended patron, which can only be partially read due to damage.

The Kufic inscription of Quranic text on the exterior walls of both towers, identically distributed across sides and buttresses, features Sura 59, verses 21-23, recognizable despite damage on buttresses. Samuel Stern asserts that these Suras are an unusual choice for mausolea, but points to the preceding verses as being more fitting. Parts of the inscriptions above the Western tower's door can be recognized as Sura 23, Verse 115.

Interior
The eastern tower's interior appears to have been fully decorated with frescoes, but only a few survive. There are paintings of mosque lamps in the niches, of pomegranate trees and peacocks in the piers alternating between them, and of a medallion surrounding peacocks and geometrical ornament near the top of the niches. There is also a band of Kufic calligraphy just below the beginning of the dome.

The western tower's interior contains no plaster decoration; instead, there are a mihrab and additional brick ornament.

It is believed that the occupant of the eastern tower was Abu Sa'id Bijar and the occupant of the western tower was Abu Mansur Iltayti, according to Dr. Samuel Miklós Stern's transliteration of the inscriptions on the towers.

Interpretations
The Kharraqan towers exhibit more elaborate external design, individualized for each of the 8 sides, in comparison to other towers with more repetitive patterns. Oleg Grabar reminds that there is no concrete method of elucidating the meaning of the abstract, geometric decoration in Islamic architecture. Instead, the intricacy of the geometric pattern promotes appreciation of the visual design itself.

The subjects of wall paintings inside the western tower possess symbolic association with heaven. Abbas Daneshvari connects the light of the lamp with the light of the god, thus with paradise. Daneshvari further associates the interior paintings with paradise by emphasizing the iconographic role of peacocks, in sunburst medallions, as the bird of paradise. Peacocks appear in the Islamic medieval culture of Iran in literature and art objects such as textiles and ceramic wares.

21st century
Both towers were significantly damaged by the 2002 Bou'in-Zahra earthquake. They were in a good state of preservation before the event, suggesting it was one of the most powerful quakes in the region for approximately 900 years.

title: Kharraqan towers


text:
User talk:AirIntake

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Image Tag
Hi. I noticed that you uploaded that image Image:White Cat Nursing Four Kittens.jpg but it doesn't yet have a copyright tag. I'm guessing from the looks of it that it would be a personal image, in which case add to the image description page. Evil Monkey → Talk 04:00, Dec 22, 2004 (UTC)

title: User talk:AirIntake


text: User talk:62.97.196.2

title: User talk:62.97.196.2