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User talk:Bolter~enwiki

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! BTW, you can sign your name using three tildes, like this:. Four tildes ( ~ ) produces your name and the current date. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Here are some things you can do to get started:
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Your account will be renamed
Hello,

The developer team at Wikimedia is making some changes to how accounts work, as part of our on-going efforts to provide new and better tools for our users like cross-wiki notifications. These changes will mean you have the same account name everywhere. This will let us give you new features that will help you edit and discuss better, and allow more flexible user permissions for tools. One of the side-effects of this is that user accounts will now have to be unique across all 900 Wikimedia wikis. See the announcement for more information.

Unfortunately, your account clashes with another account also called Bolter. To make sure that both of you can use all Wikimedia projects in future, we have reserved the name Bolter~enwiki that only you will have. If you like it, you don't have to do anything. If you do not like it, you can pick out a different name. If you think you might own all of the accounts with this name and this message is in error, please visit Special:MergeAccount to check and attach all of your accounts to prevent them from being renamed.

Your account will still work as before, and you will be credited for all your edits made so far, but you will have to use the new account name when you log in.

Sorry for the inconvenience.

Yours, Keegan Peterzell Community Liaison, Wikimedia Foundation 22:38, 19 March 2015 (UTC)

Renamed
 This account has been renamed as part of single-user login finalisation. If you own this account you can |log in using your previous username and password for more information. If you do not like this account's new name, you can choose your own using this form after logging in: . -- Keegan (WMF) (talk) 11:10, 22 April 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:Bolter~enwiki


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User talk:Bigbadboy

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! BTW, you can sign your name using three tildes, like this:. Four tildes ( ~ ) produces your name and the current date. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Here are some things you can do to get started:
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If you'd like to get even more involved in Wikipedia, such as voting on featured articles or collaboration of the week and much more, you can always visit the community portal. Again, welcome! Johnleemk | Talk 09:01, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:Bigbadboy


text:
File:Tanya Donelly - Whiskey Tango Ghosts.jpg

Cover for album Whiskey Tango Ghosts by Tanya Donelly.

Fair use rationale for

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Rape kit

A rape kit or rape test kit is a package of items used by medical, police or other personnel for gathering and preserving physical evidence following an instance or allegation of sexual assault. The evidence collected from the victim can aid the criminal rape investigation and the prosecution of a suspected assailant. DNA evidence can have tremendous utility for sexual assault investigations and prosecution by identifying offenders, revealing serial offenders through DNA matches across cases, and exonerating those who have been wrongly accused.

The kit was developed in Chicago in the mid-1970s, in order to provide a more uniform protocol for evidence collection after sexual assaults. While Louis R. Vitullo is frequently credited as the developer of the first kit, it was originally researched and proposed to Vitullo by Martha 'Marty' Goddard, who was a victim advocate and founder of Chicago's Citizens for Victims Assistance organization, and herself a sexual assault survivor. For years, the standardized tool was referred to as a Vitullo kit. Today it is colloquially referred to as a rape test kit or a rape kit, which is used interchangeably to refer to the specific evidence that is obtained through the use of the rape kit. Other terms and abbreviations used are sexual assault kit (SAK), a sexual assault forensic evidence kit (SAFE), sexual assault evidence collection kit (SAECK), sexual offense evidence collection kit (SOEC) and physical evidence recovery kit (PERK).

History
In the 1970s, after the women's movement had gained its first traction, and the media began to cover the reporting of rape and other forms of sexual assault, a sexual assault survivor named Martha Goddard embarked upon a crusade to create a comprehensive rape evidence collection kit and lobby for its adoption by law enforcement agencies. The lack of standardized protocol for correctly collecting such evidence, and the lack of understanding of or sympathy for those suffering the psychological trauma of such crimes meant that such evidence, when it was collected, was not preserved in a way that maintained its integrity. Goddard founded the Chicago-based Citizens Committee for Victim Assistance to address the issue, researching the process by consulting with medical professionals, law enforcement officials, members of the justice system, and scholars. Through her friendship with businesswoman Christie Hefner, Goddard acquired funding for the kits from Playboy Foundation, the charity founded by Hefner's father, Playboy founder Hugh Hefner.

The kit was first utilized in September 1978, according to a 1980 Chicago Tribune article, when 26 Cook County hospital emergency rooms incorporated its use into their standard practice for gathering trace evidence when treating rape victims. It consisted of a cardboard box containing items including swabs, slides and a small comb, and instructions for using them. Less than two years later, 215 hospitals across Illinois were using it.

The kit became known as "Vitullo kit" after Chicago police sergeant Louis Vitullo, the Chicago crime lab's chief microanalyst who worked on high-profile cases. This designation came about at Vitullo's insistence because, according to Vitullo's colleague, Marian Caporusso, forensic experts had "the final say-so for a lot of the design features." As a result, the press described the effort to create and implement the kits as a collaboration between Vitullo and Goddard.

Based upon the effective use of the kits in Chicago, New York City adopted Goddard's kit system in 1982. In 1984, Goddard gave a presentation about the Chicago pilot project at an FBI conference. Based on her presentation, The Department of Justice provided Goddard with funding to travel to help other states begin their own rape kit pilot programs.

In a 2003 interview, Goddard related that through her work in a Chicago teen crisis center, she learned about the very low rate at which rapes resulted in prosecutions.

Kit contents
A rape kit consists of small boxes, microscope slides and plastic bags for collecting and storing evidence such as clothing fibers, hairs, saliva, blood, semen or body fluid.

Rape kits vary by location, but commonly include the following items:
 * Instructions
 * Bags and sheets for evidence collection
 * Swabs for collecting fluids from the lips, cheeks, thighs, vagina, anus, and buttocks
 * Sterile urine collection containers
 * Sterile sample containers
 * Blood collection devices
 * Comb used to collect hair and fiber from the victim's body
 * Clear glass slides
 * Self-sealing envelopes for preserving the victim's clothes, head hair, pubic hair, and blood samples
 * Nail pick for scraping debris from beneath the nails
 * White sheets to catch physical evidence stripped from the body
 * Documentation forms
 * Labels
 * Sterile water and saline

Examiners
Rape kit examinations are performed by medical professionals, most commonly physicians and nurses. In some locations, examiners have received special training on performing sexual assault forensic exams. For example, many hospitals and health facilities in the United States and Canada have sexual assault nurse examiners (SANEs) who are trained to collect and preserve forensic evidence and to offer emotional support to the victim. According to the International Association of Forensic Nurses, the number of SANE programs has steadily increased throughout the world since its introduction in the United States in the 1970s. As of 2016, over 700 SANE programs exist in the United States, Canada, and Australia. SANEs were introduced in the United Kingdom in 2001. Japan has had a limited number of SANEs since as early as 2007.

Evidence collection
The process of collecting a rape kit is highly invasive and extremely time-consuming. The physical examination begins with the victim disrobing while standing on a large sheet of butcher paper, which collects any trace evidence that may fall from the victim's body or clothes. The victim's clothing is carefully examined for trace evidence before each garment is individually packaged with sheets of paper between folds to protect against cross-contamination.

Examiners then collect biological samples of semen, blood, saliva and other bodily fluids by swabbing the victim's genitals, rectum, mouth and body surfaces. Examiners also collect fingernail scrapings and pluck head and pubic hairs. If the facility has the means, and the victim consents, the examiner will also take photographs of genital injuries using a colposcope.

In addition to facilitating the collection of biological samples and injuries, the kit guides the documentation of the victim's medical history, emotional state, and account of the assault. The entire process of collecting the rape kit takes between 2.5 and 5 hours to complete. While the exam is going on, the victim has the right at any point to ask questions or stop the examination completely.

Testing
Upon completion, the rape kit is sealed and typically transferred to local law enforcement. In the United States, if the victim is undecided about reporting the rape, the kit may instead be stored at the exam facility or a law enforcement facility as an "anonymous" kit.

The law enforcement agency conducting the rape investigation can send the rape kit, in whole or in part, to the forensic science crime lab for analysis. Forensic scientists will try to develop a DNA profile of the assailant using the samples collected in the rape kit. If successful, the crime lab will search the DNA profile against the DNA profiles of convicted offenders and other crime scenes using a DNA database. For example, crime labs in the United States run DNA profiles through the three-tiered Combined DNA Index System (CODIS), which was developed in 1990 and contains DNA profiles at the national, state, and local levels. Similarly, the need to solve sexual assault crimes in Brazil led the Forensic DNA Research Institute of Federal District Civil Police to create a DNA database in 1998 containing evidence specifically collected in sexual assault cases. DNA matches in such databases not only aid in identifying the assailant where unknown to the victim, but also may help determine whether the assailant (known or unknown to the victim) is a serial rapist. These findings eventually may be made available for use in court.

In some cases, the rape kit does not yield DNA evidence and the forensic scientist is unable to develop a DNA profile of the assailant. This may be because the assailant did not leave DNA behind, or too much time passed before the victim had a rape kit exam performed, or the rape kit evidence may have been improperly collected, stored or handled. Due to the backlog of sexual assault cases, forensic scientists have been challenged with the task of determining how to process the sexual assault kits effectively and within the statute of limitation on assaults.

Damaged evidence is something that is common among rape kits because survivors of sexual assault typically desire to wash themselves as soon as possible following an attack. Prior to the exam, it is desired that patients avoid using the rest room, combing their hair, bathing, changing their clothes or cleaning up the scene of the assault. Most evidence needs to be collected within 72 hours to be viable, and patients are advised to either bring or wear the clothing they had on when attacked to the exam.

Influence on sexual assault cases
Rape kit evidence can aid the criminal rape investigation and the prosecution of a suspected assailant. It may also be used to exonerate the wrongly accused. The benefit of rape kit evidence depends in part on the character of the assault.

Stranger cases
In stranger sexual assault cases, the assailant is unknown to the victim. In such cases, rape kits may be instrumental in identifying the assailant through DNA profiling, which research suggests may help lead to an arrest. For example, a 2009 study examining sexual assault cases from two of 389 crime laboratories in the United States found that stranger-rape cases with forensic evidence were 24 times more likely to produce an arrest than stranger-rape cases without forensic evidence.

Stranger cases can take a longer time to identify the perpetrator because without forensic evidence, the case becomes significantly more difficult to prosecute. This is one of the main problems that many victims face when coming forward that they had been raped.

Acquaintance rape
The vast majority of sexual assaults are non-stranger (or "acquaintance") cases where the victim knows the assailant. While identifying a suspect is not at issue, the kit's forensic evidence can be used to confirm offender identity in acquaintance rape cases. The kits may also be used to determine whether the offender committed other crimes.

In many acquaintance sexual assault cases, the accused assailant will defend the accusations as consensual encounters. In such cases, rape kit evidence that documents the victim's injuries, e.g., photographs of bruising, is a useful tool to corroborate allegations of non-consensual sexual contact. In cases where the victim suffers a serious injury, filing charges and reaching convictions is more likely.

In other acquaintance cases, the assailant may deny that sexual intercourse occurred at all. In such cases, specimens that show either sperm or specific enzymes that are unique to seminal fluid (enzymes prostatic acid phosphates or acid phosphatase) can be used to prove sexual contact.

Serial rape cases
Serial rape is defined as an assailant that has raped two or more victims. Serial rape may involve sexual partner violence or non-partner sexual violence, and it may be in the same family, in the same or different regions of a city, or in different cities or states. DNA collected by rape kits can help lead to identifying and arresting a person guilty of serial rape.

In both stranger and non-stranger sexual assault cases, DNA testing of rape kit evidence and DNA database hits help identify serial sexual assaults. For example, a 2016 study of 900 previously untested rape kits in Detroit, Michigan found 259 CODIS hits, which included stranger and non-stranger sexual assault DNA profiles. Sixty-nine of the hits were serial sexual assault hits, 15 of which were acquaintance (non-stranger) sexual assault cases.

In a study analyzing the status of Brazil's DNA database in 2015, researchers found 223 matches related to 78 serial rapists. At the time, the DNA database contained 650 profiles from one type of analysis of samples collected in rape kits—male autosomal STR profiles—and 420 profiles from a second type of analysis—complete 23Y-STR profiles.

Backlog
Rape kit backlog refers to the problem of untested sexual assault kits. The problem is twofold: it involves both the issue of rape kits not being submitted to crime labs for testing and the related issue of crime labs not having enough resources to test all of the submitted kits.

One cause of the backlog of rape kits being tested is detectives and/or prosecutors failing to request a DNA analysis. When someone fails to request a DNA analysis, the kit sits in a police evidence storage facility untested. A rape kit is considered backlogged when it is not submitted for analysis within 10 days of the evidence being submitted. A second cause of the backlog is crime laboratory facilities receiving the rape kits and not testing them in a timely manner. The Joyful Heart Foundation, an anti-sexual violence charity founded by actress and activist Mariska Hargitay, considers these kits backlogged when the kit is not analyzed within 30 days of it being sent to the lab.

Conservative estimates indicate there are 200,000–400,000 untested rape kits in U.S. police departments, and large stockpiles of kits have been documented in over five dozen jurisdictions, sometimes totaling more than 10,000 untested rape kits in a single city. The federal DNA Initiative has helped state as well as local governments to increase the ability of their DNA laboratories and decrease backlogs. The actual number of untested rape kits is undefined  because there is no nationwide system set up to keep track of the cases. This can be attributed to the lack of a common definition of backlog, which can relate to cases not worked within a month of submission, or cases that have not been submitted to the forensic labs for analysis.

Destruction
In some locations, rape kits are destroyed before ever being tested and sometimes without notifying the victim. For victims of sexual assault in the United States, for example, the length of time for which a kit can go untested may be shorter than the statute of limitations. Policies in some jurisdictions, such as Massachusetts, instruct that rape kits be destroyed as early as six months after they are initially stored. A 2016 HuffPost report stated that it was not uncommon for labs to dispose of untested kits, sometimes illegally, in Colorado, Kentucky and North Carolina. As of 2016, no U.S. state provides a right to retain a rape kit until the expiration of the statute of limitations, and only six states and Washington, D.C., provide a right for the prompt testing of a kit. By contrast, the shortest statute of limitations in the US is three years, though many states do not have a statute of limitations for rape. Some states, including Washington and Idaho, have legislation in place that requires a tracking system allowing law enforcement, medical facilities, and survivors to check the status of kits throughout the entire process, from collection to analysis and final disposition, and for survivors to be notified if a decision is made not to test a kit or to its destruction.

Inaccessibility
Victims' access to rape kits is often limited. In many locations, the non-availability of rape kits prevents victims from obtaining medico-legal evidence that would otherwise aid in the criminal investigation and prosecution of their assailant. In Nigeria, for example, a study analyzing sexual assault in Ile-Ife found that the majority of victims went to the hospital within 24 hours of a sexual assault, but did not receive a forensic medical examination because rape kits have yet to be introduced in the country.

In locations where rape kits are available, a lack of trained examiners may still impede the ability of victims to undergo timely sexual assault examinations. Shortages force victims to wait hours for an exam or to travel long distances in order to have a rape kit performed within the recommended 72 hour timeframe. These effects have been seen in Canada and rural areas in the United States, where the shortage of examiners has recently been identified.

Insufficiently trained examiners may also lead to deficiencies in rape kits. A study of rape kit collection in South Africa found that rape kits were sometimes inappropriately used, missing proper specimens, or missing necessary forms. The study recommended improved training of health care workers to overcome these deficiencies.

Cost
The cost of rape kits is a barrier to use in many locations where the victim is billed for the collection of forensic evidence. Collecting a rape kit reportedly costs upwards of $1,000. In some countries, reimbursement for the cost is contingent on the victim reporting the crime to police. In Japan, for example, a sexual assault victim must pay for the rape kit upfront, but police will reimburse medical fees if the victim reports the assault.

Victims of sexual assault in the United States faced similar hurdles until the 2005 reauthorization of Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), which requires states to pay for the cost of the rape kit regardless of the victim's decision to report the assault to the police. Under the more recent 2013 VAWA reauthorization, which took effect in March 2015, victims also cannot be required to pay the upfront cost of the exam. States may still require victims to submit claims for the rape kit exams to their personal insurance providers, as long as they are not billed for a deductible or a copay. In the United States, several organizations have pledged millions of dollars in grants to help fund the analysis of rape kits in forensic laboratories.

Republic of Ireland
In the Republic of Ireland, victims of rape and sexual assault receive a forensic exam in a Sexual Assault Treatment Unit (SATU). Evidence is sent to Forensics Science Ireland (FSI), based in the Phoenix Park. At the end of 2018, there was a backlog of 70 cases, and it was taking up to a year for results to be released.

United States
In the United States, rape kit costs, availability, proper implementation of the invasive exam, and backlogs have historically presented problems for victims of rape seeking justice.

As of May 2009 the federal Violence Against Women Act of 2005 went into effect, requiring state governments who wish to continue receiving federal funding to pay for "Jane Doe rape kits" or "anonymous rape tests". These tests allow victims too traumatized to go to the police to undergo the procedure at hospitals. The hospitals maintain the collected evidence in a sealed envelope identified only by a number, unless police access its contents upon the victim's decision to press charges. While the practice had been recommended by the Federal Bureau of Investigation since at least 1999, and was already followed at some health clinics, colleges and hospitals, and in the state of Massachusetts, many jurisdictions up until then refused to pay the estimated $800 cost of the rape examination without a police report filed by the victim.

In 2011, the National Institute of Justice published a report, The Road Ahead: Unanalyzed Evidence in Sexual Assault Cases, providing an overview of deep problems nationwide and the contributing factors to ongoing bureaucratic difficulties. These backlogs and delays may lead to a lack of justice for victims, the report notes, and "in worst-case scenarios...lead to additional victimization by serial offenders or the incarceration of people wrongly convicted of a crime". Findings include:

 * 1) As an indicator of how widespread this problem has become, "18 percent of unsolved alleged sexual assaults that occurred from 2002 to 2007 contained forensic evidence that was still in police custody (not submitted to a crime lab for analysis)"
 * 2) One major challenge is that 43% of law enforcement agencies "do not have a computerized system for tracking forensic evidence, either in their inventory or after it is sent to the crime lab"
 * 3) On average, 50–60% of kits test positive for biological material that does not belong to the victim
 * 4) Survey responses indicated that there may be some misunderstanding of the value of biological evidence. Forty-four percent of the law enforcement agencies said that one of the reasons they did not send evidence to the lab was that a suspect had not been identified. Fifteen percent said that they did not submit evidence because "analysis had not been requested by a prosecutor".

The federal government established the Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) to share DNA matches among federal, state and local jurisdictions. The federal DNA Analysis Backlog Elimination Act of 2000 and Debbie Smith Act authorizations in 2004 and 2008 provide additional funding to state and local jurisdictions to help clear their rape kit testing backlogs. As of 2014, the federal government estimates a nationwide backlog of 400,000 rape kits, including many from the 1990s when evidence was collected but not tested for DNA due to high costs and more primitive techniques available at the time.

California
According to a 2009 report by Human Rights Watch, Los Angeles, California has the largest known rape kit backlog in the United States, with at least 12,669 languishing in storage facilities of the Los Angeles Police Department, Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department, and 47 independent police departments in Los Angeles County, and "smaller, but not inconsiderable" backlogs residing at police crime labs. These backlogs consist of both kits stored in evidence storage facilities, for which DNA analysis is not requested by investigating detectives, and those submitted for testing at crime lab facilities, but which have not been tested in a timely manner. Although authorities have struggled to address the backlog problem, their attempts have reportedly been hampered by funding issues and politics. As a consequence of these backlogs, assault survivors are often not informed of the status of their rape kit or their case.

Illinois
Across Illinois, where law enforcement and prosecutors handle sex crimes differently, a police backlog of nearly 8,000 rape kits accumulated between 1995 and 2009, only 20% of which were tested. Effective September 1, 2010, The Illinois Senate's Sexual Assault Submissions Act (Senate Bill 3269) requires law enforcement agencies to submit all evidence collected by rape kits for laboratory analysis within 180 days after the effective date of October 15, 2010, with a written notice to the State Police. Illinois was the first state to adopt such a law, setting a precedent for other states to follow. As of January 1, 2011, the Illinois House of Representatives Bill 5976 addresses victims' confidentiality rights and the timely processing of rape kit evidence. Both bills passed the Illinois General Assembly unanimously, and were signed by Governor Pat Quinn.

New York
In New York State, a rape kit is also known as Sexual Offense Evidence Collection (SOEC) kit. As of 1999, New York City in particular harbored nearly 17,000 untested rape kits, which were eventually eliminated with outside labs. In 2007, the city opened a $290 million forensic biology lab. In 2015, the New York County District Attorney's Office announced that they would be awarding $38 million in grants to jurisdictions across the country in order to test backlogged rape kits.

Texas
In Texas, it is considered unnecessary to administer a rape kit after 72 hours following the attack, as it is considered unlikely for useful evidence to be collected, though other types of evidence may still be documented during the medical examination, such as survivor statements, and visible injuries such as bruises, lacerations or bite marks, through visual inspection, photographs and transcription.

Washington, D.C.
In Washington, D.C., prior to the Violence Against Women Act, which went into effect in 2009, rape kits, despite being standard issue in hospitals, have historically been difficult to obtain, according to an April 2009 report by Washington City Paper. According to the report, rape survivors historically waited up to 12 hours in D.C. emergency rooms while the OB-GYNs present would attend to more immediate emergencies, such as births, after which the invasive exam would be performed by inexperienced residents, who made poor witnesses at trial. The Sexual Assault Nurse Examiner (SANE) program was established in 2000 at Howard University Hospital in order to address this concerns, after a decade of attempts by Denise Snyder, executive director of the D.C. Rape Crisis Center (DCRCC), to find a major hospital willing to host the program, most of whom either cited economic concerns or declined to respond to her inquiries. After Howard University adopted the program, survivors encountered the problem of requiring police authorization before receiving a rape examination, which Snyder attributes to a desire to maintain low crime rates on the part of law enforcement agencies, whom, according to the Washington Paper tend to be unsympathetic to alleged rape victims. Detective Vincent Spriggs, of D.C. Metro P.D.'s Sexual Assault Unit, cites instances of false or unconvincing rape accusations, and requests for rape kits by women who wish to have pregnancy tests or the morning-after pill administered, as an obstacle to more open use of the kits. In 2008, Howard University canceled the SANE program, after which it reopened under the supervision of the mayor's office.

Depictions in media
The problem of rape kit backlogs was employed as a significant plot point in "Behave", the September 29, 2010 episode of the television crime drama, Law & Order: Special Victims Unit, which depicts the operations of a police sex crimes unit. In the episode, detectives investigate the case of a woman, played by Jennifer Love Hewitt, who has been raped multiple times by the same man over the course of fifteen years. Their investigation leads them to discover that the perpetrator has raped women all over the United States. The detectives attempt to contact the Special Victims Units in other cities, only to discover that most of them have never tested the majority of their collected rape kits. The episode was based on the real-life story of advocate and survivor Helena Lazaro.

title: Rape kit


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Emanuel R. Piore

Emanuel (Mannie) Ruben Piore (19 July 1908 – 9 May 2000) was a scientist and a manager of industrial research.

Piore was born on 19 July 1908 in Vilnius, Lithuania to a Jewish family. In 1917, his family moved to the United States, and in 1924, Emanuel Piore became a naturalized citizen of the United States.

Piore obtained an undergraduate and a PhD degree in physics, both from the University of Wisconsin–Madison. He worked at the Radio Corporation of America, the US Navy (where he became the first civilian to head the Office of Naval Research) and, subsequently, the Avco Manufacturing Corporation, before being hired as the first Director of Research of IBM.

Under his direction, the architect Eero Saarinen designed and build the IBM Thomas J. Watson Research Center at Yorktown Heights, New York. As Director of Research at IBM he encouraged basic research and the building up of a patent portfolio. He also established the IBM Fellow program, which allowed top researchers to pursue their own interests for a period of time. He was promoted to vice president and group executive, and Chief Scientist and served IBM as a member of the board of directors and of the advisory committee to the board. In 1967, his leadership at IBM was recognized by the Industrial Research Institute when it awarded him the illustrious IRI Medal.

In 1976, the IEEE established the IEEE Emanuel R. Piore Award, for "outstanding achievement in the field of information processing". Piore was an elected member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the United States National Academy of Sciences, and the American Philosophical Society. His daughter, Jane Piore Gilman, is a distinguished professor of mathematics at Rutgers University. His son, Michael J. Piore is a professor of economics and political science at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

title: Emanuel R. Piore


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Community High School (Ann Arbor, Michigan)

Community High School (CHS) is a public, magnet high school serving grades 9–12 in Ann Arbor, Michigan, in the United States. Located on a 3.2 acre site at 401 North Division Street near the city's Kerrytown district, CHS today enrolls approximately 450 students.

Established in 1972, CHS was one of the first public magnet schools in the country, offering students a smaller alternative to the city's three large comprehensive high schools. It is one of the few surviving institutions among the wave of experimental high schools that were founded across the United States in the 1970s.

Unlike many public alternative schools in other cities, CHS is not restricted to a particular student population (such as "gifted" or "underachieving" students), nor does it explicitly emphasize one particular area of study over others. Founded on an experimental "school-without-walls" concept, CHS continues to offer opportunities to interact with the surrounding community, primarily through its open campus and its Community Resources Program, an avenue for students to design their own courses for credit through experiential learning projects in the Ann Arbor area. In contrast to many traditional high schools, CHS has been known for its small size, its open campus and down to earth student participation in school governance and staff hiring, and loose attendance policies more similar to those of colleges than those at most high schools. The school has also eschewed many of the characteristics of traditional high schools, including interscholastic sports programs, valedictorians, dress codes, detention, hall passes, changing bells, mascots (aside from a rainbow-spangled zebra).

Early history
By the early 1970s, Ann Arbor had developed a reputation as one of the most liberal campus towns in the country. The city played host to numerous radical political organizations, eventually electing three members of the left-wing Human Rights Party to its city council. Meanwhile, the teenage group Youth Liberation of Ann Arbor was carving out a role as a national pioneer in the nascent youth rights movement, with fifteen-year-old member Sonia Yaco's insurgent school-board candidacy earning her 1,300 write-in votes, or eight percent of the total, in spring 1972. Reflecting this non-traditional ethos, the city's school district opened two experimental alternative schools during those years: Earthworks (originally Pioneer II) in fall 1971, and Community High School (CHS) in fall 1972. The Community High idea, according to the 1972 blueprint, was to use the city as classroom – thereby creating a "school without walls" where students could develop their own curricula by drawing on experiences and resource people throughout the community. Although the concept was new to Ann Arbor, planners took inspiration from similar innovative programs then springing up in other cities, including the Chicago High School for Metropolitan Studies (est. 1969), Philadelphia's Parkway High School, and Washington, D.C.'s School Without Walls (est. 1971). Reflecting the liberal educational philosophy of the period, other goals in the early CHS proposals were "to provide an opportunity for a heterogeneous group of students and faculty to learn and work together and to combat prejudices based on race, sex, age, lifestyle, and school achievement," and "to foster the development of identity and responsibility." The plan emphasized placing students of all grades in the same classes and programs, and had at its heart the Community Resources Program and the Forum Program, small units of students integrated by age, sex and race which would provide home bases for counseling and cultural-studies work.

CHS opened in September 1972, after a $100,000 renovation to an empty downtown building (constructed in 1925) that had formerly housed Jones Elementary School, a majority African-American school which was closed in 1965 due to re-districting for racial-desegregation purposes. Although members of the school board proposed naming classrooms after Ann Arborites who had been killed in the Vietnam War, these plans angered local citizens and teachers who opposed the war, and were never implemented.

The school's first dean, Dean Bodley, told the Ann Arbor News that the school's only formal rules would be two safety precautions: "no smoking except in the student-teacher lounge and persons must wear shoes" – although even these were quickly abandoned. The first commencement, held at the nearby St. Andrew's Episcopal Church, banished caps and gowns, valedictorians and salutorians of traditional graduation ceremonies. The community-based education concept flourished during CHS's first several years, with students developing 569 Community Resource courses in the Ann Arbor community during the fall of 1974 alone. Within the school itself, unorthodox course offerings included subjects as diverse as dream analysis and Eastern philosophy. A 1974 analysis of the school by University of Michigan researchers noted that "[o]verall autonomy in CHS is high," and concluded that "CHS is an organization dedicated to the development of humanistic principles... 'Maximum individuality within maximum community' could well be its banner."

Through the 1970s, enrollment remained in the high 300s. Dr. R. Wiley Brownlee, a civil-rights activist and former principal of Willow Run High School in Michigan, became CHS dean in the school's second year. In his time at Willow Run High, Brownlee had taken a conciliatory approach to mounting racial tensions at the school, an approach that eventually cost him his job. His insistence on fair treatment for minority students had also propelled him into national headlines when, in 1971, he was assaulted at gunpoint, then tarred and feathered, by members of the Michigan Ku Klux Klan following a Willow Run school-board meeting. In 1974, shortly after taking the reins at Ann Arbor's Community High, Brownlee characterized the student body as sixty-percent "high achievers who are politically disenchanted" and forty-percent students who were "academically disenchanted."

In October 1973, The Wall Street Journal described Community High's efforts to overcome what CHS counselor Andrades Smith called "widespread and commonly practiced" sexism in the hiring of teachers, career counseling of students, and classroom curricula. As the Journal reported, "Partly as a result of pressure brought by militant feminists both inside and outside the school system, training seminars for teachers were organized earlier this year to explore subtle and overt sex discrimination at Community High." These consciousness-raising workshops, which included talks by female professionals and "role reversals" of traditional sex roles, served as model for a program adopted the following year throughout the Ann Arbor school system.

In 1975, CHS became the first alternative school in Michigan to receive accreditation from the North Central Association of Colleges and Schools. Accreditation officials, according to news reports, were mildly taken aback by the school's eccentricities, questioning the lack of any non-smoking area within the school and some students' practice of bringing their pets to school.

Merger with Earthworks
Through the mid-1970s, CHS was not the only alternative high school in Ann Arbor. Earthworks High School, a smaller school with an even more experimental culture, had been founded as "Pioneer II" in 1971. The school was initially an offshoot of Pioneer High School, one of the city's two (at the time) large traditional schools, and it eventually was merged with CHS.

Largely student-driven, the 1971 Earthworks proposal declared that students must be equipped "to function creatively, contributively, responsibly and happily in a world whose central characteristic is radical change," a task at which traditional institutions were allegedly failing. Students and teachers explained that they sought to depart from "the authoritarian model of teaching," where teachers are considered "imparters of knowledge" who are seldom mistaken. The school board approved the project despite a rebuke from the board of Ann Arbor's Roman Catholic St. Thomas School (now Gabriel Richard), which called the plan "discriminatory by giving support to one group looking for alternatives."

Diversity proved one of the main stumbling blocks. Before the program opened, some citizens attacked the school board for not considering minority issues, and in the first year, only five students were of minority background (three African American, and two Asian). Difficulties aside, Earthworks opened in October 1971 with 108 students choosing to attend. The school operated in a three-room building at 995 North Maple Road, the former site of Fritz Elementary School, now furnished with rugs and mattresses instead of desks and chairs.

Operating under "free-school" principles, Earthworks students selected their own teachers from among those at the sponsoring Pioneer High School. In addition to three full-time teachers and one administrator, they recruited about a dozen tutors from the University of Michigan, as well as fifty supporting resource people in the community. During the first two weeks of operation, students and teachers worked together in a series of meetings and "rap sessions" to develop a curriculum – one that centered on allowing students to control their own education, work at their own speed, and follow their own interests; and which utilized "contracts" setting out individual student goals and methods to achieve them. As the Huron Valley Advisor explained, subjects ranged "from geometry, algebra, and American history to Russian literature, organic gardening and parapsychology (witchcraft) – which is taught by a student." Some in the traditional schools derided Earthworks as "a hippy kindergarten." But a 1972 Ann Arbor News survey reported that students were pleased with the freedom, power, emphasis on individuality, and ability to control their own educations, although a few disliked the school's unorganized nature and felt that some students failed to thrive with the radical lack of structure.

By the end of 1977, enrollment at Earthworks was down to fifty students, with two full-time teachers. Feeling that the program would complement that at Community High, the school board merged the two high schools in 1978, despite qualms from many in each program that the Earthworks identity would be lost in the merger, and that CHS would grow too large. After its absorption, Earthworks became the name of a separate educational track at CHS, and the program continued to run through the late 1990s as a multidisciplinary experiential-learning class emphasizing community activism.

Community High in the 1980s and 1990s
Through the 1980s, Community High's programs continued on much as they had in the heady days of the 1970s, even as the experimental educational philosophies of the 1970s receded elsewhere in the state and the nation. During this decade, the school had a much lower profile in Ann Arbor, and it was often stereotyped as a haven for misfits or drug users, with its detractors affixing unflattering nicknames such as "Commie High" or "Community Get-High School." This bad reputation meant that anyone who wanted or needed to be there could do so, and it became a haven, instead, for students with a strong desire to create their own educational direction. It was known as a place with no cliques, and by the seventeenth year of its existence, there had been a grand total of two physical confrontations between students in the school's entire history. During the 1991–92 academic year, CHS temporarily moved to alternate facilities at Stone School in eastern Ann Arbor while its downtown building was renovated and expanded. The year was marred by a series of conflicts that arose between CHS students and students in adult-education programs already located at Stone School, and the alternate location made it difficult to maintain programs that depended on CHS's downtown setting. Still, through the 1980s the school continued to draw a steady stream of enthusiastic applicants dissatisfied with the strictures of the city's traditional high schools.

By 1990, however, CHS had emerged from its status as a quirky, largely unknown alternative, on the road to becoming one of the most desirable and high-profile educational options in the area. In 1989, the school had its first-ever waiting list for students, and through the mid- and late 1990s its growing popularity and unorthodox approach once again drew statewide media coverage. CHS also began to attract attention in the municipal political arena, eventually becoming one of the main issues in Ann Arbor's contentious school-board election of June 1994.

School-board election of 1994
In 1994, CHS found itself at the center of a bitter and divisive school-board election. Following the 1993 passage of a Michigan state referendum capping local property taxes, money for schools had grown tighter. At the same time, the city's two traditional high schools faced mounting problems with overcrowding.

The conservative education group Citizens for Better Education (CBE), which had held a 6–3 majority on the Ann Arbor school board since 1991, favored the city's traditional high schools and a "back-to-basics" educational approach. With student populations increasing dramatically in size at the traditional high schools, CBE board members questioned both the small size and higher per-pupil spending at CHS. They proposed expanding the school by 100-200 students, and equalizing its per-pupil expenditures with those at the city's larger schools. Proponents of alternative education countered that expanding the student body so drastically would destroy the school's intimate ethos, and that the higher per-pupil spending resulted from CHS offering many classroom places, uncompensated, to students from other high schools who commuted for one or two classes. However, their proposal for a new alternative school to take pressure off the existing high schools was quashed by the board's conservative majority.

The June 1994 school-board election thus hinged, in large measure, on the alternative-schools issue. A liberal slate of candidates known as New Challenge took on the three CBE incumbents up for re-election, mobilizing heavy support from Community High parents and students. Two of New Challenge's three candidates—Diane Hockett, Nicholas Roumel, and Ann Lyzenga—were current or recent CHS parents. Meanwhile, students at the school formed a political action committee called Ann Arbor Students for Political Action (AASPA) that contributed $1,313 and many hours of volunteer time to New Challenge efforts. The student PAC, according to state officials, was the first in Michigan formed by teenagers to influence a local race, and it garnered regional press coverage in the process. Though AASPA began as a class project at CHS, it grew to include 150 high school students, representing all three public Ann Arbor high schools of the time.

CBE incumbents criticized the CHS student group – one decrying it in the Detroit Free Press as "narrow-minded, with a narrow focus," another claiming that "Community High is not going to be the moving force in this town." The race was one of the most heated and expensive in the city's history, with the two slates running cable TV ads (a first for Ann Arbor school elections); the New Challenge ad was produced by another CHS parent volunteer, film/video professional Dave Anderson. The two opposing campaigns spent a combined $32,000, more than in any previous campaign. In the end, New Challenge swept to victory, defeating all three CBE incumbents and assuring the continuance of Community High School in its existing format. The new, more liberal school-board majority soon revived plans to establish another alternative school, known simply as "The New School," although that project was curtailed in 2000 after four difficult years of operation.

Enrollment battles
From 1989 to the present, CHS has attracted far more applicant students than it can accommodate. The process for choosing which students may attend, determined by the school board, eventually reached farcical levels. A lottery was used in 1992, but in March 1993 a first-come/first-served method produced a twenty-four-hour line-up on the school's front lawn. In 1995, the line formed three days ahead of time; in 1996, the method produced a two-week line-up outside the school district's administration building, complete with mobile homes, portable toilets, roving television news crews, and sardonic editorial cartoons in the local press.

In May 1991, the school board had agreed that black students on the waiting list would receive priority, in order to boost CHS's relatively low numbers of African Americans. But many CHS students charged that the first-come/first-served admissions method of the mid-1990s was producing a less diverse student body, one composed of teenagers whose parents (or, in several cases, parents' secretaries) could afford to take many days off from work to hold down positions in line. The return to the lottery procedure in 1997, however, eliminated the frantic annual queuing ritual. By the early 2000s the number of applications was still growing each year, with approximately three students applying for each of the 108 slots for incoming freshmen. It should also be noted that Ann Arbor high school students who are not accepted into Community High School by way of raffle may still attend the school part-time as a dual enrolled student. Dual enrolled students are primarily enrolled in classes at one of Pioneer, Huron, or Skyline High School, but school bus shuttles commute these students back and forth from Community High School at various times during the school day. As such, most students who dual enroll take 2 or 3 courses at Community High School, and the rest at their primary high school. Despite the enrollment-procedure changes, the school remains less racially diverse than the city's two large traditional schools. Approximately 15.2 percent of the CHS student body came from racial-minority backgrounds as of 2005, compared with 29.1 at Pioneer High and 40.8 percent at Huron High, making CHS, as former Dean Peter Ways wrote in 2007, "one of the least diverse schools in Ann Arbor."

Over the past decade, a number of local critics have argued that the high number of applications for CHS student slots suggested serious weaknesses at the city's traditional high schools. But, to the extent that applicants are motivated by overcrowding at the city's other schools, the problem was expected to be ameliorated following the opening of Skyline High School, a third traditional school, in 2008. The class of 2009 had the second-highest ACT scores in the state of Michigan. As one of the school's many Community Resource Program offerings, Ann Arbor-based Google AdWords developed a class for CHS students in 2007. In 2008, planners in Albuquerque, New Mexico, filed an application to open a charter school in that city, named Ray of Hope High School, which would be "modeled after Community High School in Ann Arbor" and developed through intensive research visits to CHS.

Notable alumni

 * Gene Sperling, (1977): former economic adviser to President Bill Clinton and director of the National Economic Council, 1996–2000 and 2011–2014.
 * Sean Hastings, (1986): founding CEO of HavenCo and co-author of the book God Wants You Dead
 * Neda Ulaby, (1989): correspondent for National Public Radio
 * Rachel DeWoskin, (1990): screen actress and author
 * Shael Polakow-Suransky (1990): president of the Bank Street College of Education; former senior deputy chancellor, New York City Department of Education
 * Sasha Polakow-Suransky (1997): editor for Foreign Policy
 * Davy Rothbart, (1992): author, radio personality, documentary filmmaker, editor of Found Magazine
 * Erin Kamler, (1993): Songwriter and dramatist
 * Randy Napoleon, (1995): jazz musician
 * Andrew "W.K." Wilkes-Krier, (1997): nationally known punk/metal/noise musician
 * Odin Biron, (2003): actor on Russian medical sitcom Interns
 * Isaac Vallie-Flagg, professional mixed martial artist, former UFC Lightweight

Selected books and articles

 * CHS featured in Claire V. Korn's book Alternative American Schools: Ideals in Action (Ithaca: SUNY Press, 1991). Portions are viewable via Google Book Search.
 * R. Bruce McPherson, Steven Daniels, and William P. Stewart, "Options for students in Ann Arbor," Phi Delta Kappan, March 1973, pp. 469–70.
 * Larkin Plato, "Ann Arbor Community School offers alternative education," Huron Valley Advisor, 6 March 1974.
 * Zenobia Jones, "An analysis of implementation procedures employed by three selected alternative school programs," Ed.D. dissertation, Wayne State University, 1983.


text: Category:Companies based in Nebraska

title: Category:Companies based in Nebraska


text:
Community High School

There are various Community High Schools throughout the world, including:

 * Iran
 * Community School, Tehran
 * United Kingdom
 * Cramlington Community High School, Northumberland, England
 * United States
 * Community High School (West Chicago), Illinois
 * Community High School (Ann Arbor, Michigan)
 * Community High School (Teaneck, New Jersey)
 * Community High School (Texas)
 * Community High School (Tennessee)
 * Forest Hill Community High School, West Palm Beach, Florida

title: Community High School


text:
Talk:Word of Faith

contrasting definition
'The basic doctrine renounces the idea that Christians must be poor and/or suffer defeat'

contrasting definition needed, it's unclear what this is in contrast to. is there an 'opposite' doctrine?

Arthur (talk) 00:38, 26 September 2018 (UTC)

Agreed. It would be better stated that the idea that Christians must never suffer is in contrast to the life of Apostle Paul who suffered extensively for the Gospel. LionheartLambsoul (talk) 18:08, 31 January 2022 (UTC)

Critics and controversy section
Much (if not all) of the information in this section needs to be rewritten and/or integrated into other sections and articles. —  C M B J  03:35, 13 May 2013 (UTC)

The content a year or so ago was better quality - The article should be re-written using much of that original content. June 29 2013 (WOGP) — Preceding unsigned comment added by WordofGOD'Spower (talk • contribs) 00:09, 29 June 2013 (UTC)

This section should not be split into a separate article. To do so would give the impression that Word of Faith teaching is uncontested and represents mainline orthodox Christian opinion. That is simply not the case. It is deeply controversial. The controversy needs to be acknowledged in the main article. Emphron (talk) 01:58, 17 August 2013 (UTC)

Very confused as to the reasoning behind including LDS objections to the Little 'g' gods section. They are not believers in evangelical Christianity and have their own testament and own separate theology. It's useful and relevant information -somewhere- but irrelevant and distracting here. Thistledowne (talk) 19:18, 3 March 2015 (UTC)

I think it fits well there. Little gods is a unique and distinctive doctrine of LDS. Similarity of WOF doctrine to a non-mainstream sect is relevant to discussion of whether WOF is out of mainstream orthodoxy.

This criticism does not undercut the article’s objective tone. LionheartLambsoul (talk) 18:05, 31 January 2022 (UTC)

Connections with Prosperity Theology
I'm not sure why this article starts with the line, "Not to be confused with Prosperity Theology," when a subsection is entitled "Prosperity" with a link to the "Prosperity Theology" page. Is there not at least a significant overlap between the two? Do any notable Word-Faith figures repudiate prosperity theology--and if so, on what grounds? Do some simply not like being labeled with the term? It seems to me that there is enough overlap for a merger between the two articles--perhaps using Word-Faith as the more neutral term, which "Prosperity Theology" (as well as "Health and Wealth") being redirected to it. Schoolmann (talk) 15:33, 29 July 2015 (UTC)

I'll happily second this idea. If this topic is a duplicate, it should redirect. Arthur (talk) 00:38, 26 September 2018 (UTC)

Agreed, it is a weakness, but I don’t see it as a basis to find the article non-objective. LionheartLambsoul (talk) 18:11, 31 January 2022 (UTC)

Origins Section
It appears that the "Origins" section does not actually give the origins of the movement (in its contemporary expression). It rather provides a theological basis from Scripture, which would be fine as a part of the "Teachings" heading. An actual historical section, with content like that in the Prosperity Theology article, would be more appropriate. Or a merger of the two articles, as I've suggested elsewhere. Schoolmann (talk) 15:42, 29 July 2015 (UTC)

Bible passages
The section titled “Bible passages” seems very odd to me. It feels as though a person who may be biased towards the WOF movement decided to quickly throw in every scripture reference used to affirm these beliefs without intending to explain them in a way that would show others how one would interpret them as a WOF member. This needs to be expanded upon. SavannahHinde (talk) 05:15, 28 September 2018 (UTC)Savannah

The article as a whole shows it is not biased toward WOF. The author is to be commended for citing to relevant authority. Annotations are not needed and could themselves be construed as bias. If you don’t understand the Scriptures cited you should embark on your own study of those passages rather than citing your own questions as a sign of bias on the author’s part. The key word you used was “feel.” You feel the Scriptures were biased. I don’t “think” they were based on my review of the content which did provide context for the cited authority.

The author leaves the reader to consult the primary materials (Scriptures) and reach their own conclusions. This is the hallmark of objective prose. LionheartLambsoul (talk) 18:19, 31 January 2022 (UTC)

The "Teaching" section should be neutral
Hello fellow Wikipedians! In the "Teaching" section of the article, a couple of claims appear without citation, and one in particular ("This among other teachings in the WOFM is an effort to deify man and bring God and Jesus Christ down to the level of man") seems ore like a theological criticism of the movement than a description of its actual teachings. I have added a "citation needed" and a "clarification needed". Nikolaj1905 (talk) 11:13, 17 February 2021 (UTC)
 * I agree. Some of the writing regarding the teachings seems to be very broad and non-neutral. Citations from RS may be of use in making it better constructed, though this is not my field of expertise. It probably deserves a rewrite, since it's rather vague and at times cites no sources to back it up. — Mikehawk10 (talk) 05:10, 10 March 2021 (UTC)
 * This passage seems to have changed such that the criticism is quoted to be from Hank Hannegraaff. It would be polemic to say that the teaching of "little gods" "is" and "effort" to deify man.  However, it is appropriate to note that the doctrine raises the question even if that observation involves a bit of theological insight.  Because the defect seems to have been corrected, I see no remaining basis to question the objectivity of the piece.2603:7081:6700:F64:D16A:3DDE:5517:85E8 (talk) 22:01, 31 January 2022 (UTC)
 * I agree. The article is fine as it stands now. I will proceed to remove the flag. Nikolaj1905 (talk) 11:51, 11 February 2022 (UTC)

Wesleyan?
Hello! I removed the word "Wesleyan" added by user 49.207.193.2 to the description of the movement in the lead section. While Kenyon did indeed come from a Methodist background, and while there may be some inspiration from Wesleyan theology in some of the concepts of the WOF movement, I think most Wesleyan Christians would object to WOF being described as Wesleyan. There is a burden of proof to be lifted if the word is to be reinserted. Nikolaj1905 (talk) 06:03, 29 October 2021 (UTC)
 * I agree, a source should be given. But its not too big of a stretch. Word of Faith developed out of pentecostalism, which developed out of Wesleyan groups. There is quite a bit of overlap in overall theology of the movements since they are related. They are have diverged though quite substantially on some points. —Charles Edward (Talk 14:36, 29 October 2021 (UTC)

Issues with the "Jesus died spiritually belief" section
In the "Jesus died spiritually belief" section, it talks about Jesus being separated from "God." Does "God" refer to god the father? If so, this should be clarified in this section. In it's current form, it sounds like members of this movement believe there is a separation between Jesus and God, which would make them nontrinitarian, which would be a major departure from orthodox Christianity (which should be clarified in the criticisms section). This would not be true if they are talking about god the father though. Including more citations in this section might also help with this confusion.

Also, this section is listed under "criticisms," but it only briefly mentions one person who criticized this belief. If there is a widespread criticism of this belief, we should mention more critics, and if not, we should remove the section or move it to a different place in the article.

I do not know much about this subject, so I am hoping someone who is more knowledgeable can provide assistance here. Thanks! Theobvioushero (talk) 03:37, 21 December 2021 (UTC)
 * Yes, the orthodox tradition and theology is that his death separated him from the Father; "God" is frequently used as shorthand for "God the Father", so that is the implication of the words you are questioning. I agree, however, that clarity is never a bad thing, and we could probably do better in this section. Happy days ~ LindsayHello 15:58, 21 December 2021 (UTC)

 * I replaced "God" with "God the father" in this section to make it more clear. Theobvioushero (talk) 00:19, 22 January 2022 (UTC)

This article IS fair and objective
Any article can be improved with more citations. But the overall tone of the article legitimately strives to represent WOF teachings as WOF teachers conceive them to be and presents the objectors in their own voices.

The background given on objectors is both robust and concise. The issues chosen for discussion hit the correct main points. Many points of view are acknowledged and no attempts at persuasion are made.

While other criticisms may be helpful, I strongly urge that questions as to objectivity be removed.

By way of background, I have no allegiance to WOF or anti-WOF teachings and am not only a licensed minister but also a retired senior government litigation attorney so I know something about objectivity in written prose. 2603:7081:6700:F64:3CE0:FA41:509:6F24 (talk) 17:51, 31 January 2022 (UTC)

 * I have removed the flag. Nikolaj1905 (talk) 11:53, 11 February 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Word of Faith


text: Category:Companies based in New Jersey

title: Category:Companies based in New Jersey


text:
WDNA

WDNA is the callsign of a class C2 listener supported public radio station operating on 88.9 MHz in Miami, Florida, licensed in 1977 by the FCC to the Bascomb Memorial Broadcasting Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization. WDNA is the market's first public radio station not run by any government agency. It is affiliated with Public Radio International. The format is a mix of straight-ahead jazz, Latin jazz, world music, and talk. BBC World Service newscasts are heard atop each hour.

title: WDNA


text:
User:Mikeage

Hrmm... what can I say? I'm Jewish computer engineer, born in Silver Spring, Maryland, educated at the Yeshivat Kerem B'Yavneh, followed by Rutgers University, currently living in Ramat Bet Shemesh, Israel. Most of my contributions are to Israel or technical articles. That's all.

What else can I say? I have a personal site at mikeage.net, but it has very little to do with Wikipedia

title: User:Mikeage


text:
Alfonso J. Cervantes

Alfonso Juan Cervantes (August 27, 1920 – June 23, 1983) was the 39th Mayor of St. Louis, Missouri, from 1965 to 1973.

Personal life and early political career
Born in St. Louis, Cervantes attended St. Louis University High School and Saint Louis University before serving in the Merchant Marine during World War II. He married the former Carmen Davis, and they had six children. Cervantes' political career began in 1949 when he was elected to the St. Louis Board of Aldermen representing the 15th Ward. He was re-elected to that position in 1953 and 1957. In 1955 he was unsuccessful in a citywide bid for President of the Board of Aldermen. He was elected to that post in 1959, but was defeated in a bid for re-election in 1963.

Term as mayor
In 1965, Cervantes challenged incumbent Mayor Raymond Tucker, who was seeking an unprecedented fourth term in office. He defeated Tucker by a vote of 83,698 to 68,379. A third candidate, John Noel, received 1,087 votes. Mr. Cervantes won election as Mayor in the April 6, 1965 City election, over Republican Maurice R. Zumwalt, by a vote of 102,961 to 47,510.

During his term as mayor, Cervantes focused in particular on the issues of race relations, crime-fighting, and city finance. While many other large cities suffered through race riots during the late 1960s, the peace was kept in St. Louis. Mayor Cenvantes met with and talked at length with African-American leaders and included African-Americans in City government positions and city commissions.

During Cervantes' term a Commission on Crime and Law Enforcement was created, although Life Magazine accused Cervantes and the head of the Commission, lawyer Morris Shenker, of strong ties to organized crime. Voters passed a one per cent sales tax to put policemen on horseback in city parks. Car thefts were reduced by his 'lock it and pocket the key' program. Mayor Cervantes was successful in getting a $2,000,000 bond issue passed for completion of the Gateway Arch and grounds. This was necessary to get $6,000,000 in Federal aid. A $15,000,000 bond issue for street lighting and a juvenile center was passed in 1972.

Other successes during his two terms included establishment of Night Housing Court, organization of a Business Development Commission to help keep businesses in the City and bring in new ones along with setting up the Area Office of Aging, Beautification Commission, and Citizens Service Bureau to handle complaints. The Land Reutilization Authority was created to take over vacant properties and group them for re-use.

Mayor Cervantes failed in his attempt to get a new airport started in Illinois, close to downtown St. Louis. He thought this would be a great benefit to the City and downtown St. Louis, but the proposal generated great controversy and helped lead to his defeat for a third term in 1973. Cervantes was defeated in that bid by John Poelker in the Democratic primary. Cervantes was defeated in another bid for mayor in 1977 by James F. Conway. Another Cervantes controversy was allowing the demolition of Pruitt Igoe, which left thousands of residents homeless.

Later life
After serving as mayor, Cervantes taught at St. Louis University and returned as an active manager of his business interests that included Cervantes and Associates Insurance Agency and the Laclede Cab Company. After losing office, Cervantes published a memoir entitled "Mr. Mayor" (Los Angeles: Nash Publishing, 1974). Cervantes died in St. Louis on June 23, 1983, at age 62. He was buried in Calvary Cemetery.

What is currently the America's Center convention center complex was originally named for Cervantes in 1977.

title: Alfonso J. Cervantes


text:
GolfCross

GolfCross is a variant of golf developed in New Zealand by Burton Silver. It is similar to golf, except that it uses an oval ball and holes are replaced by suspended goal nets. In addition, the green is replaced by a "yard", and a player whose ball lies in the yard has the right to turn the goal net so as to face them.

According to Silver, the oval ball is designed so as to give the player more control over where the ball travels. Burton Silver explains:

"The round ball is exactly right for golf which requires it to be hit along the ground as well as through the air. But if a game has no need for the ball to roll towards a target, the oval shape - which is easier to control - becomes an interesting alternative."

Because the oval ball spins on two axes, it is almost impossible to hook or slice it. However, controlled hooks and slices are easily achieved by angling the ball on the specially designed tee adaptor. Back-spinning the ball and running it on is also achievable by the way in which the ball is set up on the tee.

According to NZ player Greg Turner, GolfCross is a more strategic and tactical game than regular golf, especially in match play, and because players are shooting for goal it tends to be more dramatic and exciting to play and watch.

GolfCross can bring back many advantages to normal golf. The mindset that the ball will hardly ever slice or hook can be bought back to golf and used effectively.

There are GolfCross courses in Germany, Argentina, England, Ireland, Scotland, and New Zealand. It is still unclear how widely GolfCross is played. Recent interest has centered on its ecological advantages. Because it doesn't use putting greens, agricultural chemicals can be done away with, and because the ball is easy for any player to backspin, fairways don't require irrigating to keep them soft in order to reduce run-on.

title: GolfCross


text:
Tom Mboya

Thomas Joseph Odhiambo Mboya (15August 1930 – 5July 1969) was a Kenyan trade unionist, educator, Pan-Africanist, author, independence activist, and statesman. He was one of the founding fathers of the Republic of Kenya. He led the negotiations for independence at the Lancaster House Conferences and was instrumental in the formation of Kenya's independence party – the Kenya African National Union (KANU) – where he served as its first Secretary-General. He laid the foundation for Kenya's capitalist and mixed economy policies at the height of the Cold War and set up several of the country's key labour institutions. Mboya was Minister for Economic Planning and Development when he was assassinated.

Mboya's intelligence, charm, leadership, and oratory skills won him admiration from all over the world. He gave speeches, participated in debates and interviews across the world in favour of Kenya's independence from British colonial rule. He also spoke at several rallies in the goodwill of the Civil Rights movement in the United States. In 1958, at the age of 28, Mboya was elected Conference Chairman at the All-African Peoples' Conference convened by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. He helped build the Trade Union Movement in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, as well as across Africa. He also served as the Africa Representative to the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU). In 1959, Mboya called a conference in Lagos, Nigeria, to form the first All-Africa ICFTU labour organization.

Mboya worked with both John F. Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr. to create educational opportunities for African students, an effort that resulted in the Kennedy Airlifts of the 1960s enabling East African students to study at American colleges. Notable beneficiaries of this airlift include Wangari Maathai. In 1960, Mboya was the first Kenyan to be featured on the front page cover of Time magazine in a painting by Bernard Safran.

Early life

His parents Leonardus Ndiege and Marcella Onyango were from the Luo ethnic group of Kenya, and were both low-income sisal cutters working on the colonial farm of Sir William Northrup McMillan, at today's Juja Farm Area. Thomas ("Tom") Joseph Odhiambo Mboya was born at this colonial sisal farm on 15 August 1930, near the town of Thika, in what was called the White Highlands of Kenya. Mboya's father Leonard Ndiege was later promoted as an overseer at this sisal plantation and worked for 25 years. Eventually Leonard and Marcella had seven children, five sons and two daughters. When Mboya was nine years old, his father sent him to a mission school in Kamba region.

Education
Mboya was educated at various Catholic mission schools. In 1942, he joined St. Mary's School Yala – a Catholic secondary school in Yala, located in Nyanza province where Mboya began his education in English and History. In 1946, he attended the Holy Ghost College (later Mang'u High School), where he passed well enough to proceed to do his Cambridge School Certificate. In 1948, Mboya joined the Royal Sanitary Institute's Medical Training School for Sanitary Inspectors at Nairobi, qualifying as an inspector in 1950. He also enrolled in a certificate course in economics at Efficiency Correspondence College of South Africa. In 1955, he received a scholarship from the Trades Union Congress to attend Ruskin College, where he studied industrial management. After his graduation in 1956, he returned to Kenya and joined politics at a time when the British colonial authorities were gradually suppressing the Mau Mau rebellion spearheaded by the Kenya Land and Freedom Army.

Political life
Mboya's political life started immediately after he was employed at Nairobi City Council as a sanitary inspector in 1950. During his stint at Nairobi City Council, Mboya was elected as African Staff Association's president and immediately embarked on moulding the association into a trade union named the Kenya Local Government Workers' Union. This made his employer suspicious, but he resigned from his position before he could be laid off. He was, however, able to continue working for the Kenya Labour Workers Union as secretary-general before embarking on his studies in Britain.

In 1953, during the Mau Mau War for Independence, Jomo Kenyatta and other leaders of the independence party, Kenya African Union (KAU), were arrested. They asked Mboya to lead the KAU and continue the struggle. However, the government banned the KAU. Mboya then turned to use the trade unions as a platform to fight for independence. He was elected as Secretary General of the Kenya Federation of Labour (KFL), the umbrella body for trade unions in Kenya. In that role, Mboya gave speeches in London and Washington, D.C. opposing British colonial rule in Kenya. He also organized several strikes seeking better working conditions for African workers. At that point, the colonial government nearly closed down the labour movement in the effort to suppress his activities. Mboya reached out to other labour leaders across the world, more so in the ICFTU, including American A. Philip Randolph, with whom he was close. Mboya raised funds to build a headquarters for the KFL.

In 1956, after Mboya had returned from the United Kingdom, the colonial government allowed black Africans to run for office and serve in the Legislative Assembly. Tom Mboya was elected from Nairobi. He was elected secretary of the African Caucus (called African Elected Members Organization – AEMO) and continued a campaign for independence, as well as seeking freedom for Jomo Kenyatta and other political prisoners. He used his incredible diplomacy skills to get support for the independence movement from foreign countries. In 1957, he became dissatisfied with the low number of African leaders (only eight out of fifty at the time) in the Legislative council and decided to form his party, the Nairobi People's Convention Party.

At that time, Mboya developed a close relationship with Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana who, like Mboya, was a Pan-Africanist. In 1958, during the All-African Peoples' Conference in Ghana, convened by Kwame Nkrumah, Mboya was elected as the Conference Chairman at the age of 28. In 1959, Mboya along with the African-American Students Foundation in the United States organized the Airlift Africa project, through which 81 Kenyan students were flown to the U.S. to study at U.S. universities. Barack Obama's father, Barack Obama Sr., was a friend of Mboya's and a fellow Luo who received a scholarship through the AASF and occasional grants for books and expenses. Barack Obama Sr. was not on the first airlift plane in 1959, because he was headed for Hawaii, not the continental US. In 1960, the Kennedy Foundation agreed to underwrite the airlift, after Mboya visited Senator Jack Kennedy to ask for assistance, and Airlift Africa was extended to Uganda, Tanganyika and Zanzibar (now Tanzania), Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia), Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), and Nyasaland (now Malawi). Some 230 African students received scholarships to study at Class I accredited colleges in the United States in 1960, and hundreds more in 1961–63.

In 1961, Jomo Kenyatta was released and, together with Oginga Odinga and Mboya's Nairobi People's Convention Party, joined with Kenya African Union and Kenya Independence Movement and formed the Kenya African National Union (KANU) in an attempt to form a party that would both transcend tribal politics and prepare for participation in the Lancaster House Conference (held at Lancaster House in London) where Kenya's constitutional framework and independence were to be negotiated. As Secretary General of KANU, Mboya headed the Kenyan delegation and designed the flag for the new republic.

After independence
In the newly independent country, Mboya, who was a pre-independence Minister of Labour since 1962, was appointed by the New Prime Minister, Jomo Kenyatta, as the MP for Nairobi Central Constituency (today, Kamukunji Constituency) and became Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs —a post he held from 1 June 1963, until December 1964. He created the National Social Security Fund, Kenya's social security scheme. He also established an Industrial Court to hear labour-management cases.

When Kenya became a republic on 12 December 1964, the new President Kenyatta appointed Tom Mboya to the Economic Planning and Development Ministry and transferred all functions of his former Justice ministry to the office of Attorney General under Charles Mugane Njonjo. Together with his deputy then Mwai Kibaki, he issued Sessional Paper 10, which defined Kenya's form of economic policies, when it was debated and passed by parliament in 1965. Mboya presented the Sessional Paper No. 10 for debate in parliament in April 1965 covering the period of 1964 – 1970 under the title African Socialism and its Application to Planning in Kenya. Kenyatta and Mboya were known advocates of a non-aligned international policy, not wanting blanket application of capitalism while completely abhorring scientific socialism. In 1966,Tom Mboya was removed from the economic planning ministry and Kibaki was appointed for the first time as full Minister for Commerce and Industry. Mboya's development plans at the Economic Planning Ministry were credited for Kenya's development rate of 7%, which was sustained during his tenure as the Planning Minister.

Assassination
He retained the portfolio as Minister for Economic Planning and Development until his death at the age of 39 when he was gunned down on 5 July 1969 at Government Road (now Moi Avenue), Nairobi CBD, after visiting Chaani's Pharmacy. Nahashon Isaac Njenga Njoroge was convicted for the murder and later hanged. After his arrest, Njoroge asked: "Why don't you go after the big man?" Due to such statements, suspicions arose that Mboya's shooting was a political assassination.

Outrage over his assassination led to riots in the major cities of Kenya. President Jomo Kenyatta gave a eulogy at Mboya's requiem mass, saying of his colleague: "Kenya's independence would have been seriously compromised were it not for the courage and steadfastness of Tom Mboya." A statue of Mboya was installed on Moi Avenue, where he was killed, and the nearby busy Victoria Street was renamed Tom Mboya Street in his honour.

Mboya left a wife and five children. He is buried in a mausoleum on Rusinga Island, which was built in 1970.

Mboya's role in Kenya's politics and transformation is the subject of increasing interest, especially with the prominence of American politician Barack Obama. Obama's father, Barack Obama Sr., was a US-educated Kenyan who benefited from Mboya's scholarship program in the 1960s, going on to get married during his stay there, fathering the future Illinois Senator and President. Obama Sr. had seen Mboya shortly before the assassination and testified at the ensuing trial. Obama Sr. believed he was later targeted in a hit-and-run incident as a result of this testimony.

In a 1976 interview, James Jesus Angleton, a retired senior CIA official, expressed his opinion that Mboya was killed by the KGB as part of a Cold War campaign against pro-Western politicians in Africa.

In 2023, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who had known Mboya in his boyhood, publicly accused Daniel arap Moi of orchestrating Mboya's assassination.

Personal life
Tom Mboya married Pamela Odede on Saturday, 20 January 1962 at St. Peter Claver’s Catholic Church on Racecourse Road, in Nairobi. Pamela, a graduate of the University of Makerere, was the daughter of politician Walter Odede. The couple had five children. Their daughters are Maureen Odero, a high court judge in Mombasa and Susan Mboya, a Coca-Cola executive, who continues the education airlift program initiated by Tom Mboya, and is married to former Nairobi governor Evans Kidero. Their sons included Lucas Mboya, and twin brothers Peter (died in a 2004 motorcycle accident) and Patrick (died aged four).

After Mboya's death, Pamela had one child, Tom Mboya Jr, with Alphonse Okuku, the brother of Tom Mboya. Pamela died of an illness in January 2009 while seeking treatment in South Africa.

title: Tom Mboya


text:
Barrett Reef

The cluster of rocks that is Barrett Reef (often known as Barrett's Reef) is one of the most hazardous reefs in New Zealand.

It lies on the western side of the entrance of Wellington Harbour, on the approaches to the city of Wellington, at coordinates -41.3525°N, 174.835°W. The reef is named after Richard (Dicky) Barrett (1807–1847), a whaler and trader. Its Māori name is Tangihanga-a-Kupe, (Mourning of Kupe), which may refer to the reef's similarity to a line of mourners at a tangi, the sad sound of the water around the reef, or Kupe crying for people he left behind in his travels. The reef is popular with recreational divers.

Dangerous entrance

The reef, much of which is exposed even at high tide, is located to the west of the two-kilometre-wide channel that links Cook Strait with Wellington Harbour, close to the shore of the Miramar Peninsula. The shipping channel lies between the reef and Pencarrow to the east. The area to the west between the reef and Point Dorset on the Miramar Peninsula is known as Chaffers Passage, after the captain of the Tory, a ship sent to New Zealand by the New Zealand Company in 1839. Due to the channelling effect of Cook Strait, which lies between the Pacific Ocean and the Tasman Sea, the currents are strong and fickle and gales are common. Add to this the volume of traffic which uses the shipping channel (including several crossings daily of the inter-island ferries to Picton), and it is not surprising that the reef has a lengthy roll-call of shipwrecks.

History of vessels damaged, stranded, or wrecked on Barrett Reef

 * 1848 Subraon, barque, bound for Sydney on Barrett Reef. This vessel was carrying people away from Wellington on account of the Awatere valley, Marlborough earthquake (7.5) 16 Oct 1848; they were fleeing to Sydney.
 * 1850 Ship, Inconstant struck Barrett Reef. The vessel was afterwards purchased by John Plimmer and used as a store, called "Plimmer's Ark," where the Bank of New Zealand (now the 'Old Bank Arcade') was later built.
 * 1866 Tui, iron steamer, wrecked, north end of Barrett Reef.
 * 1871 Lady Bird, schooner (3-masted), 303 tons stranded on the south end of Barrett Reef.
 * 1874 Earl of South Esk, wooden barque, 336 tons. Became a total loss
 * 1874 Cynthia, schooner, 63 tons. Stranded; partial loss. Abreast of north end of Barrett Reef
 * 1876 Hunter, schooner, 90 tons. Stranded; total loss. Southernmost rock of Barrett Reef
 * 1876 Shepherdess, schooner, 38 tons, Stranded; partial loss
 * 1880 Malay, barque, en route from Newcastle. When off Barrett reef the vessel struck a rock, got off and arrived at port making a little water.
 * 1882 Napier, steamer, 48 tons Barrett Reef, 8 December 1882; got off.
 * 1883 Caberfeidh, barque, 333 tons, struck outer rock of Barrett Reef. She received but little injury, only a few feet of her false keel having been carried away.
 * 1885 Coronilla, barque, had a narrow escape when she drifted on to the reef. Towed away by Tui.
 * 1895 Wakatipu, steamer, 1258 tons, and Flora, 838 tons, collided heavily about 200 yards inside the outer rock of Barrett Reef while racing at top speed. The directors dismissed each master even though they both were credited with great skill and each had many years’ experience under his belt.
 * 1897 Clansman, schooner, 157 tons stranded inside outer reef of on Barrett Reef, 6 October 1897; got off, repaired at Evans Bay Patent Slip.
 * 1912 Haupiri, steamer, struck Barrett Reef in heavy rain, 17 May 1912; put back to Evans Bay and repaired.
 * 1915 Corinna, steamer, 812 tons.
 * 1927 Norma, fishing launch, struck Barrett Reef and sank. Retrieved from 60 feet of water by the floating crane Hikitia.
 * 1933 Golden Harvest, steamer, 5644 tons, struck the rocks of Barrett reef and ran aground. Stuck fast for 24 hours, then unloaded onto lighters and retrieved by tugs Toia and Terawhiti to Jubilee Floating Dock in Wellington.
 * 1936 Rangatira, inter-island ferry, 6,152 tons
 * 1947 MS Wanganella, liner, 9576 tons. Stranded; refloated and repaired.
 * 1968 TEV Wahine, inter-island ferry, 8,948 tons, 53 lives lost. Wrecked; complete loss.

Sources Evening Post| volume=XCIII| issue=48, 24 February 1917, Page 6 Wanganui Chronicle| issue=19883, 27 August 1913, Page 5 Evening Post| volume=CXV| issue=126, 31 May 1933, Page 10

title: Barrett Reef