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East African Community

The East African Community (EAC) is an intergovernmental organisation composed of eight countries in East Africa. The member states are the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Federal Republic of Somalia, the Republics of Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Uganda and Tanzania. Salva Kiir Mayardit, the president of South Sudan, is the current EAC chairman. The organisation was founded in 1967, collapsed in 1977, and was revived on 7th July 2000. The main objective of the EAC was to foster regional economic integration.

In 2008, after negotiations with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the EAC agreed to an expanded free trade area including the member states of all three organizations. The EAC is an integral part of the African Economic Community.

The EAC is a potential precursor to the establishment of the East African Federation, a proposed federation of its members into a single sovereign state. In 2010, the EAC launched its own common market for goods, labour, and capital within the region, with the goal of creating a common currency and eventually a full political federation. In 2013, a protocol was signed outlining their plans for launching a monetary union within 10 years. In September 2018, a committee was formed to begin the process of drafting a regional constitution.

Formation and re-formation

Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda have cooperated with each other since the early 20th century. The East African Currency Board provided a common currency from 1919 to 1966. The customs union between Kenya and Uganda in 1917, which Tanganyika joined in 1927, was followed by the East African High Commission (EAHC) from 1948 to 1961, the East African Common Services Organization (EACSO) from 1961 to 1967, and the EAC from 1967 to 1977. Burundi and Rwanda joined the EAC on 6 July 2009.

Inter-territorial co-operation between the Kenya Colony, the Uganda Protectorate, and the Tanganyika Territory was formalised in 1948 by the EAHC. This provided a customs union, a common external tariff, currency, and postage. It also dealt with common services in transport and communications, research, and education. Following independence, these integrated activities were reconstituted and the EAHC was replaced by the EACSO, which many observers thought would lead to a political federation between the three territories. The new organisation ran into difficulties because of the lack of joint planning and fiscal policy, separate political policies, and Kenya's dominant economic position. In 1967, the EACSO was superseded by the EAC. This body aimed to strengthen the ties between the members through a common market, a common customs tariff, and a range of public services to achieve balanced economic growth within the region.

In 1977, the EAC collapsed. The causes of the collapse included demands by Kenya for more seats than Uganda and Tanzania in decision-making organs, disagreements with Ugandan dictator Idi Amin who demanded that Tanzania as a member state of the EAC should not harbour forces fighting to topple the government of another member state, and the disparate economic systems of socialism in Tanzania and capitalism in Kenya. The three member states lost over sixty years of co-operation and the benefits of economies of scale, although some Kenyan government officials celebrated the collapse with champagne.

Presidents Daniel arap Moi of Kenya, Ali Hassan Mwinyi of Tanzania, and Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of Uganda signed the Treaty for East African Co-operation in Kampala on 30 November 1993 and established a Tri-partite Commission for Co-operation. A process of re-integration was embarked on involving tripartite programmes of co-operation in political, economic, social and cultural fields, research and technology, defence, security, and legal and judicial affairs.

The EAC was revived on 30 November 1999, when the treaty for its re-establishment was signed. It came into force on 7 July 2000, 23 years after the collapse of the previous community and its organs. A customs union was signed in March 2004, which commenced on 1 January 2005. Kenya, the region's largest exporter, continued to pay duties on goods entering the other four countries on a declining scale until 2010. A common system of tariffs will apply to goods imported from third-party countries. On 30 November 2016 it was declared that the immediate aim would be confederation rather than federation.

South Sudan's accession
The presidents of Kenya and Rwanda invited the Autonomous Government of Southern Sudan to apply for membership upon the independence of South Sudan in 2011, and South Sudan was reportedly an applicant country as of mid-July 2011. Analysts suggested that South Sudan's early efforts to integrate infrastructure, including rail links and oil pipelines, with systems in Kenya and Uganda indicated intention on the part of Juba to pivot away from dependence on Sudan and toward the EAC. Reuters considers South Sudan the likeliest candidate for EAC expansion in the short term, and an article in Tanzanian daily The Citizen that reported East African Legislative Assembly Speaker Abdirahin Haithar Abdi said South Sudan was "free to join the EAC" asserted that analysts believe the country will soon become a full member of the regional body.

On 17 September 2011, the Daily Nation quoted a South Sudanese MP as saying that while his government was eager to join the EAC, it would likely delay its membership over concerns that its economy was not sufficiently developed to compete with EAC member states and could become a "dumping ground" for Kenyan, Tanzanian, and Ugandan exports. This was contradicted by President Salva Kiir, who announced South Sudan had begun the application process one month later. The application was deferred by the EAC in December 2012, however incidents with Ugandan boda-boda operators in South Sudan have created political tension and may delay the process.

In December 2012, Tanzania agreed to South Sudan's bid to join the EAC, clearing the way for the world's newest state to become the regional bloc's sixth member. In May 2013 the EAC set aside US$82,000 for the admission of South Sudan into the bloc even though admission may not happen until 2016. The process, to start after the EAC Council of Ministers meeting in August 2013, was projected to take at least four years. At the 14th Ordinary Summit held in Nairobi in 2012, EAC heads of state approved the verification report that was presented by the Council of Ministers, then directed it to start the negotiation process with South Sudan.

A team was formed to assess South Sudan's bid; however, in April 2014, the nation requested a delay in the admissions process, presumably due to ongoing internal conflict.

South Sudan's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Barnaba Marial Benjamin, claimed publicly in October 2015 that, following evaluations and meetings of a special technical committee in May, June, August, September and October, the committee has recommended that South Sudan be allowed to join the East African Community. Those recommendations, however, had not been released to the public. It was reported that South Sudan could be admitted as early as November 2015 when the heads of East African States had their summit meeting.

South Sudan was eventually approved for membership to the bloc in March 2016, and signed a treaty of accession in April 2016. It had six months to ratify the agreement, which it did on 5 September, at which point it formally acceded to the community. It does not yet participate to the same extent as the other members.

Democratic Republic of the Congo's accession
In 2010, Tanzanian officials expressed interest in inviting the DR Congo to join the East African Community. The DRC applied for admission to the EAC in June 2019. In June 2021, the EAC Summit launched a verification mission to assess the suitability of the DRC for admission to the Community, and has since drafted a report on their findings which is ready for submission to the EAC Council of Ministers. On 23 November 2021: Ministers in charge of East African Community (EAC) Affairs have recommended for consideration by the EAC Heads of States the report of the verification team on the application by The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to join the Community. In February 2022, the EAC Council of Ministers recommended that the DRC be admitted as a new member state of the EAC. On 18 March 2022, the EAC Secretary-General Peter Mathuki confirmed that the Heads of State would approve the admission on 29 March 2022. The Democratic Republic of the Congo was admitted as a member of the EAC on 29 March 2022, at a virtual Head of State summit chaired by Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya, and officially became a member of the East African Community on 11 July 2022 after depositing the instrument of ratification with the EAC Secretary General at the bloc's headquarters in Arusha, Tanzania. The accession of the DRC gives the EAC its first port on the West African coast.

Somalia's accession
Representatives of Somalia applied for membership in the EAC in March 2012. The application was considered by the EAC Heads of State in December 2012, which requested that the EAC Council work with Somalia to verify their application. In February 2015, the EAC again deliberated on the matter but deferred a decision as verification had not yet started nor had preparations with the Somalian government been finalized. During the 22nd Ordinary EAC Heads of State Summit on 22 July 2022, the EAC Heads of State, noted that the verification process for Somalia to join the community needs to be completed expeditiously. In 2023, East African Community (EAC) Secretary-General Peter Mathuki said Somalia had made a critical step towards becoming the eighth member of the bloc, with negotiations on admission set to last from 22 August to 5 September. Somalia was formally invited to join on 24 November 2023 during the 23rd ordinary summit of the heads of state, following a five-hour closed-door meeting. The treaty of accession was signed on 15 December 2023 at the presidential residence in Kampala, Uganda, with Somalia having 6 months to complete its ratification of the treaty after which it would officially become a member. On February 10, 2024, Somalia's Parliament endorsed the treaty of accession. Somalia deposited its instruments of ratification on 4 March 2024, thus becoming the eighth member of the organisation.

Somaliland is an independent autonomous zone within the borders of Somalia. With Somalia’s accession into the EAC, Somaliland released a statement stating that the “decision is a clear violation of Somaliland's sovereignty and territorial integrity,” and called for the EAC, the African Union, and the United Nations to recognize their statehood.

Angola
In 2019, President Lourenço mediated the re-opening of the borders and ending hostilities between EAC neighbours Rwanda and Uganda. Historically, Angola has been closely involved politically with the DRC with a focus on peace and stability in the DRC. Angola is currently leading the Luanda process for stability in the eastern DRC under the ICGLR with EAC Partner States – Uganda and Rwanda.

Central African Republic
EAC partner states Burundi, DR Congo, Rwanda, and Tanzania have been involved in peace keeping missions in the Central African Republic. President Touadera has applauded Rwanda's support in securing peace in the country. With DRC in the EAC, and infrastructure developments from Pointe-Noire in the Republic of Congo to Bangui, the capital of the CAR, as well as inclusion of the country into the LAPSSET project from Lamu-Juba-Bangui-Douala, this could see the mineral and resource rich country realize economic benefits.

Comoros
In July 2023 Kenyan President William Ruto raised the idea of Comoros joining the EAC while signing an agreement for deeper bilateral cooperation between Kenya and Comoros. Comoros and existing member Tanzania have a maritime border.

Republic of the Congo
The Republic of the Congo enjoys strong historical political, economic and cultural ties with DR Congo. The Republic of Congo is involved, under the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), in the peace and stability efforts in eastern DR Congo together with Angola. Rwandan and Ugandan leaders have been meeting in Luanda with President Sassou Nguesso to support these peace efforts.

Djibouti
With Somalia set to join the group in October 2023, Secretary General Peter Mathuki stated, “The vision of our leaders is to have a market of 800 million people. And that will be possible if we integrate all the countries in the horn of Africa and make one huge market,” hinting of the possible accession of Djibouti and Ethiopia.

Ethiopia
Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta proposed expanding the EAC to include Central, Northern, and Southern African states, such as Ethiopia. The potential joining of Ethiopia into the EAC would bring the population to approximately 460 million. Speaking at the opening of the One Stop Border post in Moyale in 2020, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia affirmed his commitment to regional integration saying that the east African people are one people and economic integration is a key goal for the region to achieve so as to unlock its potential. With other horn of Africa countries like Somalia joining the EAC and the opening up of Ethiopia's sectors such as banking and telecommunications to the private sector, being part of the EAC could soon become a priority to accelerate economic gains. In April 2023, Secretary General Peter Mathuki suggested the EAC should consider admitting Ethiopia following Somalia's accession. On 8 April 2024, Ministry of EAC Arid and Semi-arid Lands and Regional Development Cabinet Secretary Peninah Malonza claimed the EAC and Ethiopia were in the final stages of negotiation for admission into the bloc. This was later contradicted by Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Nebiu Tedla who said that Ethiopia had made no request to join the EAC and that "the information is baseless."

Malawi
In 2010, Tanzanian officials expressed interest in inviting Malawi to join the EAC. Malawian Foreign Affairs Minister Etta Banda said, however, that there were no formal negotiations taking place concerning Malawian membership.

Mozambique
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni in May 2022, hinted at the possibility of deploying an East African regional force to Mozambique to counter insurgency in the Northern Provinces. Rwanda, at the request of Mozambique, in July 2021 had sent a strong contingent to Cabo Delgado. Mozambique shares cultural and historical ties with EAC Partner States. There is a significant Kiswahili speaking population in the country.

Sudan
Sudan applied to join the EAC in 2011, with Burundi, Kenya, and Rwanda supporting membership, while Tanzania and Uganda were opposed to it. They contended that because of the Sudan's lack of a direct border with the EAC at the time, its allegedly discriminatory actions toward black Africans, its record of human rights violations, and its history of hostilities with both South Sudan and Uganda, Sudan was ineligible to join and their application was rejected in December 2012.

EAC Organs
The Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community established seven EAC Organs to perform the functions of the community.

The Summit
The Summit consists of the heads of state of each individual member country. The Summit gives "strategic direction towards the realization of the goal and objectives of the Community," and convenes once per year, with additional meetings at request of any member of the Summit. The Summit's decisions are arrived at by consensus. The Chairperson of the Summit's tenure is one year and is in rotation from among the partner states. At Summit meetings, the Summit reviews annual progress reports and other reports from the Council. The summit appoints East African Court of Justice judges, assents to bills, and admits new member or observer states. The Summit may delegate many but not all of its powers to lower organs at the discretion of the Summit. The President of South Sudan, Salva Kiir Mayardit, serves as the current EAC Summit Chairperson.

The Council
The Council consists of the Minister responsible for EAC affairs of each member State, any other Minister of the member state the member state elects; and the Attorney General of each Partner State. The Council meets twice a year, one time directly after the Summit and once later in the year. The Council can also meet at the request of the Council Chairperson or member state. The Council main function is to implement decisions made by the Summit. The Council initiates and submits Bills to the Assembly, gives directions to the Partner States, and makes regulations, issues directives, and makes recommendations to all other organs (except the Summit, the Court, and the Assembly). The Council also can establish Sectoral Committees from amongst its members to implement specific directives. Deng Alor Kuol, the Minister for East African Community Affairs in South Sudan, is the current Chairperson of the EAC Council of Ministers. This position of Lead Council Chairperson is elected by the Head of State, and is replaced annually.

The Coordination Committee
The Co-ordination Committee consists of the Permanent Secretaries of EAC affairs in each member state and any other Permanent Secretaries as determined by the member state. The Coordination Committee meets at least twice a year preceding the meetings of the Council. The Coordination Committee implements the directives decided by the Council and recommends the creation of Sectoral Committees to the Council. The current acting Principal Secretary of the Coordinating Committee is Dr. Kevit Desai of Kenya.

East African Court of Justice
The East African Court of Justice is the judicial arm of the community and consists of the First Instance Division and an Appellate Division. The Judges are appointed by the Summit from candidates recommended by the member states provided there are no more than two judges of a member state on the First Instance Division and no more than one judge of a member state on the Appellate Division. The court is composed of a maximum of fifteen judges with no more than ten of the First Instance Division and no more than five of the Appellate Division. Each Judge may serve for no more than seven years and holds office until that period expires, death, reaching seventy years-of-age, or removal for misconduct by the Summit after deliberation from a tribunal, bankruptcy, or conviction. Upon suspension, the judge's member state recommends a qualified candidate for appointment to temporary judge. If a judge has a conflict-of-interest, they are to report to their higher-up for deliberation on their ability to fairly judge. The court has jurisdiction over cases involving interpretation and application of the treaty, other jurisdiction as designated by the Summit, member states that consider another member state or EAC Organ to have failed obligations under the treaty, and disputes between the EAC and its employees. The Summit, the Council, or a Partner State may also request the Court to give an advisory opinion on an issue regarding the Treaty.

East African Legislative Assembly
The East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) is the legislative arm of the community. The EALA has 27 members who are all elected by the National Assemblies or Parliaments of the member states of the community. The EALA has oversight functions on all matters that fall within the community's work and its functions include debating and approving the budget of the community, discussing all matters pertaining to the community and making recommendations to the council as it may deem necessary for the implementation of the treaty, liaising with National Assemblies or Parliaments on matters pertaining to the community and establishing committees for such purposes as it deems necessary. The Assemblypersons have a term of five years and a term limit of two. The EALA meets at least once a year and since being inaugurated in 2001, the EALA has had several sittings as a plenum in Arusha, Kampala, and Nairobi. Any member may introduce a bill and upon a simple majority vote, the bill proceeds to the Heads of State in which if any Head of State declines to assent within three months, the bill heads back to the EALA for editing.

The Speaker of the Assembly is Dan Kidega from Uganda who replaced Margaret Zziwa also from Uganda, after being impeached; she had succeeded Abdirahin Haithar H. Abdi from Kenya. The assembly has been credited with crucial bills, particularly those regarding regional and international trade, including EAC's stand on issues such as the World Trade Organization and transport on Lake Victoria.

The Secretariat
The Secretariat is the executive organ of the EAC. The highest office of the Secretariat is the Secretary General. The Secretary General is appointed by the summit upon nomination by the current rotational head of state and serves one five-year fixed term. The Secretariat also contains the offices of the Deputy Secretaries General appointed by the Summit and under the purview of the Secretary General. The Secretariat's principle function is the implementation of the decisions of the Summit and the Council with other functions including research on best methods to achieve the EAC treaty's goals, management of funds, and investigation of EAC affairs. Veronica Nduva is the current Secretary General of the EAC, having been appointed 7 June 2024 following Kenya's recall of former EAC Secretary-General Peter Mathuki for alleged misallocation of six million in funds from the Peace Fund at the Secretariat.

EAC Institutions
There are eight current Heads of EAC Institutions. Vivienne Yeda Apopo of Zambia is the current acting Director-General of East African Economic Development and has had this position since 2009. Dr. Novat Twungubumwe of Burundi is the current acting Attorney General and Executive Secretary East African Health Research Commission. Dr. Sylvance Okeyo Okoth is the Executive Secretary of the East African Science and Technology Commission (EASTECO). Dr. Caroline Asiimwe of Uganda is the serving Executive Secretary of the East African Kiswahili Commission. Prof. Gaspard Banyankimbona of Uganda is the serving Executive Secretary of the Inter-University Council for East Africa. Eng. Richard Gatete of Rwanda is the serving executive director of the Civil Aviation Safety and Security Oversight Agency. Lilian K. Mukoronia of Kenya is the acting Registrar of the East African Community Competition Authority. Dr. Masinde K. Bwire is the serving Executive Secretary Lake Victoria Basin Commission.

Support
Surveying of Tanzania in 2012 revealed that 70% of Tanzanians approved of free movement of people, goods, and services. Meanwhile, 55% of Tanzanians approve the customs union and 54% approve of the proposed monetary union. On all three issues, share of people answering "Don't Know" has more than halved since 2008 indicating higher rates of civic engagement on EAC issues. Approval of a joint army went from 26% in 2008 to 38% in 2012, with the majority (53%) still disapproving. In Kenya, approval for the free movement of people, goods, and services was at 52% as of 2021. Support for the monetary union sat at 49%, with 44% disapproving. 65% of those with no lived poverty approved of the free movement policy while only 44% of those with high lived poverty supported it. 61% of the 18-25 demographic supported free movement while 43% of the 46-55 demographic supported it. The group with highest support was those with post-secondary education, with 73% supporting. Awareness of EAC Organs in Kenya is low; 43% had heard nothing of the EALA, with only 29% hearing "some" or "a great deal". 47% of Kenyans said that their EALA representatives should be elected directly instead of elected by the Kenyan Parliament. Surveying in May 2015 in Uganda found that 69% support free movement across borders in the region. In Burundi, 64% supported free movement among the region. A combined 56% of Ugandans thought the EAC "helps a lot", "helps somewhat", or "helps a little" in their country. 71% of Kenyans thought the EAC helps in some capacity while 57% of Tanzanians thought the EAC helps in some capacity.

Budget Deficit
The EAC is critically underfunded due to defaulting member states. As of June 2024, the DRC has not contributed any money to the EAC and owes a total of US$14.7 million. Burundi owes US$11.2 million and South Sudan US$8.6 million. Kenya is the one of two member state as to not have any standing debt while all other member states have arrears of some kind; Rwanda owes US$920,869, Uganda US$200,203, and Tanzania US$122,694. Somalia has contributed the total US$7.8 million following its accession, putting it ahead of the DRC in terms of integration. In financial year 2023/24, arrears amounted to over US$35 million. The reason for these arrears are two-fold: The equal-share model was adopted when the EAC was comprised of only Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda, and may no longer be sustainable. An alternate payment model has been proposed in which 65% of the budget is contributed to equally, while the remaining 35% is contributed to on the basis of each member states' respective average nominal GDP in the past five years. EALA Chairperson of the Budget Committee Ken Mukulia suggests amendments to the EAC legal instruments to distribute power according to size of contribution should accompany the new financing model. Mekulia also suggests sanctioning member states that fail to remit their annual contributions as outlined in the treaty. Additionally, auctioning stranded goods in the ports of Dar es Salaam and Mombasa slated for the three major defaulters has been suggested as a method of paying off their debt.
 * Failure to enforce contributions via sanctions outlined in the treaty
 * Member states's contributions to the budget are equal despite their varying sizes and GDPs

Despite calls for reform, the financial year 2024/2025 EAC budget will be contributed to equally. 61% of that budget will be equally contributed from member states or raised by internal revenue while 39% will be sourced from development partners. The budget for financial year 2024/25 is US$112.98 million, a 8.7% increase from last financial year. The majority of this increase has been attributed to Somalia's accession.

The M23 Offensive
The March 23 Movement, a Congolese rebel military group mostly comprised of ethnic Tutsi, waged a rebellion in the northeastern DRC from 2012 to 2013. M23 was formed by deserters of the DRC Armed Forces (FARDC) who had previously been members of the CNDP rebel group and been dissatisfied with the conditions of their service. Both the CNDP as well as the March 23 Movement's first rebellion were supported by Rwanda and Uganda. A United Nations report found that Rwanda created and commanded the M23 rebel group. Rwanda ceased its support because of international pressure and the military defeat by the DRC and the UN in 2013. After agreeing to a peace deal, M23 was largely dismantled, its fighters disarmed and moved into refugee camps in Uganda. In 2017, an M23 splinter group fled Uganda to Kivu to resume their insurgency, however, the operation achieved little as the M23 no longer enjoyed significant international support. Uganda and the DRC had greatly improved relations, cooperating against a common enemy in the Allied Democratic Forces during Operation Shujaa. In early 2022, a growing number of M23 combatants began leaving their camps and move back to the DR Congo; the rebel movement launched more attacks in February 2022, but these were repelled. The M23 leadership argued that parts of their movement had resumed the insurgency because the conditions of the 2013 peace deal were not being honored by the DRC government. The rebels also argued that they were attempting to defend Kivu's Tutsi minority from attacks by Hutu militants such as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). This follows a long trend of Hutu-Tutsi violence, exemplified by the Burundi genocide of 1993 and the Rwandan genocide of 1994, the latter having been stopped by current President of Rwanda Paul Kagame, an ethnic Tutsi who has remained in power over the Hutu-majority country since the end of the genocide.

On 6 April 2022, the FARDC rejected any negotiations with the M23 forces based in the DR Congo, and started a counter-attack. However, as the FARDC was increasingly losing ground to the insurgents, the DRC government and a number of rebel groups held peace talks in Nairobi in late April, only for the offensive to resume in May. In late May, insurgents temporarily seized Rumangabo before it was retaken by the FARDC. According to independent researchers, the insurgents were supported by Rwandan soldiers during the battle for Rumangabo. Following months of attempts, on 13 June 2022, M23 captured the town of Bunagana. FARDC spokesman Sylvain Ekenge declared that the fall of Bunagana constituted "no less than an invasion" by Rwanda. Two senior Congolese security sources and members of the Congolese parliament also accused Uganda of supporting the rebel offensive. The Congolese MPs claimed that the retreat of the Uganda People's Defense Force before the rebel attack had facilitated the takeover of Bunagana. The DRC ended military cooperation with Uganda, leading to Uganda subsequently halting Operation Shujaa. Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta responded to the fall of Bunagana and the growing regional tensions by calling for the EAC to immediately organize a new peacekeeping mission called the East African Regional Force to restore security in the eastern DR Congo. An EAC meeting was organized in Nairobi to discuss the diplomatic tensions between the DRC, Rwanda, and Uganda, as well as the deployment of a new peacekeeping force. The DRC declared that it would welcome an EAC peacekeeping mission but only under the condition of Rwanda's exclusion from the operation. The EAC subsequently called on M23 to retreat from Bunagana as precondition for a casefire, but the insurgents rejected the order. Anti-Rwandan protests broke out on 31 October in Goma, demanding that the DRC leave the EAC and that Russia intervene in the conflict. On 2 November, Kenya announced that it would send 900 soldiers to fight against the M23. The Ugandan military then joined the Kenyan troops in fighting the M23. On 28 December 2022, South Sudan sent a contingency of 750 troops to join the EARF, to be stationed in Goma. Over the next few months, the EARF made some ground, with various towns being ceded to the EARF. On 3 April, Ugandan EARF soldiers entered Bunagana. However, instead of taking the city, the EARF coexisted with the rebel forces. A similar arrangement was also observed at Rumangabo, where Kenyans and M23 inhabited the same base, and along the Sake-Kilolirwe-Kitshanga-Mwesso axis, where Burundian and rebel forces operated next to each other.

In October 2023, the DRC ordered the EAC force in the country to leave by 8 December, due to a "lack of satisfactory results on the ground". On 19 December 2023, the last of the EARF forces had withdrawn from the Eastern DRC. To replace the EARF, SADC forces on 15 December 2023 were deployed to the region to “restore peace and security in the eastern DRC”.

Rumours of DRC Exit
At the 23rd Extraordinary Summit, held on 7 June 2024 to appoint Veronica Mueni Nduva as Secretary General, Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi neither attended nor sent a representative. The DRC neglected to either attend virtually or offer an apology. In addition, the DRC was expected to attend a Somalian delegation meant to acquaint Somalia to the workings of the EAC, which the DRC skipped as well without apology. Insiders at the Secretariat have stated that the DRC rarely takes part in meetings and as of 22 June 2024, the DRC has yet to align its legal instruments with the EAC as per the treaty. The DRC has implemented free movement of people however otherwise has not integrated to the extent the other member states have. The DRC is required to remit money to the EAC as part of its membership and yet has not remitted a cent. The total debt owed is US$14 million over two years. The absence could be due to the inauguration of the new government following the 2023 General Elections however analysts have suggested that the DRC’s absence was instead a boycott in response to Kenyan President William Ruto’s stance on the M23 conflict. At a summit meeting, there was a discussion on if the M23 were Rwandan or Congolese. Ruto would later say of the meeting, “The DRC told us: ‘They are Congolese.’ End of the debate. If they are Congolese, how does this become a Rwandan problem? How does this become a Kagame problem?” Former Foreign Minister of the DRC Christophe Lutundula explained that the DRC strategy was “to join the Eastern bloc, of course for regional integration and economic reasons, but also to better plead the Congo’s security cause, where Rwanda is making its voice heard,” suggesting that EAC accession to the EAC was in large part due to counteracting Rwanda's influence in the bloc. Congolese legislators in the EALA said the DRC was not considering quitting the EAC however stated that decision was up to President Tshisekedi. MP Bertran Ewanga, head of the DRC chapter of the EALA, also suggested that additional tension was created due to a statement by Kenyan President William Ruto during his state dinner with US President Joe Biden, although the specific statement that caused the tension is yet unknown. DRC Spokesman Patrick Muyaya said the peace in Kivu was taking too long to be realised and that “some Congolese are now questioning why we even asked to join the EAC.” He also said the DRC is "happier in the SADC than in the EAC," reflecting the EARF's replacement at request of Tshisekedi with SADC forces. Tshisekedi recalled the ambassador of the DRC to Kenya in December 2023 and has yet to accredit the new Kenyan ambassador to the DRC due to disagreements surrounding the Congo River Alliance, a group including DRC politicians and various secessionist militias including the M23. Tshisekedi demanded that Kenya hand over any persons engaging in "subversive activities," to which Kenyan foreign minister Musalia Mudavadi said “Kenya strongly disassociates itself from any utterances or activities likely to injure the peace and security of the friendly nation of DRC and has commenced an investigation.” Ultimately, Kenya found the statements to fall under constitutionally protected speech. The DRC's entry into the EAC was facilitated by Kenyan President and friend to Tshisekedi, Uhuru Kenyatta. Kenyatta's successor, Ruto, is seen as reversing on the positions that allowed the DRC to join in the first place. DRC Opposition leader Martin Fayulu has always criticised the DRC’s membership in the EAC, calling it a “big mistake”. There are no provisions in the treaty allowing for the forcible exit of a member state, with only sanctioning having been outlined in the treaty. During the 7 June 2024 Summit, Paul Kagame called for a meeting of the Council of Ministers to discuss peace in the region.

Politics
The "Committee on Fast Tracking East African Federation" was created in 2004, a result of longstanding pressure by President Museveni for further integration. It recommended creating a federation with a single elected president by 2013. National committee in the then-five members to study the issue operated from 2007 to 2009. Except for Tanzania, these committees found that the majority of their populations were in favour of further integration. Nonetheless, while appointed committees continued to study integration until 2012, enthusiasm for the idea waned. The full implementation of the customs union established in 2005 was repeatedly delayed. The Common Market remains hampered by national restrictions.

Some have questioned the extent to which the visions of a political union are shared outside the elite and the relatively elderly, arguing that the youthful mass of the population is not well informed about the process in any of the countries. Others have pointed to an enhanced sense of East African identity developing from modern communications. For these, the shared vision for a politically united East Africa is commendable and a potential driver for change. Commitment to the formal EAC idea is relatively narrow, in both social and generational terms, and thus many have questioned the timetable for the project. Fast-tracking political union was first discussed in 2004 and enjoyed a consensus among the three presidents of Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda. Thus, a high-level committee headed by Amos Wako of Kenya was commissioned to investigate the possibility of speeding integration so as to achieve political federation sooner than previously visualised. Yet, there have been concerns that rapid changes would allow popular reactionary politics against the project. There has been an argument, however, that there are high costs that would be required at the beginning and that fast-tracking the project would allow the benefits to be seen earlier. The East African Community appointed South Sudan President Salva Kiir Mayardit as its chairperson in November 2023. However, this decision has been criticized by some regional observers. For example, Duop Chak Wuol, an influential South Sudanese analyst, authored a scathing article, "Justifying Dictatorship in South Sudan: A Case Against the East African Community," in December 2023. In the piece, he criticizes the East African Community's decision to appoint Kiir as its chairperson, pointing out that the EAC failed to uphold its moral obligations and accuses the bloc of ignoring what he described as Salva Kiir's tyranny.

There remain significant political differences between the states. Museveni's success in obtaining his third-term amendment raised doubts in the other countries. The single-party dominance in the Tanzanian and Ugandan parliaments is unattractive to Kenyans, while Kenya's ethnic-politics remains absent in Tanzania. Rwanda has a distinctive political culture with a political elite committed to building a developmental state. It has been argued, however, that the commonalities go far deeper. Many of the national elites old enough to remember the former EAC often share memories and a sharp sense of loss at its eventual dissolution. More cynically, others have argued that this historical ambition provides politicians with the ability to present themselves as statesmen and representatives of a greater regional interest. Furthermore, EAC institutions bring significant new powers to dispose and depose to those who serve in them.

A "Coalition of the Willing", made up of Kenya, Rwanda, and Uganda, began a number of initiatives amongst themselves including joint railway and oil pipeline projects, a joint tourist visa, and a defence and security pact, to get around reluctance from other members. However, even within this grouping, progress on projects has been delayed. Bilateral friction between members, a lack of enthusiasm, and political instability have been the primary reasons behind the delaying and weakening of integration efforts. New members are expected to adjust their laws to meet EAC requirements following their accession, but this is impeded by domestic politics. South Sudan, the first member outside of the original five, remains out of step with Common Market laws.

Importance of the customs union
The key aspects of the customs union include:
 * 1) a Common External Tariff (CET) on imports from third countries;
 * 2) duty-free trade between the member states; and
 * 3) common customs procedures.

The CET's default rate is 25%. The CET for goods can range from 0% to 100% in the case of sugar. For the most part, goods do not exceed a CET of 35% except for "sensitive items" which include dairy products, maize, rice, and woven fabrics. Recently, the Council of Ministers has agreed to duty remission for raw materials needed to stimulate EAC domestic production. Kenya was also granted a temporary exception to the CET to import grain at a lower tariff to meet local demand and increase food security. The customs union is not yet exercised in the full extent of the promise. For instance, Kenya still holds excise duties on many products, raising excise duty rates in 2023. And although Kenya recently loosened certain duties, they still haven't enacted full free movement of goods. This also means that countries outside of the EAC must still navigate local tax and duties opposed to a singular tax policy, simplifying the process of investing in EAC member states. For EAC internal trade in the third quarter of 2023, Tanzania was the biggest exporter with US$798.12 million, Uganda was the biggest importer with US$649.3 million, and Rwanda had the highest internal EAC in trade deficit of US$375.23 million. Intra-regional trade currently stands at 15% of EAC trade according to Summit Chairman Salva Kiir, which was deemed unsatisfactory.

Emerging business trends
Business leaders are far more positive than economists about the benefits of EAC integration, its customs union as a step in the process, as well as the wider integration under COMESA. The larger economic players perceive long-term benefits in a progressively expanding regional market. Patterns of regional development are already emerging, including: Due to the DRC's accession into the EAC, Congolese in Kisangani and Goma are now receiving their goods through ports in Mombasa and Dar es Salaam. The eastern region of the DRC currently has plentiful mining operations, in particular the mining of Cobalt. The mining sector of the EAC contributes around 2.3% of the GDP, with gold being the second highest exported product following petroleum in the fourth quarter of 2023. In the Southeastern DRC lays the copperbelt, known for its copper mining. The copper is currently majority exported via road with the exception of the Lobito Atlantic Railway, which stretches from the Lobito, Angola to Kolwezi. However, the Lobito Corridor project, with $250 million in U.S. financial investment, would construct around 550 km (350 miles) of railway in Zambia along the Zambia-DRC border, with feeder roads connecting DRC copper mines to the new railway.
 * Kenyan firms have successfully aligned to the lower protection afforded by the EAC CET and fears that firms would not adjust to a 25% maximum CET, or would relocate to Tanzania or Uganda have not been realised.
 * An intraregional division of labour is developing, which results in basic import-processing relocating to the coast to supply the hinterland. The final stages of import-processing (especially those bulky finished goods that involve high transportation costs) and natural-resource based activities are moving up-country and up-region, either within value chains of large companies or different segments located by firms in different countries.
 * Trade in goods and services has already increased as service provision to Kenyans and Tanzanians is already important for Uganda (in education and in health). Kenya exports financial services, for example via the Kenya Commercial Bank and purchase and upgrading of local operators in Tanzania, Uganda and Sudan. Uganda hopes integration will help support its tourism potential through integration with established regional circuits.
 * There are signs of a business culture oriented to making profits through economies of scale and not on protectionism.

Trade negotiations
On 16 July 2008, the United States and the EAC signed a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement, strengthening United States-EAC trade. The U.S. exported $1.1 billion and imported $1.3 billion from the EAC in 2022. This shifted the net goods traded from a total trade deficit of $211 million in 2021 to a trade surplus of $135 million in 2022. In Q4 2024, the EAC exported US$6.3 Billion. Out of trade partners, the top five were China, the United Arab Emirates, India, South Africa, and Malaysia. The top importer of EAC goods was the UAE and the top source of inputed goods was China. Trade with COMESA accounted for 11.5% of total EAC Trade while trade with SADC accounted for 12.9.

Poverty reduction
EAC that have economies have large informal sectors, unintegrated with the formal economy and large business. The concerns of large-scale manufacturing and agro-processing concerns are not broadly shared by the bulk of available labour. Research suggest the promised investments on the conditions of life of the region's overwhelmingly rural poor will be slight, with the significant exception of agro-industrial firms with out-grower schemes or that otherwise contribute to the co-ordination of smallholder production and trade.

It is informal trade across borders that is most often important to rural livelihoods and a customs union is unlikely to significantly impact the barriers that this faces and taxes are still being fixed separately by countries. However, the introduction of one-stop border posts being introduced and the reduction in tariff barriers are coming down progressively.

The establishment of a common market will create both winners (numerous food producers and consumers on both sides of all borders) and losers (smugglers and the customs, police and local government officers who currently benefit from bribery at and around the borders) in the border areas. More substantial impact could be attained by a new generation of investments in world-market production based on the region's comparative advantages in natural resources (especially mining and agriculture) and the new tariff structure creates marginally better conditions for world-market exporters, by cheapening inputs and by reducing upward pressures on the exchange rate.

Common market

On 1 July 2010, Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki launched the East African Common Market Protocol, an expansion of the bloc's existing customs union that entered into effect in 2005. The protocol will leads the free movement of labour, capital, goods and services within the EAC. Member states will have to change their national laws to allow the full implementation of some aspects of the Common Market such as immigration and customs. This legislation may take up to five years for each of the countries to enact fully but official recognition of the common market took place on 1 July. Kenya expects that its citizens will begin to enjoy freedom of movement in the EAC within two months. Kenya, Rwanda and Burundi have already agreed to waive work permit fees for EAC citizens. The Common Market is seen as a step towards the implementation of a common currency by 2024 and full political federation afterwards. Kenyan businesses complain that the benefits of the Common Market only exist on paper by 2011, and that all the work remains to be done. Arbitrary rules and delays continue to make trade between Kenya and Tanzania expensive and difficult.

The free movement of people in the EAC is set to be improved with the introduction of "third generation" ID cards. These cards will identify the holder as a dual citizen of their home country and of "East Africa". Third generation cards are already in use in Rwanda with Kenya set to introduce them in July 2010 and the other countries following afterwards. Mutual recognition and accreditation of higher education institutions is also being worked towards as is the harmonisation of social security benefits across the EAC.

The full adoption of the common market has been undermined by continued protectionism between member states, with decisions driven by political pressures on national leaders slowing down the implementation of commitments to integration, even within founding members. Bilateral political tensions have led to border controls in some periods, further undermining the shared labour market. Corruption has led to some integration initiatives being underfunded.

East African Passport
The East African passport was launched on 1 April 1999. The East African passport has been introduced as a travel document to ease border crossing for EAC residents. It is valid for travel within the EAC countries only and will entitle the holder to a multi-entry stay of renewable six months' validity in any of the countries. The passport is issued in three of the EAC member states (Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania). The passports are available at the headquarters of the respective Immigration Departments in Nairobi, Kampala and Dar es Salaam. Only East African nationals may apply to be issued with the passports. The passport costs US$10 or the equivalent in EAC currencies. Processing of applications for the passports will normally take two to three weeks. Although the passport is only valid within the EAC, modalities of internationalising the East African passport were being discussed with the aim towards having a common travel document for EAC residents by 2006.

Other measures meant to ease border crossing for East African Community residents include the issuance of interstate passes (which commenced on 1 July 2003), a single immigration Departure/Entry card (adopted by all three member states), the finalisation of harmonised procedures of work permits and the classification process, and the compilation of studies on the Harmonization of Labour Laws and Employment Policies (now in its final stages).

Plans
The new treaty was proposed with plans drawn up in 2004 to introduce a monetary union with a common currency some time between 2012 and 2015. There were also plans for a political union, the East African Federation, with a common President (initially on a rotation basis) and a common parliament by 2010. However, some experts, like those based in the public think tank Kenya Institute for Public Policy Research and Analysis (KIPPRA), noted that the plans were too ambitious to be met by 2010 because a number of political, social and economic challenges are yet to be addressed. The proposal was the subject of National Consultative discussions, and a final decision was to be taken by the EAC Heads of State in mid-2007. In 2013, a protocol was signed outlining their plans for launching a monetary union within 10 years.

Given the infrastructure problems that persist in the fledgling country since South Sudanese President Salva Kiir cut off oil commerce with Sudan, the state has decided to invest in constructing pipelines that circumvent Sudan's, which it had been using until that time. These new pipelines would extend through Ethiopia to the ports of Djibouti, as well as to the southeast to the coast of Kenya.

In September 2018, a committee was formed to begin the process of drafting a regional constitution.

In January 2023, the East African Community plans to issue a single currency within the next four years. The Council of Ministers of the organization must decide on the location of the East African Monetary Institute and the establishment of a roadmap for the issuance of the single currency.

Single tourist visa
It had been hoped that an East African Single Tourist Visa may have been ready for November 2006, if it was approved by the relevant sectoral authorities under the EAC's integration programme. Had it been approved, the visa would have been valid for all three current member states of the EAC (Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda). Under the proposal for the visa, any new EAC single visa could be issued by any member state's embassy. The visa proposal followed an appeal by the tourist boards of the partner states for a common visa to accelerate promotion of the region as a single tourist destination and the EAC Secretariat wanted it approved before November's World Travel Fair (or World Travel Market) in London. When approved by the EAC's council of ministers, tourists could apply for one country's entry visa which would then be applicable in all regional member states as a single entry requirement initiative.

A single East African Tourist Visa for the EAC countries of Kenya, Rwanda, and Uganda has been available since 2014.

Demographics
The population of the constituent parts of the EAC is composed of 65% under 30-year-olds. This youth bulge is anticipated to grow to 75% of the population under the age of 25 in this region by 2030.

The East African Community's current urban population stands at about 20%.

Languages
Kiswahili, English and French are designated as the official languages of the EAC, with Swahili designated for development as the lingua franca of the community. Within the EAC, there are three countries whose official language is French: the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda and Burundi. Numerous local languages are also spoken: for example, there are 56 local languages spoken in Uganda, 125 in Tanzania, 72 in South Sudan and 67 local languages in Kenya. Kinyarwanda is spoken in Rwanda and Uganda. There are over 200 local languages spoken in the DRC. Lingala is widely spoken in the western Democratic Republic of Congo, with about 15 million speakers and Kiswahili with 23 million speakers across the country.

title: East African Community


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Nasal spray

Nasal sprays are used to deliver medications locally in the nasal cavities or systemically. They are used locally for conditions such as nasal congestion and allergic rhinitis. In some situations, the nasal delivery route is preferred for systemic therapy because it provides an agreeable alternative to injection or pills. Substances can be assimilated extremely quickly and directly through the nose. Many pharmaceutical drugs exist as nasal sprays for systemic administration (e.g. sedative-analgesics, treatments for migraine, osteoporosis and nausea). Other applications include hormone replacement therapy, treatment of Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. Nasal sprays are seen as a more efficient way of transporting drugs with potential use in crossing the blood–brain barrier.

Antihistamines
Antihistamines work by competing for receptor sites to block the function of histamine, thereby reducing the inflammatory effect. Antihistamine nasal sprays include:
 * Azelastine hydrochloride
 * Levocabastine hydrochloride
 * Olopatadine hydrochloride

Corticosteroids
Corticosteroid nasal sprays can be used to relieve the symptoms of sinusitis, hay fever, allergic rhinitis and non-allergic (perennial) rhinitis. They can reduce inflammation and histamine production in the nasal passages, and have been shown to relieve nasal congestion, runny nose, itchy nose and sneezing. Side effects may include headaches, nausea and nose bleeds. Corticosteroid nasal sprays include:
 * Beclomethasone dipropionate
 * Budesonide
 * Ciclesonide
 * Flunisolide
 * Fluticasone furoate
 * Fluticasone propionate
 * Mometasone
 * Triamcinolone acetonide

Saline
Saline sprays are typically non medicated. A mist of saline solution containing sodium chloride is delivered to help moisturize dry or irritated nostrils. This is a form of nasal irrigation. They can also relieve nasal congestion and remove airborne irritants such as pollen and dust thereby providing sinus allergy relief.

Three types of nasal sprays preparations of sodium chloride are available including hypertonic (3% sodium chloride or sea water), isotonic (0.9% sodium chloride) and hypotonic (0.65% sodium chloride). Isotonic solutions have the same salt concentration as the human body, whereas hypertonic solutions have a higher salt content and hypotonic solutions have a lower salt content. Isotonic saline nasal sprays are commonly used in infants and children to wash out the thick mucus from the nose in case of allergic rhinitis. Hypertonic solutions may be more useful at drawing moisture from the mucous membrane and relieving nasal congestion.

Natural nasal sprays that include chemical complexes derived from plant sources such as ginger, capsaicin and tea-tree oil are also available. There is however no trial-verified evidence that they have a measurable effect on symptoms.

Topical decongestants
Decongestant nasal sprays are available over-the-counter in many countries. They work to very quickly open up nasal passages by constricting blood vessels in the lining of the nose. Prolonged use of these types of sprays can damage the delicate mucous membranes in the nose. This causes increased inflammation, an effect known as rhinitis medicamentosa or the rebound effect. Decongestant nasal sprays are advised for short-term use only, preferably 5 to 7 days at maximum. Some doctors advise to use them 3 days at maximum. A recent clinical trial has shown that a corticosteroid nasal spray may be useful in reversing this condition. Topical nasal decongestants include:
 * Oxymetazoline
 * Phenylephrine
 * Xylometazoline

Allergy combinations
Combination use of two medications as nasal spray preparation has been frequently prescribed by doctors.

List of some combination nasal sprays:
 * Azelastine together with fluticasone propionate (brand names including Dymista)
 * Xylometazoline together with cromoglicic acid

In some countries, Dymista is marketed by Viatris after Upjohn merged with Mylan to create Viatris.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Nasal spray


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Gudauta

Gudauta (გუდაუთა, ; Гәдоуҭа, Gwdowtha; Гудаута, Gudauta) is a town in Abkhazia, Georgia, and a centre of the eponymous district. It is situated on the Black Sea, 37 km northwest of Sukhumi, the capital of Abkhazia. It is the namesake for the Gudauta Bay.

Air Base
Gudauta used to be home to a Soviet Air Defence Forces base, Bombora airfield, where the 171st Guards Fighter Aviation Regiment flew Su-15TMs until 1982. The 171st Fighter Aviation Regiment was then transferred to Anadyr Ugolny Airport, Chukotia Autonomous Okrug. The 529th Fighter Aviation Regiment, flew Su-27 'Flankers' from the base in the last years of the Cold War. This regiment was under the command of the 19th Army of the Air Defence Forces. Gudauta was a center of Abkhaz separatist resistance to Georgian government forces during the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict in 1992–1993.

Bombora airfield outside Gudauta later became home to a Soviet Airborne Forces unit, the 345th Independent Guards Airborne Regiment, later redesignated the 50th military base after the Soviet collapse, and then the 10th Independent Peacekeeping Airborne Regiment. The unit was subordinated directly to the Russian General Staff (earlier it used to be under the HQ of the Russian Airborne Forces).

In 1999, its equipment includes 142 AIFV/APC (among them - 62 BMD-1 and 11 BMD-2); and 11 self-propelled artillery systems 2S9 "Nona-S".

The base has always been a significant factor in the Abkhaz conflict. The Georgian side and many Western independent observers claim the Gudauta base provided principal military support to Abkhaz rebels during the war in 1992–1993. In September 1995, Georgia had to legitimize Russian leases of three bases in the country and the Gudauta base among them.

At a summit of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), in Istanbul in 1999, Russia agreed to shut down its base at Gudauta and to withdraw troops and equipment, pledging that henceforth it would be for the sole use of the CIS peacekeepers ("rehabilitation centre for peacekeeping troops"). However, Abkhaz authorities block OSCE inspection visits and no date is set for withdrawal from the base. Georgia still alleges that it is used to offer military support to the Abkhaz secessionists.

After the Russo-Georgian War, Russia recognized Abkhazia and signed with its government the treaty allowing Russia to keep its military base in Gudauta and reinforce it with T-62 tanks, light armored vehicles, S-300 air defense systems and several aircraft.

The Gudauta base remains one of the main problems in complicated Russian-Georgian relations.

Etymology
Гәдоу-ҭа: Гәдоу is a name of the river, ҭа is a locative suffix.

Twin towns — Sister cities
Gudauta is twinned with the following city:
 * 🇷🇺 Kineshma, Russia

title: Gudauta


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Patrick Chappatte

Patrick Chappatte (known simply as Chappatte) (b. February 22, 1967, in Karachi, Pakistan) is a Lebanese-Swiss cartoonist known for his work for Le Temps, NZZ am Sonntag, the German news magazine Der Spiegel, The New York Times International Edition and the French satirical newspaper Le Canard enchaîné. He also worked as an illustrator for the New York Times and as cartoonist for Newsweek. Many of his cartoons reflect events in Swiss and international news, such as the September 11 attacks, the rise of the Swiss People's Party, and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.

Biography
Born to a Lebanese mother and a Swiss father in Karachi, Pakistan, Chappatte was raised in Singapore and Switzerland.

Chappatte lives between Los Angeles and Geneva.

Editorial cartoons
Patrick Chappatte drew a twice-weekly cartoon in the Opinion section of The New York Times International Edition, formerly known as the International Herald Tribune, which published his work from 2001 to 2019 (when the paper stopped publishing editorial cartoons altogether).

Over the years, he has collaborated with editorial cartoonists in conflict-ridden countries with the goal of promoting dialogue through cartooning. These projects focused on Serbia, Ivory Coast, Lebanon, Kenya and Guatemala. He described the work in a TED talk in 2010. His work is syndicated by Cagle Cartoons.

Comics journalism
Since 1995, Chappatte has worked in graphic journalism, or comics journalism, a genre of reporting using the techniques of graphic novels. His most recent stories covered the war in Gaza (2009), the slums of Nairobi (2010) and gang violence in Central America (2012). These reports were published in several newspapers, including the New York Times; one was turned into a short animated documentary in 2011. (see below)

In May 2016, Chappatte (with his wife, journalist Anne-Frédérique Widmann) published "Inside Death Row," a five-part series published by The New York Times about the death penalty in the United States.

Animated documentary
Chappatte went to southern Lebanon in 2009, where people still live with the threat of actual time bombs, in the form of cluster munition bomblets. While there, Chappatte created a report in comic-book format: Death in the Field, which was published in Le Temps. The report was released in 2011 as an animated documentary. It was aired on Swiss and French TV, toured documentary festivals, and won an award in Australia. Chappatte said the process of creating the documentary was both a personal and professional endeavor. "I have a Swiss father and a Lebanese mother, so I wanted to better understand the problems that the people of Lebanon are still facing, long after the fighting stopped," he said. "I also wanted to use my craft as a cartoonist, my experience as a journalist and my sense of satire to create a new kind of prism through which to view forgotten conflicts and a new technique for revealing the humanity behind the story."

Awards
In 2012, Chappatte became the first non-American to win the Overseas Press Club of America’s Thomas Nast Award for best cartoons on international affairs. He would be awarded this prize twice more: in 2016 and 2019.

In February 2013, he received the 2012 Audience Award from the Swiss satirical journal Nebelspalter.

In 2017, the Swiss association Films Plans-Fixes produced a documentary tracing his career.

In 2020, the Swiss Fondation pour Genève awarded him its annual prize "for his exceptional contribution to the influence of Geneva and for his commitment to freedom of the press and expression".

Bibliography (English)

 * Stress Test, 2011-2012: Cartoons from the International Herald Tribune (Globe Cartoon, 2012) ISBN 978-2970047551
 * Signs of Recovery, 2009-2010: Cartoons from the International Herald Tribune (Globe Cartoon, 2010) ISBN 978-2970047544
 * Partly Cloudy, 2007-2008: Cartoons from the International Herald Tribune (Globe Cartoon, 2008) ISBN 978-2970047520
 * Globalized, 2005-2007: Cartoons from the International Herald (Globe Cartoon, 2007) ISBN 978-2970047513
 * Another World, 2000-2004: Cartoons from the International Herald Tribune (Globe Cartoon, 2004) ISBN 978-2970047506

title: Patrick Chappatte


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Giovanni Spadolini

Giovanni Spadolini (21 June 1925 – 4 August 1994) was an Italian politician and statesman, who served as the 44th prime minister of Italy. He had been a leading figure in the Republican Party and the first head of a government to not be a member of Christian Democrats since 1945. He was also a newspaper editor, journalist and historian. He is considered a highly respected intellectual for his literary works and his cultural dimension.

Professor of Contemporary History at the University of Florence, he was the author of numerous historical works. He was also a journalist and editor-in-chief of the Bolognese newspaper Il Resto del Carlino, then of the Milanese newspaper Il Corriere della Sera.

Spadolini was the first Italian Minister of Cultural Heritage and Environment from 1974 to 1976. He became Prime Minister in 1981 and he led two successive cabinets which were supported by a coalition of parties in Parliament but this only lasted a few months. He was Minister of Defence in the governments headed by Socialist leader Bettino Craxi from 1983 to 1987 before being elected President of the Senate. In 1991, Spadolini was appointed Lifetime Senator by President Francesco Cossiga.

Early life
Spadolini was born in Florence in 1925. In his youth, he worked in a public library. Spadolini was a republican and fascist-aligned activist, and wrote for the periodical Italia e Civiltà ("Italy and Civilisation"). He was close to Giovanni Gentile, and a number of times Spadolini expressed his anti-Freemason, anti-liberal and antisemitic views. In 1944, during the Italian Civil War, he joined the Italian Social Republic.

During the post-war period (from 1945 to 1950) Spadolini revised his old ideas, and became a moderate liberal conservative. He also rejected antisemitism in favour of Zionism. He studied law at the University of Florence and shortly after graduation was appointed Professor of Contemporary History in the Faculty of Political Science. He also became a political columnist for several newspapers, such as Il Borghese, Il Messaggero and Il Mondo, becoming editor-in-chief of the Bologna paper Il Resto del Carlino in 1955, doubling its circulation during his tenure. In 1968, Spadolini moved to Milan where he took over the editorship of Italy's largest newspaper, Corriere della Sera, a position he held until 1972. In that year, he was elected as a senator, going on to serve as minister of the environment and then minister of education. Then in 1979, he was appointed secretary of the small but powerful Italian Republican Party (PRI).

As a journalist, he sometimes used the pseudonym Giovanni dalle Bande Nere (Giovanni of the Black Bands).

Prime Minister of Italy
He served as Prime Minister of Italy from 1981 to 1982, the first PM since 1945 not to be a member of the Christian Democrats. He pledged to fight corruption (in particular a scandal involving certain Italian political figures connected with a Masonic lodge known as P2) and mounting terrorist violence.

In foreign policy, he was a non-interventionist but also moderately Americanist. In particular, he shifted away from Italy's previous pro-Arab policy, refusing to meet Yasser Arafat during his official visit to Italy to protest the murder of Stefano Gaj Taché, an Italian Jewish child, by PLO terrorists, and suggesting that the Bologna train station bombing may have been perpetrated by the PLO and Gaddafi's Libya, in spite of a majority accusing neo-fascists.

In 1982, after a political crisis between the Minister of the Treasury Beniamino Andreatta (DC) and the Minister of Finance Rino Formica (PSI), Spadolini resigned and formed a new cabinet identical to the former, which collapsed in November when Bettino Craxi's Socialist Party withdrew its support.

Later life
Under his leadership, the PRI obtained 5% of all votes for the first time in the 1983 Italian general election. From 1987 to April 1994, he was president of the Italian Senate. He became Acting President of Italy on 28 April 1992, upon the resignation of then President Francesco Cossiga, for a month. Following the electoral success of Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia, he lost the chairmanship of the Senate to Carlo Scognamiglio Pasini by a single vote.

Personal life and death
Spadolini never married. In July 1994 he had a stomach operation. He died of respiratory failure in Rome in August 1994.

title: Giovanni Spadolini


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Jim Everett

James Samuel Everett III (born January 3, 1963) is an American former football quarterback who played in the National Football League (NFL) for 12 seasons, primarily with the Los Angeles Rams. He played college football for the Purdue Boilermakers and was selected third overall in the 1986 NFL draft by the Houston Oilers. Unable to work out a contract agreement with Everett, the Oilers traded his rights to the Rams, with whom Everett played from 1986 to 1993. Everett then played with the New Orleans Saints from 1994 to 1996 and ended his career with a stint with the San Diego Chargers in 1997.

College career
Purdue University recruited Everett out of Eldorado High School in Albuquerque, New Mexico, Jim Everett led his high school team to the State Championship game in 1979 against the Demons of Santa Fe High School. The Demons' stifling defense (held opponents to 100 points) and record-setting offense (547 points scored) handed Jim Everett and his Eagle teammates their second loss of the season, and avenged a loss the Demons suffered earlier in the year. In 1980, they finally won the school's only state championship. In addition to quarterbacking the team, he played defense as a safety.

Recruited to play either safety or quarterback, he was soon slotted into the quarterback role where he narrowly missed out on being a four-year starter at Purdue, as a game-day decision before his first game as a freshman led to Scott Campbell getting the nod over Everett. Campbell held off Everett for three years, one of which Everett was able to redshirt to gain an extra year of eligibility. Upon Campbell's graduation to a seven-year career in the NFL, Everett took over the reins of the pass-oriented Boilermakers offense.

As a junior, Everett led the Boilermakers to the 1984 Peach Bowl, where he passed for 253 yards and three touchdowns. Purdue lost the game to Virginia, quarterbacked by future Green Bay Packer Don Majkowski, 27–24. Everett is also the only Purdue quarterback to ever beat Michigan, Notre Dame, and Ohio State all in the same season.

During the 1985 season, Everett finished with 3,589 yards of total offense, second in the nation behind Robbie Bosco of BYU, and a school record at the time (later surpassed by Drew Brees). He finished sixth in balloting for the 1985 Heisman Trophy, and was a second-team All-American.

Everett earned regular membership on the Distinguished Students list at Purdue, and graduated with a degree in industrial management. During his time at Purdue, Everett regularly tutored fellow Purdue athletes in courses such as calculus and statistical analysis. He was also initiated into the Sigma Chi fraternity as an undergraduate. During his senior year, he was awarded the Big Ten Medal of Honor in recognition of his athletic and academic achievements.
 * 1984: 3,256 yards with 18 TD vs 16 INT in 11 games
 * 1985: 3,651 yards with 23 TD vs 11 INT in 11 games

1986 draft and trade to Rams
Before the 1986 draft, Everett was generally rated the best quarterback available, although some scouts had him behind Iowa’s Chuck Long. The Indianapolis Colts traded up from the sixth position to the fourth with the expected goal of drafting Everett before the St. Louis Cardinals, who picked fifth, did so. However, Everett would be drafted third overall by the Houston Oilers. It is widely believed the Oilers, who possessed a developing franchise quarterback in Warren Moon and a capable backup in Oliver Luck — drafted Everett merely to prevent the Colts doing so.

Conflicts between Oiler general manager Ladd Herzeg and Everett’s agent Marv Demoff meant Everett would never sign with the Oilers, although the team offered him a four-year, 3.7 million-dollar contract in mid-August. A wait-and-see attitude regarding established starter Moon meant that the Oilers did not consider trading Everett until the last week of August. Eventually, when protracted negotiations between ownership and Demoff broke down with the regular season already underway, the Oilers decided to trade Everett. The San Francisco 49ers — who had lost champion Joe Montana for the season to back surgery — were initially expected to gain his services, but on September 18 he would be signed by the Los Angeles Rams, who were seeking a change of policy from their previous reliance on aging veterans at quarterback.

Los Angeles Rams
With the Rams, Everett became a statistical leader in several passing categories. His Rams teams were successful early in his career, earning playoff berths in 1986, 1988, and 1989, despite never reaching the Super Bowl. Everett continued to produce fine statistics, and was rewarded with a trip to the 1991 Pro Bowl in Honolulu, Hawaii.

Despite productive years with the Rams, 1989 marked Everett's final playoff season in his NFL career. Starting in 1990, the Rams began to trade or release players due to financial concerns. For example, LeRoy Irvin spent his final season with the Lions, while Greg Bell, who had been the team's starting running back, spent 1990 across town. After winning 13 games in 1989 (including 2 playoff wins), the Rams won 19 games combined in the next four seasons (5 in 1990, 3 in 1991, 6 in 1992, 5 in 1993).

The 1993 season was a low point in Everett's career. He played in only 10 games but managed to throw 12 interceptions. He threw only eight touchdown passes, tying the lowest yearly total of his career and matching his rookie total when he only played in six games. Around mid-season, Rams coach Chuck Knox benched him for T. J. Rubley.

New Orleans Saints
The Rams traded Everett to the Saints in March 1994. In return, the Los Angeles Times reported, Los Angeles received "a seventh-round pick in the 1995 draft".

In three years with the Saints, benefiting from receivers such as Quinn Early and former Falcon receiver Michael Haynes and former Bear fullback Brad Muster in the backfield, Everett threw 22, 26, and 12 touchdowns. Nevertheless, the team finished 7–9, 7–9, and 3–13 in those three years, respectively. The Saints, like many other NFL teams, released or traded core players when the NFL's salary cap took effect around the time Everett arrived. The Dome Patrol defense had also largely been dismantled by 1994. Only Sam Mills remained on the Saints' roster by 1994, and that was Mills's final season, as he departed for the expansion Carolina Panthers the following year. Running backs Dalton Hilliard and Craig Heyward had also both left the Saints by 1994.

San Diego Chargers
Everett signed with the Chargers in June 1997. In his first start for San Diego, he defeated the Saints, 20–6, in his return to the Superdome. 1997 was his final NFL season.

Over his career, Everett performed well enough to be among league leaders in several passing categories. His 203 touchdown passes rank 45th all-time, and his 34,837 passing yards are 33rd all-time. He also ranks 35th all-time in completions and 32nd all-time in pass attempts. On a year-to-year basis, he was among the top ten league leaders in pass attempts (seven times), completions (eight times), pass yards (seven times), and passing touchdowns (six, including leading the league twice).

Everett's two postseason victories (both in 1989) tied him with Vince Ferragamo, James Harris, and Norm Van Brocklin for second-most playoff victories during the Rams' first stint in Los Angeles (as of 2018, it is now the third-most). Only Ferragamo had more wins (three) during the Rams' 49-year stint in Los Angeles. Kurt Warner's five playoff victories during the Rams' years in St. Louis have since superseded Ferragamo's record.

Jim Rome altercation
Following the 1989 regular season, Everett was reportedly "shellshocked" from the numerous times he was sacked and hit in the NFC Championship Game against the San Francisco 49ers (the 49ers won, 30–3). At one point in the game, Everett was so rattled that he collapsed to the ground in the pocket in anticipation of a sack, even though the 49ers' defensive players had not yet reached him, a play now known as Everett's "phantom sack".

His struggle eventually led to a 1994 confrontation with then Talk2 host Jim Rome. Rome had regularly mocked Everett's aversion to taking hits on the field, mockingly referring to him as "Chris" Everett (a reference to female tennis player, Chris Evert). When Everett appeared as a guest on Talk2, Rome wasted no time, calling him "Chris". Everett dared Rome to repeat it to his face again, implying that a physical confrontation would ensue were Rome to do so. When Rome did it anyway, Everett overturned the table between them and shoved Rome to the floor while still on the air. Rome was not injured and no legal action was taken following the confrontation.

In a 2012 interview with Deadspin, Everett stated that "a large burger franchise" wanted to use the footage in an ad. Everett agreed, but Rome did not, blocking the deal.

Post-NFL
After his NFL career ended, Everett received an MBA degree from Pepperdine University and started an asset management business. Eventually, he settled in Dana Point, California.

title: Jim Everett


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Category:Half-Life (series) characters

The following are fictional characters (including extraterrestrial life) appearing in the Half-Life series of computer and video games developed by Valve.

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File:Three Dog Night - Naturally.jpg

Cover for album Naturally by Three Dog Night.

Fair use rationale for

 * It is believed that the use of this image on the English-language Wikipedia to illustrate an article on the audio recording in question falls under the "Non-profit educational" clause of the Fair Use doctrine currently upheld by United States law. (17 U.S.C. § 107)
 * The image is irreplaceable; a free analogue is impossible to produce as the original will be covered by copyright for the foreseeable future
 * Owing to the limited web-resolution of the image, only a small portion of a copyrighted work is used
 * For the same reasons, the portion of the copyrighted work used is of inherently lower quality than the original, reducing the risk of competitiveness and therefore the effects of this copy on the market for or value of versions held by the owner of the copyright

title: File:Three Dog Night - Naturally.jpg


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Greg Cook

Gregory Lynn Cook (November 20, 1946 – January 27, 2012) was an American football quarterback who played two professional seasons, in the American Football League (AFL) and later the National Football League (NFL). He played college football for the University of Cincinnati and was selected 5th overall in the 1969 NFL/AFL draft. Once considered a rising star for the Cincinnati Bengals, he had his pro career prematurely ended by recurring shoulder troubles.

In 2007, NFL Films named Cook as the number one greatest NFL "one-shot wonder" of all-time, describing him as one of the biggest "what-ifs" in league history, in the seventh installment of its program NFL Top 10.

Early life
Cook lived most of his life in Chillicothe, Ohio, where he played baseball, basketball and football at Chillicothe High School.

He played collegiately at Cincinnati, once throwing for 554 yards in a game. He was drafted by the Cincinnati Bengals in the first round of the 1969 NFL/AFL Draft after Bengals coach and founder Paul Brown saw Cook's performance in the Bearcats' come-from-behind, 23–21 victory against Miami University in Bo Schembechler's last game before he left to coach at the University of Michigan. Brown had attended the game, but left when the Miami Redskins' lead reached 21–6. "That quarterback. That's our draft choice," said Brown after seeing film of Cook's rallying performance.

Professional career
In 1969, the Bengals released John Stofa, the starting signal caller for much of the team's inaugural season, and named Cook as the starting quarterback. His season started spectacularly, as he led the Bengals to a 3–0 record. However, in game three versus Kansas City, Cook felt a pop in his right (throwing) shoulder after being tackled by linebacker Jim Lynch and missed the next three games. Possibly due to the limited medical technology at the time, his torn rotator cuff went undiagnosed.

Despite this, Cook went on to pass for 1,854 yards and led the Bengals to wins over the Chiefs and the Oakland Raiders, two of the three best teams in the AFL. His 9.411 yards per pass attempt and 17.5 yard per completion are rookie records that still stand. Cook was UPI's choice for AFL Rookie of the year. Cook recalled, "I took cortisone shots and played in pain, but the shoulder hadn't started to deteriorate yet, so I could still function. I still had the strength. I felt obligated to finish the season. I'd gotten off to a good start. I didn't want to relinquish that."

The rotator cuff began deteriorating after the season; during surgery, it was revealed that Cook also had a partially detached biceps muscle. After three operations proved futile, he retired. A 1973 comeback attempt failed and Cook retired permanently. The NFL Network NFL Top Ten series named Cook the #1 One Shot Wonder in NFL history.

New York Jets quarterback Chad Pennington, who suffered two tears to his rotator cuff and has undergone as many surgeries to repair it, is often compared to Cook because their injuries are so similar; his injury was also similar to that suffered by New Orleans Saints quarterback Drew Brees, who had surgery on his rotator cuff after the 2005-06 season and finished the following season as an All-Pro quarterback. Brees went on to lead the Saints to victory over Indianapolis in Super Bowl XLIV.

Cook finished his career with 1,865 passing yards with an average of 17.4 yards per completion. He threw 15 touchdowns in his career and 11 interceptions.

Life after football
Following retirement, Cook lived in Cincinnati, and worked with United Parcel Service and with Worksite Information Network as a motivational speaker for labor unions. He was an art major at the University of Cincinnati, and continued to paint. Cook had works on display in the Ohio Governor's Mansion. Cook did some color commentary of University of Cincinnati football broadcasts in the mid-1980s.

Death
Cook died on January 27, 2012, shortly after being admitted to The Christ Hospital, a Cincinnati-area hospital, with pneumonia.

title: Greg Cook


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Category:Short stories by Robert A. Heinlein

Short stories by Robert A. Heinlein. See the Robert A. Heinlein bibliography.


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White-winged duck

The white-winged duck or white-winged wood duck (Asarcornis scutulata) is a large species of duck, formerly placed in the genus Cairina with the Muscovy duck (Cairina moschata) and allied with the dabbling ducks. However, mtDNA cytochrome b and NADH dehydrogenase subunit 2 sequence analysis indicate that the anatomical similarity to the Muscovy duck is deceiving and that the species is appropriately placed in a monotypic genus, as Asarcornis scutulata, which is evolutionarily closer to the redhead (Aythya americana, one of the diving ducks).

Description
This is one of the largest living species of duck next only to the steamer ducks which are heavier. The Muscovy duck also attains sizes that nearly rival the white-winged duck, but may average a bit smaller in a wild state. Length is 66 - 81 cm and wingspan is 116 - 153 cm. Males weigh 2.94 - 3.9 kg, while females weigh 1.95 - 3.05 kg. The most noticeable feature on adult birds, is the dark body contrasting with a whitish head and neck. Males have mostly dull yellowish bill, blackish mottling on the head and upper neck, white lesser median coverts and inner edges of tertials and bluish-grey secondaries. In flight, white wing-coverts contrast with the rest of the wings. Females are smaller and usually have more densely mottled head and upper neck. The juvenile is duller and browner.

This secretive species is only known to feed at night. Its diet consists of seeds, aquatic plants, grain, rice, snails, small fish and insects. It inhabits stagnant or slow-flowing natural and artificial wetlands, within or adjacent to evergreen, deciduous or swamp forests, on which it depends for roosting and nesting, usually in tree holes. Although lowlands (below c.200 m) provide optimum habitat, it occurs up to 1,400 m of altitude, especially on plateaus supporting sluggish perennial rivers and pools.

Distribution and status
Historically, the white-winged duck was widely distributed from northeastern India and Bangladesh, throughout South East Asia to Java and Sumatra. It is now extinct in Java. In India, the duck is found only in the northeastern part of the country, with the main concentration in eastern Assam and adjacent areas of Arunachal Pradesh. However, in 2002 it had a population of only 800, with about 200 in Laos, Thailand, Vietnam and Cambodia, 150 on Sumatra, notably in Way Kambas National Park and 450 in India, Bangladesh and Burma.

In Malaysia, it has been confirmed by IUCN that this duck is possibly extinct.

In India, the key protected areas for the white-winged duck are Dibru-Saikhowa National Park, Dihing-Patkai Wildlife Sanctuary, Nameri National Park and Namdapha National Park.

The white-winged duck occurs in dense tropical evergreen forests, near rivers and swamps.

They tend to nest in tree cavities, and are threatened in part since the destruction of hollow trees is destroying their nesting localities. The draining of swamps and rivers and other forms of habitat destruction is also destroying the habitat that they could survive in. Additional threats include loss of genetic variability, disturbance, hunting, and collection of eggs and chicks for food or pets.

Due to ongoing habitat loss, a small population size, and because this duck is hunted for food, eggs and pets, the white-winged duck is evaluated as Endangered on the IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. It is listed on Appendix I of CITES. The white-winged duck is also found in the central Sumatra province of Riau, specifically in the peatland Acacia plantations of a large pulp and paper company. The plantations, at least temporarily, provide suitable habitat between periodic harvests (once every 4–5 years). The ducks are frequently observed along canals where large and overhanging Acacia trees provide shade and cover from predators and a haven in which to feed and rest. The quiet and still water in the canals of the plantations provides an undisturbed and secluded location, away from local communities which may hunt the ducks or collect their eggs. Nearby, natural forest conservation areas and greenbelts also provide suitable nesting and roosting habitat in close proximity to the canals.

It is the state bird of the Indian state of Assam.

There have been efforts to preserve the population by breeding in captivity in England. It has been seen that they do well under shady, dimly-lit conditions, but there is also a higher chance for them to contract avian tuberculosis.

title: White-winged duck


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Naturally (Three Dog Night album)

Naturally is the fifth album by American rock band Three Dog Night, released in 1970. It produced two top ten hits: "Joy to the World" (#1 in February 1971) and "Liar" (#7). "One Man Band" reached the top 20 (#19). The only original by the band is the instrumental "Fire Eater".

Side one

 * 1) "I Can Hear You Calling" (Pentti Glan, Roy Kenner, Hugh Sullivan, Domenic Troiano) – 2:56
 * 2) "One Man Band" (Billy Fox, January Tyme, Thomas Jefferson Kaye) – 2:51
 * 3) "I'll Be Creeping" (Andy Fraser, Paul Rodgers) – 3:31
 * 4) "Fire Eater" (Mike Allsup, Jimmy Greenspoon, Joe Schermie, Floyd Sneed) – 3:55
 * 5) "Can't Get Enough of It" (Jimmy Miller, Steve Winwood) – 2:53

Side two

 * 1) "Sunlight" (Jesse Colin Young) – 3:48
 * 2) "Heavy Church" (Alan O'Day) – 3:38
 * 3) "Liar" (Russ Ballard) – 3:53
 * 4) "I've Got Enough Heartache" (Mike Kellie, Gary Wright) – 3:59
 * 5) "Joy to the World" (Hoyt Axton) – 3:40

Personnel

 * Cory Wells – lead vocals (tracks A3, A5), background vocals
 * Chuck Negron – lead vocals (tracks B1, B5), background vocals
 * Danny Hutton – lead vocals (track B3), background vocals
 * Mike Allsup – background vocals (track B5), guitar
 * Joe Schermie – background vocals (track B5), bass guitar
 * Floyd Sneed – background vocals (track B5), drums
 * Jimmy Greenspoon – background vocals (track B5), keyboards

Production
 * Producer: Richard Podolor
 * Engineer: Bill Cooper
 * Arranger: Three Dog Night
 * Photography: Ed Caraeff
 * Roadie, lighting: Dennis Albro
 * Roadie, sound: Lee Carlton

Charts
Album – Billboard (United States)

Singles – Billboard (United States)

title: Naturally (Three Dog Night album)


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Ralph Linton

Ralph Linton (27 February 1893 – 24 December 1953) was an American anthropologist of the mid-20th century, particularly remembered for his texts The Study of Man (1936) and The Tree of Culture (1955). One of Linton's major contributions to anthropology was defining a distinction between status and role.

Early life and education
Linton was born into a family of Quaker restaurant entrepreneurs in Philadelphia in 1893 and entered Swarthmore College in 1911. He was an indifferent student and resisted his father's pressures to prepare himself for the life of a professional. He grew interested in archaeology after participating in a field school in the southwest and took a year off of his studies to participate in another archaeological excavation at Quiriguá in Guatemala. Having found a strong focus he graduated Phi Beta Kappa in 1915.

Although Linton became a prominent anthropologist, his graduate education took place largely at the periphery of the discipline. He attended the University of Pennsylvania, where he earned his master's degree studying with Frank Speck while undertaking additional archaeological field work in New Jersey and New Mexico.

He was admitted to a Ph.D. program at Columbia University thereafter, but did not become close to Franz Boas, the doyen of anthropology in that era. When America entered World War I, Linton enlisted and served in France during 1917–1919 with Battery D, 149th Field Artillery, 42nd (Rainbow) Division. Linton served as a corporal and saw battle at the trenches, experiencing first hand a German gas attack. Linton's military experience would be a major influence on his subsequent work. One of his first published articles was "Totemism and the A.E.F." (Published in American Anthropologist vol. 26:294–300)", in which he argued that the way in which military units often identified with their symbols could be considered a kind of totemism.

His military fervor probably did not do anything to improve his relationship with the pacifist Franz Boas, who abhorred all displays of nationalism or jingoism. An anecdote has it that Linton was rebuked by Boas when he appeared in class in his military uniform. Whatever the cause, shortly after his return to the United States, he transferred from Columbia to Harvard, where he studied with Earnest Hooton, Alfred Tozzer, and Roland Dixon.

After a year of classes at Harvard, Linton proceeded to do more fieldwork, first at Mesa Verde and then as a member of the Bayard Dominick Expedition led by E.S.C. Handy under the auspices of the Bishop Museum to the Marquesas.

While in the Pacific, his focus shifted from archaeology to cultural anthropology, although he would retain a keen interest in material culture and 'primitive' art throughout his life. He returned from the Marquesas in 1922 and eventually received his Ph.D. from Harvard in 1925.

Academic career
Linton used his Harvard connections to secure a position at the Field Museum of Chicago after his return from the Marquesas. His official position was as Curator of American Indian materials. He continued working on digs in Ohio which he had first begun as a graduate student, but also began working through the museum's archival material on the Pawnee and published data collected by others in a series of articles and museum bulletins. While at the Field Museum he worked with illustrator and future children's book artist and author Holling Clancy Holling.

Between 1925 and 1927, Linton undertook an extensive collecting trip to Madagascar for the field museum, exploring the western end of the Austronesian diaspora after having studied the eastern end of this culture in the Marquesas. He did his own fieldwork there as well, and the book that resulted, The Tanala: A Hill Tribe of Madagascar (1933), was the most detailed ethnography he would publish.

On his return to the United States, Linton took a position at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, where the Department of Sociology had expanded to include an anthropology unit. Linton thus served as the first member of what would later become a separate department. Several of his students went on to become important anthropologists, such as Clyde Kluckhohn, Marvin Opler, Philleo Nash, and Sol Tax. Up to this point, Linton had been primarily a researcher in a rather romantic vein, and his years at Wisconsin were the period in which he developed his ability to teach and publish as a theoretician. This fact, combined with his penchant for popular writing and his intellectual encounter with Radcliffe-Brown (then at the University of Chicago), led to the publication of his textbook The Study of Man (1936). It was also during this period that he married his third wife, Adelin Hohlfeld, who worked as his secretary and editor as well as his collaborator—many of the popular pieces published jointly by them (such as Halloween Through Twenty Centuries) were in fact entirely written by Adelin Hohlfield.

In 1937 Linton came to Columbia University, appointed to the post of head of the Anthropology department after the retirement of Franz Boas. The choice was opposed by most of Boas' students, with whom Linton had never been on good terms. The Boasians had expected Ruth Benedict to be the choice for Boas' successor. As head of the department Linton informed against Boas and many of his students to the FBI, accusing them of being communists. This led to some of them being fired and blacklisted, for example Gene Weltfish. Throughout his life Linton maintained an intense personal animosity against the Boasians, particularly against Ruth Benedict, and he was a fierce critic of the Culture and Personality approach. According to Sidney Mintz who was a colleague of Linton at Yale, he even once jokingly boasted that he had killed Benedict using a Tanala magic charm.

When World War II broke out, Linton became involved in war-planning and his thoughts on the war and the role of the United States (and American Anthropology) could be seen in several works of the post-war period, most notably The Science of Man in the World Crisis (1945) and Most of the World. It was during the war that Linton also undertook a long trip to South America, where he experienced a coronary occlusion that left him in precarious health.

After the war Linton moved to Yale University, a center for anthropologists such as G. P. Murdock who had collaborated with the US government. He taught there from 1946 to 1953, where he continued to publish on culture and personality. It was during this period that he also began writing The Tree of Culture, an ambitious global overview of human culture. Linton was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1950. He died of complications relating to his trip in South America on Christmas Eve, 1953. His wife, Adelin Hohlfield Linton, completed The Tree of Culture which went on to become a popular textbook.

Work
The Study of Man established Linton as one of anthropology's premier theorists, particularly amongst sociologists who worked outside of the Boasian mainstream. In this work he developed the concepts of status and role for describing the patterns of behavior in society. According to Linton, ascribed status is assigned to an individual without reference to their innate differences or abilities. Whereas Achieved status is determined by an individual's performance or effort. Linton noted that while the definitions of the two concepts are clear and distinct, it is not always easy to identify whether an individual's status is ascribed or achieved. His perspective offers a deviation from the view that ascribed statuses are always fixed. For Linton a role is the set of behaviors associated with a status, and performing the role by doing the associated behaviors is the way in which a status is inhabited.

Throughout this early period Linton became interested in the problem of acculturation, working with Robert Redfield and Melville Herskovits on a prestigious Social Science Research Council subcommittee of the Committee on Personality and Culture. The result was a seminal jointly-authored piece entitled Memorandum for the Study of Acculturation (1936). Linton also obtained money from the Works Progress Administration for students to produce work which studied acculturation. The volume Acculturation in Seven American Indian Tribes is an example of the work in this period, and Linton's contributions to the volume remain his most influential writings on acculturation. Linton's interest in culture and personality also expressed itself in the form of a seminar he organized with Abram Kardiner at the New York Psychoanalytic Institute.

title: Ralph Linton


text: Talk:Naturally (Three Dog Night album)

title: Talk:Naturally (Three Dog Night album)