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Catholic University of Korea

The Catholic University of Korea is a private Roman Catholic university in Bucheon-si, Gyeonggi-do, South Korea. It was established in 1855. The Catholic University of Korea operates campuses in Seoul and in the neighboring Bucheon City. The university's school of medicine operates eight affiliated hospitals throughout the country.

The Catholic University of Korea offers bachelor's degrees, master's degrees, and doctoral degrees in Catholic theology, humanities, social sciences, natural sciences, medicine, and engineering.

History
The university traces its roots to St. Joseph's Seminary in Baeron, a Catholic refuge in modern-day Jecheon, North Chungcheong province. It was founded in 1855 before Christianity was legalized. After the legalization of Christianity, the school moved to Yongsan-gu, Seoul, in 1887, and was renamed Seminary of Sacred Heart of Jesus. A hospital associated with the seminary was opened in 1936. The seminary became Songsin College in 1947 and the medical school was established in 1954. The name was later changed to Catholic College. Songsim Women's College (Songsim, or 聖心, means 'Sacred Heart' in Korean) was founded in 1964; the two colleges were merged in 1995 to form the present-day entity of Catholic University.

Academics
The university has a policy of "inbound globalization", requiring all freshmen to live in the English language dormitory which can accommodate 1,200 students and professors. Residents are encouraged to communicate only in English during the program, which usually runs for a whole semester.

Undergraduate and Graduate programs
Programs
 * School of Theology
 * Department of Theology
 * School of Humanities
 * Department of Korean Language & Literature
 * Department of Philosophy
 * Department of Korean History
 * School of Religious Studies
 * English Language and Culture
 * East Asian Languages and Cultures
 * French Language and Culture
 * School of Music
 * Department of Music
 * School of Social Sciences
 * Department of Social Welfare
 * Department of Psychology
 * Department of Sociology
 * Special Education
 * Department of Special Education
 * School of Business Administration
 * Department of Business Administration
 * Department of Accounting
 * School of International Studies
 * Department of American Studies
 * Department of Chinese Studies
 * Department of International Relations
 * Department of International Trade
 * School of Law, Economics & Public Administration
 * Department of Law
 * Department of Public Administration & Economics
 * Department of Economics
 * Department of Public Administration
 * School of Natural Sciences
 * Department of Chemistry
 * Department of Mathematics
 * Department of Physics
 * School of Biotechnology and Environmental Engineering
 * Department of Life Science
 * Department of Biotechnology
 * Department of Environmental Engineering
 * School of Computer Science and Information Engineering
 * Department of Computer Science and Engineering
 * Department of Information Systems Engineering
 * Information, Communications and Electronic Engineering
 * Department of Information, Communications and Electronic Engineering
 * School of Digital Media
 * Department of Culture Contents
 * Department of Media Engineering
 * School of Human Ecology
 * Department of Consumer & Housing
 * Department of Clothing & Textiles
 * Department of Child & Family Studies
 * Department of Food & Nutrition
 * School of Medicine
 * Department of Medicine
 * School of Nursing
 * Department of Nursing

Academic rankings

 * Ranked 4th in the fields of education and finance, (Joong-Ang Ilbo's General Evaluation of Universities, 2014)
 * Ranked 400–500 in QS World University Rankings 2016/17.
 * Ranked 99th in Asia University Rankings 2013/14 (QS World University Rankings)
 * Ranked 400–500 in Academic Ranking of World Universities, ARWU US, 2014
 * Ranked 1st in student-faculty ratio, overall proportion of faculty and student enrollment (Joong-Ang Ilbo's General Evaluation of Universities, 2010)

Seoul St. Mary's Hospital
Seoul St. Mary's Hospital is one of the affiliated hospitals of Catholic University of Korea and is part of the CMC (Catholic Medical Center) network. The new hospital opened on 30 April 2009 in the campus of Catholic University of Korea; it has 1,355 beds, including Intensive care unit (ICU) 110 beds. Sun Myung Moon was admitted there and died there in 2012.

Yeouido St. Mary's Hospital
Yeouido St. Mary's Hospital is one of the affiliated hospitals of the university. It is an International Healthcare Center opened in February 2013 in Yeounido, Seoul becoming the only university hospital in Yeouido the financial district of Seoul. It signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Seoul Metropolitan City in 2010 and strives for the convenience of foreign patients.

Campus and buildings
Catholic University Campus of the Holy Spirit, Hyehwa-dong, Jongno-gu, Seoul

 * Old Seoul Fortress
 * Library of Theology
 * Jinri Hall
 * University Church
 * Theological Seminary
 * Sungshin Hall

Catholic University Campus of the Sacred Heart, Yeokgok 2-dong, Wonmi-gu, Bucheon, Gyeonggi-do

 * Stephen Cardinal Kim Sou-hwan gwan (Memorial and the 150th anniversary of International Research and Training Institute of the Sacred Heart)
 * Michael Hall
 * Maria Hall
 * Gisen Hall
 * Nicholls Hall
 * Sophie Barat Hall
 * Virtus Hall
 * Songsim Hall
 * Nicolas Cardinal Cheong Pharmacy Hall
 * Concert Hall (Grand Auditorium)
 * Chapel of the Sacred Heart
 * Veritas Hall (Central Library)
 * Bambino Hall

Catholic University Campus of Sincerity, Banpo-dong, Seocho-gu, Seoul

 * Medical campus

Notable people

 * Stephen Kim Sou-hwan, cardinal
 * Yoo Ji-tae, actor

title: Catholic University of Korea


text:
Talk:Brights movement

Naturalistic worldview
I'm redirecting Naturalistic worldview & Naturalistic world view to this article. I looked at Naturalism and it doesn't seem to describe the obvious meaning of Naturalistic worldview. Likewise Atheism seems unsuitable for the redirect as it's more specific. --Singkong2005 12:37, 19 December 2005 (UTC)

 * Shouldn't the article contain some discussion of naturalism and the points of similarity and difference? After all, the word is in the definition of bright (A bright is a person whose worldview is naturalistic) but it seems different from the naturalism described in the the naturalism article. --Singkong2005 02:39, 27 December 2005 (UTC)

 * NO, No, No. I don't think that Naturalistic worldview should be redirected here. Because the brights movement is defined here as consisting of people who believe in a Naturalistic World View. By redirecting the other article to here, you are creating a circular definition. When I was reading the article, I immediatly wanted to click on "Naturalistic Worldview" to see what that was. Also a naturalistic worldview is generic, it discusses a specific type of world view, while "Brights movement" is a movement created for and by people who follow a naturalistic worldview. A worldview is not a movement and a movement is not a worldview. That would be like redirecting democracy to the United States- some people might think they were the same, but that would be an error. amyanda 05:47, 24 February 2007 (UTC)amyanda2000

 * I agree. Big mistake with this redirection. I have a naturalistic worldview but do not want to be associated with this silly organization, this silly name. This is a big mistake. Not quite as bad as having 'religion' redirect to 'Christianity', but that's how it feels. Naturalistic worldview should describe what a naturalistic worldview IS. It might link to Brights, but for Brights to be the page? This is silly! —Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.111.214.139 (talk) 04:56, 16 June 2008 (UTC)

 * Agree completely. Fixed those redirects to point to Naturalism (philosophy). --David-Sarah Hopwood ⚥ (talk) 03:43, 16 August 2010 (UTC)

 * Thank you. Yeah, Naturalism is definitely distinct from the Brights movement. --Humanist Geek (talk) 08:22, 11 April 2011 (UTC)

Religiosity and intelligence
This link - Religiosity and intelligence - is in the See Also section. I'd like to dispute its inclusion. The Brights' Net is at pains to point out that there is no denotation of superior intelligence in the term 'bright', even if some people see that as a connotation. Surely the question of the superior intelligence of the non-religious is not strictly relevant to a movement which identifies itself as neither "anti-religious" nor intellectually superior?? --ExiguusNemesis 14:13, 24 August 2006 (UTC)

 * But it is an essential component of the criticism of the movement. I can see why it ought to stay.  Gabrielthursday 20:16, 9 September 2006 (UTC)

 * I can see a place in the article where it naturally fits - I'll add it.
 * Edit: Actually, it doesn't fit in as well as I thought. But I tend to agree with Gabriel, especially as Dawkins says the statistical link is a matter for research. Richard001 (talk) 22:22, 5 January 2008 (UTC)

Logo twisted?
On the official site and in the german version of this article the planet in the logo is on the left. I assume the logo in this article has a wrong orientation? Could someone fix that? 84.58.146.3 23:09, 14 June 2007 (UTC)

 * I've seen the logo in various configurations - I don't think any one of them is more right than any other. But I don't know.   Stevebritgimp 21:22, 21 June 2007 (UTC)

 * i think you are right, the logo is twisted. it needs to be rotated by 90° to the left to be accurate. i went through the main-pages of all brights movement country-pages that are listed in wikipedia (at the moment: Brights France, Brights Germany, Brights Italia, Brights Japan, Brights Korea, Brights Netherlands, Brights UK, Brights South Africa)
 * the pages from Germany, USA, United Kingdom use the brights logo, but its rotated 90° to the left. all the other country pages do not use the symbol. only the page referred to as ``brights online´´ uses it with the rays coming down, and the circular shape is at the top.
 * i am pretty sure that the blue rays are intended to go from left to right, because the bright-movement wants to clearly seperate itself from religion and rays coming down from something that could be the sun doesnt fit in. also, as explained above, the left-to-right-version is more widely used.
 * it would be nice if someone could do the research, or just change it. perhaps we should let the community vote, if research is not successful. perhaps we should let the brights vote EVEN IF the logo was intended to have the round shape at the top with rays coming down, if the majority would agree that changing the image by rotation would improve it... would somebody need to reprint t-shirts and flyers then?
 * if this comment should be removed because the problem has been solved in a satisfying way, then please also look at the talk pages of the image file, i will leave a copy of this message there.
 * Kurtilein 02:58, 17 July 2007 (UTC)

 * This brights-net page allows you to download the brights visual identity guidelines and high definition images. The image currently in the article is an icon, not the logo (which includes the text "the brights"). According to the visual identity guidelines, the preferred orientation of icon or logo is always with the rays coming downwards, although sideways rays (but not upwards) are permissable when it complements a design. I think this wikipedia article should show the preferred logo, not the icon, but I don't have the skills/software to snip this out of the psd file they provide on the brights site.
 * Slygly 17:59, 31 July 2007 (UTC)

 * Has there been any discussion or explanation anywhere about what that logo represents? It's a bit odd... I mean, it seems unnatural.  But after thinking a bit, the impression I get from it is that there is a very important reason that it is the ground being illuminated rather than the sky.  It seems to be suggesting that hope is not to be found high above, but by understanding what is beneath our very feet. Esn (talk) 00:34, 21 June 2008 (UTC)

WikiProject class rating
This article was automatically assessed because at least one WikiProject had rated the article as start, and the rating on other projects was brought up to start class. BetacommandBot 03:49, 10 November 2007 (UTC)

Irreligion
Hi, I dont like that category Irreligion. When I look at its talk:Irreligion I see that the category itself is heavily disputed. And I find the term offending. (I am not a native speaker, so I cannot tell if the term should have its place in an encyclopedia...) Can the irreligion template be removed from the article? (I dont dare removing it myself, because there have already been reverted removals by IPs.) --Matgoth (talk) —Preceding comment was added at 10:51, 1 March 2008 (UTC)

 * Hi, I just saw that the Brights newsletter actively asked someone familiar with wikipedia to remove the irreligion box. I've been on wikipedia for a couple of years now, and I've gone ahead and removed the irreligion template, while leaving the other categories (cats) intact. Some of the previous deletions had also deleted the other cats, which are unobjectionable, as far as I can tell.  Edhubbard (talk) 11:36, 1 March 2008 (UTC)

 * From the article (which itself is disputed) it says it is possible to be a theist and be irreligious - it would generally not be possible to be a theist and a bright. It also lists hostility to religion as an aspect of irreligion, which is not an aspect of bright. Stevebritgimp (talk) 15:34, 1 March 2008 (UTC)

 * The original request as it appeared in the Brights newsletter, for the record:

====================== NEED: WIKI EDITOR FOR A ONE-TIME SHOT The Brights' Net needs a volunteer who is competent with Wikipedia to edit a portion of The Brights' Net page there, removing material that has been added to an otherwise fairly OK description. At the bottom of the page is a table of information that lists the Brights movement categorically under "irreligion," a term immensely unsuitable as an overall characterization of this movement. It is clear that this entire set of inserted information has no point being on the Wikipedia page. It distorts the endeavor, and it undermines proper understanding of the movement. If you are competent with Wiki, please delete the table at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brights_movement

 * —Preceding unsigned comment added by 80.177.19.178 (talk) 09:16, 3 March 2008 (UTC)

 * I'm a member myself, but I don't think it really matters what the Brights actually say - what can be demonstrated. It isn't really about whether the Brights think it's distorting or not - is it really distorting - as per our talk above I agree that it is and has already been removed. Stevebritgimp (talk) 18:43, 3 March 2008 (UTC)

 * In fact to elaborate on what I've just said - Irreligion has been removed. It's interesting the newsletter has asked for the whole table to be removed, which I cannot agree with.  Only certain ones of the remaining categories would be in any way contentious, and these are broad inclusive categories, not a specific description of what bright is. Stevebritgimp (talk) 18:46, 3 March 2008 (UTC)

 * Can someone explain where is this table that is being referred to here?! Thanks --The.Filsouf (talk) 20:32, 4 March 2008 (UTC)

 * It's box that goes at the bottom of the page, created wtih the wikicode .  It looks like this:

 * The brights movement should not really be classified as an example of irreligion, and so they asked qualified editors to remove the box from the page. It's been gone now for several days, but a couple of the previous attempts (IP addresses) also removed valid cats from the page.  I have reinstated the cats, while making sure that the template is removed. Edhubbard (talk) 20:36, 4 March 2008 (UTC)

 * Oh I see. Great, well done --The.Filsouf (talk) 23:13, 4 March 2008 (UTC)

 * I have been trying since day 2 to get the name of that template changed. I think I have finally convinced others the word has more negative connotations than neutral ones. If anyone has ideas on a better title for the template that Brights would not object to, please join the discussion on the talk page for the template --JimWae (talk) 19:53, 5 March 2008 (UTC)

Comment
'"Whether there is a statistical tendency for brights [noun] to be bright [adjective] is a matter for research."'

"The movement has been criticised by some (both religious and non-religious) who have objected to the adoption of the title "bright" because they believe it suggests that the individuals with a naturalistic worldview are more intelligent ("brighter") than the religious."

This goes without saying (or research)... It never ceases to amaze me how otherwise seemingly intelligent people have a remarkable capacity for self-delusion when it comes to questions of teleology and ontology.

"For example, the Committee for Skeptical Inquiry published an article by Chris Mooney titled "Not Too 'Bright'" in which he stated that, although he agreed with the movement, Richard Dawkins' and Daniel Dennett's "campaign to rename religious unbelievers 'brights' could use some rethinking" because of the possibility that the term would be misinterpreted."

The term, which I'm sure was chosen deliberately, points out to those who think supernaturally, after all this time - I'm speaking of the whole history of human experience as documented in the history of philosophy - can still engage in communally-reinforced self-deception.

Nemo Senki66.213.22.193 (talk) 20:11, 1 March 2008 (UTC)

 * I agree a lot of this should be pretty obvious - but this is wikipedia, and it has a Neutral Point of View, which means it is reporting what is said on certain subjects by all parties neutrally and doesn't take sides, even if we as users will be motivated to be here because we are on one side or the other. Stevebritgimp (talk) 20:18, 1 March 2008 (UTC)

Userbox for Wikipedia Users who are members of the Brights movement
I have created a userbox which can be added to the User page of Wikipedians who are members of / or identify with the Brights movment.

To add this Userbox to your User page and at the same time have your user name included in the category Category:Wikipedians in the Brights movement, simply put the following text into your own User page.

Comments on wording or design welcome. Lumos3 (talk) 21:22, 7 March 2008 (UTC)

 * It seems we are not allowed to have a category for users in the Bright movement because its OK to identify with a religion but not OK to identify with a philosophy, see User_categories_for_discussion/Archive/October_2007. There seems a fundamental flaw in this thinking. This discussion shows no strong concencus and it seems to me an arbitrary one. How can it be challenged? Lumos3 (talk) 09:16, 11 March 2008 (UTC)

 * It seems like blatant discrimination to me, and the arguments were not strong on any level. If it is matter of collaboration, there is a dozen articles that are connected to Brights movement, and perhaps we can show this by starting a Wiki portal and 'WikiProject' to make a list of related articles, and then create the category again? --The.Filsouf (talk) 10:17, 12 March 2008 (UTC)

have the progenitors
of this view/institution ever entertained wittgentstein's conception of the mystical in tractatus logico-philosophicus? anyone concerned with these matters and/or who has read the tractatus might want to consider it. wittgenstein's approach is a careful one. anyone? BingoBob 20:25, 24 July 2009 (UTC)

 * Dunno. Take it up with them; I'm sure they be interested in your ideas. This page is for discussing improvements to this encyclopedia article, not general discussion of the topic. --Gimme danger (talk) 22:06, 24 July 2009 (UTC)

 * ok, I kinda forget that sometimes. only thing is-- mystical looks like a pretty solid article at a glance. and i read an essay by this guy nick Bostrom (assoc w/ brights). he doesn't speak about religion in the article, but if you'r defining a movement you don't wann hang too much of it on a phrase like "not mystical". ok- nevermind. wittgentstein's in the logical positivism article. that works.
 * just- at the end of the day the group is it's agenda. the agenda is a bunch of assertions (worldview, sure), and if we talk about the content of something somewhere- sorry if I can't always connect the dots- it relates to content of wikipedia.
 * "have those describing the progenitors..." haha BingoBob 15:29, 28 July 2009 (UTC)

Incorrect Stats
So, I see that the article says that there are brights in 183 nations. But, the brights website states (on the 'The Action' page) that there are brights in 178 nations. I know that it may not seem like a big deal, but the article has not citation for the 183 statistic. I'm guessing that 178 with a citation would be more appropriate. I have no idea how to edit stuff or add citations or I would do it. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 75.134.53.143 (talk) 06:02, 11 September 2009 (UTC)
 * This has been sourced and fixed since 2018, although it is just from their website. Stevebritgimp (talk) 01:27, 27 November 2020 (UTC)

Antitheism
Someone added the category Antitheism to the article. I have removed it, basically in line with the discussion under Irreligion above. I accept that there are different definitions of antitheism (so if anyone disagrees with me go ahead and discuss it here), but my take on it, certainly under current meanings, it that antitheism is an active opposition to religion, and the opinion that religion is harmful. In general those are not the positions of the Brights movement. The whole point of the Brights movement is to make positive statements about a supernatural-free worldview, rather than making negative statements about other worldviews. Also the word antitheist is absent from the article at this point. From a civic point of view the organisation is secularist. Including antitheism here would mischaracterise at least the intentions of the organisation. As I said before, if they were actually being antitheist in their actions then that assessment would need to be revised, regardless of the founding intentions. Stevebritgimp (talk) 08:29, 27 July 2011 (UTC)

Stop, Thief!
Franklin Jones (Adidam founder) spoke heavily of experiencing "the bright" as his religious awakening (early 70s), and the religion/cult has made much of this terminology ever since. Geisert may be using the term a bit differently, but it seems a bit much to say he "coined" it. 209.172.23.27 (talk) 06:09, 27 August 2015 (UTC)

Claim of OR
I'm pretty sure that the text removed by Apollo The Logician (here and here) under the pretext of original research just needs a source, rather than being removed from the article (that text has been restored, in addition to this). Also, the use of Youtube sources by Apollo The Logician, no matter how reliable, are bare links (URLs) and should be written correctly as sources if they are to be used. Coldcreation (talk) 14:43, 4 December 2016 (UTC)

"believe that matter is the fundamental substance of nature and that all phenomena, including mental phenomena and consciousness, are the result of material interactions. This belief is sometimes referred to as materialism." This should be removed. Materialism is not the same thing as naturalism. Apollo The Logician (talk) 16:28, 4 December 2016 (UTC)

 * Materialism and naturalism are both shared by Brights ideology. Correct me if I'm wrong. Coldcreation (talk) 17:03, 4 December 2016 (UTC)

 * Not neccesarily. Bright ideology is naturalism. You can be a naturalist and deny materialism. Anyway even if that was true the article still conflates the two as the same thing. Apollo The Logician (talk) 17:08, 4 December 2016 (UTC)

How come no mention of Benedict Spinoza
Heard that The Brights love Spinoza, wondering why there's no mention here in this article.--Tomwsulcer (talk) 23:04, 24 September 2017 (UTC) FYI see this video at 13:14 seconds.--Tomwsulcer (talk) 23:06, 24 September 2017 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Brights movement


text: User talk:63.234.218.254

title: User talk:63.234.218.254


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Adivasi

The Adivasi are heterogeneous tribal groups across the Indian subcontinent. The term is a Sanskrit word coined in the 1930s by political activists to give the tribal people an indigenous identity by claiming an indigenous origin. The Constitution of India does not use the word Adivasi, instead referring to Scheduled Tribes and Janjati. The government of India does not officially recognise tribes as indigenous people. The country ratified the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 107 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the United Nations (1957) and refused to sign the ILO Convention 169. Most of these groups are included in the Scheduled Tribe category under constitutional provisions in India.

They comprise a substantial minority population of India and Bangladesh, making up 8.6% of India's population and 1.1% of Bangladesh's, or 104.2 million people in India, according to the 2011 census, and 2 million people in Bangladesh according to the 2010 estimate.

Though claimed to be among the original inhabitants of India, many present-day Adivasi communities formed after the decline of the Indus Valley civilisation, harboring various degrees of ancestry from ancient hunter-gatherers, Indus Valley civilisation, Indo-Aryan, Austroasiatic and Tibeto-Burman language speakers.

Tribal languages can be categorised into seven linguistic groupings, namely Andamanese; Austro-Asiatic; Dravidian; Indo-Aryan; Nihali; Sino-Tibetan; and Kra-Dai.

Tribals of East, Central, West and South India use the politically assertive term Adivasi, while Tribals of North East India use 'Tribal' or 'Scheduled Tribe' and do not use term 'Adivasi' for themselves. Adivasi studies is a new scholarly field, drawing upon archaeology, anthropology, agrarian history, environmental history, subaltern studies, indigenous studies, aboriginal studies, and developmental economics. It adds debates that are specific to the Indian context.

Definition and etymology
Adivasi is the collective term for the tribes of the Indian subcontinent, who are claimed to be the indigenous people of India prior to the Dravidians and Indo-Aryans. It refers to "any of various ethnic groups considered to be the original inhabitants of the Indian subcontinent." However, Tribal and Adivasi have different meanings. Tribal means a social unit whereas Adivasi means ancient inhabitants. India does not recognise tribes as indigenous people. India ratified the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 107 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the United Nations (1957). In 1989, India refused to sign the ILO Convention 169.

The term Adivasi, in fact, is a modern Sanskrit word specifically coined in the 1930s by tribal political activists to give a differentiated indigenous identity to tribals by alleging that Indo-European and Dravidian speaking peoples are not indigenous. The word was used by Thakkar Bapa to refer to inhabitants of forest in 1930s. The word was used in 1936 and included in English dictionary prepared by Pascal. The term was recognised by Markandey Katju the judge of the Supreme Court of India in 2011. In Hindi and Bengali, Adivasi means "Original Inhabitants," from ādi 'beginning, origin'; and vāsin 'dweller' (itself from vas 'to dwell'), thus literally meaning 'beginning inhabitant'. Tribal of India and different political parties are continuing the use of word Adivasi as they believe the word unites the tribal people of India.

Although terms such as atavika, vanavāsi ("forest dwellers"), or girijan ("mountain people") are also used for the tribes of India, adivāsi carries the specific meaning of being the original and autochthonous inhabitants of a given region, and the self-designation of those tribal groups.

The Constitution of India doesn't use the word Adivasi, and directs government officials to not use the word in official documents. The notified tribals are known as Scheduled Tribes and Janjati in the Constitution. The constitution of India grouped these ethnic groups together "as targets for social and economic development. Since that time the tribe of India have been known officially as Scheduled Tribes." Article 366 (25) defined scheduled tribes as "such tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within such tribes or tribal communities as are deemed under Article 342 to be Scheduled Tribes for the purposes of this constitution".

The term Adivasi is also used for the ethnic minorities of Bangladesh, the Vedda people of Sri Lanka and the native Tharu people of Nepal. Another Nepalese term is Adivasi Janjati (आदिवासी जनजाति; Adivāsi Janajāti), although the political context differed historically under the Shah and Rana dynasties.

In India, opposition to the usage of the term is varied. Critics argue that the "original inhabitant" contention is based on the fact that they have no land and are therefore asking for land reform. The Adivasis argue that they have been oppressed by the "superior group" and that they require and demand a reward, more specifically land reform. Adivasi issues are not related to land reforms but to the historical rights to the forests that were alienated during the colonial period. In 2006, India finally made a law to "undo the historical injustice" committed to the Adivasis.

Tribals of North East India don't use the term adivasi for themselves and use the word tribe. In Assam, the term adivāsi applies only to the Tea-tribes imported from Central India during colonial times.

Demographics

A substantial list of Scheduled Tribes in India are recognised as tribal under the Constitution of India. Tribal people constitute 8.6% of India's population and 1.1% of Bangladesh's.

One concentration lies in a belt along the northwest Himalayas: consisting of Jammu and Kashmir, where are found many semi-nomadic groups, to Ladakh and northern Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand, where are found Tibeto-Burman groups.

In the northeastern states of Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Nagaland, more than 90% of the population is tribal. However, in the remaining northeast states of Assam, Manipur, Sikkim, and Tripura, tribal peoples form between 20 and 30% of the population.

The largest population of tribals lives in a belt stretching from eastern Gujarat and Rajasthan in the west all the way to western West Bengal, a region known as the tribal belt. These tribes correspond roughly to three regions. The western region, in eastern Gujarat, southeastern Rajasthan, northwestern Maharashtra as well as western Madhya Pradesh, is dominated by Indo-Aryan speaking tribes like the Bhils. The central region, covering eastern Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, western and southern Chhattisgarh, northern and eastern Telangana, northern Andhra Pradesh and western Odisha is dominated by Dravidian tribes like the Gonds and Khonds. The eastern belt, centred on the Chhota Nagpur Plateau in Jharkhand and adjacent areas of Chhattisgarh, Odisha and West Bengal, is dominated by Munda tribes like the Bhumijs, Hos and Santals. Roughly 75% of the total tribal population live in this belt, although the tribal population there accounts for only around 10% of the region's total population. Further south, the region near Bellary in Karnataka has a large concentration of tribals, mostly Boyas/ Valmikis. Small pockets can be found throughout the rest of South India. By far the largest of these pockets is in found in the region containing the Nilgiris district of Tamil Nadu, Wayanad district of Kerala and nearby hill ranges of Chamarajanagar and Mysore districts of southern Karnataka. Further south, only small pockets of tribal settlement remain in the Western and Eastern Ghats.

The scheduled tribe population in Jharkhand constitutes 26.2% of the state. Tribals in Jharkhand mainly follow Sarnaism, an animistic religion. Chhattisgarh has also over 80 lakh scheduled tribe population. Assam has over 60 lakh Adivasis primarily as tea workers. Adivasis in India mainly follow Animism, Hinduism and Christianity.

In the case of Bangladesh, most Adivasi groups are found in the Chittagong hill tracks along the border with Myanmar, in Sylhet and in the Northwest of Bangladesh. In Sylhet and in the north west you can find groups such as the Sauria Paharia, Kurukh, Santal, Munda and more, and other groups such as the Pnar, Garo, Meitei, Bishnupriya Manipuri and more. In the Chittagong Hill tracts you can find variouse Tibeto-Burman groups such as the Marma, Chakma, Bawm, Tripuri, Mizo, Mru, Rakhine and more. In Bangladesh most Adivasis are Buddhists who follow the Theravada school of Buddhism, Animism and Christianity are also followed in fact Buddhism has affected Adivasis so much that it has influenced local Animistic beliefs of other Adivasis.

Origin
Though claimed to be the original inhabitants of India, many present-day Adivasi communities formed after the decline of the Indus Valley civilisation, harboring various degrees of ancestry from ancient hunter-gatherers, Indus Valley civilisation, Indo-Aryan, Austroasiatic and Tibeto-Burman language speakers. Only tribal people of Andaman Islands remained isolated for more than 25000 years.

Ancient & medieval period
According to linguist Anvita Abbi, tribes in India are characterized by distinct lifestyle and are outside of caste system. Although considered uncivilised and primitive, Adivasis were usually not held to be intrinsically impure by surrounding populations (usually Dravidian or Indo-Aryan), unlike Dalits, who were. Thus, the Adivasi origins of Valmiki, who composed the Ramayana, were acknowledged, as were the origins of Adivasi tribes such as the Garasia and Bhilala, which descended from mixed Rajput and Bhil marriages. Unlike the subjugation of the Dalits, the Adivasis often enjoyed autonomy and, depending on region, evolved mixed hunter-gatherer and farming economies, controlling their lands as a joint patrimony of the tribe. In some areas, securing Adivasi approval and support was considered crucial by local rulers, and larger Adivasi groups were able to sustain their own kingdoms in central India. The Bhil, Meenas and Gond Rajas of Garha-Mandla and Chanda are examples of an Adivasi aristocracy that ruled in this region, and were "not only the hereditary leaders of their Gond subjects, but also held sway over substantial communities of non-tribals who recognized them as their feudal lords." The historiography of relationships between the Adivasis and the rest of Indian society is patchy. There are references to alliances between Ahom Kings of Brahmaputra valley and the hill Nagas. This relative autonomy and collective ownership of Adivasi land by Adivasis was severely disrupted by the advent of the Mughals in the early 16th century. Rebellions against Mughal authority include the Bhil Rebellion of 1632 and the Bhil-Gond Insurrection of 1643 which were both pacified by Mughal soldiers. With the advent of the Kachwaha Rajputs and Mughals into their territory, the Meenas were gradually sidelined and pushed deep into the forests. As a result, historical literature has completely bypassed the Meena tribe. The combined army of Mughals and Bharmal attacked the tribal king Bada Meena and killed him damaging 52 kots and 56 gates. Bada's treasure was shared between Mughals and Bharmal.

British period (c. 1857 – 1947)
During the period of British rule, the colonial administration encroached upon the adivasi tribal system, which led to widespread resentment against the British among the tribesmen. The tribesmen frequently supported rebellions or rebelled themselves, while their raja looked negatively upon the British administrative innovations. Beginning in the 18th century, the British added to the consolidation of feudalism in India, first under the Jagirdari system and then under the zamindari system. Beginning with the Permanent Settlement imposed by the British in Bengal and Bihar, which later became the template for a deepening of feudalism throughout India, the older social and economic system in the country began to alter radically. Land, both forest areas belonging to adivasis and settled farmland belonging to non-adivasi peasants, was rapidly made the legal property of British-designated zamindars (landlords), who in turn moved to extract the maximum economic benefit possible from their newfound property and subjects. Adivasi lands sometimes experienced an influx of non-local settlers, often brought from far away (as in the case of Muslims and Sikhs brought to Kol territory) by the zamindars to better exploit local land, forest and labour. Deprived of the forests and resources they traditionally depended on and sometimes coerced to pay taxes, many adivasis were forced to borrow at usurious rates from moneylenders, often the zamindars themselves. When they were unable to pay, that forced them to become bonded labourers for the zamindars. Often, far from paying off the principal of their debt, they were unable even to offset the compounding interest, and this was made the justification for their children working for the zamindar after the death of the initial borrower. In the case of the Andamanese adivasis, their protective isolation changed with the establishment of a British colonial presence on the islands. Lacking immunity against common infectious diseases of the Eurasian mainland, the large Jarawa habitats on the southeastern regions of South Andaman Island experienced a massive population decline due to disease within four years of the establishment of a colonial presence on the island in 1789.

Land dispossession by the zamindars or interference by the colonial government resulted in a number of Adivasi revolts in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, such as the Bhumij rebellion of 1767-1833 and Santal hul (or Santhal rebellion) of 1855–56. Although these were suppressed by the governing British authority (the East India Company prior to 1858, and the British government after 1858), partial restoration of privileges to adivasi elites (e.g. to Mankis, the leaders of Munda tribes) and some leniency in levels of taxation resulted in relative calm in the region, despite continuing and widespread dispossession from the late nineteenth century onwards. The economic deprivation, in some cases, triggered internal adivasi migrations within India that would continue for another century, including as labour for the emerging tea plantations in Assam.

Participation in Indian independence movement
There were tribal reform and rebellion movements during the period of the British Empire, some of which also participated in the Indian independence movement or attacked mission posts. There were several Adivasis in the Indian independence movement including Birsa Munda, Dharindhar Bhyuan, Laxman Naik, Jantya Bhil, Bangaru Devi and Rehma Vasave, Mangri Oraon.

During the period of British rule, India saw the rebellions of several then backward castes, mainly tribal peoples that revolted against British rule. These were:
 * Halba rebellion (1774–79)
 * Chakma rebellion (1776–1787)
 * Chuar rebellion in Bengal (1795–1809)
 * Bhopalpatnam Struggle (1795)
 * Khurda Rebellion in Odisha (1817)
 * Bhil rebellion (1822–1857)
 * Ho-Munda Revolt(1816–1837)
 * Paralkot rebellion (1825)
 * Kol rebellion (1831–32)
 * Bhumij rebellion (1832–33)
 * Khond rebellion (1836)
 * Tarapur rebellion (1842–54)
 * Maria rebellion (1842–63)
 * Santhal rebellion (1856–57)
 * Bhil rebellion, begun by Tatya Tope in Banswara (1858)
 * Koli revolt (1859)
 * Great Kuki Invasion of 1860s
 * Gond rebellion, begun by Ramji Gond in Adilabad (1860)
 * Muria rebellion (1876)
 * Rani rebellion (1878–82)
 * Bhumkal (1910)
 * The Kuki Uprising (1917–1919) in Manipur
 * Rampa Rebellion of 1879, Vizagapatnam (now Visakhapatnam district)
 * Rampa Rebellion (1922–1924), Visakhapatnam district
 * Munda rebellion (1899 - 1900)
 * Thanu Nayak arm struggle against Nizam in Telangana in 1940s

Major Adivasi groups
There are more than 700 tribal groups in India. The major Scheduled Tribes (Adivasi) are;

 * Asurs
 * Baigas
 * Bhils
 * Bhumijs
 * Birhors
 * Bodos
 * Chakmas
 * Marmas
 * Garos
 * Gonds
 * Hos
 * Irulas
 * Kudmi
 * Kharias
 * Khasis
 * Kotas
 * Koya (tribe)
 * Meenas
 * Mundas
 * Oraons
 * Santhals
 * Tharus
 * Todas

Tribal languages
Tribal languages can be categorised into five linguistic groupings, namely Andamanese; Austro-Asiatic; Dravidian; Indo-Aryan; and Sino-Tibetan.

 * Arakanese language
 * Banjara language
 * Bawm language
 * Bhil language
 * Bhotiya language
 * Bhumij language
 * Bodo language
 * Bonda language
 * Chakma language
 * Chenchu language
 * Dhodia language
 * Gamit language
 * Garo Language
 * Gondi language
 * Gujari language
 * Halbi language
 * Ho language
 * Irula language
 * Jaunsari language
 * Kudmali language
 * Karbi language
 * Khasi language
 * Koch language
 * Koda language
 * Kokborok language
 * Koya language
 * Kora language
 * Kui language
 * Kuki language
 * Kurukh language
 * Mavchi language
 * Mizo language
 * Mundari language
 * Pangkhu language
 * Paniya language
 * Pnar language
 * Rathwa language
 * Sak language
 * Santali language
 * Shö language
 * Tharu language
 * Varli language
 * Vasavi language

Adivasi literature
Adivasi literature is the literature composed by the tribals of the Indian subcontinent. It is composed in more than 100 languages. The tradition of tribal literature includes oral literature and written literature in tribal languages and non-tribal languages. The basic feature of tribal literature is the presence of tribal philosophy in it. Prominent tribal writers include Nirmala Putul, Vahru Sonawane, Temsula Ao, Mamang Dai, Narayan, Rose Kerketta, Ram Dayal Munda, Vandana Tete, Anuj Lugun etc.

Religion
The religious practices of Adivasi communities mostly resemble various shades of Hinduism. In the census of India from 1871 to 1941, tribal people and their religions were described in several ways: forest tribe (1891); animist (1901); tribal animist (1911); hill and forest tribe (1921); primitive tribe (1931); and tribes (1941). However, since the census of 1951, the tribal population has been recorded separately. Many Adivasis have been converted into Christianity during British period and after independence. During the last two decades Adivasi from Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand have converted to Protestant groups as a result of increased missionaries presence. Adivasi beliefs vary by tribe, and are usually different from the historical Vedic religion, with its monistic underpinnings, Indo-European deities (who are often cognates of ancient Iranian, Greek and Roman deities, e.g. Mitra/Mithra/Mithras), lack of idol worship and lack of a concept of reincarnation.

Animism
Animism (from Latin animus, -i "soul, life") is the worldview that non-human entities (animals, plants, and inanimate objects or phenomena) possess a spiritual essence. The Encyclopaedia of Religion and Society estimates that 1–5% of India's population is animist. India's government recognises that India's indigenous subscribe to pre-Hindu animist-based religions.

Animism is used in the anthropology of religion as a term for the belief system of some indigenous tribal peoples, especially prior to the development of organised religion. Although each culture has its own different mythologies and rituals, "animism" is said to describe the most common, foundational thread of indigenous peoples' "spiritual" or "supernatural" perspectives. The animistic perspective is so fundamental, mundane, everyday and taken-for-granted that most animistic indigenous people do not even have a word in their languages that corresponds to "animism" (or even "religion"); the term is an anthropological construct rather than one designated by the people themselves.

Donyi-Polo
Donyi-Polo is the designation given to the indigenous religions, of animistic and shamanic type, of the Tani, from Arunachal Pradesh, in northeastern India. The name "Donyi-Polo" means "Sun-Moon".

Sarnaism
Sarnaism or Sarna  (local languages: Sarna Dhorom, meaning "religion of the holy woods") defines the indigenous religions of the Adivasi populations of the states of Central-East India, such as the Munda, the Ho, the Santali, the Khuruk, and the others. The Munda, Ho, Santhal and Oraon tribe followed the Sarna religion, where Sarna means sacred grove. Their religion is based on the oral traditions passed from generation-to-generation. It involves worship of village deity, Sun and Moon.

Other tribal animist
Animist hunter gatherer Nayaka people of Nilgiri hills of South India.

Animism is the traditional religion of Nicobarese people; their religion is marked by the dominance and interplay with spirit worship, witch doctors and animal sacrifice.

Adivasi roots of modern Hinduism
Some historians and anthropologists assert that many Hindu practices might have been adopted from Adivasi culture. This also includes the sacred status of certain animals such as monkeys, cows, fish (matsya), peacocks, cobras (nagas) and elephants and plants such as the sacred fig (pipal), Ocimum tenuiflorum (tulsi) and Azadirachta indica (neem), which may once have held totemic importance for certain adivasi tribes.

Adivasi saints
A sant is an Indian holy man, and a title of a devotee or ascetic, especially in north and east India. Generally, a holy or saintly person is referred to as a mahatma, paramahamsa, or swami, or given the prefix Sri or Srila before their name. The term is sometimes misrepresented in English as "Hindu saint", although "sant" is unrelated to "saint".
 * Sant Buddhu Bhagat, led the Kol Insurrection (1831–1832) aimed against tax imposed on Mundas by Muslim rulers.
 * Sant Dhira or Kannappa Nayanar, one of 63 Nayanar Shaivite sants, a hunter from whom Lord Shiva gladly accepted food offerings. It is said that he poured water from his mouth on the Shivlingam and offered the Lord swine flesh.
 * Sant Dhudhalinath, Gujarati, a 17th or 18th-century devotee (P. 4, The Story of Historic People of India-The Kolis)
 * Sant Ganga Narain Singh, led the Bhumij Revolt (1832–1833) aimed against Christian missionaries and the East India Company.
 * Sant Gurudev Kalicharan Brahma or Guru Brahma, a Bodo who founded the Brahma Dharma aimed against Christian missionaries and colonialists. The Brahma Dharma movement sought to unite peoples of all religions to worship God together and survives even today.
 * Sant Kalu Dev, Punjab, related with Fishermen community Nishadha
 * Sant Kubera, ethnic Gujarati, taught for over 35 years and had 20,000 followers in his time.
 * Sant Jatra Oraon, Oraon, led the Tana Bhagat Movement (1914–1919) aimed against the Christian missionaries and the British colonial government
 * Sant Tantya Mama (Bhil), a Bhil after whom a movement is named after – the "Jananayak Tantya Bhil"
 * Sant Tirumangai Alvar, Kallar, composed the six Vedangas in beautiful Tamil verse
 * Saint Kalean Guru (Kalean Murmu) is the most beloved person among Santal Tribes community who was widely popular 'Nagam Guru' Guru of Early Histories in fourteen century by the references of their forefathers.

Sages

 * Bhakta Shabari, a Nishadha woman who offered Shri Rama and Shri Laxmana her half-eaten ber fruit, which they gratefully accepted when they were searching for Shri Sita Devi in the forest.

Maharishis

 * Maharshi Matanga, Matanga Bhil, Guru of Bhakta Shabari. In fact, Chandalas are often addressed as 'Matanga 'in passages like Varaha Purana 1.139.91

Avatars

 * Birsa Bhagwan or Birsa Munda, considered an avatar of Khasra Kora. People approached him as Singbonga, the Sun god. His sect included Christian converts. He and his clan, the Mundas, were connected with Vaishnavite traditions as they were influenced by Sri Chaitanya. Birsa was very close to the Panre brothers Vaishnavites.
 * Kirata – the form of Lord Shiva as a hunter. It is mentioned in the Mahabharata. The Karppillikkavu Sree Mahadeva Temple, Kerala adores Lord Shiva in this avatar and is known to be one of the oldest surviving temples in Bharat.
 * Vettakkorumakan, the son of Lord Kirata.
 * Kaladutaka or 'Vaikunthanatha', Kallar (robber), avatar of Lord Vishnu.

Other tribals and Hinduism
Some Hindus do not believe that Indian tribals are close to the romantic ideal of the ancient silvan culture of the Vedic people. Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar said: "The tribals 'can be given yajñopavîta (...) They should be given equal rights and footings in the matter of religious rights, in temple worship, in the study of Vedas, and in general, in all our social and religious affairs. This is the only right solution for all the problems of casteism found nowadays in our Hindu society.'"

At the Lingaraja Temple in Bhubaneswar, there are Brahmin and Badu (tribal) priests. The Badus have the most intimate contact with the deity of the temple, and only they can bathe and adorn it.

The Bhils are mentioned in the Mahabharata. The Bhil boy Ekalavya's teacher was Drona, and he had the honour to be invited to Yudhishthira's Rajasuya Yajna at Indraprastha. Indian tribals were also part of royal armies in the Ramayana and in the Arthashastra.

Shabari was a Bhil woman who offered Rama and Lakshmana jujubes when they were searching for Sita in the forest. Matanga, a Bhil, became a Brahmana.

Brahmanization and Rajputization
Bhangya Bhukya notes that during the final years of the British Raj, while education introduced Westernization in the hilly areas of central India, the regions also parallelly underwent the Manuvadi Hinduization and Rajputization processes. The Gond people and their chiefs started doing the "caste–Hindu practices" and frequently claimed the "Rajput, and thus kshatriya status". The British government used to support these claims as they viewed the adivasi society to be less civilized than the caste society and believed that adivasi peoples' association with the castes would make the adivasis "more civilized and sober" and "easier for the colonial state to control". Bhukya also points out that central India's "Raj Gond families" had already adopted the religious and social traditions of the Rajputs before the British Raj in India, and there were "matrimonial relations" between a number of Gond and Rajput Rajas. However, the British governments' policies of offering "zamindari rights, village headships and patelships" fueled the process.

According to Patit Paban Mishra, "the 'ksatriyaization' of tribal rulers and their surroundings, resulted in the Hinduization of tribal areas".

Demands for a separate religious code
Some Adivasi organisations have demanded that a distinct religious code be listed for Adivasis in the 2011 census of India. The All India Adivasi Conference was held on 1 and 2 January 2011 at Burnpur, Asansol, West Bengal. 750 delegates were present from all parts of India and cast their votes for Religion code as follows: Sari Dhorom – 632, Sarna – 51, Kherwalism – 14 and Other Religions – 03. Census of India.

Education
Tribal communities in India are the least educationally developed. First generation learners have to face social, psychological and cultural barriers to get education. This has been one of the reasons for poor performance of tribal students in schools. Poor literacy rate since independence has resulted in absence of tribals in academia and higher education. The literacy rate for STs has gone up from 8.5% (male – 13.8%, female – 3.2%) in 1961 to 29.6% (male – 40.6%, female – 18.2%) in 1991 and to 40% (male – 59%, female – 37%) in 1999–2000. States with large proportion of STs like Mizoram, Nagaland and Meghalaya have high literacy rate while states with large number of tribals like Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Rajasthan and Andhra Pradesh have low tribal literacy rate. Tribal students have very high drop-out rates during school education.

Extending the system of primary education into tribal areas and reserving places for needing them, they say, to work in the fields. On the other hand, in those parts of the northeast where tribes have generally been spared the wholesale onslaught of outsiders, schooling has helped tribal people to secure political and economic benefits. The education system there has provided a corps of highly trained tribal members in the professions and high-ranking administrative posts. tribal children in middle and high schools and higher education institutions are central to government policy, but efforts to improve a tribe's educational status have had mixed results. Recruitment of qualified teachers and determination of the appropriate language of instruction also remain troublesome. Commission after commission on the "language question" has called for instruction, at least at the primary level, in the students' native language. In some regions, tribal children entering school must begin by learning the official regional language, often one completely unrelated to their tribal language.

Many tribal schools are plagued by high drop-out rates. Children attend for the first three to four years of primary school and gain a smattering of knowledge, only to lapse into illiteracy later. Few who enter continue up to the tenth grade; of those who do, few manage to finish high school. Therefore, very few are eligible to attend institutions of higher education, where the high rate of attrition continues. Members of agrarian tribes like the Gonds often are reluctant to send their children to school,

An academy for teaching and preserving Adivasi languages and culture was established in 1999 by the Bhasha Research and Publication Centre. The Adivasi Academy is located at Tejgadh in Gujarat.

Economy
Most tribes are concentrated in heavily forested areas that combine inaccessibility with limited political or economic significance. Historically, the economy of most tribes was subsistence agriculture or hunting and gathering. Tribal members traded with outsiders for the few necessities they lacked, such as salt and iron. A few local Hindu craftsmen might provide such items as cooking utensils.

In the early 20th century, however, large areas fell into the hands of non-tribals, on account of improved transportation and communications. Around 1900, many regions were opened by the British government to settlement through a scheme by which inward migrants received ownership of land free in return for cultivating it. For tribal people, however, land was often viewed as a common resource, free to whoever needed it. By the time tribals accepted the necessity of obtaining formal land titles, they had lost the opportunity to lay claim to lands that might rightfully have been considered theirs. The colonial and post-independence regimes belatedly realised the necessity of protecting tribals from the predations of outsiders and prohibited the sale of tribal lands. Although an important loophole in the form of land leases was left open, tribes made some gains in the mid-twentieth century, and some land was returned to tribal peoples despite obstruction by local police and land officials.

In the 1970s, tribal peoples came again under intense land pressure, especially in central India. Migration into tribal lands increased dramatically, as tribal people lost the titles to their lands in many ways – lease, forfeiture from debts, or bribery of land registry officials. Other non-tribals simply squatted or even lobbied governments to classify them as tribal to allow them to compete with the formerly established tribes. In any case, many tribal members became landless labourers in the 1960s and 1970s, and regions that a few years earlier had been the exclusive domain of tribes had an increasingly mixed population of tribals and non-tribals. Government efforts to evict nontribal members from illegal occupation have proceeded slowly; when evictions occur at all, those ejected are usually members of poor, lower castes.

Improved communications, roads with motorised traffic, and more frequent government intervention figured in the increased contact that tribal peoples had with outsiders. Commercial highways and cash crops frequently drew non-tribal people into remote areas. By the 1960s and 1970s, the resident nontribal shopkeeper was a permanent feature of many tribal villages. Since shopkeepers often sell goods on credit (demanding high interest), many tribal members have been drawn deeply into debt or mortgaged their land. Merchants also encourage tribals to grow cash crops (such as cotton or castor-oil plants), which increases tribal dependence on the market for necessities. Indebtedness is so extensive that although such transactions are illegal, traders sometimes 'sell' their debtors to other merchants, much like indentured peons.

The final blow for some tribes has come when non-tribals, through political jockeying, have managed to gain legal tribal status, that is, to be listed as a Scheduled Tribe.

Tribes in the Himalayan foothills have not been as hard-pressed by the intrusions of non-tribal. Historically, their political status was always distinct from the rest of India. Until the British colonial period, there was little effective control by any of the empires centred in peninsular India; the region was populated by autonomous feuding tribes. The British, in efforts to protect the sensitive northeast frontier, followed a policy dubbed the "Inner Line"; non-tribal people were allowed into the areas only with special permission. Post-colonial governments have continued the policy, protecting the Himalayan tribes as part of the strategy to secure the border with China.

Ecological threats
Many smaller tribal groups are quite sensitive to ecological degradation caused by modernisation. Both commercial forestry and intensive agriculture have proved destructive to the forests that had endured swidden agriculture for many centuries. Adivasis in central part of India have been victims of the Salwa Judum campaign by the Government against the Naxalite insurgency.

Government policies on forest reserves have affected tribal peoples profoundly. Government efforts to reserve forests have precipitated armed (if futile) resistance on the part of the tribal peoples involved. Intensive exploitation of forests has often meant allowing outsiders to cut large areas of trees (while the original tribal inhabitants were restricted from cutting), and ultimately replacing mixed forests capable of sustaining tribal life with single-product plantations. Non-tribals have frequently bribed local officials to secure the effective use of reserved forest lands.

The northern tribes have thus been sheltered from the kind of exploitation that those elsewhere in South Asia have suffered. In Arunachal Pradesh (formerly part of the North-East Frontier Agency), for example, tribal members control commerce and most lower-level administrative posts. Government construction projects in the region have provided tribes with a significant source of cash. Some tribes have made rapid progress through the education system (the role of early missionaries was significant in this regard). Instruction was begun in Assamese but was eventually changed to Hindi; by the early 1980s, English was taught at most levels. Northeastern tribal people have thus enjoyed a certain measure of social mobility.

The continuing economic alienation and exploitation of many adivasis was highlighted as a "systematic failure" by the Indian prime minister Manmohan Singh in a 2009 conference of chief ministers of all 29 Indian states, where he also cited this as a major cause of the Naxalite unrest that has affected areas such as the Red Corridor.

Tribal classification criteria and demands

The criteria presently followed for specification of a community as a Scheduled Tribe are : (i) indications of primitive traits, (ii) distinctive culture, (iii) geographical isolation, (iv) shyness of contact with the community at large, and (v) backwardness.

Population complexities, and the controversies surrounding ethnicity and language in India, sometimes make the official recognition of groups as Adivasis (by way of inclusion in the Scheduled Tribes list) political and contentious. However, regardless of their language family affiliations, Australoid and Negrito groups that have survived as distinct forest, mountain or island-dwelling tribes in India and are often classified as Adivasi. The relatively autonomous tribal groups of Northeastern India (including Khasis, Apatani and Nagas), who are mostly Austro-Asiatic or Tibeto-Burman speakers, are also considered to be tribals: this area comprises 7.5% of India's land area but 20% of its tribal population. However, not all autonomous northeastern groups are considered tribals; for instance, the Tibeto-Burman-speaking Meitei of Manipur were once tribal but, having been settled for many centuries, are caste Hindus.

It is also difficult, for a given social grouping, to definitively decide whether it is a "caste" or a "tribe". A combination of internal social organisation, relationship with other groups, self-classification and perception by other groups has to be taken into account to make a categorisation, which is at best inexact and open to doubt. These categorisations have been diffused for thousands of years, and even ancient formulators of caste-discriminatory legal codes (which usually only applied to settled populations, and not Adivasis) were unable to come up with clean distinctions.

Demands for tribal classification
The additional difficulty in deciding whether a group meets the criteria to be Adivasi or not are the aspirational movements created by the federal and state benefits, including job and educational reservations, enjoyed by groups listed as scheduled tribes (STs). In Manipur, Meitei commentators have pointed to the lack of scheduled tribe status as a key economic disadvantage for Meiteis competing for jobs against groups that are classified as scheduled tribes. In Assam, Rajbongshi representatives have demanded scheduled tribe status as well. In Rajasthan, the Gujjar community has demanded ST status, even blockading the national capital of Delhi to press their demand. However, the Government of Rajasthan declined the Gujjars' demand, stating the Gujjars are treated as upper caste and are by no means a tribe. In several cases, these claims to tribalhood are disputed by tribes who are already listed in the schedule and fear economic losses if more powerful groups are recognised as scheduled tribes; for instance, the Rajbongshi demand faces resistance from the Bodo tribe, and the Meena tribe has vigorously opposed Gujjar aspirations to be recognised as a scheduled tribe.

Endogamy, exogamy and ethnogenesis
Part of the challenge is that the endogamous nature of tribes is also conformed to by the vast majority of Hindu castes. Indeed, many historians and anthropologists believe that caste endogamy reflects the once-tribal origins of the various groups who now constitute the settled Hindu castes. Another defining feature of caste Hindu society, which is often used to contrast them with Muslim and other social groupings, is lineage/clan (or gotra) and village exogamy. However, these in-marriage taboos are also held ubiquitously among tribal groups, and do not serve as reliable differentiating markers between caste and tribe. Again, this could be an ancient import from tribal society into settled Hindu castes. Tribes such as the Muslim Gujjars of Kashmir and the Kalash of Pakistan observe these exogamous traditions in common with caste Hindus and non-Kashmiri adivasis, though their surrounding Muslim populations do not.

Tribals are not part of the caste system, Some anthropologists, however, draw a distinction between tribes who have continued to be tribal and tribes that have been absorbed into caste society in terms of the breakdown of tribal (and therefore caste) boundaries, and the proliferation of new mixed caste groups. In other words, ethnogenesis (the construction of new ethnic identities) in tribes occurs through a fission process (where groups splinter-off as new tribes, which preserves endogamy), whereas with settled castes it usually occurs through intermixture (in violation of strict endogamy).

Tribals and are often regarded as constituting egalitarian societies. However, many scholars argue that the claim that tribals are an egalitarian society in contrast to a caste-based society is a part of a larger political agenda by some to maximise any differences from tribal and urban societies. According to scholar Koenraad Elst, caste practices and social taboos among Indian tribals date back to antiquity: "The Munda tribals not only practise tribal endogamy and commensality, but also observe a jâti division within the tribe, buttressed by notions of social pollution, a mythological explanation and harsh punishments."

Other criteria
Unlike castes, which form part of a complex and interrelated local economic exchange system, tribes tend to form self-sufficient economic units. For most tribal people, land-use rights traditionally derive simply from tribal membership. Tribal society tends to the egalitarian, with its leadership based on ties of kinship and personality rather than on hereditary status. Tribes typically consist of segmentary lineages whose extended families provide the basis for social organisation and control. Tribal religion recognises no authority outside the tribe.

Any of these criteria may not apply in specific instances. Language does not always give an accurate indicator of tribal or caste status. Especially in regions of mixed population, many tribal groups have lost their original languages and simply speak local or regional languages. In parts of Assam—an area historically divided between warring tribes and villages—increased contact among villagers began during the colonial period, and has accelerated since independence in 1947. A pidgin Assamese developed, whereas educated tribal members learnt Hindi and, in the late twentieth century, English.

Self-identification and group loyalty do not provide unfailing markers of tribal identity either. In the case of stratified tribes, the loyalties of clan, kin, and family may well predominate over those of tribe. In addition, tribes cannot always be viewed as people living apart; the degree of isolation of various tribes has varied tremendously. The Gonds, Santals, and Bhils traditionally have dominated the regions in which they have lived. Moreover, tribal society is not always more egalitarian than the rest of the rural populace; some of the larger tribes, such as the Gonds, are highly stratified.

The apparently wide fluctuation in estimates of South Asia's tribal population through the twentieth century gives a sense of how unclear the distinction between tribal and nontribal can be. India's 1931 census enumerated 22 million tribal people, in 1941 only 10 million were counted, but by 1961 some 30 million and in 1991 nearly 68 million tribal members were included. The differences among the figures reflect changing census criteria and the economic incentives individuals have to maintain or reject classification as a tribal member.

These gyrations of census data serve to underline the complex relationship between caste and tribe. Although, in theory, these terms represent different ways of life and ideal types, in reality, they stand for a continuum of social groups. In areas of substantial contact between tribes and castes, social and cultural pressures have often tended to move tribes in the direction of becoming castes over a period of years. Tribal peoples with ambitions for social advancement in Indian society at large have tried to gain the classification of caste for their tribes. On occasion, an entire tribe or part of a tribe joined a Hindu sect and thus entered the caste system en masse. If a specific tribe engaged in practices that Hindus deemed polluting, the tribe's status when it was assimilated into the caste hierarchy would be affected.

Constitutional safeguards for Scheduled Tribes
A number of constitutional and juridical safeguards for Adivasi have been encoded.

Particularly vulnerable tribal groups
The Scheduled Tribe groups who were identified as more isolated from the wider community and who maintain a distinctive cultural identity have been categorised as "Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups" (PVTGs) previously known as Primitive Tribal Groups by the Government at the centre. So far 75 tribal communities have been identified as 'particularly vulnerable tribal groups' in 18 States and UT of Andaman & Nicobar Islands of India. These hunting, food-gathering, and some agricultural communities have been identified as less acculturated tribes among the tribal population groups and in need of special programmes for their sustainable development. The tribes are awakening and demanding their rights for special reservation quota for them.

Academics

 * Motiravan Kangali (1949–2015) – Linguist
 * Sonajharia Minz - Computer Scientist
 * Pandit Raghunath Murmu – Ol Chiki (Santali) script creator, writer, activist
 * Lako Bodra – Varang Kshiti script creator, writer, activist
 * Rohidas Singh Nag -Mundari Bani script creator, linguist
 * Mahendra Nath Sardar - Ol Onal (Bhumij) script creator, writer
 * Ganga Sahay Meena - Founder Editor of Adivasi Sahitya, Writer, Academician

Tribal researchers

 * Virginius Xaxa - Deputy Director, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Guwahati Campus
 * Javaid Rahi Tribal author, researcher from Jammu and Kashmir

Independence movement

 * Raghoji Bhangare (1805 - 1845)
 * Komaram Bheem (1901–1940) – Independence fighter
 * Tantia Bhil
 * Thalakkal Chanthu
 * Rani Gaidinliu (1915–1993) – Political leader, Independence fighter
 * Ramji Gond
 * Gunda Dhur - Freedom fighter
 * Baba Tilka Majhi ( d. 1784) – Independence fighter
 * Birsa Munda (1875–1900) – Independence activist
 * Sidhu and Kanhu Murmu – Independence activists
 * Raghunath Mahato (21 March 1738 – 5 April 1778)
 * Buli Mahato
 * Chanku Mahato (9 February 1816 – 15 May 1856)
 * Dhananjay Mahato (8 August 1919 – 2 January 2014)
 * Jirpa Laya
 * Bhima Nayak
 * Laxman Nayak (1899–1943) – Independence activist
 * Alluri Sitarama Raju
 * Baburao Shedmake
 * Rani Shiromani
 * Ganga Narayan Singh
 * Veer Narayan Singh
 * Raghunath Sing – leader of Chuar Rebellion
 * Raja Jagannath Singh
 * Baidyanath Singh
 * Durjan Singh

Politics and social service

 * Binod Bihari Mahato (23 September 1923 – 18 December 1991)
 * Nirmal Mahto (25 December 1950 – 8 August 1987)
 * Sunil Kumar Mahato (11 January 1966 – 4 March 2007)
 * Temjen Imna Along
 * Dayamani Barla – Journalist, activist
 * Kantilal Bhuria (b. 1950) – Lok Sabha MP, tribal rights activist, former Union Cabinet Minister of Tribal Affairs, Agriculture & Food, veteran Congress leader from Madhya Pradesh.
 * Harishankar Brahma – Former Chief Election Commissioner of India
 * Dasarath Deb- Former chief Minister of Tripura and CPIM politician
 * Shürhozelie Liezietsu
 * Mohanbhai Sanjibhai Delkar Six-time member of the Lok Sabha of India from Dadra and Nagar Haveli. Tribal leader of southern Part of Gujarat, Tribal Robin Hood
 * Kishore Chandra Deo (b. 1947) – Lok Sabha MP, tribal rights activist, former Union Cabinet Minister of Tribal Affairs, Steel & Mines, Tribal Chief of Kurupam, veteran Congress leader from Andhra Pradesh.
 * Tulsi Gowda - Environmentalist
 * C K Janu – Social activist
 * Mahendra Karma – Politician
 * Sushila Kerketta – member of the 14th Lok Sabha of India
 * Geeta Koda – Member of parliament and former MLA
 * Madhu Koda ( b. 1971) – Former chief minister of Jharkhand and former Member of parliament
 * Lalthanhawla (b. 1942) – Politician
 * Kariya Munda – Former Deputy Speaker, 15th Lok Sabha
 * Tulasi Munda – Education activist
 * Draupadi Murmu – 15th President of India
 * Ramvichar Netam – Politician
 * Jual Oram – Politician
 * Kartik Oraon – Politician
 * Vincent Pala (b. 1968) – Lok Sabha MP, former Union Minister of Water Resources, Congress leader.
 * Kanjibhai Patel (b. 1936) - Politician
 * Rahibai Soma Popere - Conservationist
 * Neiphiu Rio – Politician
 * Shibu Soren - Jharkhand Movement leader, third CM of Jharkhand, Member of Parliament
 * Soni Sori – Political activist
 * Zoramthanga – Politician
 * Shantu Larma – Politician
 * Purno A•gitok Sangma, Former Lok Sabha Speaker

Art and literature

 * Temsula Ao – Poet, writer
 * Teejan Bai – Indian Pandavani performer
 * Rupnath Brahma – Poet
 * Mamang Dai – Journalist, author, former civil servant
 * Anuj Lugun – Indian polymath
 * Ram Dayal Munda – Scholar, artist, Padma Sri awardee
 * Bhajju Shyam – Artist
 * Jangarh Singh Shyam – Artist, founder of Jangarh Kalam
 * Venkat Shyam – Artist
 * Durga Bai Vyom – Artist

Administration

 * G C Murmu – IAS
 * Armstrong Pame – IAS
 * Rajeev Topno – IAS
 * David Nestel R. Marak - IPS

Archery

 * Laxmirani Majhi – Archer
 * Limba Ram – Archer
 * Purnima Mahato - Archer

Athletics

 * Thonakal Gopi – Marathon
 * Kavita Raut – Athlete

Boxing

 * MC Mary Kom – Boxer

Football

 * Talimeren Ao – Indian Footballer
 * Sanjay Balmuchu – Footballer
 * Pranjal Bhumij - Indian Footballer
 * Baichung Bhutia – Former captain, Indian football team
 * Durga Boro – Footballer
 * Lal Mohan Hansda – Footballer
 * Jeje Lalpekhlua – Footballer
 * Munmun Lugun – Footballer
 * Shylo Malsawmtluanga – Footballer
 * Lalrindika Ralte – Footballer

Hockey

 * Lalremsiami – Forward, Indian Women's Hockey
 * Lazarus Barla – Hockey
 * Deep Grace Ekka – Hockey
 * Michael Kindo – Former member, Indian men's hockey team, Arjuna awardee
 * Jyoti Sunita Kullu – Former member, Indian women's hockey team
 * Birendra Lakra – Indian hockey team
 * Bimal Lakra – Hockey
 * Sunita Lakra – Indian women's hockey team
 * Lilima Minz – Hockey
 * Jaipal Singh Munda – Former Captain, Indian national hockey team, Adivasi activist.
 * Nikki Pradhan – Hockey
 * Amit Rohidas – Hockey
 * Masira Surin – Indian women's hockey team
 * Namita Toppo – Hockey
 * Salima Tete – Indian women's hockey team
 * Sumrai Tete - Hockey, Dhyan Chand Award winner
 * Dilip Tirkey – Former captain, Indian hockey team
 * Ignace Tirkey – Hockey
 * Prabodh Tirkey – Hockey
 * Manohar Topno – Hockey
 * William Xalco – Hockey

Mountaineering

 * Malavath Purna – Mountaineer

Cricket

 * Jogeswar Bhumij

Military

 * Rani Durgavati – Gond Queen
 * Bakht Buland Shah - Founder Of Nagpur City
 * Bhupal Shah- Founder Of Bhopal City
 * Albert Ekka – Param Vir Chakra, Indo-Pakistani War of 1971
 * Nuduram Soren - Vir Chakra, 2020–2021 China–India skirmishes
 * Sangram Shah

Others

 * Thirumangai Alvar
 * Bhima Bhoi
 * Boa Sr.
 * Kalicharan Brahma
 * Haipou Jadonang
 * Shürhozelie Liezietsu
 * Gambhir Singh Mura
 * Kannappa Nayanar
 * Angami Zapu Phizo
 * Shabari
 * Neiliezhü Üsou
 * Valmiki – Composer of Ramayana
 * Mohanbhai Sanjibhai Delkar -Tribal Leader

title: Adivasi


text:
Catholic University of Pusan

The Catholic University of Pusan is situated in the southeastern South Korean port city of Busan. The current president is Son Sam-seok. The university is traditionally focused on nursing and health sciences, but in addition to these fields it includes schools of environmental science, business administration, computer information engineering, and social welfare. It enrolls about 1,200 students.

History
In 1964, the Maryknoll School of Nursing opened under the directorship of Rita Catherine Bonin, attached to Maryknoll Sisters Hospital. It was reorganized as Maryknoll Nursing Junior College in 1971. It was renamed Pusan Catholic College in 1990. In 1999, it united with Jisan College (est. 1979), another Catholic nursing school in Busan, to form the present-day entity of the Catholic University of Pusan.

An ideology
Humanitarianism - Spirit of Catholicism/trust, love, service

Topic
An Honest volunteer (worker) for one person

Introduce of Department in Cup
We have 6 main departments and 17 majors in our school

 * College of Theology (신학대학)
 * College of Nursing (간호대학)
 * College of Health Sciences (보건과학대학)
 * College of Applied Sciences (응용과학대학)
 * College of Social Sciences (사회과학대학)
 * The Faculty of Management
 * The Faculty of Circulation Management Information
 * The Faculty of Social Welfare
 * College of Humanity Culture (인성교양부)

title: Catholic University of Pusan


text:
Erhard Heiden

Erhard Heiden (23 February 1901 – 19 March 1933) was an early member of the Nazi Party and the third commander of the Schutzstaffel (SS), the paramilitary wing of the Sturmabteilung ("Storm Detachment; SA"). He was appointed head of the SS, an elite subsection of the SA in 1927. At that time the SS numbered fewer than a thousand men and Heiden found it difficult to cope under the much larger SA. Heiden was not a success in the post, and SS membership dropped significantly under his leadership. He was dismissed from his post in 1929, officially for "family reasons". He was arrested after the Nazis came to power in 1933 and executed that same year.

Life
Heiden was born on 23 February 1901 in Weiler-Simmerberg, a city in Bavaria. In 1917, he attended the NCO school in Fürstenfeldbruck. Little is known about his early life.

Following Germany's defeat in World War I, hyperinflation, mass unemployment, poverty, crime and civil unrest plagued the country. During that time, Heiden served in a Freikorps unit. Also in 1919, a small right-wing political party known as the German Workers' Party (DAP) was created and seated in Munich. In 1920, it changed its name to the National Socialist German Workers' Party (Nazi Party; NSDAP). It rejected the terms of the Treaty of Versailles and advocated antisemitism and anti-Bolshevism.

At party meetings in late 1919 and early 1920, hecklers and protesters tried to disrupt Adolf Hitler's speeches and fought with party members. It was decided that a permanent group of party members would serve to protect Nazi officials at rallies and disrupt the meetings of opposing parties. The basis for the Sturmabteilung ("Storm Detachment"; SA) had been formed. Heiden became an early member of the Nazi Party and the SA. In 1923, Heiden joined a small personal bodyguard unit for Adolf Hitler named Stoßtrupp-Hitler ("Shock Troop–Hitler").

That same year, Hitler felt strong enough to try to seize power in Munich. Inspired by Benito Mussolini's "March on Rome" the previous year, the Nazis aimed to first establish power in Munich and then challenge the government in Berlin. On 9 November 1923, the Stoßtrupp, along with the SA and several other paramilitary units, took part in the abortive coup d'état, resulting in the death of sixteen Nazi supporters and four police officers, an event known as the Beer Hall Putsch. After the putsch, Hitler and other Nazi leaders were incarcerated at Landsberg Prison for high treason. The Nazi Party and all associated formations, including the Stoßtrupp, were officially disbanded.

Career in the SS
After Hitler's release from prison in December 1924, the Nazi Party was officially refounded. In 1925, Hitler ordered the formation of a new bodyguard unit, the Schutzkommando ("Protection Command; SS"). It was formed by Julius Schreck and included old Stoßtrupp members such as Emil Maurice and Heiden. That same year, the Schutzkommando was expanded and renamed the Sturmstaffel ("Storm Squadron"), and finally the Schutzstaffel ("Protection Squadron"; SS). Heiden, described by William Shirer as "a former police stool-pigeon of unsavory reputation", joined the SS in 1925 and was an early advocate of separating the unit from the SA, its parent organization.

On 1 March 1927, Joseph Berchtold transferred leadership of the SS to Heiden, who was his acting deputy. Berchtold had become disillusioned by the SA's authority over the SS. As head of the SS, Heiden also found it difficult to function under the larger and more powerful SA. Under Heiden's leadership a stricter code of discipline was enforced than would have been tolerated in the SA ranks. Heiden further demanded that the men under his command were not to be involved in party matters which were none of their concern. His intention was to create a small elite unit and obtain higher quality recruits.

Except for the Munich area, the unit was unable to maintain any momentum. The membership of the SS declined from 1,000 to 280 as the SS continued to struggle under the SA. As Heiden attempted to keep the small group from dissolving, Heinrich Himmler became his deputy in September 1927. Himmler had a great enthusiasm and vision for the SS and displayed good organisational abilities which Heiden used. Himmler became the driving force within the SS and in time eclipsed Heiden.

Upon the dismissal of Heiden, Himmler assumed the position of Reichsführer-SS with Hitler's approval in January 1929. There are differing accounts of the reason for this dismissal. The party merely announced that it was for "family reasons". It was also suggested at the time that the dismissal was due to Heiden associating with Jews. Starting in 1928, Heiden was co-owner of a clothing supply business that sold uniforms to the SS. Another company in Munich supplied Heiden and his partner with the pants which were used for the SS uniforms. It was discovered that this other company was owned by a Jew. Further, it was alleged that Heiden had been making large profits on the clothing sales to the SS for uniforms. This led to Heiden having to resign as head of the SS. Historian Adrian Weale believes the primary reason for his dismissal was due to him being ineffective in the job. There were also rumors that he was a police informer. Himmler's biographer, Peter Longerich, says that beyond the official announcement, "we have no further clues to explain either Heiden's dismissal or Himmler's appointment". Under Himmler, the SS greatly expanded over time, with his ultimate aim being the one to turn it into the most powerful organization in Germany.

Death
In March 1933, after a visit to his friend Emil Maurice, Heiden was arrested by members of the Sicherheitsdienst ("Security Service"; SD) while he was having dinner in the Orlando coffee house in Munich. He was murdered sometime later, presumably by members of the SD.

Heiden was officially listed as missing on 18 March 1933. On 28 March 1933, Paul Schulz wrote the following about Heiden's disappearance:

"Today I find out that some time ago (14 days) the former SS leader Hayden [sic] disappeared. In the evening he was visiting his friend Maurice and went from there to his apartment, which is only a few houses away. On the way he visited a pub nearby, drank his beer and ate alone. After a while, an SA man came and asked to speak to him, asking him to come outside. Since that time he has not returned. After half an hour this SA man came again and fetched Hayden's coat and hat. Hayden left without a coat or hat and without paying."

Shortly after Heiden's disappearance, Heiden's mother asked his old friend Maurice to look for him. He turned to Josef Gerum for help, who finally went with August Schneidhuber to see Himmler about the disappearance. When Gerum and Schneidhuber asked him about Heiden's whereabouts, Himmler, Gerum later claimed, reacted "out of temper" and forbade any interference. According to Schulz, at the end of March an SS-Sturmfuhrer told Maurice that if he said another word about the Heiden affair or made any further inquiries into his whereabouts, he was a "goner". When Maurice raised the incident with Hitler, Hitler recommended that he withdraw from Munich for a while.

Heiden's body was discovered months later, on 13 August 1933, in the Neufinsing works canal near Erding (according to the Erding district court) and buried on 15 September. According to Karl Ortner, his body had a gunshot wound to the head. The probable date of death was officially set as 19 March 1933.

title: Erhard Heiden


text:
Talk:Capital Baptist Theological Seminary

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Talk:Catholic Sangji College

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Talk:Catholic University of Daegu

Title
Should the title of this article be changed to Daegu Catholic University to reflect the university's current name (not its previous historic name)?

Whisky and more (talk) 07:32, 7 June 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Catholic University of Daegu


text: Talk:Catholic University of Korea

title: Talk:Catholic University of Korea


text:
Talk:Catholic University of Pusan

Block this web Ones never back

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title: Talk:Catholic University of Pusan


text:
Liezi

The Liezi is a Taoist text attributed to Lie Yukou, a c. 5th century BC Hundred Schools of Thought philosopher. Although there were references to Lie's Liezi from the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC, a number of Chinese and Western scholars believe that the content of the current text was compiled around the 4th century CE by Zhang Zhan.

Textual history
The first two references to the Liezi book are from the Former Han Dynasty. The editor Liu Xiang notes he eliminated repetitions in Liezi and rearranged it into eight chapters (pian 篇). The Book of Han bibliography section (藝文志) says it has eight chapters (篇) and concludes that since the Zhuangzi quotes Liezi, he must have lived before Zhuangzi. There is a three-century historical gap until the next evidence of the Liezi: the Jin dynasty commentary by Zhang Zhan 張湛 (fl. ca. 370 CE). Zhang's preface claims his Liezi copy was transmitted down from his grandfather. All received Liezi texts derive from Zhang's version, which is divided into eight chapters (juan 巻).

During the reign of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, the Liezi was designated a Daoist classic, completing the trilogy with the more famous Tao Te Ching and Zhuangzi, it was honorifically entitled the Chongxu zhenjing (沖虛真經; "True Classic of Simplicity and Vacuity", that is, Classic of the Perfect Emptiness). This "Simplicity and Vacuity" is Wing-tsit Chan's translation; chongxu (literally "soar/young/simple empty/skies/modest") usually means "soar aloft, rise high; carefree, unburdened with ambition". During the later reign of Emperor Zhenzong of Song, the Liezi was further honored as the Chongxu zhide zhenjing (沖虛至德真經; “True Classic of Simplicity and Vacuity and Perfect Virtue”).

Contents
The eight Liezi chapters are shown below (with translations of titles adapted from Graham 1960).

Most Liezi chapters are named after famous figures in Chinese mythology and history. Either sage rulers like the Yellow Emperor (supposedly r. 2698?–2599? BCE), King Tang of Shang (r. 1617?–1588? BCE), and King Mu of Zhou (r. 1023?–983? BCE); or philosophers like Confucius (551–479 BCE) and Yang Zhu (fl. ca. 350 BCE).

The Liezi is generally considered to be the most practical of the major Taoist works, compared to the poetic narrative of Laozi and the philosophical writings of Zhuangzi. Although the Liezi has not been extensively published in the West, some passages are well known. For example, Gengsangzi gives this description of Taoist pure experience: "My body is in accord with my mind, my mind with my energies, my energies with my spirit, my spirit with Nothing. Whenever the minutest existing thing or the faintest sound affects me, whether it is far away beyond the eight borderlands, or close at hand between my eyebrows and eyelashes, I am bound to know it. However, I do not know whether I perceived it with the seven holes in my head and my four limbs, or knew it through my heart and belly and internal organs. It is simply self-knowledge." Compare the Zhuangzi saying, "The Perfect Man uses his mind like a mirror—going after nothing, welcoming nothing, responding but not storing. Therefore he can win out over things and not hurt himself."

Authenticity
Liezi scholars have long recognized that it shares many passages with other pre-Han texts like the Zhuangzi, Daodejing, and Lüshi Chunqiu. Barrett says opinion is "divided as to whether it is an ancient work with later interpolations or a forgery confected from ancient sources." On the one hand, the Liezi could contain a core of c. 400 BCE authentic writings of Lie Yukou; on the other hand, it could be a c. 400 CE compilation forged by Zhang Zhan.

The Liezi is most similar with the Zhuangzi. They share many characters and stories; Graham lists sixteen complete episodes plus sections from others. The Zhuangzi also mentions Liezi in four chapters and Lie Yukou in three, for example, the famous passage about Liezi's ability to ride the wind and go flying around in chapter 1.

The final two chapters have heterogeneous contents that differ from the Daoism elsewhere in the book. Chapter 7 records the Yangism philosophy of "Yang Zhu" (Yangzi), infamous for the criticism of Mencius that he, "believed in 'every man for himself.' If he could have helped the whole world by plucking out a single hair, he would not have done it." Zhang Zhan speculates that this chapter, focusing on indulgence in physical and temporary pleasures, was from Lie Yukou's earlier years in Yangism, before he became a Daoist. The well-known scholar of Chinese philosophy, Wing-Tsit Chan calls the "Yang Zhu" chapter "negative Daoism" in contrast with the Daoism of Laozi, Zhuangzi, and Huainanzi that were "all positive in that each represents something new." Chapter 8, "Explaining Conjunctions," is primarily taken from other early sources, not only Daoist but Confucian and Mohist texts, two philosophies that opposed the philosophical Daoism this book expounds.

A. C. Graham, Professor Emeritus of the School of Oriental and African Studies, illuminated the textual provenance. After his translation of Liezi in 1960, which Barrett calls undoubtedly "the best translation into a Western language to date", Graham linguistically analyzed internal evidence and textual parallels. He discovered many cases where the Liezi is clearly secondary to other texts, but none where it is the primary source for a passage. The Preface to the revised Liezi translation explains his significant change in attitude. "Although in 1960 most scholars in China already recognized the late date of [Liezi], most Westerners were still disinclined to question its antiquity. My own textual studies, not yet completed when this translation first appeared, supported the Chinese dating, which by now prevails also in the West. … One result of the textual investigation came as a surprise to me. The present book describes the hedonist 'Yang [Zhu]' chapter as 'so unlike the rest of [Liezi] that it must be from another hand … The thought is certainly very different, and it does show the signs of editing and interpolation by the Taoist author … But although close scrutiny generally reveals marked differences in style between the body of the book and passages borrowed from earlier sources, I could find none to distinguish the hedonist chapter from the rest."

Owing to occasional Liezi textual misunderstandings in Zhang Zhan's commentary, Graham concludes that the "guiding hand" probably belonged to Zhang's father or grandfather, which would mean c. 300 CE.

Suggestions of Buddhist influences in Liezi chapters 3 and 6 are potentially corroborating evidence for a late date of composition; see Buddhism in China. "King Mu of Zhou" discusses sense perceptions as illusions; "Endeavor and Destiny" takes a fatalistic (if not karmic) view of destiny, which goes against the traditional Daoist concept of Wuwei.

Influence
Liezi is known as one of the three most important texts in Taoism, together with the Tao Te Ching and  Zhuangzi. Outside of Taoism, the biji genre story Yi Jian Zhi by Hong Mai borrowed the character of Yi Jian, a contemporary of the ancient mythical emperor Yu, from Liezi.

Translations
There are fewer English translations of the Liezi than other Taoist texts. The first were partial versions; Lionel Giles (1912) translated chapters 1–6 and 8, while Anton Forke (1912) covered chapter 7 ("Yang Zhu"). As mentioned above, A. C. Graham (1960, 1990) wrote a definitive scholarly translation. A recent Liezi rendition is a creative translation by Eva Wong (2001). In 2005, the Library of Chinese Classics published a translation by Liang Xiaopeng.

title: Liezi


text: User talk:82.173.231.103

title: User talk:82.173.231.103