text:
Talk:White Dawg

NPOV

 * I tried to make the article more NPOV by removing the reference to this being ahead of its time in crunk (again) and by removing the comment that Thug Ride was well-received by critics. So far I have found that allmusic gave it a good review, whereas the only other independent review called it "shit poor", this != well-received by critics in general. Also, Im pretty sure I read somewhere that White Dawg owns Dirty South Radio which makes the whole idea of Dirty South Radio naming him Artist of the Month a bit dubious. If anyone could find that info please? -CunningLinguist 08:50, 5 Jun 2005 (UTC)

I have removed the following addition for non-NPOV, twice now. I believe it should be attributed to someone who holds it. Alternatively, it could be phrased neutrally by explaining in what ways Thug Ride is like modern crunk, and how it was "ahead-of-its-time". Tuf-Kat

 * One could today view Thug Ride as an ahead-of-its-time example of the Crunk subgenre that would later find mainstream success with the likes of Lil Jon and others.

There is NPOV and then there is dilution. I suppose you would also suggest rephrashing this text as well? Quote: "Although the machine was fairly simple, it was nevertheless a masterpiece of design, using far fewer parts than anything in its class, and quickly earning Wozniak a reputation as a master designer." (-- Apple Computer) GRider
 * That should either be attributed or changed to something like The machine was fairly simple, having fewer parts than anything else in its class. The rest is opinion. Tuf-Kat 22:41, Dec 30, 2004 (UTC)
 * I disagree less with the Apple Computer statement than I do with the White Dawg argument. Feel free to make your edits, though.  GRider

White Dawg in the Wiki House?
Does he himself edit Wikipedia articles regularly, or just his fans? If he does, we can add him to Category:Wikipedians with article... Samaritan 21:44, 12 May 2005 (UTC)

 * Btw, we could use his date or at least year of birth. Samaritan 21:47, 12 May 2005 (UTC)

More removals, at least one for the second time now

 * Many view Thug Ride as one of the first albums in the Crunk subgenre that would later find mainstream success with the likes of Lil Jon and others. The album is also notable for White Dawg's use of the word "nigga" to describe himself, something which was considered taboo for a Caucasian rapper.
 * The first sentence I explained my removal of above, and the second sentence needs to be cited (by that I mean the fact that his use of nigger is "notable" needs to be cited, not the fact that he did so or the fact that it is taboo). Tuf-Kat 21:04, Jun 6, 2005 (UTC)
 * Although it was not widely heard, Thug Ride remains known among some hip hop fans, primarily due to White Dawg buying many full-page ads in The Source magazine to advertise it.
 * I've let this slide for awhile, but decided to remove it. Is he continuing to buy ads for an album released years ago?  Presumably not, so why is the album so well-known still?  Were the ads extremely remarkable and memorable?  Or are the "some hip hop fans" really just White Dawg fans? Tuf-Kat 21:04, Jun 6, 2005 (UTC)
 * Actually, I searched on Usenet (mostly rec.music.hip-hop) a while ago for White Dawg discussion (to inform a vote in a deletion debate for this article) and the vast majority of discussion there was related to how ridiculous the Source ads were (i could find noone on Usenet who had never heard of him prior to them, either). Apparently they were quite memorably risible and self-parodical (which is quite a feat in a magazine which is mostly comprised of risible and self-parodical ads anyway).  So I'd support retaining that, as it seems White Dawg's main claim to fame outside of his local scene is in fact his ridiculous advertisements.  Though while they did obviously catch people's attentions at the time, I doubt anyone who laughed at them a few years ago still cares, and I certainly wouldn't say the album "remains known among hip hop fans" any more than any other record with more than minimal promotion from a few years ago "remains known".  --Jamieli 21:22, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Note that that sentence originally said "well-known", but I removed the "well" and then changed my mind and moved the whole sentence to talk. I might support moving it back, preferably with a link and an explanation of why the ads were remembered; on the other hand, who really cares what some yahoos on Usenet think about the ads purchased some time ago by some guy to promote some stuff he was selling?  Go ahead and move it back if you want, but I guess I'd rather see some notable person commenting on the ads first. Tuf-Kat 00:20, Jun 7, 2005 (UTC)
 * The website Dirty South Radio has named White Dawg as its "artist of the month." Other independent media sources such as Ozone magazine have also praised White Dawg's music.
 * Removed because the second sentence really needs a citation, and the first should too, in addition to issues raised above concerning Dirty South Radio. Can someone confirm or deny the connection between White Dawg and Dirty South Radio? Tuf-Kat 21:04, Jun 6, 2005 (UTC)
 * Yeah, I can. I direct you to: http://www.ozonemag.com/oct2003/pages/part-b19.html . In the first paragraph it says: "White Dawg also holds down a popular show on Clientell’s pirate radio station and co-owns an internet-based radio station, www.DirtySouthRadio.com. " and later in the interview: (these are White Dawg's words) "Check out WhiteDawg.com and the internet radio station, www.DirtySouthRadio.com. It’s 24 hours, we play all kinds of music, but especially the hot Southern acts that don’t get a lot of shine on major radio." So there you have it. The connection between White Dawg and dirtysouthradio! Can someone reflect this in the article itself? -CunningLinguist 12:08, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)

And now we're spamming other language 'pedias with one sentence "articles" about White Dawg? Tuf-Kat
 * Hombre, watcha gonna do to stop us? We are a thug army, with AKs, blades, and grenades. Latino Thug 00:23, 23 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * No, you're clinically retarded. "A thug army"? You realize this is the Internet, right? We all know you're either a 40 year old white man or a 12 year old boy eith delusions of grandeur and a mental problem.

Lets not have a GNAA repeat on our hands
Don't be a WP:ASShole. —RaD Man (talk) 02:20, 19 July 2005 (UTC)

Double Standard
I would just like to say that users Jamieli and Hall Monitor are both generating a double standard. In other articles many facts are assumed and written about without having to be cited. However in this article they have a double standard as they somehow expect me to provide citation while in other articles the same is not true. They also expect me to provide citation despite the fact that doing so over the net for the registration of an automobile is nearly impossible, the fact that there is picture evidence of the statement being true and despite the fact that I am here as a first-person source to tell you: IT IS MINE. Second of all I feel Hall Monitor should be reprimanded for the condescending and un-Wiki-Love like manner in which he has treated me. When it was obvious there was an edit conflict over the statement in the article, instead of adressing the situation directly he posted a No-Vandalism statement on my talk page. While he may not agree with the inclusion of the statement, it is obvious that due to the fact that I was not the only one adding it in that this was a valid POV and your no-Vandalism statement is therefore very condescending and very ill-mannered. I know very well not to vandalize but most importantly AN OPPOSING OPINION DOES NOT EQUAL VANDALISM. I doubt your judgement as a Wiki-editor. -BrowardBillionaire 21:05, 1 August 2005 (UTC)
 * I think you may be legally retarded son.

lets fight on the internet about whether the Bentley is mine or not
Almost every so-called "notable wikipedian" page is a disgrace. 90% of them would never show up in a "real" encyclopedia. And the ones that would are the "notable wikipedians" like roger ebert who has only come on to edit his OWN page. Quite the "notable wikipedian," this is all a big joke. You all should be embarrassed.

Controversy over nigga
I have reverted again the claim that there was ever a controversy about White Dawg using the word nigga. The only cited evidence is a post on Davey D's website, which says:
 * Basically white rappers calling themselves niggas has already started. Example White Dawg on his album shit poor accuse of an album Thug Ride. I forgot which track, but he says it and pays it no mind.

Since a "controversy" inherently requires a large number of people who care a lot about an issue, this simply does not qualify. This is one website operator who briefly (and incoherently) noted six years ago that White Dawg did something that irked him. There is no evidence that he or anyone else ever turned this into a "controversy". Tuf-Kat 18:47, 7 January 2006 (UTC)

de-pov, cleanup, etc
I'm pretty happy with the current state of the article, compared to where it was. I would not think that the present article would be subject to a vfd. If you're watching this page, I'd like it if you could check it over for any problems. Avriette 21:30, 22 January 2006 (UTC)

 * User:68.56.19.46 may be WD himself. Sigh. Avriette 04:32, 30 January 2006 (UTC)

 * So is User:BrowardPlaya (I think), the person who created this article. Also: User:BrowardHick, User:BrowardBillionaire, User:BrowardDawgg, User:BrowardBulldawg, User:THUG Life, User:THUGlife, User:Thug4Life, User:Eternal Thug, User:Thugtrooper, User:Francothug, User:Latino Thug, User:White Dawg, User:WhiteDawg User:Dirtysouthplaya69, User:DIRTYSOUTH, and User:SKRATEN' UP. --Khoikhoi 04:38, 30 January 2006 (UTC)

Me Vs. Me
WHITE DAWG the Baddest White Boy in this game braces to take over the world in 2007!!!! WHITE DAWG will be on tour promoting his new CD entitled Me vs. Me starting Sept. 1st kicking off the promo tour in Orlando, Florida. Although numerous major labels have offered WHITE DAWG record deals, he has held out and stayed INDY. " Fuck a Major!!!! IF they want me it's a million or better!!!" WHITE DAWG shouts on his new cd. He plans on distributing 100,000 cds on the street proving he's major without a major. WHITE DAWG explains his reasoning " I don't expect nothing for free, I didnt ask for any big name features, I'm gonna show the world once and for all that they gonna have to take me serious! I am the hottest WHITE BOY in the South, that's not a diss to other white rappers, but I've paid my dues for years on these streets grinding in the trenches selling cds out my trunk for years, ask anyone in Florida and they will tell u about my hustle. When I blow up it won't be because I had some big name features that got on, it will be because I out hustled them all! I'm not a battle rapper I'll tell you str8 up, but aint none of these white rappers can out hustle me! I was the first white dirty south rapper to break the top 20 billboard rap singles charts in 1999. I was the first white dirty south rapper to be featured in THE SOURCE,XXL,RAP PAGES, and was on the first ever OZONE MAGAZINE cover. I won the HUSTLA OF THE MONTH award in OZONE MAGAZINE and I got nominated for most slept on artist by the SEA AWARDS. I've produced for Plies, Rick Ross, Trick Daddy, 8ball, Pastor Troy, Guru, 69 Boys, Trina, Clientell Cartell just to name a few. What seperates me from all these other white rappers is that I produce my own music. I'm taking my new music in another direction, all these rappers today are limited on their subjects and topics.......how many times can u say u sell dope and how many times can u tell them u riding on big rims??????? If u really was slanging all that dope u damn sure wouldnt get on record and talk about it. A kilo gets u 20 years in Florida. The first rule u learn in the mob is to shut your mouth and being a rapper breaks that first rule!!! Real G's and Thugs are in jail, dead or on the way to one of the two. That's cool to rap about the dope game, jewlery,fake pull out grills, and your big rims we have all done that, but soon or later u have to tell these fans the truth....it aint all flash and fame out here. I know half of these rappers on these records out and they aint got what they talking bout. I'm gonna keep it real with my fans and rap about pain, my friends dying, my boys locked up, and other issues more in my music because they can relate to that. The internet has changed the game for INDY artists, I'm getting a $1.00 a download and I've got worldwide distribution, so what do I need a major for????????? $10,000 per show a couple shows a month and these labels in New York can't offer me anything I don't Already have or could buy if I wanted it! I'm not just rapping I'm leading a movement. I represent the underdogs. When u see me in my pictures flipping off the camera I'm flipping off these major label's bull shit contract offers! They gonna have to come with a million or better to get me!". The world is definately gonna have to reckon with WHITE DAWG in 2007! —The preceding unsigned comment was added by Thugz Don't Die (talk • contribs). (moved from article)

 * I moved this because it doesn't have an encyclopedic tone. Tere may be some useful info in there somewhere. -Will Beback · † · 20:49, 16 December 2006 (UTC)

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Paid editing
A major contributor, User:Thomas Dawn, appears to be employed by a promotional company but has not declared such on the talk page of the article. ... disco spinster   talk  18:41, 24 March 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:White Dawg


text:
Malcolm Lindsay

Malcolm Francis Aylesworth Lindsay (February 4, 1909 – May 3, 1983) was the 14th commissioner of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, serving from August 15, 1967 to September 30, 1969.

He served as Mountie from 1934 to 1969.

Honoured Received

 * RCMP Long Service Medal
 * The Canadian Centennial Medal
 * Queen Elizabeth II Coronation Medal

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Malcolm Lindsay


text: Category:People from Oklahoma

title: Category:People from Oklahoma


text: Category:Government of Oklahoma

title: Category:Government of Oklahoma


text:
William Leonard Higgitt

William Leonard Higgitt (10 November 1917 – 2 April 1989) was the 14th commissioner of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), holding office from 1969 to 1973, and President of the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol) from 1972 to 1976. Leonard Higgitt's background in intelligence and counterintelligence with the RCMP during and after World War II made him the preferred choice as RCMP Commissioner at what was the height of the Cold War. Higgitt's tenure as Canada's top spy, first, and then as RCMP Commissioner, also coincided with the civil rights movement in the United States, which was part of a period of broader political unrest and social change in Canada, including the Quebec nationalist movement and first-ever diplomatic negotiations in Stockholm between Canada and Communist China. Higgitt's time as Commissioner was marked by his efforts to balance a traditional view of the Mounties in the eye of the public, and a trust in the RCMP attending that view, with more modern, high-tech, and legally complex policing methods, including surveillance and data-gathering practices that found the RCMP facing increasing media and judicial scrutiny.

Higgitt directed national security operations during the October Crisis of 1970, when members of the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ) engaged in a series of urban bombings and also kidnapped the provincial Labour Minister Pierre Laporte and British diplomat James Cross. These events represented what was perhaps the most serious threat to national security in the history of Canada, and they also saw then Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, to the objection of Higgitt, invoke the War Measures Act, the first time in Canadian history that the Act was invoked during peacetime.

Higgitt has been the only RCMP commissioner to ever rise to this position after starting from the lowest possible rank—sub-constable, a rank lower than third-class constable and later discontinued by the Force. As Commissioner, Higgitt also presided over the RCMP centenary.

Early life
Higgitt was born in the village of Anerley, Saskatchewan, in 1917, to Percy Higgitt and May Higgitt (née Hall), and grew up in Anerley during the Depression years of the 1930s. Being born the same day that his uncle, Lennie Higgitt, died in World War I, he was given the name William Leonard, and was subsequently known as "Len" Higgitt by acquaintances throughout his life. Percy Higgitt's family traces their roots to Sheffield, Yorkshire, and May Hall to Boston, Lincolnshire. Percy immigrated to Saskatchewan in 1908, meeting May Hall there and starting a farm. Percy gave up his struggling farm when Leonard was four to be an Imperial Oil agent and grain buyer for the Canadian Consolidated Grain Company; later taking over the lone general store and post office in Anerley, which he operated for over forty years. Percy also provided municipal public service in various capacities. After primary schooling, Leonard Higgitt went to high school at Saskatoon Technical Collegiate. As a student in 1935, Higgitt featured in his high school's production of the comedy "So This Is London". In his student years, Higgitt also played hockey, baseball and soccer.

Wrote the Saskatoon Star-Phoenix in 1972, from very early on in his life Higgitt believed in the RCMP as a force for good: "Rural Saskatchewan offered little in the 1930s for a young man ready to set out on his own and, in the drought and dust and poverty, the RCMP stood out as a high and noble profession". Interviewed in 1972 by the Winnipeg Free Press, Higgitt said that as a youth he was struck by the dedication RCMP officers seemed to display in coping with the problems and hardships brought on by the Depression: "It wasn't just a matter of enforcing the law. It was a question of helping anyone who was in need. And no one who didn't live through that era can really appreciate what the needs were." After graduating from high school in 1937, at the age of nineteen, and two years before World War II began, Higgitt joined the RCMP at Regina, Saskatchewan, as a sub-constable; a rank later discontinued by the force. In Regina he completed recruit training, winning a medal for marksmanship, and became a stenographer at "F" Division headquarters. In 1937, Higgitt's was the first voice of a Mountie to be heard on the open airwaves, as police cars at the time were not yet equipped with two-way radios and it was necessary for Mounties to use commercial radio stations to send bulletins, including descriptions of wanted men, to detachment personnel twice daily.

Promoted to Constable, in Regina Higgitt supervised general criminal files and engaged in active police investigations, including conducting examinations of witnesses. With the outbreak of the War, and at the age of twenty-two, he was transferred to Ottawa and put immediately into intelligence and counter-intelligence. During his work in Ottawa over the War years, Higgitt married a nurse, Evelyn Maude Pyke, of Lunenburg, Nova Scotia, in 1944. He also played on the RCMP basketball team in the Ottawa YMCA Basketball league, and on the RCMP soccer team in the Ottawa and District Football Association league. He also represented the RCMP in marksmanship tournaments.

World War II
Britain and France declared war on Germany in September 1939, and Canada followed. Higgitt was posted to Ottawa, Ontario, for special war duties and to serve in the Intelligence Branch. By the late 1930s, various fascist groups across Canada had combined into the National Unity Party under the leadership of Adrien Arcand. Other such groups, and individuals sympathetic Nazism, remained underground. Higgitt was appointed Government advisor to the Commons Judicial Committee on Internment Operations, a committee set up to identify and mitigate potential security risks to Canada and the Allied effort against Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan.

Prior to the Allies' pivotal Normandy Landings, the internment operations led to the removal of several hundreds of German- and Italian-born Canadians, Arcand included, to detention camps in Canada's hinterlands until the surrender of the Axis powers. On the first day of World War II, RCMP agents broke the German-financed Canadian fascist group Deutsche Arbeits Front, interning four hundred Nazis. When Soviet Russia entered the war, more than one hundred Communists were interned at Hull, Quebec. Higgitt and his RCMP superiors advised the Canadian Federal Government that Japanese Canadians, for their part, posed relatively little threat as a supposed 'fifth column' of spies and saboteurs. Subsequently, the Government, not believing the RCMP, took the responsibility for evacuating coastal Japanese Canadians to interior British Columbia out of the Mounties' hands and gave it to the BC Security Commission, and in turn, by 1943, to the Department of Labour.

Political scientist Reg Whitaker and historian Gregory Kealey have argued that the relative effectiveness of the RCMP's Intelligence Branch in carrying out the responsibility of penetrating and monitoring pro-fascist groups, along with the nullification of the espionage, sabotage, or subversion threats believed to have been posed by these groups, ensured that the RCMP would carry out of the War an enhanced prestige within the Canadian state and some surety of a continued pre-eminent role in security intelligence in the postwar era. Higgitt remained a key figure in the RCMP's Cold War era security intelligence operations. By the end of World War II, it had become clear that though the Nazi presence in Canada was largely subdued, a Soviet spy ring was operating from the rear wing of the Russian Embassy in Ottawa. A Red Army officer at the Embassy, Igor Gouzenko, a cipher clerk trained in intelligence work, defected to the RCMP. Gouzenko's briefcase, containing Russian-language cablegrams and copied secret Canadian Government papers, secretly given over to Higgitt and the Intelligence Branch, showed that the Russians had details of matters that only Britain and Canada should have known. Gouzenko's defection was one of the principle catalysts for the rise of the Cold War; obliging Western governments, including Canada, to maintain and even intensify their undercover work.

But over the course of his career Higgitt, considering himself a police officer first, also showed consistent unease with counterespionage operations that brushed against ethical and legal questions. As officer in charge of the Counter-Espionage Section of the RCMP Security Service, Higgitt wrote to his superiors in 1950 about what it meant to "fight fire with fire."

"To be successful in counterespionage work it is often necessary to adopt very unorthodox methods which do not fit in with our regular mode of operations. In this regard it is a matter of real and constant concern to the members of the Counter-Espionage Section of Headquarters Special Branch, that they have to request, or at least feel they should request, rather unusual courses of action by our field personnel well knowing that by complying with the request the investigator may be seriously jeopardizing their own futures in the Force if through bad luck or human error their operations are discovered by those persons against whom they are directing the investigation. Such discovery could lead to most embarrassing incidents and possibly legal action against the members concerned. It is to be hoped that some official notice can be taken of this situation and some overall directive laid down for guidance. Again it is to be stressed that extraordinary measures and methods must be used if we are to effectively cope with extraordinary situations. To some extent the axiom of 'the end justifies the means' is very true in Counter-Espionage operations but the personal risk to the operating members must be recognized before they can be expected to extend themselves in connection to these matters."

As Whitaker has written, associated with this, as Higgitt realized, was another disturbing aspect of security intelligence work, especially counterespionage: the work could literally lie at the margins of life and death. "Running secret sources and double agents was a very risky business, especially for the sources and agents, but that anxiety could extend to their handlers as well, who had to contend with troubling responsibilities, not to speak of moral dilemmas."

The Gouzenko Affair
In 1945, Higgitt, along with John Leopold of the RCMP's Intelligence Branch and two other future RCMP Commissioners, Charles Rivett-Carnac and Clifford Harvison, was a principal investigator of Igor Gouzenko, a cipher clerk for the Soviet Embassy to Canada who defected on September 5, three days after the official close of the War, with 109 documents on Soviet espionage activities in Canada and the United States. Higgitt was in charge of liaison with the special Crown prosecutors at the series of criminal trials related to Gouzenko and had control of the exhibits and documents.

Gouzenko had been a cipher clerk at the Soviet Embassy in Ottawa during the top secret Manhattan Project, which the Soviet Union had been left out of despite the Soviet's status as part of the Allied military coalition against Nazi Germany. Gouzenko's defection was one of the major catalysts for the beginning of the global Cold War, and compelled RCMP leadership to organize a special counter-espionage section of the RCMP, which Higgitt headed until 1952. This was a forerunner of the RCMP Security Service, an arm of the RCMP that had responsibility for domestic intelligence and security in Canada. While officer in charge of the counterespionage section, Higgitt, along with his colleagues in allied nations, did not believe that security screening at border crossings was alone proof against the penetration into Canada of Communist Bloc spies. As Higgitt wrote to his superiors in 1952, "We feel a person who has been sent to Canada as a Soviet agent, is not likely to be one whose background, upon enquiry, will show any unusual or suspicious circumstances, but will undoubtedly be a person whose background has been well prepared so that nothing abnormal will become visible from even the closest scrutiny."

In April 1952, Higgitt was commissioned a Sub-Inspector and shortly afterwards became Inspector and Personnel Officer in Ontario. A year later, in 1953, the KGB agent Yevgeni Brik, while living in Canada under the alias of David Soboloff, confessed to the RCMP Security Service that he had been running a Soviet spy ring inside Canada's top-secret Avro Arrow CF-105 interceptor program, and Brik subsequently became a double-agent, the most valuable spy for the West since World War II. Higgitt moved to western Quebec that same year to serve as Inspector at "C" Division, then in June 1954 was transferred to Montreal, Canada's largest urban center at the time, to take charge of the RCMP's Montreal Subdivision and supervise the RCMP's investigation and enforcement of the Canada Customs Act. Higgitt stayed in Montreal for three years. He was the personal escort to Princess Katharine, Duchess of Kent, during her visit to the Laurentians in 1954, and received additional intensive training in undercover and surveillance operations by the RCMP in 1955. He was next posted to the RCMP's Security and Intelligence at RCMP Headquarters in Ottawa in 1957, the year Soviet spy Rudolf Abel was arrested in New York. With the Security Service, Higgitt became the officer in charge of counterespionage under the Directorate of Security and Intelligence.

In October 1957, at the 27th meeting of the Security Sub-Panel, Higgitt informed Canada's Privy Council that members of the Soviet Military Attache's Office were covertly engaged in making extensive photographic and other records of military, hydro-electric, radio and electronic installations as well as coastlines and general topography throughout Eastern Canada. Two months later, in a secret December 1957 meeting at an Ottawa hotel, Higgitt discovered that Soviet agents had been attempting to recruit members of Higgitt's counterespionage unit responsible for surveillance of Soviet-bloc Embassy personnel in Ottawa. Higgitt was subsequently involved in the investigations of KGB agents Rem Krasilnikov and Nikolai Ostrovsky. He was also involved in the coordination of Operation Keystone related to the double-agent Brik, codenamed Gideon, whose whereabouts had become unknown after Brik's rendezvous in Moscow with British SIS officer Daphne Park.

Three years later Higgitt was assigned to London, England, where he served as Liaison Officer with British Intelligence and, later, with Western Europe via the Canadian Delegation to the General Assemblies of Interpol. While in London, a Soviet scientist, Dr. Mikhail A. Klochko, defected to Canada, and shortly thereafter the RCMP Security Service learned that Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev had personally passed the order, "Get Klochko, to the KGB's 13th Department. Higgitt remained in Europe for three years, travelling extensively and working closely with police organizations and intelligence agencies throughout the continent. Higgitt made regular visits to Bonn to compare notes with Canada's Ambassador to West Germany, John Kennett Starnes, who was also head of the allied military mission to Berlin, which sought to collect intelligence on the Soviet military. Starnes eventually went on to become the Director of Canada's Security Service, replacing Higgitt in 1969 when Higgitt moved on from the head of the RCMP Security Service to take the job as head of the RCMP.

Promotion to Commissioner
Higgitt returned from London to Ottawa in 1963, ending his tenure as RCMP liaison with British Intelligence and taking the position of RCMP Security Service Superintendent. In 1967, Higgitt became RCMP Assistant Commissioner and Director of RCMP Security and Intelligence. In this dual role he worked closely with counterparts in the United States and Europe to monitor communist movements.

In the late 1960s, he was also worried about the potential for racial violence in Canada, particularly in Halifax, Nova Scotia, with the presence there of radical US Black Panther members. In a secret report to the Government in 1968, Higgitt wrote that "The outside influence and support by US Black nationalists, coupled with revolutionary and militant support from organizations in Canada sympathetic to the Negroes' cause, could very well result in racial violence in Halifax and other centres in Canada having Negro communities". Community leaders in Halifax expressed concern that this worry, and the surveillance activities it induced, were discriminatory and meant to actually suppress the civil rights movement as opposed to keeping the peace.

In 1969, Higgitt was promoted to Deputy RCMP Commissioner and became Director of Operations for all Criminal and Security Service matters throughout Canada. He held this position for only twenty-two days before being appointed RCMP Commissioner, over several of his senior officers, by Prime Minister Pierre Elliot Trudeau, on October 1, 1969. This was the RCMP's fourteenth commissioner. Upon his appointment, at the height of the Cold War, The New York Times described Higgitt as being "in the tradition of quiet‐spoken, approachable but tough headed men who hardly ever, by word or deed, draw attention to themselves". This made sense given Higgitt's background in intelligence and counterintelligence going all the way back to WWII: "[Higgitt] talked about communist spies like they were the boy next door, implying that he knew them and their methods so well that they can hardly surprise him".

Reader's Digest described "greying, magnetic" Higgitt as "a tough, 53-year-old lawman who worked his way up through the ranks. Higgitt rarely talks publicly about the RCMP, but he runs his 11,250-man organization with the kind of quiet devotion to duty that filled history books with stories of heroic RCMP feats." The Calgary Herald said that Higgitt and the FBI's J. Edgar Hoover have many things in common: "They are relentless civil police officers. They seldom put themselves in public view. And they have reputations for being hard to get to know". Higgitt continued his duties as Commissioner on a one-year extension granted by Canada's Solicitor-General. Upon his promotion to Commissioner, Higgitt told The Los Angeles Times, "I believe Canada has the greatest, most efficient and most human police force in the world". Following his appointment as Commissioner, Higgitt was unanimously elected a vice-president of Interpol, and he received a tipstaff at the 65th annual conference of the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police, London, Ontario.

RCMP Commissioner
In 1970, Commissioner Higgitt announced the construction of a police computer service that at $5 million a year would see the linking of the RCMP to Provincial Police forces in Canada and the end of long rows of grey filing cabinets at RCMP Headquarters. This computer system also had swift relays with the FBI in the United States, processing in seconds information on criminal activity—stolen cars and fugitives—that had formerly taken days. This all came at a time of increasingly tense domestic and global Cold War politics, and indeed in the midst of increasing mutual assistance between the FBI and the RCMP with security information about individuals in both countries apparently conducting subversive or espionage operations with American and/or Canadian significance.

In his first official press interview upon his appointment as RCMP Commissioner, Higgitt was asked whether he thought a Chinese Communist Embassy in Ottawa would pose a new security problem for the federal police. Higgitt's immediate answer, widely circulated throughout Canadian media, was that a Chinese Communist presence in Canada would indeed require heightened police vigilance; an answer which displeased Trudeau, who had pressed hard for Canada-China negotiations and a diplomatic exchange between Ottawa and Beijing. Higgitt's opinion was that the presence of a Communist Chinese embassy in Ottawa would increase espionage activity in Canada, even if diplomatic links might outweigh those disadvantages. For many American security officials, this was putting it mildly, as they anticipated that Chinese spies in Canada would be gathering information not so much about Canada as the United States. In this first interview Higgitt was also asked about political movements and political protesting on the domestic front. His stated belief was that anybody has a perfect right to get up on a street corner and advocate a change in government, and the police should only intervene when dissenters resort to subversive tactics.

This was also a time when the press were charging that the RCMP was "hung up on its image", that in pursuit of their duties the Mounties were infringing on civil rights, and that some of the RCMP's undercover work was illegal. In a 1970 interview with United Press International (UPI), Higgitt's response to these charges was that they were invalid:

"There is no police force in the western world which isn't in trouble today, in one way or another. Solomon himself couldn't avoid it. I suppose people basically don't like policemen. [But] I have said it many times and I'll say it again. This is one of the greatest polices forces in the world. A police force is in an indefensible position. We have a trust to the people of Canada -- to keep in confidence things that would embarrass people and affect careers. We will not break that trust."

When Higgitt took office as Commissioner, the Vietnam War was reaching its peak; US President Lyndon Johnson approving an increased maximum of number of US troops. Higgitt, new Security Service Director General John Starnes, and RCMP Inspector Louis G. Pantry, the Mounties' liaison officer in Washington DC, met with FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover and Chief Inspector William C. Sullivan at the FBI headquarters in Washington, in March 1970. Afterward, public criticism emerged that the RCMP, under Higgitt's leadership and acting for the American FBI, was harassing US draft dodgers and deserters seeking refuge in Canada. Higgitt told the UPI that this was not so. "We have conducted no interviews on the FBI's behalf. If the FBI asks if someone is in Canada, we tell them yes or no. After all, they have committed a criminal offence under US law, so this is straight cooperation between police forces. We ask the same from them. But we don't even give the draft dodger's addresses in Canada, only whether they are in the country. William W. Turner, former FBI agent and author of Hoover's FBI: The Man and the Myth, claimed that the RCMP were turning over US deserters to American border officials. Turner's remarks were televised on Weekend, a CBC news program. Higgitt denied the allegations the following day: "There is absolutely nothing like this going on. I saw the show... This is the first I've heard of it, and I don't believe it. It's the same old allegations made time after time after time."

There was more tension with President Richard Nixon's visit to Ottawa in April 1972, which was only a month before Higgitt returned to Washington to attend Hoover's funeral. In October of the year prior Soviet Premier Alexei Kosykin was assaulted by a political protester, and a number of groups had indicated that they would use the Nixon visit as a peg for demonstrations on Parliament Hill against the Vietnam conflict and US economic doctrines. The question of who was to run the security show during the presidential visit to Canada was a sensitive one at the time because it touched upon Canadian sovereignty. White House Secret Service insisted that Higgitt and the RCMP were calling the shots, but the media disputed this.

Cold War Espionage
Canada's Cabinet Committee on Security and Intelligence met on 19 December 1969, and suggested that Canada should expand its capacity to gather intelligence abroad. In January 1970, Higgitt and Starnes met with Prime Minister Trudeau, then flew to London for a week to visit the headquarters of MI5 and SIS, and meet with leaders of Britain's intelligence community. Priorities for Higgitt and Starnes were separatism and the close international connections that tied revolutionary groups from Cuba to Europe to the Middle East. In the first part of 1970 the police foiled two kidnapping attempts, first against an Israeli consul and then against the US consul in Montreal. Tensions between the RCMP and the Trudeau Government regarding Maoist China continued as well.

Covert Operations
In May 1971, after Canada and China had agreed to exchange ambassadors, Higgitt was brought before a Commons Judicial Committee to testify about communist espionage. He was asked by MP Harold Stafford if he maintained his 1969 position that the new embassy would mean an increase in subversion. "That was not quite my statement," Higgitt replied. Higgitt said that he had been asked at a news conference whether a mainland Chinese embassy would result in more agents in Canada. "In 1969," Higgitt continued, "the obvious answer had to be yes". When Stafford pressed the point, Solicitor-General Jean-Pierre Goyer, who had authorized the wiretapping operation, Operation Cobra, against the militant Agence de Presse Libre du Quebec (APLQ), intervened to say an improper picture of relations with Communist countries shouldn't be developed, as relations are excellent. Goyer went on to defend the Mounties, maintaining that the RCMP was obliged to often engage in surveillance in order to gather intelligence on foreign and domestic subversive activity. MP Donald Stovel Macdonald asked Higgitt to define subversive activity. Higgitt's response was that this is a most difficult question that anybody could be asked to answer; that the RCMP and the Canadian Government have argued for years on what a proper definition of subversive activity is.

"Generally speaking, I think probably an acceptable definition [of subversive activity] is trying to achieve some political purpose by illegal means, or improper means, and trying to destroy the institutions of the country by nondemocratic means, I suppose, if that's understandable."

Less than a year after Higgitt's testimony, in April 1972, the Cuba Trade Commission in Montreal was bombed, killing one Cuban and injuring seven others. Seven Cubans were detained and six were charged with weapons possession and interfering with a police investigation which saw the RCMP locate an electronic bomb-firing device as well as a Cuban code book. From Havana, an angered Cuban President, Fidel Castro, charged the police with “brutal and fascist methods” in their handling of the affair. The FBI concluded that the electronic firing device was "quite similar" to that which the US Coast Guard recovered from the attempted bombing of the British deep sea freighter Lancastrian Prince three hundred miles east of Miami, Florida in 1968.

Higgitt also directed RCMP operations during the FLQ Crisis in Quebec in 1970, which was the last time the War Measures Act would be invoked until Justin Trudeau declared a public order emergency in 2022. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, relations between Canada and France were strained because of what was perceived as official French sympathy for those in Quebec who wanted to take the province out of the Canadian confederation. According to an August 1981 report of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), the Trudeau government at the time believed that French intelligence agents in Quebec were funneling money to pro-separatist groups. In June 1970, a bomb had gone off at National Defense Headquarters in Ottawa, killing telecommunications operator Jeanne d'Arc Saint- Germain. The bombing was attributed to the FLQ. Other bombings in Montreal over the month of July increased the pressure on the RCMP to bring to justice those responsible and to identify their supporters. The CBC said that in the fall of 1970, Trudeau met with Higgitt and John Starnes, and approved plans for spying on French diplomats. Trudeau was said to have told Higgitt and Starnes that he would deny any knowledge of the operation if it was ever discovered.

Concerned that things had gotten out of control, by 1977 a Royal Commission was formed by Justice David McDonald titled "Royal Commission of Inquiry into Certain Activities of the RCMP" to investigate allegations of vast wrongdoing by the national police force. In addition to the covert Operation Cathedral, the McDonald Inquiry probed the "countering activities" Operation Oddball and Operation Checkmate undertaken by the RCMP Security Service's super-secret 'E Special' unit. When the McDonald Inquiry concluded in 1981, it was recommended that the RCMP's role in intelligence operations be limited, which ultimately resulted in the formation of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service three years later.

The October Crisis
Federal ministers from Quebec, including Prime Minister Trudeau, believed that the FLQ Crisis only became a crisis because the intelligence on Quebec separatism gathered by the RCMP Security Service was inadequate, if not worse. What followed in the 1970s was a much more aggressive and intrusive pattern of intelligence targeting of Quebec separatism by the Security Service, which blew up in the face of the government with a series of public scandals of RCMP "wrongdoing"—actions that went beyond lawful limits or were seriously questionable from the standpoint of liberal democratic ethics. Whitaker summarizes the situation like this: In effect, the government blamed the RCMP for originally not doing enough, then later blamed the RCMP for going too far, then took matters into their own hands with the War Measures Act.

Higgitt opposed the use of the War Measures Act by the Government of Pierre Elliot Trudeau, which gave the police and military special powers to crack down on the FLQ. According to journalist Peter C. Newman, "[u]nlike most police officers faced by persistent politicians, Higgitt proved to be very tough, very precise, and equally persistent." On October 13, 1970, Trudeau famously told CBC reporter Tim Ralfe, "Well, just watch me", after Ralfe questioned Trudeau on how far he would go in the suspension of civil liberties to maintain order. A day later, in a confidential Ottawa meeting with Trudeau, Deputy Minister of Justice Don Maxwell, and Lieutenant General Michael Dare, Higgitt argued against the Act's use; telling Trudeau it would be a heavy-handed overstep. Higgitt warned that a broad sweep and preventative detention of suspects in Quebec was not likely to lead to the abductors of the Deputy Premier, Pierre Laporte, and the British Trade Commissioner, James Cross, and that "[these events] ought not to be allowed to over-rule calmer reaction at the federal level." Only Maxwell agreed with Higgitt. According to security and intelligence scholar, Reg Whitaker, Trudeau and his cabinet deliberately exaggerated the crisis to obtain emergency powers to intimidate Quebec separatists. Trudeau cabinet minister, Don Jamieson, recalled that Higgitt confirmed that the War Measures Act had produced nothing of any consequence to the RCMP's investigations.

To the question of why Higgitt wasn't listened to by Trudeau in 1970, Starnes put it this way in 1992:

"It is difficult, so long after the event, to know why more weight wasn't given to the RCMP Commissioner's views. I suspect it may have been due, in part, to Len Higgitt's style and how he was regarded within the bureaucracy. He was not comfortable with the abstract, often woolly ideas and philosophical concepts that were a hallmark of various Trudeau administrations, preferring pragmatic, straightforward approaches to solutions. Although he could be articulate what he said usually was couched in unadorned, even blunt, language. Len Higgitt sometimes gave the impression of being a simple man, but he was not. He had an undeveloped natural subtleness of mind that many of his detractors failed to perceive and take into account. He never adapted to the trendy phrases and catchy 'buzz words' then much in vogue in the bureaucracy. As a consequence, what he said was sometimes discounted by his peers, and by some ministers."

Higgitt called the two kidnappings and murder "probably the most vicious and complicated crimes ever committed in Canada". Many Members of Parliament came to agree, and questions were asked as to both the excessiveness of the War Measures Act and the failures in intelligence gathering that allowed such events to transpire. Simultaneously, critique was also turned toward the Mounties' increasing use of electronic surveillance in the name of 'public safety'. The conflicting interests, then, against the backdrop of ongoing socio-cultural change in Canada, demanded close analysis. The October Crisis and the use of the War Measures Act led to an official critical review of the security and intelligence situation in Canada called the Royal Commission on Security, chaired by Maxwell Mackenzie. Higgitt was questioned, in 1971, by Mackenzie and a House of Commons committee regarding what he knew about the RCMP's law-bending or law-violating methods in intelligence gathering. Higgitt denied having any knowledge of RCMP officers' wiretapping and unlawful break-ins, and the Royal Commission inquiry ultimately produced no evidence that he did know. Globe and Mail journalist Jeff Sallot drew this conclusion: "A trim man even in his fifties, he [(Higgitt)] looked every inch the policeman who had risen to the top because of his intelligence, dedication, and honest hard work. His sharp facial features betrayed no hint that he knew about skeletons in the closet. But in thirty-six years with the force he had learned a lot, especially about how to keep secrets".

Upon completing its report, the Commission recommended that a new civilian non-police agency be established to perform the functions of a security service in Canada instead of the RCMP. This eventually led, in 1984, to the establishment of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), effectively creating a separation of domestic policing and foreign intelligence in Canada similar to the distinction between the FBI and the CIA in the United States. In an address to the Security Panel (a senior interdepartmental committee of officials), Higgitt termed the recommendation for a separate civilian intelligence service "a travesty of justice," and added that "the Soviet Intelligence would be jubilant. They could never hope to duplicate the accomplishment".

Kainai Chieftainship
Higgitt organized the RCMP Centennial Celebrations in 1973. In early July of that year, in formal ceremonies marking the Centenary, Higgitt along with Queen Elizabeth met Chief David Ahenakew, leader of the Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations, and later with Cree activist Harold Cardinal, Indian Association of Alberta. As many Canadian news media outlets of the time reported, Ahenakew went off program after presenting the Queen with a peace-pipe and affirming the Indigenous Peoples of Saskatchewan's ongoing faithfulness to her and the treaties made between Indians and the Canadian Government: Ahenakew told the Queen and Higgitt that Indigenous Peoples "have been prisoners under the yoke of dependency imposed by the Government", and that "over the years some of your representatives have not respected their commitments". Higgitt also met with Chief Joe Crowfoot, 77-year-old member of the Blackfoot tribe at Cluny, Alberta, and grandson of Chief Crowfoot of the Blackfoot Confederacy, Kainai Nation, who in 1877 negotiated peace with the Mounties' first Commissioner, Lieutenant-Colonel James Macleod. Higgitt told Crowfoot, "You put us on a pedestal. You gave us a very heavy responsibility then -- one of conducting ourselves so that you will never be sorry you put us up there in the first place."

In late July 1973, in Standoff, Alberta, Higgitt was honored with a Kainai Chieftainship by the Blood Indian Band. Higgitt was given the Blackfoot name "Great Chief" and was presented with a head-dress and peace pipe by Joe Chief Body, Bob Black Plume, and Blood Reserve war veteran Pat Eaglechild. In turn, Higgitt and Sgt. B. Thorstad, NCO in charge of the RCMP's Cardston Detachment, presented Chief Jim Shot Both Sides with an honorary RCMP Centenary Winchester Rifle in appreciation of the one hundred years of peaceful association between the Blood Tribe and the RCMP; pledging that the RCMP would continue to work in the service of the Kainai and the Blackfoot Confederacy. Centennial neck medallions were also given to other present-day Chiefs of the tribes involved in the signing of Treaty 7: Chief Leo Pretty Young Man of the Blackfoot Band, Chief Gordon Crowchild of the Sarcee Band, Chief John Snow of the Wesley Band, and Chief Frank Kaquitts of the Chiniquay Band. In her address to Higgitt and the assembled Chiefs, Alberta Indian Princess Jenny Fox said: "I'm very happy to see so many people down here to honor the RCMP and new members of the Kainai Chieftainship. In spite of all the criticism and unfairness that some people give to the RCMP, we have to admit one thing, and that is that they have given us one of the most important things in our society today, that which is law and order".

Higgitt was also appointed Commander in the Most Venerable Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (Order of St. John), invested with the insignia of that rank in 1971 by Governor General Roland Michener. He was awarded the Canadian Centennial Medal and the RCMP Long Service Medal.

President of Interpol
Higgit served in London as the RCMP Liaison Officer for the United Kingdom and Western Europe, and was a member of the Canadian Delegation to the General Assemblies of Interpol in 1961, in Copenhagen, and 1962, in Madrid. As RCMP Commissioner he also led the Canadian Delegation to Mexico City in 1969. In 1971, while Higgitt was RCMP Commissioner, Canada and the RCMP hosted the 40th General Assembly of Interpol in Ottawa, which featured fifty delegations representing national policing organizations across the world. In 1972, at Interpol's 41st Plenary Meeting in Frankfurt, Higgitt was elected President of Interpol. This marked the first time a president from outside Europe was elected. Higgitt's first year as President of Interpol coincided with his final year as RCMP Commissioner.

Higgitt set currency counterfeiting and the growing global narcotics trade as Interpol's top priorities., and in one of his first moves as president, Higgitt and Paul Dickopf, along with Interpol Secretary-General Jean Népote, representing the Interpol Executive Committee, met in Washington with Kenneth S. Giannoules of the United States Secret Service to discuss Interpol's Narcotics Intelligence Program. Higgitt also sought to keep politics out of Interpol, telling the 45th Annual General Assembly of Interpol in Accra, Ghana, that Interpol operated under no racial discrimination nor political influence. Likewise, Higgitt told the London Sunday Times in 1974 that if Interpol became a political body like the United Nations, debating definitions of terrorism, it would find itself increasingly unsuccessful in its intelligence-gathering operations and eventually break apart. This statement came in the wake of the Lod Airport massacre in Israel, planned and carried out in 1972 by the Japanese Red Army, a Marxist group that had grown out of the student protest movement at Japanese universities and by the 1970s had expanded its field of operations across the globe.

1972 was also the year Canadian Justice Minister, John Turner, and the Commons Justice and Legal Affairs Committee became interested in the intelligence-gathering methods of the RCMP's Security Service and Criminal Investigations Branch; in particular whether any of their methods were unlawful. Higgitt appeared before the Committee on May 29, 1973, to testify. He denied that the RCMP engaged in wiretapping surveillance practices, even though suspicion about the RCMP had prompted Turner to propose Criminal Code amendments which would outlaw all forms of electronic eavesdropping, except by police, who would be required to obtain a search warrant either from a judge in criminal cases or the solicitor-general in national security cases. There was no indication that Higgitt knew at the time of his testifying that the RCMP's Criminal Investigations Branch had used or was using wiretapping.

Retirement
Commissioner Higgitt retired from Interpol in 1976; going on to serve for several years as president of Canada's Safety Council. In May 1978, Higgitt, promoting Child Safety Week, wrote "Whatever we offer to our children will be meaningless if we are unable to offer them the most important thing of all: a safe, happy life."

In October 1978, just after the Canadian Government expelled thirteen suspected Soviet spies from Ottawa, the largest diplomatic expulsion in Canadian history, Higgitt was called before the Royal Commission of Inquiry Concerning Certain Activities of the RCMP. Higgitt testified that he was unaware that the force had burned a barn, stolen dynamite, issued a fake terrorist communique and taken Parti Quebecois membership lists—four of eleven areas of investigation by the Inquiry. In a follow-up testimony in 1980, Higgitt said that in his capacity as RCMP Commissioner, he and Director General of the RCMP's Security Service, John Kennett Starnes, had discussed with Cabinet Ministers, including Turner and other senior Canadian Government officials, the possibility of surveilling foreign agents via electronic eavesdropping, and of similar intelligence-gathering methods in the wake of the bombings during the FLQ crisis. Higgitt maintained that his "political masters" in Ottawa had given their implied consent to the use of wiretapping and other forms of electronic surveillance.

Higgitt died in Ottawa on April 2, 1989, and was buried in the RCMP cemetery in Regina, Saskatchewan. He told the Winnipeg Free Press in 1972, "If I had it to do over again, I would do exactly the same thing I have done. And I wouldn't be the slightest bit concerned whether I ended up as Commissioner or not." "As a lone Mountie bugler played the Last Post, a troop of scarlet-clad fellow officers and a small gathering of family and friends paid their last respects to a man known by many as a great Canadian". During his eulogy in the RCMP Chapel, Regina, Assistant Commissioner Cortlandt Macdonell praised his former commanding officer as the man who set the standard for his fellow Mounties. "His indeed was a lifetime dedicated not only to the people of Canada but to democracy".

title: William Leonard Higgitt


text:
Interposition

Interposition is a claimed right of a U.S. state to oppose actions of the federal government that the state deems unconstitutional. Under the theory of interposition, a state assumes the right to "interpose" itself between the federal government and the people of the state by taking action to prevent the federal government from enforcing laws that the state considers unconstitutional.

The theory of interposition is grounded in the text of the Tenth Amendment, which states: "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people."

In Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 (1958), the Supreme Court of the United States rejected interposition explicitly. The Supreme Court and the lower federal courts have consistently held that the power to declare federal laws unconstitutional lies with the federal judiciary, not with the states. The courts have held that interposition is not a valid constitutional doctrine when invoked to block enforcement of federal law.

Interposition is closely related to the theory of nullification, which holds that the states have the right to nullify federal laws that are deemed unconstitutional and to prevent enforcement of such laws within their borders.

Though interposition and nullification are similar, there are some differences. Nullification is an act of an individual state, while interposition was conceived as an action that would be undertaken by states acting jointly. Nullification is a declaration by a state that a federal law is unconstitutional accompanied by a declaration that the law is void and may not be enforced in the state. Interposition also involves a declaration by a state that a federal law is unconstitutional, but interposition as originally conceived does not result in a declaration by the state that the federal law may not be enforced in the state. Rather, the law would still be enforced. Thus, interposition may be seen as more moderate than nullification.

There are various actions that a state might take to "interpose" itself once it has determined that a federal law is unconstitutional. These actions include communicating with other states about the unconstitutional law, attempting to enlist the support of other states, petitioning Congress to repeal the law, introducing Constitutional amendments in Congress, or calling a constitutional convention.

Interposition and nullification often are discussed together, and many of the same principles apply to both theories. In practice, the terms nullification and interposition often have been used indistinguishably. John C. Calhoun indicated that these terms were interchangeable, stating: "This right of interposition, thus solemnly asserted by the State of Virginia, be it called what it may – State-right, veto, nullification, or by any other name – I conceive to be the fundamental principle of our system." During the fight over desegregation of the schools in the south in the 1950s, a number of southern states tried to preserve their segregated schools by passing so-called "Acts of Interposition" that actually would have had the effect of nullification, if they had been valid. These acts were struck down by the courts, whether labelled acts of interposition or nullification.

Virginia Resolution
Interposition was first suggested in the Virginia Resolution of 1798, written by James Madison, which stated:

"That this Assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, that it views the powers of the federal government, as resulting from the compact, to which the states are parties; as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting the compact; as no further valid that they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact; and that in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the states who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits, the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them."

By this statement, James Madison asserted that the states are "duty bound to interpose" to prevent the harm that would result from a "deliberate, palpable, and dangerous" unconstitutional action by the federal government. Madison did not specify the procedural legal details of how this interposition would be enacted or what result it would have. The Virginia Resolution, unlike the contemporaneous Kentucky Resolutions, did not assert that the states may declare a federal law null and void. The Virginia Resolution thus is sometimes considered to be more tempered than the Kentucky Resolutions, which assert that a state may nullify unconstitutional federal laws.

The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions were not accepted by any of the other states. Seven states formally responded to Kentucky and Virginia by rejecting the resolutions and three other states passed resolutions expressing disapproval. At least six states responded to the Resolutions by taking the position that the constitutionality of acts of Congress is a question for the federal courts, not the state legislatures. For example, Vermont's resolution stated: "That the General Assembly of the state of Vermont do highly disapprove of the resolutions of the General Assembly of Virginia, as being unconstitutional in their nature, and dangerous in their tendency. It belongs not to state legislatures to decide on the constitutionality of laws made by the general government; this power being exclusively vested in the judiciary courts of the Union."

In 1800, the Virginia Legislature issued a report responding to the criticism of the Virginia Resolution. Madison wrote the Report of 1800. Madison affirmed each part of the Virginia Resolution, and again argued that the states have the right to interpose when they believe a federal law is unconstitutional. He explained that a state's act of interposition, unlike a judicial interpretation of the Constitution, has no legal effect. Rather, when the states interpose and declare a federal law unconstitutional, these declarations "are expressions of opinion, unaccompanied with any other effect than what they may produce on opinion, by exciting reflection. The expositions of the judiciary, on the other hand, are carried into immediate effect by force." Madison explained that the purpose of a state's declaration of unconstitutionality is to mobilize opposition to the federal law and to enlist the cooperation of other states. Madison said that the states might take various types of joint action to remedy the situation, such as jointly applying to Congress for repeal of the law, instructing their senators to submit a constitutional amendment, or calling a convention to propose constitutional amendments.

During the Nullification Crisis of the 1830s, Madison further explained the concept of interposition as set forth in his Virginia Resolution. Madison denied that any single state had the right to unilaterally determine that a federal statute is unconstitutional. Madison wrote, "But it follows, from no view of the subject, that a nullification of a law of the U. S. can as is now contended, belong rightfully to a single State, as one of the parties to the Constitution; the State not ceasing to avow its adherence to the Constitution. A plainer contradiction in terms, or a more fatal inlet to anarchy, cannot be imagined." Rather, the interposition contemplated by Madison would be "a concurring and cooperating interposition of the States, not that of a single State." Madison argued that interposition would involve some sort of joint action among the states, such as amending the Constitution.

Interposition attempts in the 19th century
During the 19th century, several states attempted or threatened interposition or nullification. These states often referred to the Virginia Resolution and used the language of interposition, even though they often were attempting or threatening nullification. None of these interposition attempts was legally upheld. The Supreme Court ruled against various interposition and nullification attempts in a series of cases, starting in 1809. The Civil War put an end to most interposition attempts.

School desegregation
Several southern states attempted to use interposition in the 1950s after the Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education, which ruled that segregated schools violate the Constitution. Many people in southern states strongly opposed the Brown decision. They argued that the Brown decision was an unconstitutional infringement on states' rights, and that the states had the power to prevent that decision from being enforced within their borders. James J. Kilpatrick, an editor of the Richmond News Leader, wrote a series of editorials urging "massive resistance" to integration of the schools. Kilpatrick revived the idea of interposition by the states as a constitutional basis for resisting federal government action. At least ten southern states passed interposition or nullification laws in an effort to prevent integration of their schools.

In the case of Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 (1958), the Supreme Court rejected the Arkansas effort to use nullification and interposition. The state of Arkansas passed several laws in an effort to prevent the integration of its schools. The Supreme Court, in a unanimous decision, held that state governments had no power to nullify the Brown decision. The Supreme Court held that the Brown decision and its implementation "can neither be nullified openly and directly by state legislators or state executive or judicial officers nor nullified indirectly by them through evasive schemes for segregation whether attempted 'ingeniously or ingenuously. Thus, Cooper v. Aaron directly held that state attempts to nullify federal law are ineffective.

In a similar case arising from Louisiana's interposition act, the Supreme Court affirmed the decision of a federal district court that rejected interposition. The district court's decision reviewed the theory of interposition and found no basis in the Constitution for interposition. The district court stated: "The conclusion is clear that interposition is not a constitutional doctrine. If taken seriously, it is illegal defiance of constitutional authority. Otherwise, 'it amounted to no more than a protest, an escape valve through which the legislators blew off steam to relieve their tensions.' ... However solemn or spirited, interposition resolutions have no legal efficacy."

Interposition and nullification were referenced by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in his August 1963 "I Have a Dream" speech, at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom:

"I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers."

Contemporary debate
Interposition and nullification have been raised recently in several state legislatures. Some legislators argue that the states should use these theories to declare unconstitutional certain acts of Congress, especially including the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010. Interposition or nullification bills have been introduced in several state legislatures. Opponents respond that interposition is not a valid constitutional doctrine and has been discredited.

title: Interposition


text:
Maurice Nadon

Maurice Jean Nadon (July 8, 1920 – December 21, 2009) was the 16th Commissioner of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, serving from January 1, 1974 to August 31, 1977.

Nadon was born in Mattawa, Ontario, joined the RCMP in 1939 and retired from the force in 1977.

He was the first and only French Canadian commissioner of the RCMP.

In 1991 the RCMP commissioned RCMP vessel Nadon, a patrol boat and named for the former Commissioner. In 2011, the new RCMP Headquarters (M. J. Nadon Government of Canada Building) in Ottawa was named in his honour.

Nadon died in 2009 in Pembroke, Ontario and was buried at Beechwood Cemetery in Ottawa. Predeceased by his wife Madeleine Desrosiers, Nadon was survived by son Robert and daughter Suzanne.

title: Maurice Nadon


text: Category:Mass media in Oklahoma

title: Category:Mass media in Oklahoma


text: User talk:66.242.174.193

title: User talk:66.242.174.193


text: User talk:68.48.129.123

title: User talk:68.48.129.123


text:
Category:American Poets Laureate

Individuals listed here include state and local poets laureate in addition to Poet Laureate Consultants in Poetry to the Library of Congress, informally known as United States Poets Laureate.

title: Category:American Poets Laureate


text:
Robert Simmonds

Robert Henry Simmonds (April 6, 1926 – January 17, 2023) was a Canadian police officer who served as the 17th commissioner of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) from 1977 to 1987.

Early life and career
Robert Henry Simmonds was born on April 6, 1926, in Keatley near Hafford, Saskatchewan. Simmonds grew up on a farm and was educated in a one-room schoolhouse. He joined the Royal Navy Fleet Air Arm, served overseas during the last year of the Second World War.

RCMP career
Simmonds joined the Royal Canadian Mounted Police on April 23, 1947, where he trained at “Depot” Division in Regina. The following year, while touring with the RCMP Musical Ride, he performed highway patrols in Edmonton. He was subsequently posted to “K” Division, serving Edmonton, Innisfail, Three Hills, Wetaskiwin, Hanna and Calgary.

In 1953, Simmonds was part of the Canadian Contingent during the Coronation of Queen Elizabeth II in England. In 1957, he moved to Calgary Subdivision as a Criminal Investigator. In 1966 he moved to Burnaby, British Columbia as Sub-Inspector, but transferred to Victoria in 1971 to work in the staffing and personnel department. Three years later, he was promoted to Superintendent and charged with commanding the Victoria Subdivision. In 1976, Simmonds was promoted from Chief Superintendent to Deputy Commissioner of Administration in Ottawa. On September 1, 1977, he was appointed Commissioner of the RCMP.

Simmonds was supportive of the organization of a British Columbia Police commission to mediate between police and the public. He felt that the RCMP should conduct themselves in an ethical manner and be accountable to the Government for their actions. In 1984, the RCMP Security Service was replaced by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS). Throughout his term in office, Simmonds guided the Force through a time of heavy media scrutiny because of a series of sensational criminal investigations the Government was involved in at the time. He employed great discretion in speaking to the public and the media in order to avoid compromising the cases. Heavily active during his term as Commissioner, Simmonds was named Vice President of the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol), as well as the Dominion of Canada Rifle Association.

Post-RCMP career
After retiring in 1987, he negotiated peace between warring tribes in South Africa and became the senior law enforcement officer of the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control (UNFDAC) in Vienna.

Simmonds died in Ottawa, Ontario on January 17, 2023, at the age of 96.

Honours
Simmonds was awarded the RCMP Long Service Medal in 1967, accompanied by the bronze Clasp in 1972. He received the Queen Elizabeth II Silver Jubilee Medal in 1977, appointed Commander of the Order of St. John in 1978, and received the Queen Elizabeth II Diamond Jubilee Medal in 2012. He became an Honorary patron of the Parents’ Resource Institute for Drug Education (PRIDE), whose primary goal was the prevention and reduction of drug use among youth. In 1987, he was appointed an Officer of the Order of Canada.

title: Robert Simmonds


text:
Talk:List of United States Presidents who served more than one term

Untitled
Feel free to change/modify/revert my edits, but my interpretation of the title of the article means "served two or more COMPLETE terms" and not "served IN two or more terms." So, I removed George W. Bush and explained why he's not included. Strictly speaking, the article should be named "...served more than one term" to include George W. Bush. I added Grover Cleveland because he served two terms! The title doesn't say "consecutive." Hopefully those edits make sense. --Doctorcherokee 01:03, 2 Dec 2004 (UTC)

"Two Term" President
It seems to me that the number of terms served is less important then the number of terms a president was elected to serve. This more accurately reflects the purpose of describing a president as being "two-term" or "one-term" -- that the president had succeeded in obtaining the support and will of the people. Lincoln didn't serve two terms, but he was elected to a second term and I think that's what is more important. Conversely, Truman and Lyndon Johnson served the majority of two terms, but were both elected to only one. I do not think that they belong on this list. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 68.204.217.73 (talk) 03:41, 13 December 2006 (UTC).


text: User talk:158.158.240.230

title: User talk:158.158.240.230


text:
User:Pumpie/test

This page is only used for testing. This is NOT a user name.

 is a commune and a canton of the département of Calvados, in the Basse-Normandie région, in France.

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The canton is a canton of the département, in France. It was with the arrondissement de Pithiviers in 1800. The removing of the districts was intervened in 1926 and became part of arrondissement in Montargis. Another restructuring plan of 1942 recreated the arrondissement of Pithiviers.

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! align="center" colspan="2" | Statistics
 * bgcolor="#FFFFFF"
 * Prefecture: || Arcadia
 * bgcolor="#FFFFFF"
 * Province: || Mantineia
 * bgcolor="#FFFFFF"
 * Municipality: || Falanthos
 * bgcolor="#FFFFFF"
 * Municipal district: || Chrysovitsi (seat)
 * bgcolor="#FFFFFF" valign="top"
 * Location: Latitude: Longitude:|| 37.531 (37° 32' 51") N 22.2088 (22° 12' 34") E
 * bgcolor="#FFFFFF"
 * Population: (2001) -Percent of the municipality|| 196 (+13 or +7.1%) 14.96%
 * bgcolor="#FFFFFF"
 * Altitude: -lowest: -centre:|| about 900 m 1,100 m 1,271 m
 * bgcolor="#FFFFFF"
 * Postal code: || GR-221 00
 * bgcolor="#FFFFFF"
 * Car designation: ||
 * }
 * 1981 || 187 || - || -
 * 1991 || 183 || -4 or -21.39% || -
 * 2001 || 196 || +13 or +7.1% || 14.96%<!--
 * }
 * 2001 || 196 || +13 or +7.1% || 14.96%<!--
 * }
 * }

Location and transportation
Chrysovitsi is also located NNE of Megalopoli, and SE of Lagkadia.

The village has about 7 km of paved road, 6 to 8 km of gravel road and has about 4 km of hydro and phone lines.

Geography
Much of the area are mountainous and are also forested with pine, cypresses and cedars, farmlands are around the village and barren land are at the highest elevations.

History
The settlement dates back to the 15th century, around 1700, it was mentioned as Chrissovizzi under the Venetian census and later Xovitzi (Ξοβίτζι). The village had its action center during the Greek Revolution of 1821. It is located near Libovissi, Thedoros Kolokotronis' village. In 1935, the village began to ran a lumbermill until 1972. It is now used as a museum by the Forest Council.

After World War II and the Greek Civil War, its buildings were rebuilt and emigration occurred at a higher rate until the 1970s, the village recovered a small part of the population betweeen 1991 and 2001. Chryssovitsi became connected with asphalt in the 1960s. Electricity, radio and automobiles were introduced in the mid-20th century, television in the late-20th century and computer and internet at the turn of the millennium. In 1997, the ex-community (now a village and a municipal district) joined to become the newly formed municipality of Falanthos. The village was also featured on of Travelling in Greece. The village suffered a forest fire in July 2008, firefighters quickly put out the fire.

Other
There is an elementary school, a church and a big square. The nearest high school is in Alonistaina and the nearest hospital is in Tripoli.

Information
Its economy is based mainly on agricultural products.

The station
The station is located at km 101.155 on the partly abandoned Saint-Just-en-Chaussée - Douai line and at the km 115.358 of the also abandoned Ormoy-Villers - Boves line. The station serves trains with:

 * TER Picardie trains on the Amiens-Compiègne
 * TER Picardie freight trains: Montdidier with Saint-Just-en-Chaussée and Roisel

The tracks with Amiens passed othe long track west along the old line to Cambrai and the measured St-Just-en-Chaussée and Roisel line.

These three stations on the line (with Moreuil and Estrées-Saint-Denis) has its trains that crosseing an old line which was used until the 1980s.

History
Montdidier was located on the junction of the line linking with Amiens and another with Cambrai.

Coal trains used the station while heading for Creil and other large stations in the north of the Paris region via Estrées-St-Denis and Longueil-Ste-Marie and junctioned with the Amiens-Estrées line.

The second line served Roye and Montdidier (Cambrai - Paris-Nord line) and between Estrées-St-Denis and Longueil-Ste-Marie. Between Montdidier et Estrées, only one track remained and assured the junction of TER trains between Amiens and Creil, this line lasted the only way that always connected Estrées and Compiègne.

The third line contained only one track and served with St-Just-en-Chaussée with connects with the Lille-Longueau-Creil-Paris and Boulogne-Amiens-Longueau-Creil-Paris lines, one of the major junctions of the Compagie du Nord, wlong with the SNCF until the TGV opened.

TER Picardie freight trains continues to rely on the line mostly on the fixed schedule and disallows the connection of the two active lines (Montdidier-St Just et Amiens-Compiègne).

Later, the station gave a linkage between other lines including the Chemins de fer départementaux de la Somme, carries by the SE with Albert via and Noyon via Roye-sur-Matz. (part of the Oise network)

title: User:Pumpie/test


text:
Talk:List of fictional languages

(moved to Talk:List of constructed languages)

title: Talk:List of fictional languages