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Igorot people

The indigenous peoples of the Cordillera in northern Luzon, Philippines, often referred to by the exonym Igorot people, or more recently, as the Cordilleran peoples, are an ethnic group composed of nine main ethnolinguistic groups whose domains are in the Cordillera Mountain Range, altogether numbering about 1.8 million people in the early 21st century.

Their languages belong to the northern Luzon subgroup of Philippine languages, which in turn belongs to the Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) family.

These ethnic groups keep or have kept until recently their traditional religion and way of life. Some live in the tropical forests of the foothills, but most live in rugged grassland and pine forest zones higher up.

Etymology
From the root word golot, which means "mountain," Igolot means "people from the mountains", a reference to any of various ethnic groups in the mountains of northern Luzon. During the Spanish colonial era, the term was variously recorded as Igolot, Ygolot, and Igorrote, compliant to Spanish orthography.

The endonyms Ifugao or Ipugaw (also meaning "mountain people") are used more frequently by the Igorots themselves, as igorot is viewed by some as slightly pejorative, except by the Ibaloys. The Spanish borrowed the term Ifugao from the lowland Gaddang and Ibanag groups.

Cordillera ethnic groups

The Igorots may be roughly divided into two general subgroups: the larger group lives in the south, central and western areas, and is very adept at rice-terrace farming; the smaller group lives in the east and north. Prior to Spanish colonisation of the islands, the peoples now included under the term did not consider themselves as belonging to a single, cohesive ethnic group.

Bontoc
The Bontok ethnolinguistic group can be found in the central and east portions of the Mountain Province. It mainly consists of the Balangaos and Gaddangs, with a significant portion who identify as part of the Kalinga group. The Bontok live in a mountainous territory, particularly close to the Chico River and its tributaries. Mineral resources (gold, copper, limestone, gypsum) can be found in the mountain areas. Gold, in particular, has been traditionally extracted from the Bontoc municipality. The Chico River provides sand, gravel, and white clay, while the forests of Barlig and Sadanga within the area have rattan, bamboo and pine trees. They are the second largest group in the Mountain Province. The Bontoc live on the banks of the Chico River. They speak Bontoc and Ilocano. They formerly practiced head-hunting and had distinctive body tattoos. The Bontoc describe three types of tattoos: The chak-lag′, the tattooed chest of the head taker; pong′-o, the tattooed arms of men and women; and fa′-tĕk, for all other tattoos of both sexes. Women were tattooed on the arms only.

Ibaloi
The Ibaloi (also Ibaloy, Ibaluy, Nabaloi, Inavidoy, Inibaloi, Ivadoy) and Kalanguya (also Kallahan and Ikalahan) are one of the indigenous peoples of the Philippines who live mostly in the southern part of Benguet, located in the Cordillera of northern Luzon, and Nueva Vizcaya in the Cagayan Valley region. They were traditionally an agrarian society. Many of the Ibaloi and Kalanguya people continue with their agriculture and rice cultivation.

Their native language belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian branch of the Austronesian languages family and is closely related to the Pangasinan language, primarily spoken in the province of Pangasinan, located southwest of Benguet.

Baguio, the major city of the Cordillera, dubbed the "Summer Capital of the Philippines," is located in southern Benguet.

The largest feast of the Ibaloi is the Peshit or Pedit, a public feast mainly sponsored by people of prestige and wealth. Peshit can last for weeks and involves the killing and sacrifice of dozens of animals.

One of the more popular dances of the Ibaloi is the bendian, a mass dance participated in by hundreds of male and female dancers. Originally a victory dance in time of war, it evolved into a celebratory dance. It is used as entertainment (ad-adivay) in the cañao feasts, hosted by the wealthy class (baknang).

Ifugao
Ifugaos are the people inhabiting Ifugao Province. They come from the municipalities of Lagawe (Capital Town), Aguinaldo, Alfonso Lista, Asipulo, Banaue, Hingyon, Hungduan, Kiangan, Lamut, Mayoyao, and Tinoc. The province is one of the smallest provinces in the Philippines with an area of only 251,778 hectares, or about 0.8% of the total Philippine land area. It has a temperate climate and is rich in mineral and forest products.

The term "Ifugao" is derived from "ipugo" which means "earth people", "mortals" or "humans", as distinguished from spirits and deities. It also means "from the hill", as pugo means hill. The term Igorot or Ygolote was the term used by the Spanish colonial officials for mountain people. The Ifugaos, however, prefer the name Ifugao.

As of 1995, the population of the Ifugaos was counted to be 131,635. Although the majority of them are still in Ifugao province, some of them already transferred to Baguio, where they worked as woodcarvers, and to other parts of the Cordillera region. They are divided into subgroups based on the differences in dialects, traditions, and design/color of costumes. The main subgroups are Ayangan, Kalangaya, and Tuwali. Furthermore, the Ifugao society is divided into 3 social classes: the kadangyans or the aristocrats, the tagus or the middle class, and the nawotwots or the poor ones. The kadangyans sponsor the prestige rituals called hagabi and uyauy and this separates them from the tagus who cannot sponsor feasts but are economically well off. The nawotwots are those who have limited land properties and are usually hired by the upper classes to do work in the fields and other services.

Kalanguya/Ikalahan
The Kalanguya or Ikalahan people are a small group distributed amongst the mountain ranges of Sierra Madre, the Caraballo Mountains, and the eastern part of the Cordillera mountain range. The main population resides in the Nueva Vizcaya province, with Kayapa as the center. They are considered to be part of the Igorot (mountain people) but distinguish themselves with the name Ikalahan, the name taken from the forest trees that grow in the Caraballo Mountain.

They are among the least studied ethnic groups, thus their early history is unknown. However, Felix M. Keesing suggests that, like other groups in the mountains, they fled from the lowlands to escape Spanish persecution.

Isneg

The Isnag, also Isneg or Apayao, live at the northwesterly end of northern Luzon, in the upper half of the Cordillera province of Apayao. The term "Isneg" derives from itneg, meaning inhabitants of the Tineg River. Apayao derives from the battle cry Ma-ap-ay-ao as their hand is clapped rapidly over their mouth. They may also refer to themselves as Imandaya if they live upstream, or Imallod if they live downstream. The municipalities in the Isneg domain include Pudtol, Kabugao, Calanasan, Flora, Conner, Sta. Marcela, and Luna. Two major river systems, the Abulog River and the Apayao River, run through Isnag country.

Jars of basi are half-buried in the ground within a small shed, abulor, constructed of 4 posts and a shed. This abulor is found within the open space, linong or sidong, below their houses (balay). They grow upland rice, while also practicing swidden farming and fishing.

Say-am was an important ceremony after a successful headhunting, or other important occasions, hosted by the wealthy, and lasting one to five days or more. Dancing, singing, eating, and drinking mark the feast, and Isnegs wear their finest clothes. The shaman, Anituwan, prays to the spirit Gatan, before the first dog is sacrificed, if a human head had not been taken, and offered at the sacred tree, ammadingan. On the last day, a coconut is split in honor of the headhunter guardian, Anglabbang.The Pildap is an equivalent say-am but hosted by the poor. Conversion to Christianity grew after 1920, and today, the Isnegs are divided in their religious beliefs, with some still being animistic.

Itneg/Tingguian
The Itneg people, also known as Tingguian people, live in the mountainous area of Abra in northwestern Luzon who descended from immigrants from Kalinga, Apayao, and the Northern Kankana-ey. They refer to themselves as Itneg, though the Spaniards called them Tingguian when they came to the Philippines because they are mountain dwellers. The Tingguians are further divided into 11 distinct subgroups which are the Adasen, Balatok, Banao, Belwang, Binongan, Gobang, Inlaud, Mabaka, Maeng, Masadiit and Moyadan. Wealth and material possessions (such as Chinese jars, copper gongs called gangsa, beads, rice fields, and livestock) determine the social standing of a family or person, as well as the hosting of feasts and ceremonies. Despite the divide of social status, there is no sharp distinction between rich (baknang) and poor. Wealth is inherited but the society is open for social mobility of the citizens by virtue of hard work. Medium are the only distinct group in their society, but even then it is only during ceremonial periods.

Ilongot

The Ilongot (or Ibilao) are a tribe who inhabit the southern Sierra Madre and Caraballo Mountains, on the east side of Luzon in the Philippines, primarily in the provinces of Nueva Vizcaya and Nueva Ecija and along the mountain border between the provinces of Quirino and Aurora. An alternative name of this tribe and its language is "Bugkalot". They are known as a tribe of headhunters. Presently, there are about 87,000 Ilongots. The Ilongots tend to inhabit areas close to rivers, as they provide a food source and a means for transportation. Their native language is the Ilongot language, currently spoken by about 50,000 people. They also speak the Ilocano & Tagalog languages, the latter is spoken in Nueva Ecija & Aurora as much as Ilocano.

Kalinga
The Kalingas are mainly found in Kalinga province which has an area of 3,282.58 sq. km. Some of them, however, already migrated to Mountain Province, Apayao, Cagayan, and Abra. As of 1995, they were counted to be 105,083, not including those who have migrated outside the Cordillera region.

Kalinga territory includes floodplains of Tabuk, and Rizal, plus the Chico River. Gold and copper deposits are common in Pasil and Balbalan. Tabuk was settled in the 12th century, and from there other Kalinga settlements spread, practicing wet rice (papayaw) and swidden (uwa) cultivation. Kalinga houses (furoy, buloy, fuloy, phoyoy, biloy)are either octagonal for the wealthy, or square, and are elevated on posts (a few as high as 20–30 feet), with a single room. Other building include granaries (alang) and field sheds (sigay). The name Kalinga came from the Ibanag and Gaddang term kalinga, which means headhunter. Edward Dozier divided Kalinga geographically into three sub-cultures and geographical position: Balbalan (north); Pasil, Lubuagan, and Tinglayan (south); and Tanudan (east). Teodoro Llamzon divided the Kalinga based on their dialects: Guinaang, Lubuagan, Punukpuk, Tabuk, Tinglayan, and Tanudan.

Kankanaey
The Kankanaey domain includes Western Mountain Province, northern Benguet and southeastern Ilocos Sur. Like most Igorot ethnic groups, the Kankanaey built sloping terraces to maximize farm space in the rugged terrain of the Cordilleras.

Kankanaey houses include the two-story innagamang, the larger binangi, the cheaper tinokbob, and the elevated tinabla. Their granaries (agamang) are elevated to avoid rats. Two other institutions of the Kankanaey of Mountain Province are the dap-ay, or the men's dormitory and civic center, and the ebgan, or the girls' dormitory.

Kankanaey's major dances include tayaw, pat-tong, takik (a wedding dance), and balangbang. The tayaw is a community dance that is usually done in weddings it maybe also danced by the Ibaloi but has a different style. Pattong, also a community dance from Mountain Province which every municipality has its own style, while Balangbang is the dance's modern term. There are also some other dances like the sakkuting, pinanyuan (another wedding dance) and bogi-bogi (courtship dance).

Ethnic groups by linguistic classification
Below is a list of northern Luzon ethnic groups organized by linguistic classification.
 * Northern Luzon languages
 * Ilokano (Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, and La Union)
 * Northern Cordilleran
 * Isneg (northern Apayao)
 * Gaddang (Nueva Vizcaya and Isabela)
 * Ibanagic
 * Ibanag (Cagayan and Isabela)
 * Itawis (southern Cagayan)
 * Yogad (Isabela)
 * Central Cordilleran
 * Isinai (northern Nueva Vizcaya, north Nueva Ecija, northwest Aurora)
 * Kalinga–Itneg
 * Kalinga (Kalinga)
 * Itneg (Abra)
 * Nuclear
 * Ifugao (Ifugao)
 * Balangao (eastern Mountain Province)
 * Bontok (central Mountain Province)
 * Kankanaey (western Mountain Province, northern Benguet)
 * Southern Cordilleran
 * Ibaloi (southern Benguet, east La Union, west Nueva Vizcaya)
 * Kalanguya/Kallahan (eastern Benguet, Ifugao, northwestern Nueva Vizcaya, north Nueva Ecija)
 * Kalanguya Keley-i
 * Kalanguya Kayapa
 * Kalanguya Tinoc
 * Karao (Karao, Bokod, Benguet)
 * Bugkalot/Ilongot (eastern Nueva Vizcaya, western Quirino, north Nueva Ecija, northwest Aurora)
 * Pangasinan (Pangasinan)

Igorot diaspora
There are Igorot minorities outside their homeland. Outside the Cordillera Administrative Region, they reside in neighboring provinces of Ilocos region, Cagayan Valley, Central Luzon (particularly Nueva Ecija & Aurora), Metro Manila and Calabarzon, (where Igorot Village is located in Cainta, Rizal) and Bicol Region.

In Visayas, Igorots also form minority communities in Aklan, Iloilo, Negros Occidental, Negros Oriental, Cebu, Siquijor, Bohol, Biliran and Leyte.

Igorots are also found as a minority in several areas Mindanao, setting communities in Agusan del Norte, Tagum City, Davao City, Digos City (Igorot Village is also found in the mountainous area in the city), few other parts of Davao del Sur, Davao de Oro, North Cotabato, South Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat, Lanao del Norte and Bukidnon. Most of them are soldiers, policemen and government officials who are temporarily deployed in the area, but many have settled permanently as civilians retired from their posts and intermarried with the Mindanaoans of various ethnicities. There is an organization for Igorot residents of Mindanao.

Igorots can also be found in other countries, mostly as overseas workers.

Spanish colonial era
The gold found in the land of the Igorot was an attraction for the Spanish. Originally gold was exchanged at Pangasinan by the Igorot. The gold was used to buy consumable products by the Igorot. Both gold and desire to Christianize the Igorot were given as reasons for Spanish conquest. In 1572 the Spanish started hunting for the gold. Benguet Province was entered by the Spanish with the intention of obtaining gold. The fact that the Igorots managed to stay out of Spanish dominion vexed the Spaniards. The gold evaded the hands of the Spaniards due to Igorot opposition. The Igorot would also be used as mercenaries and scouts during the Philippine Revolution and the Philippine-American War.

American colonial era

Samuel E. Kane wrote about his life amongst the Bontoc, Ifugao, and Kalinga after the Philippine–American War in his book Thirty Years with the Philippine Head-Hunters (1933). The first American school for Igorot girls was opened in Baguio in 1901 by Alice McKay Kelly. Kane argued that Dean C. Worcester "did more than any one man to stop head-hunting and to bring the traditional enemy tribes together in friendship." Kane wrote of the Igorot people, "there is a peace, a rhythm and an elemental strength in the life...which all the comforts and refinements of civilization can not replace...fifty years hence...there will be little left to remind the young Igorots of the days when the drums and ganzas of the head-hunting canyaos resounded throughout the land.

In 1903, Missionary Bishop Charles Brent traveled through northern Luzon, in hopes of directing missionary efforts to convert the pagan Igorot populace. A mission church was established for the Bontoc Tribe of the Igorots in the Bontoc, Mountain Province. The Bontoc missionaries wrote the first Igorot grammars, which were published by the government.

In 1904, a group of Igorot people were brought to St. Louis, Missouri, United States, for the St. Louis World's Fair. They constructed the Igorot Village in the Philippine Exposition section of the fair, which became one of the most popular exhibits. The poet T. S. Eliot, who was born and raised in St. Louis, visited and explored the Village. Inspired by their tribal dance and others, he wrote the short story, "The Man Who Was King" (1905). In 1905, 50 tribespeople were on display at a Brooklyn, New York, amusement park for the summer, ending in the custody of the unscrupulous Truman Hunt, a showman "on the run across America with the tribe in tow."

On February 12, 1912, a Mountain Province Igorot chief named Gagaban became the first Filipino to fly in an airplane, riding as a passenger in a biplane called the "Red Devil" with Lee Hammond as the pilot.

World War II
During the Japanese occupation of the Philippines, Igorots fought against Japan. Donald Blackburn's World War II guerrilla force had a strong core of Igorots. A young Igorot woman, Naomi Flores, was an important member of the Miss U Spy Ring. General Tomoyuki Yamashita surrendered to Filipino and American forces in Kiangan, Ifugao in early September 1945; a shrine was built in the town commemorating his surrender.

Postwar era
On June 18, 1966, Republic Act No. 4695 was enacted to split Mountain Province and create four separate and independent provinces namely Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga-Apayao, and Mountain Province. Ifugao and Kalinga-Apayao were placed under the jurisdiction of the Cagayan Valley region, with Benguet and Mountain Province placed under the Ilocos Region.

Martial law

After the declaration of Martial law by Ferdinand Marcos in 1972, the region became the focus of militarization as a result of local objections to the government's push for the Chico River Dam Project near Sadanga, Mountain Province and Tinglayan, Kalinga. Frustrated by the project delays caused by the opposition, Ferdinand Marcos issued Presidential Decree no. 848 in December 1975, constituting the municipalities of Lubuagan, Tinglayan, Tanudan, and Pasil into a "Kalinga Special Development Region" (KSDR), in an effort to neutralize opposition to the Chico IV dam.

Empowered by Martial Law to conduct warrantless arrests, the 60th PC Brigade had arrested at least 150 locals by April 1977, accusing them of supposed subversion and of obstructing government projects, and various other offenses such as boycotting the October 1976 Constitutional Referendum. Individuals arrested included tribal papangat (leaders/elders), young couples, and in at least one case, a 12-year-old child. By December 1978, parts of the Chico IV area had been declared "free fire zones", no-man's-land areas where the army could freely fire on any animals or permit-less humans at will.

On April 24, 1980, Marcos-controlled military forces assassinated Macli-ing Dulag, a pangat (leader) of the Butbut tribe of Kalinga. The assassination became a watershed moment, marking the first time the mainstream Philippine press could be openly critical against Marcos and the military, and building up a sense of Igorot identity.

Mount Data Peace Accord
After the end of the Marcos administration due to the 1986 People Power Revolution, the succeeding government under President Corazon Aquino secured a ceasefire with the main indigenous armed group in the Cordilleras, the Cordillera People's Liberation Army (CPLA) led by Conrado Balweg. The Aquino government made a sipat or indigenous treaty, which would be known as the Mount Data Peace Accord, with the CPLA on September 13, 1986, ending hostilities.

title: Igorot people


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How I Learned to Drive

How I Learned to Drive is a play written by American playwright Paula Vogel. The play premiered on March 16, 1997, Off-Broadway at the Vineyard Theatre. Vogel received the 1998 Pulitzer Prize for Drama for the work. It was written and developed at the Perseverance Theatre in Juneau, Alaska, with Molly Smith as artistic director.

The story follows the strained, sexual relationship between Li'l Bit and her aunt's husband, Uncle Peck, from her pre-adolescence through her teenage years into college and beyond. Using the metaphor of driving and the issues of pedophilia, incest, and misogyny, the play explores the ideas of control and manipulation.

Plot synopsis
The play tells the story of a woman nicknamed Li'l Bit as she comes to terms with her sexually abusive relationship with her Uncle Peck throughout her adolescence. Aside from Li'l Bit and Uncle Peck, a Greek Chorus of three is on hand to play all of the other characters in their lives. The script is a memory play told largely out of chronological order, with the first scene taking place in 1969 in a parking lot in rural Maryland. Li'l Bit is 17 years old and sitting in Uncle Peck's car. Peck unhooks her bra through her shirt, an act that Li'l Bit finds uncomfortable. Li'l Bit mentions she is graduating high school and going to a "fancy college" in the fall, while Uncle Peck continues to admire her body.

Li'l Bit breaks from this scene to describe her family to the audience. She explains her family's penchant for handing out nicknames based on genitalia, which is why she was branded with the alias Li'l Bit for life. This includes her alcoholic mother, the "titless wonder", her misogynistic grandfather "Big Papa", her submissive grandmother, and her young Cousin BB (Blue Balls). A typical family dinner in 1969 has Li'l Bit's family (played by the three Greek Chorus members) cracking jokes about how "well-endowed" she is. Peck is the only family member who supports Li'l Bit's dreams of going to school. Frustrated, Li'l Bit leaves the dinner after Grandfather goes too far with his insults. Peck's wife Mary (Li'l Bit's maternal aunt) asks him to comfort Li'l Bit, indicating that she (Mary) is ignorant of his abuse.

Li'l Bit reveals that she eventually lost her scholarship and was expelled from college because of a drinking problem. She spent most of that year driving on highways, marveling at how well Peck had taught her to drive. She then has a memory of 1968, where Uncle Peck takes her to a fancy Eastern Shore restaurant as a reward for passing her driver's test on the first try. Peck slyly orders oysters and martinis for Li'l Bit to consume, while the girl's mother gives less than stellar advice on drinking alcohol. Li'l Bit and her mother both become increasingly drunk on martinis. Peck carries the drunk Li'l Bit to his car, where they discuss the nature of her relationship. Li'l Bit drunkenly kisses her uncle, but Peck refuses to go any further until she coherently says otherwise. Li'l Bit begins to question the appropriateness of her relationship with her Uncle.

The Teenage Greek Chorus member briefly takes over to introduce a memory that is not Li'l Bit's. In a monologue, Uncle Peck gives the unseen Cousin BB a fishing lesson, where it is strongly implied that he uses this as a cover to molest the boy the same way he used driving to abuse Li'l Bit. Li'l Bit takes control once again to recount a conversation she had with her mother and grandmother about sex. Mother tries to be helpful in explaining topics such as orgasms and consent, while Grandmother wails that Li'l Bit is too young to know about sex and uses scare tactics to keep her from doing it until she is married. The adult Li'l Bit breaks the memory to explain that she went on to have a one-night stand with a high school senior when she was twenty-seven, experiencing the allure of young flesh that her uncle once felt. She then returns to the memory, which turns into an argument between Mother and the Grandparents. Unable to deal with that memory again, Li'l Bit changes the memory (as part of the driving metaphor, she likens this to changing stations on the radio) to when Uncle Peck first taught her how to start up a car. Showing that he does have genuine concern for Li'l Bit beyond her body, Peck gives reasonable advice on how to be safe on the road. Li'l Bit becomes confused as to how Peck could abuse her while still being helpful.

The next scene is a series of vignettes on Li'l Bit's school days in 1966, where she faced ridicule and sexual harassment from the other students on account of her large breasts. A boy asks her to dance at a school sock hop, but Li'l Bit refuses, believing he just wants to see her breasts "jiggle" while she dances.

The scenes shifts to 1965, where Uncle Peck takes provocative "pin-up" photos of Li'l Bit. Aunt Mary takes the stage to defend her husband's actions to the audience. She claims that he is a good man, and that it is all Li'l Bit's fault for leading him on. She believes that her marriage can be saved as soon as her niece goes off to college.

On Christmas Day 1964, 13-year-old Li'l Bit helps Uncle Peck wash the dishes. Li'l Bit questions where Peck was during Thanksgiving, implying that he entered a rehab for his alcoholism. Peck reveals that drinking helped him deal with a hidden pain that no one, not even Aunt Mary, could fix. Li'l Bit offers to spend one day a week with Uncle Peck, so long as he never "crosses a line". This is how the driving lessons begin.

The scene flashes forward to 1969, Li'l Bit's freshman year of college. The Greek Chorus lists the letters and gifts that Peck sends her, with each note counting down how many days are left until her 18th birthday. Startled by how unhinged her uncle has become, Li'l Bit arranges a meeting in a Philadelphia hotel room on December 10, 1969. Li'l Bit yells at Uncle Peck for becoming so possessive, while he insists that his niece is the love of his life. Li'l Bit reveals that the years of trauma from Peck have finally caught up with her, leading to her not focusing in school and failing her courses. After he kneels and proposes to Li'l Bit, vowing to divorce Aunt Mary, Li'l Bit turns him down and cuts him out of her life for good. She never sees Peck again after she leaves the hotel room.

Li'l Bit returns to the present to explain what became of Peck after she left: He turned to alcohol after years of sobriety, leading to the loss of his job, his marriage, and his driver's license. He went on to die after drunkenly falling down a flight of stairs in his basement. Li'l Bit reflects on why her uncle may have molested her, wondering if someone did it to him when he was a child.

Li'l Bit has one more memory to share: the summer of 1962. An 11-year-old Li'l Bit fights with her mother about going on a seven-hour car trip to the beach with Uncle Peck. Mother is wary of him, but finally relents, telling Li'l Bit that she holds her responsible for any misdeeds. Li'l Bit sits in the car with Uncle Peck, only she doesn't speak her lines out loud. The Teenage Greek Chorus, acting as young Li'l Bit, does so. Peck molests his niece for the first time.

The script then returns to the present. Li'l Bit reflects on how she is ready to move on with her life, and that despite everything she has been through, she can thank her Uncle Peck for one thing: the freedom she feels when she drives. The final scene has Li'l Bit alone in her car, and as she adjusts her rear view mirror, she notices Uncle Peck in the back. After smiling at him, she steps on the gas pedal and drives away, finally leaving Peck in the past as she drives off to a new chapter of her life.

Background
Vogel wrote the play at the Perseverance Theatre, Alaska, where she was in residence. The theatre presented a first reading. Vogel was inspired by the novel Lolita by Vladimir Nabokov: "...she was stunned to find herself sympathizing with the narrator, Humbert Humbert, who sexually molests an adolescent girl."

Vogel explained: "...she intended the play 'to get the audience to go along for a ride they wouldn't ordinarily take, or don't even know they're taking.'"

Productions
How I Learned to Drive premiered Off-Broadway in a production by the Vineyard Theatre (Douglas Aibel, Artistic Director; Jon Nakagawa, Managing Director) on May 6, 1997, and closed on April 19, 1998, at the Century Center For The Performing Arts. The play was directed by Mark Brokaw, set design was by Narelle Sissons, costume design was by Jess Goldstein, lighting design was by Mark McCullough, and the original sound design was by David van Tieghem. The play had been presented by the Vineyard Theatre in February to April 1997. The Vineyard Theatre production, in association with Daryl Roth and Roy Gabay, moved to the Century Theatre in April 1997. The original cast:

 * Li'l Bit played by Mary-Louise Parker
 * Uncle Peck played by David Morse
 * Male Greek Chorus played by Michael Showalter
 * Female Greek Chorus played by Johanna Day
 * Teenage Greek Chorus played by Kerry O'Malley
 * Bruce Davison and Jayne Atkinson took over the lead roles in September 1997, and Molly Ringwald played Li'l Bit as of October 7, 1997. The Male Greek Chorus was played by Christopher Duva.

A production ran at Center Stage in Baltimore in 1998 and was directed by Barry Edelstein.

The play was produced at the Arena Stage in Washington, D.C. in 1999, directed by Molly Smith.

A 1999 production at the Mark Taper Forum in Los Angeles featured Molly Ringwald and Brian Kerwin.

In 2006 the play was produced by the T. Schreiber Studio and Theater in New York City. The L Magazine review commented: "Vogel’s play is twisted, smart (drive: metaphors for control, anyone?) and ultimately tragic, though shrewdly staggered moments of levity and candor keep it from Lifetime lows." This critically acclaimed production was directed by Terry Schreiber and received 10 New York Innovative Theatre (NYIT) Award nominations. Trey Gibbons won the NYIT Award for Outstanding Actor in a Featured Role.

L.A. Theatre Works produced an audio performance of the play, starring Glenne Headly, Randall Arney, Joy Gregory, Paul Mercier, and Rondi Reed.

The play was produced in Spanish by DETUCH Company in various theaters in Santiago, Chile in 2008, with Alejandra Díaz Scharager (Lil' Bit), Víctor Montero (Uncle Peck), Gabriel Urzúa (Male Greek Chorus), Annie Murath (Female Greek Chorus) and Carolina Larenas (Teenage Greek Chorus), directed by Marco Espinoza Quezada. It was also produced at the Teatro auditorio de Miraflores in Lima, Peru, in 2013, with Li'l Bit renamed "Rayita" and played by Leticia Poirier and Uncle Peck renamed "Tío Pico" and played by Marcelo Rivera. Ebelin Ortiz directed.

In 2012 Second Stage Theatre produced the first professional production of the play in New York City since its premiere in 1997. The work was directed by Kate Whoriskey and starred Norbert Leo Butz as Uncle Peck and Elizabeth Reaser as Li'l Bit. The production opened February 13, 2012 and was favorably reviewed by The New York Times.

In 2012 University of Vermont's Department of Theatre produced the play with Vogel attending and addressing a symposium on women writers. Natalie Battistone and Colby Morgan played the lead roles. The production was directed by Department of Theatre Chair Gregory Ramos.

In 2015, the play received its first professional London revival at Southwark Playhouse, starring Olivia Poulet as Li'l Bit and William Ellis as Peck, directed by Jack Sain, produced by D.E.M. Productions for Fools & Kings Theatre, with set and costume design by Katharine Heath, lighting design by Ziggy Jacobs, and composition and sound design by Nathan Klein.

In June 2019 the play was performed in Singapore by Wag the Dog Theatre Ltd., with Victoria Mintey as L'il Bit and Sean Worrall as Uncle Peck. It was directed by Warren Baumgart, Jr.

The play was set to premiere on Broadway in previews on March 27, 2020, and officially on April 22 with Mary-Louise Parker and David Morse reprising their roles from the original off-Broadway production, with original director Mark Brokaw helming the production. However, in the wake of the 2019-20 coronavirus epidemic and The Broadway League's subsequent closure of all Broadway performances until June 7, 2020, the production was postponed indefinitely, with hopes to return the following season. In June 2021, it was announced that the production would begin previews on March 29, 2022, at the Samuel J. Friedman Theatre and officially open on April 19.

Critical reception
Jill Dolan, in her review in Theatre Journal, wrote of the original 1997 Off-Broadway production: "Vogel’s choice to remember Li’l Bit and Peck’s relationship nonchronologically illustrates its complexity, and allows the playwright to build sympathy for a man who might otherwise be despised and dismissed as a child molester....Vogel builds the relationship in scenes sculpted with spare efficiency by Brokaw that crystallize moments of trust, disappointment, longing, and desire."

The CurtainUp reviewer of the original 1997 Off-Broadway production wrote: "Ms. Vogel has achieved the seemingly impossible: A story about a disturbing subject, pedophilia, that is as funny--yes, really,--as it is disturbing. Li'l Bit (Mary-Louise Parker) and Uncle Peck (David Morse) are painted with the delicate brush strokes of a sumi painting, more subtle than sensational, and as unstereotypical a victim and victimizer as Lolita and Humbert Humbert (from Nabokov's Lolita which the playwright credits as her inspiration)...Before I say one more word, this is one of the must-see events of the season..."

The Baltimore Sun reviewer wrote of the 1998 Center Stage production: "The surprising gift Vogel has given her two main characters is that, instead of labeling them good and evil, or victim and criminal, she treats them both with respect."

Ben Brantley, in his The New York Times review of the original 1997 production, wrote: "The scrambled chronology, which suggests the ways memories attack by stealth and out of sequence, makes it harder for the audience to form conventional judgments. More surprisingly, it clarifies the patterns in the relationship between niece and uncle: of degrees of responsibility, feelings of guilt and shifts in power. Ms. Vogel is too intelligent to present this simply as a study in victim versus villain or to fail to acknowledge that what's happening is, in some appalling way, a real love story." Brantley, in his The New York Times review of the 2012 Second Stage production, wrote: "It is a performance that captures Ms. Vogel's remarkable, clear-eyed empathy in portraying the incalculable damage done by damaged people".

Awards and nominations
Source:
 * The Pulitzer Prize for Drama (1998)
 * Off-Broadway Lucille Lortel Awards (1997)
 * Outstanding Play
 * Outstanding Director (Mark Brokaw)
 * Outstanding Actress (Mary-Louise Parker)
 * Outstanding Actor (David Morse)
 * Drama Desk Awards (1997)
 * Outstanding Play
 * Outstanding Actor in a Play
 * Outstanding Director of a Play
 * Obie Award (1996–1997)
 * Performance, David Morse
 * Performance, Mary-Louise Parker
 * Direction
 * Playwrighting
 * Outer Critics Circle Award
 * Outstanding Off-Broadway Play
 * New York Drama Critics Award
 * Best Play
 * Tony Award (2022)
 * Best Revival of a Play
 * Best Performance by a Leading Actor in a Play (David Morse)
 * Best Performance by a Leading Actress in a Play (Mary-Louise Parker)
 * Drama Desk Awards (2022)
 * Outstanding Revival of a Play

title: How I Learned to Drive


text:
Wide Awakes

The Wide Awakes were a youth organization and later a paramilitary organization cultivated by the Republican Party during the 1860 presidential election in the United States. Using popular social events, an ethos of competitive fraternity, and even promotional comic books, the organization introduced many to political participation and proclaimed itself as the newfound voice of younger voters. The structured militant Wide Awakes appealed to a generation which had been profoundly shaken by the partisan instability in the 1850s, and offered young northerners a much-needed political identity.

Overview
In February 1860, abolitionist Cassius Marcellus Clay spoke in Hartford, Connecticut. As five textile clerks led a torch-lit march through town after the speech, they successfully fought off an attack by Democratic Party members. Adopting the uniform of black capes that such torchbearers wore to protect themselves from dripping oil onto their clothing, local Republicans were spurred by the incident to form the Wide Awakes.

In early March 1860, Abraham Lincoln spoke in Hartford, Connecticut, against the spread of slavery and for the right of workers to strike. Five store clerks that belonged to the Wide Awakes decided to join a parade for Lincoln, who delighted in the torchlight escort back to his hotel provided for him after his speech. Over the ensuing weeks, the Lincoln campaign made plans to develop Wide Awakes throughout the country and to use them to spearhead large voter registration drives, since they knew that new and young voters tended to embrace similarly new and young parties.

Members of the Wide Awakes were described by The New York Times as "young men of character and energy, earnest in their Republican convictions and enthusiastic in prosecuting the canvass on which we have entered." In Chicago, on October 3, 1860, 10,000 Wide Awakes marched in a three-mile procession. The story on that rally occupied eight columns of the Chicago Tribune. In Indiana, one historian reported:

"1860 was the most colorful in the memory of the Hoosier electorate. “Speeches, day and night, torch-light processions, and all kinds of noise and confusion are the go, with all parties,” commented the “independent” Indianapolis Locomotive. Congressman Julian too was impressed by the “contrivance and spectacular display” which prevailed in the current canvass. Each party took unusual pains to mobilize its followers in disciplined political clubs, but the most remarkable of these were the Lincoln “Rail Maulers” and “Wide Awakes,” whose organizations extended throughout the state. Clad in gaudy uniforms the members of these quasi-military bands participated in all Republican demonstrations. The “Wide Awakes” in particular were well drilled and served as political police in escorting party speakers and in preserving order at public meetings. Party emulation made every political rally the occasion for carefully arranged parades through banner-bedecked streets, torchlight processions, elaborate floats and transparencies, blaring bands, and fireworks."

By the middle of the 1860 campaign, Republicans bragged that they had Wide Awake chapters in every county of every northern (free) state. On the day of Lincoln's election as president, Wide Awakes had grown to 500,000 members. The group remained active for several decades.

Uniform and tactics
The standard Wide Awake uniform was full robe or cape, a black glazed hat, and a torch six feet in length to which a large flaming pivoting whale-oil container was mounted. Its activities were conducted primarily in the evening and consisted of several night-time torch-lit marches through cities in the northeast. The Wide Awakes adopted the image of a large eyeball as their standard banner.

Chapter organization
Little is known about the national organization of the Wide Awakes, if indeed any formal governing body existed at all. The clubs seem to have been organized by city into local chapters. Surviving minutes of the Waupun, Wisconsin, chapter restrict membership to males 18 and older. The member had to "furnish himself with the style of uniform adopted by this Club." The chapter had a military-style officer system consisting of a captain and the 1st to 4th lieutenants.

"The Captain shall have command of the Club at all times; in his absence the Lieutenants shall have command in the order of their rank. Every member of this club shall attend all the meetings whether regular or special; and when on duty or in attendance at the meetings, shall obey the officers in command, and shall at all times perform such duties as shall be required of him by the officers in command."

Social dimensions
Whatever their names, marching clubs of both parties often had bands and fancy uniforms. The social dimensions have been described:

"The young men and boys who joined the Wide-Awakes, Invincibles, and other marching clubs were sold inexpensive uniforms and taught impressive march maneuvers. In Marion the Wide-Awake uniform consisted of an oil cloth cape and cap and a red sash, which along with a lamp or torch cost $1.33. Their “worm fence march” can be imagined, as can a nice connection to Lincoln as rail splitter—a connection that does remind us of the log-cabin and hard cider symbolism of earlier days [of 1840]. The more important connection to be made, however, is to the “militia fever” of the 1850s. Many Americans north and south delighted in military uniforms and titles, musters and parades, and the formal balls their companies sponsored during the winter social season. Their younger brothers no doubt delighted in aping them, so far as $1.33 would allow, while their parents were provided with a means by which youthful rowdyism was, for a time, channeled into a military form of discipline. The regular campaign clubs, meanwhile, were given a different attraction. One of the first items of business, once the club was organized, was to invite “the ladies” to meetings. Many members were single young men, and the campaign occurred during a relatively slow social season following the picnics, steamboat excursions, and other outings of the summer, and preceding the balls sponsored by militia companies, fire companies, and fraternal lodges during the winter. Campaign clubs helped to extend and connect the social seasons for single young men and women, and gave both an occasion for high-spirited travel. “Coming home there was fun,” wrote the Democratic editor of a Dubuque Republican club excursion to a rally in Galena. “There were frequent ‘three cheers for Miss Nancy Rogers.’ ... Captain Pat Conger was the best looking man on the ground and we can only say that it is a pity he is not a Democrat.”"

Mission statement
Typical Wide Awakes chapters also adopted an unofficial mission statement. The following example comes from the Chicago chapter:

 * 1) To act as a political police.
 * 2) To do escort duty to all prominent Republican speakers who visit our place to address our citizens.
 * 3) To attend all public meetings in a body and see that order is kept and that the speaker and meeting is not disturbed.
 * 4) To attend the polls and see that justice is done to every legal voter.
 * 5) To conduct themselves in such a manner as to induce all Republicans to join them.
 * 6) To be a body joined together in large numbers to work for the good of the Republican Ticket.

Membership certificate
This particular membership certificate of the Wide Awakes has a central vignette showing crowds and troops before the US Capitol. Some of the troops march in long parade lines, others fire cannons into the air toward the Capitol. Crowds line the Capitol steps, flanking a lone figure, probably Abraham Lincoln, who ascends toward the building's entrance. The certificate is framed by an American flag draped over a rail fence, with olive branches at the top. In the upper corners are oval medallions of Lincoln (left) and his running mate, Hannibal Hamlin (right). Rail-splitter's mallets appear in the corners. A vigilant eye peers from a halo of clouds at the center. On either side stand uniformed members of the society, wearing their characteristic short capes and visored caps. One holds a staff and a lantern (left), and the other holds a burning torch. Below, an eagle on a shield holds a streamer “E Pluribus Unum,” arrows, and olive branch. Broken shackles lie before him. In the left distance, the sun rises over a mountainous landscape and a locomotive chugs across the plains. On the right is a more industrial scene: an Eastern city with its harbor full of boats. In the foreground a man hammers a wedge into a wooden rail.

Stone's Prairie Riot
In August 1860, a political rally was scheduled to be held at Stone's Prairie in Adams County, Illinois, near the modern village of Plainville. This area, in the far west of Illinois, was familiar to two of the presidential candidates. Although the Republican candidate, Abraham Lincoln, was known in the area, his Democratic opponent, Stephen Douglas, had practiced law nearby. In addition to local animosity, Adams County was close to the border with Missouri, a slave state.

The rally was organized by the Republicans. When it was initially announced, there was an invitation to Democratic speakers. Although the invitation was later withdrawn, that fact was not widely disseminated, which resulted in confusion as to whether it was to be a Republican rally or a debate between Republican and Democratic supporters.

During the 1860 campaign, it was a common practice for settlements to raise poles, as much as 150 ft high. The political parties hung flags and effigies of the candidates they opposed from the poles.

On the way to the rally, the Quincy Wide Awakes passed through Payson, the residents of which had erected a pole with an offensive effigy of Lincoln astride a rail. The Wide Awakes, however, carried a banner with an equally offensive depiction of a drunken Douglas falling over a pile of rails. An early confrontation was avoided, with the Wide Awakes proceeding to Stone's Creek.

The August 25, 1860 rally involved around 7000 participants. Democrats appeared expecting to hear their candidates in a debate. They were instead treated to a podium of Republicans, whom they heckled. The Wide Awakes defended the speakers, and a general melee resulted, involving several hundred men.

After the rally, the Wide Awakes returned through Payson, where they found a hundred Democrats guarding their pole. Although Wide Awakes avoided confrontation, shots were fired at them while they left town. The Wide Awakes' flag was pierced by shots, and several were reported to have been injured.

Southern reaction
In 1860, Texas Senator Louis Wigfall alleged that Wide Awakes were behind a wave of arson and vandalism, opposing "one–half million of men uniformed and drilled, and the purpose of their organization to sweep the country in which I live with fire and sword." The Wide Awakes represented the region's minority of slave and land owners’ greatest fear: an oppressive force bent on marching down, liberating the slaves, stealing their land, and pushing aside their way of life. Their outfits and equipment only further incited that fear with beliefs that "they parade at midnight, carry rails to break open our doors, torches to fire our dwellings, and beneath their long black capes, the knife to cut our throats."

On October 25, 1858, Senator Seward of New York stated to an excited crowd that "a revolution has begun" and alluded to Wide Awakes as "forces with which to recover back again all the fields... and to confound and overthrow, by one decisive blow, the betrayers of the constitution and freedom forever." To the South, the Wide Awakes and the North would be content only when the South was fully dominated.

The South recognized the need for their own Wide Awakes and thus started a movement to create "a counteracting organization in the South," dubbed the "Minutemen," after the American Revolution militia of the same name. It would no longer entertain the "abhorrence of the rapine, murder, insurrection, pollution and incendiarism which have been plotted by the deluded and vicious of the North, against the chastity, law and prosperity of innocent and unoffending citizens of the South." The Minutemen were expected "to form an armed body of men... whose duty is to arm, equip and drill, and be ready for any emergency that may arise in the present perilous position of Southern States." The fear of the Wide Awakes resulted in Minutemen companies forming all over the South. Like their enemy, they too held torch rallies and wore their own uniforms, complete with an official badge of "a blue rosette... to be worn upon the side of the hat."

In Washington, D.C., and Baltimore, Maryland, opponents of the Wide Awakes formed the National Volunteers, which were involved in the Baltimore riot of 1861 that produced the first deaths of the American Civil War. In this April 1861 incident, Copperhead anti-war Democrats mobilized the National Volunteers to attack the Massachusetts and Pennsylvania state militias as they passed through the city en route to Washington, D.C..

Wartime activities
After Lincoln called out all the militia in April 1861, the Republican Wide Awakes, the Democratic "Douglas Invincibles," and other parade groups volunteered en masse for the Union army. In 1864, reports of political rallies noted the "Northwestern Wide Awakes, the Great Western Light Guard Band, and the 24th Illinois Infantry" at a Chicago meeting. On November 5, the Chicago Union Campaign Committee, the name of Lincoln's party that year, declared:

"'On Tuesday next the destiny of the American Republic is to be settled. We appeal to Union men. We appeal to merchants to close their stores, manufacturers to permit their clerks and laborers to go to the polls, the Board of Trade to close, the Union Leagues and Wide Awakes to come out. The rebellion must be put down.'"

Defense of St. Louis
In early 1861, the Wide Awakes chapter in St. Louis became involved in paramilitary operations at the outbreak of the American Civil War. Aided by Francis Preston Blair, Jr. and Army Captain Nathaniel Lyon, the St. Louis Wide Awakes smuggled armaments into the city and trained secretly in a warehouse. The purpose was to prepare them for defense of the federal St. Louis Arsenal, which Confederate supporters wanted to seize. Lyon employed his political connections through Blair to obtain an appointment as commanding officer over the arsenal. Once he had received his promotion, he promptly moved the St. Louis Wide Awakes into the arsenal under the cover of night.

Lyon's Wide Awakes, newly mustered into the Union Army, were used on May 10, 1861, to arrest a division of the Missouri State Militia near St. Louis in what would become known as the Camp Jackson Affair. As the captured militia men were marched toward the arsenal, a riot later that day erupted in which scores of civilians were shot or killed. That event marked the effective beginning of the Civil War in Missouri.

title: Wide Awakes


text:
Eduard Rhein

Eduard Rudolph Rhein (23 August 1900, Königswinter – 15 April 1993, Cannes) was an inventor, publisher, and writer. He was the founder of the German magazine Hörzu, which he directed as its editor-in-chief until 1964. He also founded the largest European foundation for information technology, the Eduard Rhein Foundation (1976).

In 1940 he published a book entitled Du und die Elektrizität.

In 1990 he received the freedom of the city Königswinter.

Filmography

 * A Heart Plays False, directed by Rudolf Jugert (1953, based on the novel Ein Herz spielt falsch - written as Hans Ulrich Horster )
 * The Angel with the Flaming Sword, directed by Gerhard Lamprecht (1954, based on the novel Der Engel mit dem Flammenschwert - written as Klaus Hellmer )
 * Island of the Dead, directed by Victor Tourjansky (1955, based on the novel Die Toteninsel - written as Hans Ulrich Horster )
 * Suchkind 312, directed by Gustav Machatý (1955, based on the novel Suchkind 312 - written as Hans Ulrich Horster )
 * The Night of the Storm, directed by Falk Harnack (1957, based on the novel Wie ein Sturmwind - written as Klaus Hellmer )
 * Heart Without Mercy, directed by Victor Tourjansky (1958, based on the novel Herz ohne Gnade - written as Klaus Hellmer )
 * Ein Student ging vorbei, directed by Werner Klingler (1960, based on the novel Ein Student ging vorbei - written as Hans Ulrich Horster )
 * , directed by Wolfgang Schleif (1962, based on the novel Eheinstitut Aurora - written as Hans Ulrich Horster )
 * Der rote Rausch, directed by Wolfgang Schleif (1962, based on the novel Der rote Rausch - written as Hans Ulrich Horster )
 * , directed by (2007, TV film, based on the novel Suchkind 312 - written as Hans Ulrich Horster )

title: Eduard Rhein


text:
International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers

The International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (IBEW) is a labor union that represents approximately 820,000 workers and retirees in the electrical industry in the United States, Canada, Guam, Panama, Puerto Rico, and the US Virgin Islands; in particular electricians, or inside wiremen, in the construction industry and lineworkers and other employees of public utilities. The union also represents some workers in the computer, telecommunications, and broadcasting industries, and other fields related to electrical work.

Overview
The organization now known as the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers was founded in 1891, two years before George Westinghouse won the electric current wars by lighting the Chicago World's Columbian Exposition with alternating current, and before homes and businesses in the United States had begun receiving electricity. It is an international organization, based on the principle of collective bargaining. Its international president is Kenneth W. Cooper and is affiliated with the AFL–CIO.

The beginnings of the IBEW were in the Electrical Wiremen and Linemen's Union No. 5221, founded in St. Louis, Missouri in 1890. By 1891, after sufficient interest was shown in a national union, a convention was held on November 21, 1891 in St. Louis. At the convention, the IBEW, then known as the National Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (NBEW), was officially formed. The American Federation of Labor gave the NBEW a charter as an AFL affiliate on December 7, 1891. The union's official journal, The Electrical Worker, was first published on January 15, 1893, and has been published ever since. At the 1899 convention in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the union's name was officially changed to the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers.

The union went through lean times in its early years, then struggled through six years of schism during the 1910s, when two rival groups each claimed to be the duly elected leaders of the union. In 1919, as many employers were trying to drive unions out of the workplace through a national open shop campaign, the union agreed to form the Council on Industrial Relations, a bipartite body made up of equal numbers of management and union representatives with the power to resolve any collective bargaining disputes. That body still functions today, and has largely resolved strikes in the IBEW's jurisdiction in the construction industry.

In September 1941, the National Apprenticeship Standards for the Electrical Construction Industry, a joint effort among the IBEW, the National Electrical Contractors Association, and the Federal Committee on Apprenticeship, were established. The IBEW added additional training programs and courses as needed to keep up with new technologies, including an industrial electronics course in 1959 and an industrial nuclear power course in 1966.

Today, the IBEW conducts apprenticeship programs for electricians, linemen, and VDV (voice, data, and video) installers (who install low-voltage wiring such as computer networks), in conjunction with the National Electrical Contractors Association, under the auspices of the National Joint Apprenticeship and Training Committee (NJATC), which allows apprentices to "earn while you learn." In Canadian jurisdictions, the IBEW does not deliver apprenticeship training, but does conduct supplemental training for government trained apprentices and journeypersons, often at little or no cost to its members. The IBEW local 353 Toronto requires all apprentices to be registered with the JAC (Joint Apprenticeship Council) for a number of safety courses, pre-apprenticeship training, pre-trade school courses, supplementary training, and pre-exam courses.

The IBEW's membership peaked in 1972 at approximately 1 million members. The membership numbers were in a slow decline throughout the rest of the 1970s and the 1980s, but have since stabilized. One major loss of membership for the IBEW came about because of the court-ordered breakup at the end of 1982 of AT&T, where the IBEW was heavily organized among both telephone workers and in AT&T's manufacturing facilities. In 1988, 30 percent of American construction work was unionized while the IBEW had 40 percent of electrical-related construction. Membership as of 2020 stands at about 775,000, according to their official website.

The IBEW supports new construction of nuclear power plants in the United States.

International Presidents

 * Henry Miller (1891–1893)
 * Queren Jansen (1893–1894)
 * H. W. Sherman (1894–1897)
 * J. H. Maloney (1897–1899)
 * Thomas Wheeler (1899–1901)
 * W. A. Jackson (1901–1903)
 * Frank Joseph McNulty (1903–1919) – first full-time, paid president of the union; elected at Salt Lake City Conference in 1903, retired at New Orleans Conference in 1919
 * James Patrick Noonan (acting president, 1917, president 1919–1929) – died in office
 * Henry H. Broach (1929–1933)
 * Daniel W. Tracy (1933–1940)
 * Edward J. Brown (1940–1947)
 * Daniel W. Tracy (1947–1954)
 * J. Scott Milne (1954–1955)
 * Gordon M. Freeman (1955–1968)
 * Charles H. Pillard (1968–1986)
 * John Joseph (Jack) Barry (1986–2001)
 * Edwin D. (Ed) Hill (2001–2015)
 * Lonnie R. Stephenson (2015–2023)
 * Kenneth W. Cooper (since 2023)

International Secretary-Treasurers

 * 1891: James T. Kelly
 * 1897: H. W. Sherman
 * 1905: Peter W. Collins
 * 1912: Charles P. Ford
 * 1925: Gustave M. Bugniazet
 * 1947: J. Scott Milne
 * 1954: Joseph D. Keenan
 * 1976: Ralph A. Legion
 * 1985: Jack F. Moore
 * 1997: Edwin D. Hill
 * 2001: Jeremiah J. O'Connor
 * 2005: Jon F. Walters
 * 2008: Lindell K. Lee
 * 2011: Sam Chilia
 * 2017: Kenneth W. Cooper
 * 2023: Paul A. Noble

Archives

 * International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Local 77 (Seattle, Wash.) Records, 1905-2003. 14 cubic feet. At the Labor Archives of Washington State, University of Washington Libraries Special Collections.
 * Henry Andes Papers. 2003 .03 cu. ft. (1 folder)
 * International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Canada – Canadian Labour Unions – Web Archive created by the University of Toronto Libraries


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Aaron Levine

Aaron Levine
Aaron Levine was proposed for deletion. This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete.

Another ESPN dream job contestant. Non notable. Sortior 08:15, Dec 12, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete: Reality show contestants are not notable. Geogre 14:49, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Reality show contestants can be notable, but this one isn't. [[User:David_Johnson|David Johnson [ T|C ] ]] 23:56, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Merge useful stuff into Dream Job, then delete. [[User:MacGyverMagic|Mgm|(talk)]] 09:15, Dec 13, 2004 (UTC)
 * Agree with above. utcursch 09:18, Dec 13, 2004 (UTC)
 * Merge - [[User:KeithTyler|Keith D. Tyler  [ flame ] ]] 19:26, Dec 16, 2004 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion or on the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/List of celebrities with links to the US Republican Party

Kyle McGuire- keep, there is no good reason to delete this article. Is it factually inaccurate? Is the delete request politically motivated? What's wrong with it?

---

Keep it, unless something is factually in accurate (agree with Kyle). I can see why people dislike it (because it's "no one's business,") but celebrities exert tremendous influence on the U.S. political landscape. Why not add an entry about celebrities with links to the Democratic Party? It sounds like most of these people have made pubic stances in support of their party, so I don't know how this could be counted as private information. Those who haven't taken public political stances are marked as such, and are public figures. I think this is an interesting entry. Add one for the Dems and call it even.