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Correlli Barnett

Correlli Douglas Barnett (28 June 1927 – 10 July 2022) was an English military historian, who also wrote works of economic history, particularly on the United Kingdom's post-war deindustrialization.

Early life
Barnett was born on 28 June 1927 in Norbury, County Borough of Croydon, the son of Douglas and Kathleen Barnett. He was educated at Trinity School of John Whitgift in Croydon and then Exeter College, Oxford where he gained a second class honours degree in Modern History with his special subject being Military History and the Theory of War, gaining an MA in 1954.

Barnett later said: "I can safely say there were only two books that I read at Oxford which strongly influenced my subsequent approach – one part of the Special Subject, and the other something which a friend recommended to me. The first was Clausewitz's On War, which was part of a Special Subject on military history and the theory of war. The other was Lewis Mumford's Technics and Civilization – if I read it again now I do not know what I would think of it, but certainly that was a starting point for my interest in looking at history in technological terms rather than in the constitutional/political terms prevalent at Oxford."

From 1945 to 1948, he served in the British Army in Palestine during the Palestine Emergency as a sergeant in the Intelligence Corps.

Military history
Barnett worked as historical consultant and writer for the BBC television series The Great War (1963–64). He contributed numerous articles to various newspapers arguing against the 2003 Iraq War.

He was the author of The Desert Generals, a book that attacked the perceived cult of British Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery and assessed the roles of his sacked predecessors as commanders in the North Africa campaign, including Richard O'Connor, who drove the Italians from Cyrenaica in late 1940, and Field-Marshal Sir Claude Auchinleck (whom he called "The Victor of Alamein"), who forced Rommel to a halt at the First Battle of El Alamein, only to be dismissed by Winston Churchill for his pains. He pointed out that Montgomery enjoyed massive superiority of men and materiel at the Second Battle of El Alamein, and described him as an "emotional cripple", a description, he noted in subsequent editions, borne out "in rich detail" by the Nigel Hamilton biography. However, Barnett's conclusions were attacked by Field Marshal Michael Carver in his book Dilemmas of the Desert War; Carver calls Barnett "naïve" and notes numerous flaws in his work.

He also published Britain and Her Army 1509–1970, which as a survey combines the political, the social and the military over the grand sweep of Britain's post-medieval history.

In several of his works (The Desert Generals, The Swordbearers) Barnett portrayed the British armed forces as hidebound by tradition (e.g. cavalry regiments allegedly reluctant to adopt modern tank tactics) and by technology inferior to that of the Germans. This position was also attacked by Carver, who observed that during Operation Crusader and during the Battle of Gazala, British technology was a match for, or in some cases, better than that used by the German and Italian armies. Barnett made this point of the British armour in the desert, and of Jellicoe's Grand Fleet at Jutland in 1916.

In his Bonaparte (1978), he took a more critical view of Napoleon Bonaparte than is customary, portraying him almost as a Mediterranean bandit keen to dish out crowns and honours to cronies and members of his blood family, and stressing how much many of his most famous successes owed much to bluff and luck (e.g. the fortuitous arrival of General Louis Desaix at the Battle of Marengo).

The Pride and Fall Sequence
Barnett's The Pride and Fall sequence comprises: (1) The Collapse of British Power; (2) The Audit of War: The Illusion and Reality of Britain as a Great Nation (published as The Pride and the Fall: The Dream and Illusion of Britain as a Great Nation, in the USA); (3) The Lost Victory: British Dreams, British Realities, 1945-50; and (4) The Verdict of Peace: Britain Between Her Yesterday and the Future.

In sum, the sequence describes the decline of British power during the twentieth century, a decline attributed by the author to a change in the values of Britain's governing élite from the late eighteenth century, and one which was encouraged by evangelical and non-conformist Christianity. Barnett claims that the statesmen of the eighteenth century were men "hard of mind and hard of will" who regarded "national power as the essential foundation of national independence; commercial wealth as a means to power; and war as among the means to all three". Furthermore, they regarded it as "natural and inevitable that nations should be engaged in a ceaseless struggle for survival, prosperity and predominance". The British national character, Barnett argues, underwent a profound moral revolution in the nineteenth century which came to have a deep effect on British foreign policy; foreign policy was now to be conducted in a reverence of highly ethical standards rather than an "expedient and opportunist pursuit of England's interests". Barnett came to this conclusion by beginning "with a colour-coded flow-chart which logically traced back step by step to their origins the chains of causation of all the 'total-strategic' factors in Britain's plight in 1940–1941: political, military, economic, technological. These various chains eventually converged on a common primary cause: a mutation in the values – indeed the very character – of the British governing classes which began in the early nineteenth century. This mutation supplied the starting-point of my narrative, and thereafter, in Enoch Powell's words in his review, was my 'guiding and interpretative thread through the events of the twenty inter-war years'."

A.J.P. Taylor said of The Collapse of British Power: "This is fine fighting stuff, powerfully based on the historical records". Robert Blake said the book was "Pungently written, perceptive and controversial". Rab Butler said that "The book should be praised for its profound research...It is written in excellent prose and with great historical ability which will be valuable to historians and challenging to any of us. However, to read alone it gives a false conception of Britain as we know her today, and is the sort of work which must be read in the company of others if one is to get a clear conception of the change of British status...I have some sympathy with the author's criticism of the defects of the English education system in those vital days, not only in the arts but also in the technical field...What is important, however, to realize in reading Mr Barnett's book is that the greatness of the Victorian age was made up of very much those qualities which he describes as leading to Britain's decline"

Peter Hennessy claims The Audit of War "acquired an instant vogue when published in 1986". Paul Addison called The Audit of War as "the most thorough and sustained assault so far" on wartime orthodoxy. Addison recognised that Barnett "is a withering critic of nineteenth-century laissez-faire capitalism and its legacy for twentieth-century Britain. To this extent he shares some common ground with Marxist historians and quotes E.P. Thompson with approval. But he is no Marxist himself, and his ideal model of the relationship between state and society is Bismarckian. The development of modern Germany, through the creation of a state dedicated to the pursuit of national efficiency in a ruthlessly Darwinian world, is held up by Barnett as the example which Britain could, and should, have followed. Britain's tradition of collectivism he interprets as a decadent, "romanticizing humanism, anti-industrial, riddled with illusions, and perpetuated by the public-school system"". Addison criticised Barnett's thesis in The Audit of War as resting "on a number of simplifications. First, he divorced the history of Britain from its European context and thereby distorts the perspective. Secondly, he fails to acknowledge the political imperatives behind the reconstruction programme. Thirdly, he neglects the politics of industrial conservatism. Fourthly, his analysis is remarkably selective, singling out one factor – the welfare state – and one government, as uniquely responsible for difficulties that no other government, before or since, has surmounted".

Roger Scruton claimed that whilst Barnett's thesis against public schools was set forth in "a series of brilliant books", his view of education is mistaken: "Relevance in education is a chimerical objective and the English knew this. Who is to guess what will be relevant to a student's interests in ten years' time? Even in the applied sciences, it is not relevance that forms and transforms the curriculum, but knowledge". Scruton goes on to say: "And for what life of the mind would Correlli Barnett have us prepared? Certainly not one that offers what has been offered to him: namely a synoptic vision of a national identity. If we examine the complaints made by Barnett, we cannot fail to be struck by the fact that they contain no comparative judgement. Set beside which élite did the English fail so badly? In which country of the modern world do we find the educational system which compares so favourably with the English college? Which European nations, unhampered by the code of the gentleman, have shown us the way to successful empire building and retreated with credit from their colonies? All such comparisons point to the amazing success of the English. By devoting their formative years to useless things, they made themselves supremely useful. And by internalising the code of honour they did not, as Barnett supposes, make themselves defenceless in a world of chicanery and crime, but endowed themselves with the only real defence that human life can offer – the instinctive trust between strangers, which enables them in whatever dangerous circumstances to act together as a team".

Politics
During the February 1974 general election Barnett wrote a letter to The Times: "It depresses me to the point of desperation that debate in this General Election only touches the fringes of the fundamental question before this country. This question is, of course, our chronic unsuccess as a competitive industrial power; our continual relative decline...This election...ought to be about the fundamental reshaping of the structure and attitudes of British industry (including our anarchic trade union organization; by legislation if necessary). Yet the Conservative Party only skirts the question, while the Labour Party ignores it totally...Who would believe, listening to the election argument, that this country stood on the verge of final eclipse as a leading power and industrial nation?"

In 1974, Barnett wrote of Britain's economic crisis as a low-wage, low-investment and low-productivity nation:"the peculiar structure, history and attitudes of British trades unionism is—and has been for a century—largely, although not wholly, responsible for this dismal cycle. You cannot pay high wages unless you have already achieved high productivity. You cannot achieve high productivity unless the work-force is prepared to operate modern machines to the utmost of the machines' capacity. Yet for all the glib talk by trades union leaders about improving productivity, everyone knows that British industry is fettered by demarcations and other restrictive practices aimed at preserving somebody's 'property rights' in a particular task...the necessary switch to a high-wage economy cannot be achieved in isolation, by the process of 'free collective bargaining' (ie, extortion of money by menaces or force), but only in step with a parallel switch to high productivity and investment. Are Mr Scanlon's members—and other British workers—prepared to match the efficiency, flexibility, cooperativeness and zeal of German workers—or do they really simply want more money for going on as they are?"

After the historian's E.P. Thompson planned Dimbleby Lecture on the Cold War was cancelled in 1981, Barnett asked whether he (Thompson) saw"any connexion between the internal nature of the Soviet empire as an oligarchic tyranny and its external policies? As a former communist he must know that the Soviet regime is of its very nature and from earliest origins a minority conspiracy that has gained and maintained power by force and trickery; that because of this inherent nature it always has been and remains terrified of independent centres of thought or power, whether within the Russian empire or beyond its present reach. It is the conjunction of such a regime, and its manifested wish to dominate others, with armed forces powerful beyond the needs of mere defence that is the engine of the present 'armaments race'. Who believes that Nato and its armaments would exist if Russia had been a Western-style open society these last 60 years? The first requirement for large-scale nuclear or any other kind of disarmament is the withering away of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union."

In 1982, Barnett said of Britain's Trident missile system that:"The American decision to sell us Trident only makes sense on the supposition that Washington absolutely trusts Britain to be a docile ally which would not step out of line...The question therefore arises of how closely Great Britain wishes to align herself with the United States over the next 40 years; of what unstated quid pro quos by way of support for American policy outside Europe may be involved. In a word, is Trident a reassertion of the 'special relationship'? If that is the case, how well does such a relationship with the United States marry with the United Kingdom's membership of the EEC, and with her European policy in general? Are we not in danger of falling into mid-Atlantic between Europe and America? And should we not, at this period in our history, be aligning ourselves clearly with Europe in evolving a distinct European world policy, rather than leaning towards Washington."

After Britain's victory in the Falklands War Barnett spoke of the "courage, professionalism and ultimate success of our Falklands task force" but added:"The lesson of the Falklands crises is not that we need a blue-water surface fleet in case of similar residual bits of pink on the map come under attack, but that we should bring our foreign policy into congruence with our defence policy and shed such unprofitable bits of pink in good time. The real guilty men of the crisis are the MPs of both parties who, in the past, blocked possible deals with the Argentine with emotional cries of 'sell-out' without apparently reckoning the possible cost of defending the Falklands against the value of the islands to the United Kingdom. Can it now be really argued that a capability to do another Falklands somewhere in the wide oceans is more important to our security of this country than the preservation of Western Europe, our own outer rampart and our greatest market?"

Barnett said of the Franks Report which investigated the Falklands War: "...the British Establishment has sat in judgment on the British Establishment and found it not guilty...What is therefore needed is a critical examination of the Foreign Office as an institution: its collective 'house style' and outlook; the personalities and characters of its leading figures. Only then shall we understand how British policy evolves in terms of a specific situation like the Falklands".

In a 1996 interview, Barnett stated his belief that Britain's future lay with a form of federated Europe, including the adoption of the European single currency. He criticised Eurosceptics as "emotional idealists nostalgic for a lost past".

Barnett opposed British participation in the Kosovo War of 1999, arguing that Yugoslavia was "a sovereign state committing no aggression beyond its own borders, [the military action against it] is a breach of the UN Charter and likewise of the North Atlantic Treaty". Furthermore, on 30 March 1999 he claimed that the war's course had vindicated his original stance on "Nato's ill-thought-out policy, based on emotion and simplistic moralising...In particular, it has plunged the Kosovans, the objects of Nato's solicitude, into their present calamity". Later that year Barnett returned to the subject, saying that the 80-day-long air campaign against Serbian forces demonstrated "that air power is a clumsy means of political coercion" and "that Bosnia should have served as a warning to us not to get entangled over Kosovo, and that if we did get entangled, we would finish up to our necks in trouble – which we have". In early August 2002, Barnett wrote to The Daily Telegraph opposing the American plan of invading Iraq, rejecting the claim that those opposed to the war were the equivalent of the appeasers of Adolf Hitler in the 1930s. He claimed that whereas Nazi Germany was disrupting the balance of power in Europe, Saddam Hussein's Iraq posed no threat to the region. Moreover, he argued that the opposition stemmed from the view that it "would be a breach of international law to attack a sovereign state and member of the UN that is not currently guilty of any external aggression; and two, that the execution of such an attack could lead to prolonged and unforeseeable adverse military and political consequences".

In December 2002, he argued that, in light of the UK Government's decision to allow the United States to use bases in Britain for its proposed anti-missile defence system ("Star Wars Mk II"), then Britain "should surely re-examine the utility to this country of the "special relationship" with America at the present degree of intimacy".

In January 2003, Barnett wrote that Britain's close relationship with the United States put Britain "in greater danger from Islamic terrorism rather than confers security against it. If we join in an attack on Iraq as America's satellite, that danger will become more acute".

Writing in August 2003, Barnett claimed that his predictions on the aftermath of the war had come to pass, saying that "some of us are on record since summer 2002 as warning that an attack on Iraq would end with the attackers bogged down in a politico-military mess of some kind or other". In September that same year Barnett likened the Iraq War to the Suez Crisis of 1956.

In December 2003, Barnett published an article in The Spectator, asserting that Al-Qaeda was winning the "war on terror"—a label Barnett rejects because "you cannot in logic wage war against a phenomenon, only against a specific enemy... America is combating not 'terrorism' but a specific terrorist network, al-Qa'eda". Barnett further claimed that terrorist organisations are "entirely rational in purpose and conduct" in that they conform to Clausewitzian ideas. He claims the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan were mistaken in that they "opened up long American flanks vulnerable to increasing guerrilla attack: a classic case of strategic overextension" and that Saddam Hussein's regime had no links to Al-Qaeda. He claims that the United States Army in Iraq should be replaced with UN troops from Muslim states to quell resentment and to "isolate the insurgents". In order to defeat Al-Qaeda, Barnett argues, the United States should "recognise that combating terrorists is essentially a job for special forces like the SAS, for the police or gendarmerie (or troops trained in a gendarmerie role) and, above all, for good intelligence (meaning, at best, spies inside al-Qa'eda cells) – and not a job for heavy-weight hi-tech firepower".

After Lord Hutton published his report in early 2004, Barnett wrote that Lord Hutton's "conclusions are totally at variance with the wealth of documentary evidence and witness statements presented to his inquiry and published on the internet", citing Lord Hutton's claim that "there was no dishonourable or underhand strategy" in leaking Dr. David Kelly's name when Downing Street and the Ministry of Defence "conspired" to do so. Furthermore, he argued that Lord Hutton's "judgement is so unbalanced in its treatment of the BBC and of Downing Street and the MoD as to be worthless" except as a way for Tony Blair to "escape" from an investigation on "whether or not he did take us to war on a false prospectus".

After fellow military historian Sir John Keegan demanded to know why those who opposed the Iraq War wanted Saddam Hussein to remain in power, Barnett replied that "America, Britain, the Middle East and the wider world would be vastly better off in terms of peace and stability if Saddam were still gripping Iraq, and we were still gripping Saddam as we had been from 1991 to 2003". He explained that the condition of the Iraqi people under Saddam Hussein "is of no relevance" to non-Iraqis; secondly, he argued that Saddam Hussein "had presented no international danger since he was soundly beaten in the 1991 Gulf war. He possessed no weapons of mass destruction...and he was subject to close Anglo-American surveillance of the "no-fly zone""; thirdly, "Saddam had provided a highly competent ally, if a tacit one, in the so-called "war against global terror"" due to his opposition to Al-Qaeda.

During the 2005 general election, Barnett argued that George W. Bush and his friends "were bent on toppling Saddam Hussein in pursuit of an ideological mission to convert the Middle East to democracy" before Bush came to power in January 2001 and that the September 11 attacks "simply provided them with a convenient cover story". Barnett concluded by saying that Blair was "wholly unworthy of our trust. This is the central fact of this election, and we should vote accordingly". In late September 2005, Barnett argued that "'to cut and run' [from Iraq] would in fact be the morally brave thing to do" since the "current strategy is failing to produce the hoped-for results, but on the contrary is running ever deeper into difficulties and danger, and yet with the final result all in doubt". Barnett contrasted Blair to Clement Attlee, and his military withdrawals in India and Palestine, claiming that no British lives were lost in them.

In October 2005, he said of Margaret Thatcher:"Ever since the war we had lived in a form of state socialism with tremendous controls and regulations over economic and social life. I can remember when you couldn't even buy a house abroad without special permission from the Bank of England. People who think the pre-Thatcher years were a golden age really didn't live through them: just ask anyone who rode on the clapped-out railways or tried to make a telephone call when the Post Office ran the phones. When she came to power she transformed the country. The moribund industries relying on taxpayer funding - all gone. The trade unions - all gone. She abolished exchange controls, completely liquidated the state sector of industry and threw the economy wide open. It's certainly true that she was so powerful a person that cabinet government in the collegiate sense began to diminish. More and more they were like a collection of staff officers around the general. Blair has taken that further and deliberately adopted a presidential style in every possible way. The main difference was that she had genuine feeling, conviction and leadership. In my view, during the last eight years, Blair has proved a very plausible conman who promises much but hasn't achieved it."

Honours
Barnett was a fellow of Churchill College, Cambridge and from 1977 to 1995 he was the Keeper of the Churchill Archives Centre. He was a fellow of the Royal Society of Literature, the Royal Historical Society and the Royal Society of Arts. From 1973 to 1985, he was a member of the Council of the Royal United Services Institute for Defence Studies. He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire.

Influence
There were some Cabinet Ministers in Margaret Thatcher's government who were influenced by Barnett's works. Sir Keith Joseph, Education Secretary from 1981 to 1986, admired Barnett's work about the anti-business culture in education and in an interview with Anthony Seldon he proclaimed: "I'm a Correlli Barnett supporter". Nigel Lawson, Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1983 to 1989, also cited Barnett's views on education as an influence, specifically The Audit of War. In 1995 when Michael Heseltine became Deputy Prime Minister in John Major's Cabinet, he presented each member of the Cabinet with copies of Barnett's The Lost Victory. Barnett's comment that "an attack on Iran would effectively launch world war three" was cited by Noam Chomsky in his essay "A Predator Becomes More Dangerous Once Wounded".

Personal life
In 1950, Barnett married Ruth Murby. The couple had two daughters. Ruth died in 2020. Barnett died on 10 July 2022 at the age of 95 in East Carleton in Norfolk.

Books

 * The Hump Organisation (1957)
 * The Channel Tunnel (with Humphrey Slater, 1958)
 * The Desert Generals (Kimber, 1960). A study of O'Connor, Alan Cunningham, Ritchie, Auchinleck and Montgomery.
 * The Swordbearers: Supreme Command in the First World War (Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1963). A study of Moltke, Jellicoe, Pétain and Ludendorff.
 * The Battle of El Alamein (Macmillan, 1964)
 * Britain and Her Army, 1509–1970 (Allen Lane, 1970)
 * The Collapse of British Power (Eyre Methuen, 1972)
 * Marlborough (Eyre Methuen, 1974); US edition: The First Churchill: Marlborough, Soldier and Statesman (Putnam, 1974). An accompanying television programme was made.
 * Strategy and Society (Manchester University Press, 1976)
 * Human Factor and British Industrial Decline: An Historical Perspective (Working Together Campaign, 1977)
 * Bonaparte (Allen & Unwin, 1978)
 * The Great War (Park Lane Press, 1979)
 * The Audit of War: The Illusion and Reality of Britain as a Great Nation (Macmillan, 1986); US edition: The Pride and the Fall: The Dream and Illusion of Britain as a Great Nation (The Free Press, 1987)
 * Engage the Enemy More Closely: The Royal Navy in the Second World War (W W Norton & Co Inc, 1991)
 * The Lost Victory: British Dreams and British Realities, 1945-50 (Macmillan, 1995)
 * The Verdict of Peace: Britain between her Yesterday and the Future (Macmillan, 2001)
 * Post-conquest Civil Affairs: Comparing War's End in Iraq and in Germany (Foreign Policy Centre, 2005)
 * Pétain (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2005)

Essays

 * 'The New Military Balance', The History of the Twentieth Century, 24 (1968).
 * 'The Guilt: The Illogical Promise', in G. A. Panichas (ed.), Promise of Greatness. The War of 1914-1918 (Littlehampton Book Services, 1968), pp. 560–572.
 * 'The Education of Military Elites', in Rupert Wilkinson (ed.), Governing Elites: Studies in Training and Selection (Oxford University Press, 1964).
 * 'Offensive 1918', in Noble Frankland and Christopher Dowling (eds.), Decisive Battles of the Twentieth Century (London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1976), pp. 62–80.
 * 'Auchinleck', in Michael Carver (ed.), The War Lords. Military Commanders of the Twentieth Century (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1976), pp. 260–273.
 * 'Technology, Education and Industrial and Economic Strength, Education for Capability: Cantor Lecture 1, 13 November 1978', Journal of The Royal Society of Arts, cxxvii (5271), pp. 117–130.
 * 'The Long Term Industrial Performance in the United Kingdom: The Role of Education and Research, 1850–1939', in Derek J. Morris (ed.), The Economic System of the United Kingdom. Third Edition (Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 668–689.

title: Correlli Barnett


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Talk:Constitution of Tennessee

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Citing sources
This article has a lot of useful information. Unfortunately, it does not cite any sources, so it is not possible for other Wikipedia editors to verify that information. To start, the author could simply add a References section and list the sources that were consulted in writing the article. After that, if the author has the time, he or she could provide references for some specific assertions in the article (for example, by using the form (Author Date, page)).

Some points to consider:
 * 1) When referring to specific provisions in the constitution, cite the specific article and section number from the constitution.
 * 2) * For example, the 3rd paragraph of the section Structure talks about the separation of powers ("The constitution also explicitly states that there are to be three separate branches . . . "); cite Sections 1 & 2 of Article II for this.
 * 3) Some assertions need to be specifically backed up with citations to the source that supports them.
 * 4) * For example, the first paragraph of the section The 1977 convention and its aftermath mentions that one amendment was called the "Fate Thomas Amendment", because it was supposedly enacted to help Sheriff Fate Thomas. This assertion should have a reference to the specific source or sources where the author found this claim.
 * Mateo SA | talk 16:35, Jan 4, 2005 (UTC)

Comments that may not belong in article
Comments that may not belong in article:

The lack of any statewide elective state offices other than governor has caused both parties at times to suffer from a "weak bench". Without offices like secretary of state, state treasurer, attorney general, or even something like commissioner of agriculture to run for, ambitious young politicians are somewhat limited to seeking Congressional election, as those offices have almost no statewide profile in the way that they are selected in Tennessee. Only political insiders and "junkies" and a few state employees can even name the persons who hold these offices, and the skills developed to pursue them are not that similar to those used in winning elective politics. (A partial analogy is the way that General Wesley Clark though that he had lost of political experience because of his military career. He did; obviously no one gets to be a four-star general without political skill.  However, this is a considerably different political skill set than that used in elective politics, as Clark was to learn.)  This situation is currently affecting both parties, albeit differently. There is only one high-profile Democrat statewide other than Governor Bredesen who is widely regarded as being either capable of being elected to higher office or experentially and temprementally qualified to hold it, U.S. Rep. Harold Ford, Jr. of Memphis. The Republicans have an opposite problem, a surfiet of ambitious pols and nowhere to put them. ____________________________________________________________________________________ George DeHoff, a Church of Christ minister and publisher who is now deceased, was apparently the only person to participate in all five 20th century conventions (1952, 1959, 1965, 1971, and 1977). As such, he was a tremendous resource as to the precedents set at the earlier conventions. This was important, as minutes to the earlier conventions (prior to 1971) do not seem to be widely available, even at the State Archives. (Even though he was a minister his participation was not challenged, perhaps because it was not regarded as his primary occupation; later an African American minister from Memphis sued in federal court over being denied participation on the grounds of First Amendment violation and won, although this archaic provision has not been formally removed and remains in the text of the current document.) Rlquall 21:19, 3 Dec 2004 (UTC)

States that only elect their governor state-wide
I've edited the page to reflect that in New Jersey, like Hawaii and Tennessee, only the governor is elected state-wide. (a referendum has been proposed but not passed to add a lieutenant governor.) I added New Jersey because I know this to be true, but I can't vouch for other states. Without strong reason for a significant edit, I left the phrase intact, but I suggest that this fact needs to be researched. --AlanK 21:59, 28 September 2005 (UTC)

Creation of the Tennessee Lottery
Didn't TN have to amend its constitution to create a lottery? No mention of that here. Iamvered 08:26, 2 February 2006 (UTC)

 * Scroll WAYY down to "Recent Amendments" and you'll see a comment like "Ban on lotteries repealed because it sucked and it was all Andrew Jackson's fault" in different terms. Infact, just search for "Andrew Jackson" and you'll probably find it. 68.39.174.238 00:00, 7 February 2006 (UTC)

$1,800 (Article II, Section 23)
A full reading of this article (added by amendment) shows that the $1,800 was only meant to be (and served as) a starting place. The clause "The compensation and expenses of the members of the General Assembly may from time to time be reduced or increased by laws ..." means that they can set their pay at whatever they like, or rather whatever they think that they can pay themselves and then still get re-elected, which is why it is currently only $16,500 per year. Rlquall 17:35, 29 March 2006 (UTC)

"Next to impossible"
This is a fairly mindless comment, as the current constitution of Tennessee has been amended on seven occassions. It is harder than the process in many other states, which has prevented it from becoming a veritable book like the Alabama constitution now is. Rlquall 17:48, 29 March 2006 (UTC)

 * Alabama's has other problems with it. Many states have similar or easier amendment processes and have FAR fewer amendments. That said, I do agree that the phrasing is suspect and carries a questionable connotation. 68.39.174.238 23:49, 12 February 2007 (UTC)

Reference link to nowhere.
The references are no longer active and without objection will be removed in 4 days. JustinRJoneZ (talk) 03:44, 1 December 2009 (UTC)

Dead reference.
'Bill would make hunting, fishing a protected right in Tennessee by Stan Voit, The Mountain Press, May 23, 2005.'

Dead link.

24.159.1.180 (talk) 05:11, 9 September 2014 (UTC)

Nowhere in the Tennessee Constitution: "For the amendment to pass...."
In the third paragraph of the section Legislative method, it currently reads, "For the amendment to pass, the number of yes votes must be greater than one-half the number of votes cast for governor." This simply isn't in the Constitution of Tennessee; unfortunately, this non-existent phrase has been erroneously referenced and repeated by various media in Tennessee, which has undoubtedly resulted in many misinformed voters.

According to Article XI, Section 3 ("Miscellaneous Provisions") of the Constitution of Tennessee, it reads, "And if the people shall approve and ratify such amendment or amendments by a majority of all the citizens of the state voting for governor, voting in their favor, such amendment or amendments shall become a part of this Constitution." p. 20

In other words, a proposed amendment is approved if it gains more "yes" votes than "no" votes and if the "yes" votes equal "a majority of all the citizens of the state voting for governor"; consequently, I believe that last sentence of the third paragraph should be removed or edited to reflect the actual wording and meaning in the previously referenced Article XI, Section 3 of the Tennessee State Constitution. DimeIV (talk) 08:16, 4 November 2014 (UTC)

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Peer Review
This article is very detailed, which is good. I enjoyed how you outlined the specific history of the Constitutions from 1700's-1800's.

Also very helpful how you all distinguished the separation of powers and detailed each and every right given by the TN constitution. Very detailed and helpful to understanding the material. I would have liked to see a longer list of sources and maybe more about the militia.

Overall very nice article! It's extremely detailed which is great for understanding the concepts included.

Kbbb223 (talk) 15:29, 28 March 2019 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Constitution of Tennessee


text:
Smoothwall

Smoothwall (formerly styled as SmoothWall) is a Linux distribution designed to be used as an open source firewall. Smoothwall is configured via a web-based GUI and requires little or no knowledge of Linux to install or use.

Smoothwall is also a private software company based in the UK who specializes in the development of web content filtering, safeguarding and internet security solutions, which also maintains the SmoothWall open source project.

History
Smoothwall began life as Smoothwall GPL in 2000 as a freely redistributable piece of open source software. In 2001, they released a proprietary version that is currently the primary distribution of the software containing extra features. Smoothwall still maintains its open source version with Smoothwall Express (latest release V3.1 in 2014). Smoothwall's filtering and safeguarding products are typically sold into educational organizations and businesses.

In 2017, Smoothwall announced a management buyout backed by private equity fund, Tenzing. The new management team was led by Georg Ell, previously Director of Western Europe at Tesla, who was appointed as Group CEO in May 2018. Georg was joined by existing Board members Gavin Logan, Douglas Hanley and Manprit Randhawan in the management of the Smoothwall business, along with Lisa Stone, who took the position as chairperson.

On 5 August 2021, Tenzing announced they had agreed to sell their investment in Smoothwall to Australian security firm Family Zone Cyber Safety for £75.5 million (A$142m cash consideration.) The deal was completed on 17 August 2021, with a £10.5m deferred balance of the sale price paid on 1 September 2021.

Smoothwall Express
Smoothwall Express, originally Smoothwall GPL, is the freely distributable version of Smoothwall, developed by the Smoothwall Open Source Project team and members of Smoothwall Ltd.

Released in August 2000, Smoothwall GPL was developed by Lawrence Manning and Richard Morrell to provide a quick and easy-to-use solution to the problem of sharing their ISDN connections with the rest of their LAN. Created using Red Hat Linux, Smoothwall GPL originally had two simple functions: control the modem to dial and hang up, and to route TCP/IP packets from the LAN to the Internet connection, and back again. The LAN was hidden from the public network by NAT, applied using ipchains.

Beginning with 0.9 in August 2000, the Smoothwall GPL 0.9.x series went through several versions based on the 2.2 Linux kernel, culminating in 0.9.9 SE in December 2001, which was probably the most popular GPL release. Each release led to a number of improvements, including PAT (port address translation), DMZ, PSTN and ISDN dial-up support, broadband (ADSL and Cable) support.

Smoothwall GPL 1.0 was released in December 2002, including all previously released patches and security fixes, and ended development of the 0.9.x/1.0 series, although it was supported by errata updates for another year and a half.

Smoothwall Limited
In late 2001, Manning and Morrell, with George Lungley, formed Smoothwall Limited as a UK-registered private limited company. The company was formed to take the open source software and commercialise it, by expanding the software to include corporate and enterprise oriented functionality, and to provide dedicated support staff for customers to contact.

Now based in Yarfort, with a USA office in Charlotte, North Carolina, the company has continued to develop the commercial, closed source Smoothwall product range, while moving from its initial direct sales model to a reseller, channel-based sales model.

Past Products
Smoothwall Server Edition was the first product from Smoothwall Ltd., released on 11 November 2001. It was essentially Smoothwall GPL 0.9.9 with support included from the company. This was — as were virtually all future products — made available to purchase on CD-ROM directly from Smoothwall Ltd. by mail order.

Initially announced in January 2002, and priced at £30, but never released, Smoothwall Home Server was an aborted attempt to tap into the home and residential market. It used the open source platform again as a base but included SmoothGuard, and would have permitted customers to make email support requests directly from Smoothwall Ltd.

Released on 17 December 2001, Smoothwall Corporate Server 1.0 was the first in a long line of separate, closed source releases from Smoothwall Ltd. Forked from Smoothwall GPL 0.9.9SE, Corporate Server included additional features such as SCSI support, and the capability to increase functionality via add-on modules. These modules included SmoothGuard (content filtering proxy), SmoothZone (multiple DMZ) and SmoothTunnel (advanced VPN features). Corporate Server was designed to become the backbone of all future products from the company, with the module functionality permitting customers to select the exact level of functionality they required. Further modules have been released over time, each providing a particular set of functionality, such as traffic shaping, and email anti-virus and anti-spam.

After Daniel Barron, author of DansGuardian, joined the company in April 2002, a variant of Corporate Server called Smoothwall Corporate Guardian was released, integrating a fork of DansGuardian called SmoothGuardian. Corporate Guardian is a stand-alone web proxy, cache and filtering solution. SmoothGuardian was also made available as a stand-alone module for Corporate Server customers, replacing the Smooth-Guard module.

School guardian was created as a variant of corporate guardian, adding Active Directory/LDAP authentication support and firewall features in a package designed specifically for use in schools.

When released on 13 June 2005, version 4 of Corporate Server was renamed to Corporate Firewall. In February 2008, Corporate Guardian was renamed to Network Guardian with the release of the 2008 version.

Released on 9 May 2005, Smoothwall Advanced Firewall targeted the enterprise market directly by bundling Corporate Server with all available add-on modules, and adding further functionality, including Active Directory, eDirectory & LDAP authentication and the capability to use up to 20 network interfaces with external connection load balancing.

In April 2007, the company released the SmoothGuard UTM-1000 hardware appliance, based on a commodity Intel Core 2 Duo 1U 19-inch rack-mountable chassis. The UTM-1000 came pre-installed with a variant of Smoothwall Advanced Firewall.

Awards

 * Reader's vote, Linux Format, Best Security Tool, 2001.
 * Supplier of the Year - Highly Commended, Education Resources Awards, 2017.
 * Cyber Security - Software and Technology Excellence Awards, Worldwide Business Review, 2017.

title: Smoothwall


text: User talk:212.159.106.109

title: User talk:212.159.106.109


text: User talk:213.239.235.249

title: User talk:213.239.235.249


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White eyebrows

White eyebrows may refer to:
 * As the fables and phrases, it means that White eyebrows is the greatest one among others.
 * Ma Liang (馬良), an advisor to the powerful warlord Liu Bei during the Three Kingdoms era of China.
 * Bak Mei (白眉), one of the legendary Five Elders of China.
 * Pai Mei, a character who is in the Hollywood film Kill Bill.

title: White eyebrows


text:
Jane Eaglen

Jane Eaglen (born 4 April 1960) is an English dramatic soprano particularly known for her interpretations of the works of Richard Wagner and the title roles in Bellini's Norma and Puccini's Turandot. Her career at the Metropolitan Opera started with her Brunhilde in the Ring Cycle. Eaglen has performed at all major houses globally such as La Scalla, the Metropolitan Opera House and many others. She currently resides in Boston, MA as a voice teacher at the famous New England Conservatory where she is training the next generation of world class singers. She is the President and founder of the Boston Wagner Society. Eaglen spends her summers instructing at the prestigious Merola opera training program for emerging artists. She is very active in her community. Every year she judges several voice competitions including the Laffont-Metropolitan Opera National Council Auditions.

Background
Jane Eaglen was born 4 April 1960 in Lincoln, England. She attended South Park High School in Lincoln.A neighbour noticed Eaglen's musical interest, and she started piano lessons at the age of five, continuing until she was sixteen. Her piano teacher then suggested she take singing lessons, and for a year she studied with a local teacher.

After being turned down by the Guildhall School in London, Eaglen auditioned at age eighteen for Joseph Ward, the voice professor at the Royal Northern College of Music in Manchester. Ward recognized her potential, and took Eaglen on as a student. Within weeks Ward had directed her toward roles such as Norma and Brünnhilde.

In 1984 she joined the English National Opera, and she spent a couple of years singing the First Lady in Mozart's Die Zauberflöte and Berta, the servant in Rossini's Il barbiere di Siviglia. Other roles included Leonora in Verdi's Il Trovatore. She was also cast as Santuzza in Mascagni's Cavalleria Rusticana.

Eaglen broke into the major opera scene when she was cast as Donna Anna in Mozart's Don Giovanni at the Scottish Opera. She went on to sing Brünnhilde and the title roles in Tosca and Norma with that company. She made her American debut as Norma in 1994 with Seattle Opera as a last-minute replacement for Carol Vaness, and followed, two weeks later with Brünnhilde at Opera Pacific, a last-minute replacement for Ealynn Voss. Her first Isolde came in 1998 with the Seattle Opera, a company she has returned to consistently. She repeated the role in 1999 at the Metropolitan Opera and in 2000 in Chicago.

Career
Eaglen has performed the roles of Isolde (for the Metropolitan Opera, Seattle Opera, Gran Teatro del Liceu (Barcelona), Lyric Opera of Chicago, and in Puerto Rico), Leonore, and Brünnhilde (performed in Chicago, Seattle, San Francisco, Milan, New York and the UK). Other major performances include Bellini's Norma (performed for the Metropolitan Opera, Seattle Opera, Ravenna Festival with Maestro Muti, and the Bastille); Ariadne for Seattle Opera and in London; Senta (Der Fliegende Holländer) in concert with the San Francisco Symphony Orchestra; Ortrud (Lohengrin) and Helen (Amelia) for Seattle Opera; La Gioconda in Chicago and London; Donna Anna in New York, Vienna, Los Angeles, Munich and Bologna; and many others.

Her work on the concert platform includes performances of Strauss’ Four Last Songs with Daniel Barenboim with the Chicago Symphony Orchestra, and Gerard Schwarz with the Czech Philharmonic; Strauss' final scene of Salome with Zubin Mehta and the New York Philharmonic, and Richard Hickox and the London Symphony Orchestra; Wagners Immolation Scene with both Bernard Haitink and Jeffrey Tate and the Boston Symphony Orchestra, and Zubin Mehta and the NY Phil; Verdi's Requiem with Daniele Gatti and the Orchestra of St Cecilia, Rome; Mahler's Eighth Symphony with Klaus Tennstedt; Nabucco with Riccardo Muti for the Ravenna Festival; Gurrelieder with Claudio Abbado for the Salzburg and Edinburgh Festivals; Die Walküre and Siegfried with James Conlon in Cologne; and many others.

Eaglen's many solo albums include arias by Wagner and Bellini, arias by Strauss and Mozart, Strauss' Four Last Songs and other song cycles, and Italian Opera Arias. Her recording of Wagner's Tannhäuser with Daniel Barenboim for Teldec earned a Grammy for 'Best Complete Opera'. She may also be heard in Mahler's Eighth Symphony with Chailly for Decca; in Beethoven's Ninth Symphony with Abbado for Sony; as Tosca for Chandos; as Norma with Muti for EMI, and in the title role of Opera Rara's recently re-released Medea in Corinto. In addition, Eaglen is featured on Sony's soundtrack for the film adaptation of Jane Austen's Sense and Sensibility. Her 2007 season included Isolde in Tristan und Isolde in Spain; Lady Macbeth in Macbeth at Vancouver; Senta in Der Fliegende Holländer in the U.S.; Tosca in Japan; Ariadne auf Naxos in Hungary; and Brünnhilde in Die Walküre in Norway.

Eaglen was named an honorary Doctor of Musical Arts in 2005 by McGill University, Montreal. Formerly a member of the voice faculty at Baldwin-Wallace College and the artistic faculty of the Seattle Opera Young Artists Program, she teaches at New England Conservatory of Music.

In conjunction with her performance travel, Eaglen works with artist programs such as the Merola Opera Program and the Cardiff International Academy of Voice, and frequently teaches master classes. In July 2009, Eaglen received an honorary doctorate from Bishop Grosseteste University College Lincoln. She became a Doctor of the University College.

In 2010, Eaglen was named International Fellow in Voice at the Royal Scottish Academy of Music and Drama (RSAMD) in Glasgow, where she will give master classes and recitals. She is a Fellow of the Royal Northern College of Music.

Primary Recordings

 * Jane Eaglen: Italian Opera Arias (2001)
 * Jane Eaglen: Four Last Songs (2000)
 * Jane Eaglen: Mozart & Strauss (1998)
 * Jane Eaglen: Bellini & Wagner (1996)

Ensemble Recordings

 * Wagner: Götterdämmerung (2006-Haitink)
 * Mahler: Complete Symphonies (2005-Chailly)
 * Beethoven: Symphony 9 (2004-Abbado)
 * Pasatieri: Letter to Warsaw (2004-Schwarz)
 * Puccini: Turandot (2002-Parry)
 * Wagner: Der fliegende Holländer (2002-Barenboim)
 * Wagner: Tannhäuser (2002-Barenboim)
 * Verdi: Aida (2001-Parry)
 * Bellini: Norma (1999-Muti)
 * Bruckner: Messe No.3 and Te Deum (1997-Welser-Möst)
 * Puccini: Tosca (1996-Parry)
 * Schulhoff: Flammen (1996)
 * Bellini: Norma (1995-Muti)
 * Mayr: Medea in Corinto (1994-Parry)
 * Wagner: Götterdämmerung (1991-Haitink)

Compiled Recordings

 * Escape Through Opera (2001)
 * Great Arias & Ensembles Vol 2 (2001)
 * Sony Classical – Great Performances 1903–1998 (1999)
 * Great Arias & Ensembles (1999)
 * Opera Rara Collection (1998)
 * Lost Empires Sdtk (1995)
 * Sense and Sensibility Sdtk (1995)
 * Jane Eaglen – Wagner (1995)

DVD Video

 * James Levine's 25th Anniversary Metropolitan Opera Gala (1996), Deutsche Grammophon, B0004602-09
 * Wagner: Tristan und Isolde; conducted by James Levine (1999)
 * Last Night of the Proms 2000 (2002)

title: Jane Eaglen


text:
HMS Berkeley Castle (K387)

HMS Berkeley Castle was a Castle-class corvette of the United Kingdom's Royal Navy. Built and commissioned in 1943, she escorted convoys from 1944 to 1945. She later served as an air-sea rescue ship until being placed in reserve. Damaged beyond repair in the North Sea flood of 1953 while at a dry dock in Sheerness, she was scrapped a few years later. She was named after Berkeley Castle in Gloucestershire.

Design
The Castle-class corvettes were an improved and enlarged derivative of the earlier Flower-class corvettes, which was intended to be built by shipyards that could not build the larger and more capable frigates. The greater length of the Castles gave made them better seaboats than the Flowers, which were not originally designed for ocean escort work. Large numbers (96 in total) were ordered in late 1942 and early 1943 from shipyards in the United Kingdom and Canada, but Allied successes in the Battle of the Atlantic meant that the requirement for escorts was reduced, and many ships (including all the Canadian ones) were cancelled.

The Castles were 252 ft long overall, 234 ft at the waterline and 225 ft between perpendiculars. Beam was 36 ft and draught was 13 ft aft at full load. Displacement was about 1060 LT standard and 1590 – full load. Two Admiralty Three-drum water tube boilers fed steam to a vertical triple expansion engine rated at 2750 ihp which drove a single propeller shaft. This gave a speed of 16.5 kn. 480 tons of oil were carried, giving a range of 6200 nmi at 15 kn.

The ships had a main gun armament of a single QF 4-inch Mk XIX dual-purpose gun, backed up by two twin and two single Oerlikon 20 mm cannon. Anti-submarine armament consisted of a single triple-barrelled Squid anti-submarine mortar with 81 depth charges backed up by two depth charge throwers and a single depth charge rail, with 15 depth charges carried. Type 272 or Type 277 surface search radar was fitted, as was high-frequency direction finding (HF/DF) gear. The ships' sonar outfit was Type 145 and Type 147B.

Service
Berkeley Castle was one of five Castle-class corvettes ordered on 2 February 1943. She was laid down at the Barclay Curle shipyard in Glasgow on 23 April 1943, launched on 19 August and commissioned on 18 November 1943. After working up, Berkeley Castle joined the 15th Escort Group, escorting her first convoy in late January 1944. On 1 March 1944, she joined the 40th Escort Group, operating on the Gibraltar convoy route, and on 23 May transferred to the B5 Escort Group, with the same duties. On 10 September 1944, the B5 Escort Group was renamed the 31st Escort Group, with Berkeley Castle as Senior Officer's ship, and returned to UK coastal Waters, continuing to the end of the war in Europe.

Berkeley Castle was then employed as an air-sea rescue ship until mid 1946, when she was placed in reserve at Harwich. She was refitted at London in 1949, before returning to reserve. On the night of 31 January/1 February 1953, Berkeley Castle was in dry dock at the naval dockyard at Sheerness, Kent when Sheerness was struck by the North Sea flood of 1953. The tidal surge overtopped the dock gates, flooding the dry dock and causing Berkeley Castle to float off her blocks and capsize. She was refloated, but damage was such that she was beyond economic repair and was not repaired. She was placed on the disposal list in 1955. She arrived at Thos. W. Ward's breaking yard in Grays, Essex, on 29 February 1956 for scrapping. Prior to demolition she was used for filming the comedy Up The Creek as the fictitious HMS Berkeley.

title: HMS Berkeley Castle (K387)


text:
Khilafat Movement

The Khilafat movement (1919–22) was a political campaign launched by Indian Muslims in British India over British policy against Turkey and the planned dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire after World War I by Allied forces.

Leaders participating in the movement included Shaukat Ali, Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar, Hakim Ajmal Khan, and Abul Kalam Azad who organised the movement to redress the grievances of Turkey.

Mahatma Gandhi had supported the movement as part of his opposition to the British Empire, and he also advocated for a wider non-cooperation movement at the same time. Vallabhbhai Patel, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and other Hindu and Congress figures also supported the movement.

Generally described as a protest against the sanctions placed on the Ottoman Empire after the First World War by the Treaty of Sèvres, the movement is also noted for promoting Hindu-Muslim unity. It ended in 1922 after the end of the non-cooperation movement.

Background
Ottoman sultan Abdul Hamid II (1842–1918) launched his pan-Islamist program in a bid to protect the Ottoman Empire from Western attack and dismemberment and to crush the democratic opposition at home. He sent an emissary, Jamaluddin Afghani, to India in the late 19th century. The cause of the Ottoman monarch evoked religious passion and sympathy amongst Indian Muslims. Being the caliph, the Ottoman sultan was nominally the supreme religious and political leader of all Sunni Muslims across the world. However, this authority was never actually used.

A large number of Muslim religious leaders began working to spread awareness and develop Muslim participation on behalf of the caliphate. Muslim religious leader Maulana Mehmud Hasan attempted to organize a national war of independence with support from the Ottoman Empire.

Abdul Hamid II was forced to restore the constitutional monarchy, marking the start of the Second Constitutional Era by the Young Turk Revolution. He was succeeded by his brother Mehmed V (1844–1918) but following the revolution, the real power in the Ottoman Empire lay with the Young Turks. The movement was a topic in Conference of London (February 1920); however, nationalist Arabs saw it as threat of continuation of Turkish dominance of Arab lands.

Partitioning
The Ottoman Empire, having sided with the Central Powers during World War I, suffered a major military defeat. The Treaty of Versailles (1919) reduced its territorial extent and diminished its political influence but the victorious Europe powers promised to protect the Ottoman sultan's status as the caliph. However, under the Treaty of Sèvres (1920), territories such as Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq were severed from the empire.

Within Turkey, a progressive, secular nationalist movement arose, known as the Turkish national movement. During the Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923), the Turkish revolutionaries, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, abolished the Treaty of Sèvres with the Treaty of Lausanne (1923). Pursuant to Atatürk's Reforms, the Republic of Turkey abolished the position of the caliphate in 1924. Atatürk offered the caliphate to Ahmed Sharif as-Senussi, on the condition that he reside outside Turkey; Senussi declined the offer and confirmed his support for Abdulmejid. The title was then claimed by Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca and Hejaz, leader of the Arab Revolt, but his kingdom was defeated and annexed by Ibn Saud in 1925.

Khilafat Movement in Indian Subcontinent
Although political activities and popular outcry on behalf of the caliphate emerged across the Muslim world, the most prominent activities took place in India. A prominent Oxford educated Muslim journalist, Maulana Muhammad Ali Johar had spent four years in prison for advocating resistance to the colonial government and support for the caliphate. At the onset of the Turkish War of Independence, Muslim religious leaders feared for the caliphate, which the European powers were reluctant to protect. To some of the Muslims of India, the prospect of being conscripted to fight against fellow Muslims in Turkey was anathema. To its founders and followers, the Khilafat was not a religious movement but rather a show of solidarity with their fellow Muslims in Turkey.

Mohammad Ali and his brother Maulana Shaukat Ali joined with other Muslim leaders such as Pir Ghulam Mujaddid Sarhandi, Sheikh Shaukat Ali Siddiqui, Dr. Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari, Raees-Ul-Muhajireen Barrister Jan Muhammad Junejo, Hasrat Mohani, Syed Ata Ullah Shah Bukhari, Mohammad Farooq Chishti, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Dr. Hakim Ajmal Khan to form the All India Khilafat Committee. The organisation was based in Lucknow, India at Hathe Shaukat Ali, the compound of Landlord Shaukat Ali Siddiqui. They aimed to build political unity amongst Muslims and use their influence to protect the caliphate. In 1920, they published the Khilafat Manifesto, which called upon the British to protect the caliphate and for Indian Muslims to unite and hold the British accountable for this purpose. The Khilafat Committee in Bengal included Mohmmad Akram Khan, Manruzzaman Islamabadi, Mujibur Rahman Khan and Chittaranjan Das.

In 1920 an alliance was made between Khilafat leaders and the Indian National Congress, the largest political party in India and of the nationalist movement. Congress leader Mahatma Gandhi and the Khilafat leaders promised to work and fight together for the causes of Khilafat and Swaraj. Seeking to increase pressure on the colonial government, the Khilafatists became a major part of the non-cooperation movement — a nationwide campaign of mass, peaceful civil disobedience. Some also engaged in a protest emigration from North-West Frontier Province to Afghanistan under Amanullah Khan.

The movement also saw donations by Indians to help in this movement. A committee was also started for sending funds to help Ankara government of Mustafa Kemal.

The non-cooperation campaign was at first successful. The programme started with boycott of legislative councils, government schools, colleges and foreign goods. Government functions and surrender of titles and distinctions. Massive protests, strikes and acts of civil disobedience spread across India. Hindus and Muslims joined forces in the campaign, which was initially peaceful. Gandhi, the Ali brothers and others were swiftly arrested by the colonial government. Under the flag of Tehrik-e-Khilafat, a Punjab Khilafat deputation comprising Moulana Manzoor Ahmed and Moulana Lutfullah Khan Dankauri took a leading role throughout India, with a particular concentration in the Punjab (Sirsa, Lahore, Haryana etc.). People from villages such as Aujla Khurd were the main contributors to the cause.

Although holding talks with the colonial government and continuing their activities, the Khilafat movement weakened as Muslims were divided between working for the Congress, the Khilafat cause and the Muslim League.

The Khilafat leadership fragmented on different political lines. Syed Ata Ullah Shah Bukhari created Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam with the support of Chaudhry Afzal Haq. Leaders such as Dr. Ansari, Maulana Azad and Hakim Ajmal Khan remained strong supporters of Gandhi and the Congress. The Ali brothers joined Muslim League.

Challenges to British colonization
Up to the turn of the 20th century, the British system of political control was effective in Sindh. During the Khilafat movement, however, the British dealt with another major challenge to their rule.

The Khilafat movement represented the first occasion on which a major number of Sindhi pirs came together on a common platform to oppose British policy, and their involvement showed the way in which they were being gradually involved in the issues of the broader Indian Muslim community. Similar to their co-religionists elsewhere, many of these pirs were affected due to the rise in pan-Islamic sentiment and also by the changing awareness of the position of Muslims in South Asia. Their participation in the agitation severely threatened to undermine the position of the British colonial rule in Sindh. Yet, regardless of the significant influence of the pirs and the considerable support which they attracted for the Khilafat cause, the system of control proved its credibility by reducing the threat posed to British rule to one of manageable proportions.

The British system of control was seriously threatened by the involvement of Sindhi pirs in the Khilafat movement. The concerns of the movement appealed strongly to a major section of the province's religious leadership as a result of the rise in interest in pan-Islamic issues during the years leading up to 1919. Support for broader Islamic concerns during this period was directly associated with the gradual erosion of the barriers which had isolated the Sindh region from developments taking place.

Legacy
The movement is noted to have played a role in boosting unity among Hindus and Muslims. The Congress supported the movement in response to the divide and rule strategy by the British. The period of 1919-1922 is widely seen as the heyday of Hindu-Muslim unity. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk had thanked the Congress for its sympathy, and hoped that that it would soon gain Swaraj.

The movement is described as a milestone in the growth of the Muslim nationalism and the history of civil disobedience in India. For example, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who had at the time been a force for Hindu-Muslim unity in the aftermath of the 1916 Lucknow Pact, left the Congress after his words of caution against the entangling of the secular independence movement with the religious nature of the Khilafat movement were not heeded; later on, he became a key leader of the Pakistan Movement. Critics, however, argue that the Khilafat movement was not nationalist or anti-imperialist, but rather that its religious rhetoric concealed a weak and uncertain religious agenda.

Omair Anas, writing for the Turkish outlet Daily Sabah, noted that "It is impossible to recall Turkey's anti-colonial struggle without mentioning Gandhi's support for the unity and integrity of the then-crumbling Ottoman Empire."

title: Khilafat Movement


text:
AAK

Aak or AAK may refer to:

 * Aak, a genre of Korean court music
 * Aak flower, madar or crown flower, common name of Calotropis gigantea
 * AAK Theory, a mathematical theory relating rational functions with singular values
 * AarhusKarlshamn (operating as AAK), a Swedish producer of vegetable oils and fats
 * Ajnad al-Kavkaz, a Chechen-led militia in the Syrian Civil War
 * Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, an alliance of political parties in Kosovo
 * Ankave language, a language of Papua New Guinea
 * Aranuka Airport in Aranuka, Kiribati
 * Architectural Association of Kenya
 * Armée de l'Air Khmère (Khmer Air Force, the air force of the Khmer Republic)
 * Automobile Association of Kenya

title: AAK


text:
Talk:Maulana Azad

Untitled
Needs wikification. And NPOV rewrite. And just plain neutral language (Gandhiji?!). —iFaqeer (Talk to me!) 21:26, Dec 3, 2004 (UTC)

NPOV

I am afraid this is a rather unbalanced piece. Azad was no proponent of secularism per se. He was a composite nationalist largely because he was thoroughly discredited through his ill-advised tehreek-e-Hijrat (which finds no critical reference). His opposition to Pakistan was also based out of his own understanding of the Muslim cause. His greatest achievement in politics was Cabinet Mission Plan which was torpedoed by the Congress. 124.109.47.105 (talk) 05:54, 4 June 2009 (UTC)

I would disagree with the notion that abul kalaam azad had anything to do with the salafi school of thought

 * Abul Kalam Azad was a known follower of Ahl-e-Hadeeth beliefs, but yes his 'salafism' was not at at all definitive for his character. It is right to mention it, but it should not be emphasised at all. Tanzeel 13:34, 25 July 2006 (UTC)

Requested move

 * I've moved the page, per the above unopposed request, listed at WP:RM for five days. -GTBacchus(talk) 02:16, 15 January 2007 (UTC)

Azad as religious thinker
This article - although describies thoroughly Azad a s politicians - definitly lacks discussion of his achievments as religious thinker, fe. his main work Tarjuman al-Quran is not mentioned (we do not have a list of his other books as well, as is the standart in other wikipedia biographical articles).

Islam in India
Why should this article be filed under Islam in India? Azad is of significance to all people of India not just Muslims. Otherwise on this philosophy, articles on Gandhi, Nehru etc. should also be filed under Hinduism in India. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 199.106.103.254 (talk) 03:04, 28 April 2009 (UTC)
 * Well it should be under Islam in India because in-spite of his undeniable contributions to all people of India,including but not limited to Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Buddhists, he IS as Indian and a follower of Islam. Thus filed under Islam in India Harsh Mujhse baat kijiye(Talk) 06:00, 15 March 2010 (UTC)

his origin
It is my first time participating in this topic. I edited this article only once before this and I was only here to correct a spelling mistake (Pashtun was misspelled). It looks like Abdul Kalam Azad's origin is in disbute (between IPs and a Wikipedian). Majority of the sources (net+books) only mention that he was a Bengali Muslim of Afghan origin and that his forefathers came from Herat. Four sources have been provided to prove that his origins were Persian and they all have major issues. Jagoindian - #4 has copied the article from Wikipedia. Source #3 (in German) and #2 are two books/journals, but we don't know where in those sources do they mention anything about Kalam Azad. We only know the title of the sources and that is it. Source #1 is the only source that writes "...was a Bengali Muslim of Afghan (probably Tajik) origins.". I googled Abdul Kalam Azad and I could hardly find any source which mentioned anything about his ethnic origin (whether he was a Pashtun, Persian or Tajik). Majority of the sources only write that he was a Bengali Muslim of Afghan origin and his forefathers came from Herat, Afghanistan - Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad Instituteion of Asian Studies. Therefor, I suggest that we should only add the "Afghan origin" part and leave "Pashtun, Persian and Tajik" out of this article. (Ketabtoon (talk) 05:57, 25 January 2010 (UTC))

Neither Afghanistan nor Pushtuns did existed during his ancestors days. Pushtuns were living on Sulaiman Mountains and Pakistan, Wazirista and Ismael Dera Khan. Then, the name of the region was Khorasan (Afghanistan came to birth in 1919 officially and in 1911 unofficially, gave to birth by Russia and primerly by British colonialism, so actually, we have to call him Khorasani). We could use Afghan in the right context if Afghanistan had existed before 100 years ago but not when the land was known as Khorasan and Pushtuns, specially under Babur, lived south of Kabul, which is Waziristan, Baluchistan and Peshawar, Dera Islamel Khan. With best Regards. Khawaran.com and Tajikam.com are created a study on Tajiks/Iranis and Persian-speaking people in general who lived in India and were either politicians or rulers or whatever, supported by E. Iranica and E. Islamica and some own scholars, like Shir Magan Shah Gardezi who already wrote a book. Recognize also the fact, that Pushtuns did never played any role in the modern history of India against British power. That Abul Kalam Azad did not even spoke a word Pushtu, but instead nearly 8 other languages, including the language of his house and ancestors, Persian, is also a point on his origine.--94.219.218.233 (talk) 20:00, 29 January 2010 (UTC)

Afghan is a modern citizenship that did not exist in Herat when Kalam's ancestors lived there. During the Medieval period Afghans were Pashtuns and there is not one source that can prove that there were Pashtun tribes in Herat during Babur and Homayoun's rule.--Inuit18 (talk) 20:49, 7 February 2010 (UTC)
 * The question is, do you have reliable sources to back that he was of Tajik origin? Most of the sources only mention that he was of Afghan origin - they don't mention anything about him being a Tajik, Persian, Pashtun etc. Like I mentioned in my previous reply, 4 sources have been provided and 3 of them have serious issues and I doubt the one which writes "...was a Bengali Muslim of Afghan (probably Tajik) origins." is very reliable. Extra sources would be appreciated since most of the sources on the net only mentions that he was of Afghan origin. Thank you  (Ketabtoon (talk) 03:25, 8 February 2010 (UTC))
 * Once again I googled Abdul Kalam Azad and the following links mentioned his origin and all of them write that he was of Afghan origin, , , . (Ketabtoon (talk) 04:51, 8 February 2010 (UTC))
 * Until we reach a consensus I have removed his forefathers' ethnicity. Most of your sources are also unreliable and not scholarly. The fact is that Afghan tribes first migrated to Herat in the 18th century. Herat during Babur's rule was inhabited by Tajiks with a few settlements of Barlas. if you want to add Afghan in this article you have to prove to us that There were Afghan tribes in Herat during Babur's reign.--Inuit18 (talk) 04:56, 8 February 2010 (UTC)
 * Those are 4 different websites. The 5th link is from Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies - "The Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies was set up at the joint initiative of the Government of India, Department of culture, Ministry of Human Resource Development and the Government of West Bengal. Registered as a Society under the West Bengal Registration of Societies' Act of 1961, with Prof. Nurul Hasan, the then Governor of West Bengal, as the President of the Society on the 4th of January 1993." Can you find a more reliable source than that?
 * Whether there were Afghan tribes in Herat is not important. The word "Afghan" is used in all the sources when they are talking about his origin. Here in Wikipedia I linked the word to Demography of Afghanistan not to Pashtun people or Afghan - that means he can be from any ethnic group from Afghanistan. (Ketabtoon (talk) 05:09, 8 February 2010 (UTC))

The modern concept of the Afghan citizenship did not exist when Azad's forefathers were in Herat. The only way we can add Afghan to this article is to research if Afghan tribes lived in Herat during Babur's rule.--Inuit18 (talk) 23:42, 8 February 2010 (UTC)

 * Any reason why all these sources have used the word Afghan? If the majority of the sources add that, then wikipedia shouldn't be an exception. It is not only about majority sources, but even Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies have added the word Afghan in his biography.  (Ketabtoon (talk) 02:28, 9 February 2010 (UTC))

 * Not to forget, you want to violate WP:OR. The fact that he was of Afghan origin is supported by multiple sources of which the Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies is the most reliable and academic source available on him.  (Ketabtoon (talk) 02:43, 9 February 2010 (UTC))

do you know want academic means? this website might claim he was an Afghan but their claim is not rational since Afghan and Afghanistan did not exist in Herat during Babur's rule. If you find a reliable and academic source that says Afghans lived in Herat during Babur's reign then we will add Afghan.--Inuit18 (talk) 03:57, 9 February 2010 (UTC)

 * It is not a problem if you don't like the sources. It is very easy to solve a dispute here in Wikipedia (invite a neutral member for 3rd opinion) at WP:3O. (Ketabtoon (talk) 04:34, 9 February 2010 (UTC))

Hey, thanks for this detailed note.Uvav (talk) 02:49, 3 March 2010 (UTC)UvavUvav (talk) 02:49, 3 March 2010 (UTC)

Disputed ?
I find only two issues mainly discussed in the talk page here : 1) whether his ancestry was Pashtun/Afghan etc 2) His affiliation to salafi school and secular credentials

The former can be put in a dual wording sentence (is said to be.....some claim it ...etc) or avoided till the dispute is resolved. Also a disputed or a discuss tag can be put near that section which discusses it. The second needs references.Those who brought up the issue seem to citing their opinions. They don't seem to have quoted any reference.

Tagging an article as disputed just because someone cites their opinion without authentic narratives and a minor dispute about his ethnicity is injustice to the subject. A person so important in history deserves a good article and those with opinions should come up with more sources.Till then I suggest the disputed tags be removed.NMKuttiady (talk) 09:53, 1 April 2010 (UTC)

deoband supported Azad
Maulana Azad was the president of Jamiat-e-Ulema-Hind and therefore his ties with the Deoband Order and religious Muslims were very strong, he himself being very religious. Religious Muslims in any event opposed the creation of Pakistan, especially those Darul Uloom Deoband. The link given does not mention Deoband. 202.59.80.154 (talk) 08:14, 20 August 2010 (UTC) =Fake Article= The article "Maulana Abul Kalam Azad: The Man Who Knew The Future Of Pakistan Before Its Creation" is fake. There is no credible source which can date the history of this article to the year 1946. If the interview did occur how come it is never acknowledged by anyone throughout history despite of such precise predictions. More over the predictions seem to precise to possibly be real and seem to be a recent forgery. Also The Man Who Forged An Interview: Shorish Kashmiri's Maulana Azad Hoax is an article which lays out various points and systematically discredits the authenticity of the article. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 74.74.175.181 (talk) 09:05, 8 January 2011 (UTC)

Actually it was authenticated by a number of authors including MJ Akbar which is quoted in his latest book "TinderBox: The Past and Future of Pakistan". MJ Akbar is a well renowned scholar and historian and also a leading Indian Jounarlist and Director of India Today. His work would be more credible than a blog written by some unknown person. Moreover, most of his "points" have been discredited in the comments itself. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 203.34.60.142 (talk) 04:11, 18 April 2011 (UTC)

Reference for Herat, where does it say his ancestors came from herat
any reference would be appreciated or else the line has to removed

Assessment comment
Substituted at 06:32, 29 April 2016 (UTC)

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Social
What changes will done by the molana Abdul Kalam Azad if he will be alive 106.195.70.135 (talk) 18:48, 15 December 2022 (UTC)

Requested move 18 January 2023

 * The following is a closed discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review after discussing it on the closer's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

The result of the move request was: moved. (closed by non-admin page mover)  The Night Watch     (talk)   19:44, 25 January 2023 (UTC)

Abul Kalam Azad → Maulana Azad – Per WP:COMMONNAME. Capitals00 (talk) 19:13, 18 January 2023 (UTC)

Also see:

Capitals00 (talk) 19:09, 18 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Support Absolutely. Abhishek0831996 (talk) 08:01, 19 January 2023 (UTC)

The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.
 * Support per nom. This is exactly how he is known as. >>> Extorc . talk  11:04, 19 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Support A google search reveals that "Maulana Azad" gets "enough" more results that just Abul Kalam Azad. It satisfies WP:COMMONNAME. ─ The Aafī   (talk)  06:39, 20 January 2023 (UTC)

Atheist phase
He seemed to have gone through a phase of atheism in his early life as quoted by some sources like these - 1. https://southasia.ucla.edu/history-politics/independent-india/abul-kalam-azad/ 2. https://www.jstor.org/stable/24159314

The second source quotes him as saying - “I was by now a complete atheist. I took great pride in my belief in 'materialism' and 'rationalism' and saw in religion only ignorance and conjecture."

It further says, “This period lasted from 1902 to 1910 i.e. from the age of fourteen to twenty”

I think this deserves a mention in this article. If someone could edit the article to include this, it would be nice. AbdulKareem92 (talk) 19:06, 28 March 2023 (UTC)

Urdu
Moulana Abul kalam azad information in urdu 103.164.200.162 (talk) 17:07, 18 February 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Maulana Azad


text:
Maureen Forrester

Maureen Kathleen Stewart Forrester, (July 25, 1930 – June 16, 2010) was a Canadian operatic contralto.

Life and career

Maureen Forrester was born and grew up in Montreal, Quebec, one of four children of Thomas Forrester, a Scottish cabinetmaker, and his Irish-born wife, the former May Arnold. She sang in church and radio choirs. At age 13, she dropped out of school to help support the family, working as a secretary at Bell Telephone.

When her brother came home from the war he persuaded her to take singing lessons. She paid for voice lessons with Sally Martin, Frank Rowe, and baritone Bernard Diamant. In the spring of 1951, Forrester appeared on the CBC radio talent competition Opportunity Knocks, singing "Ombra mai fu", and describing herself to the host as a "starving musician" and part-time switchboard operator. She was ultimately named first runner-up, and later competed on the similar shows Singing Stars of Tomorrow, and Nos Futures Étoiles.

She gave her debut recital at the local YWCA in 1953. She made her concert debut in Beethoven's Ninth Symphony with the Montreal Symphony Orchestra under Otto Klemperer.

She toured extensively in Canada and Europe with Jeunesses Musicales. She made her New York City debut in Town Hall in 1956. Bruno Walter invited her to sing for him; he was looking for the right contralto for a performance and recording of the Mahler Symphony No. 2 "Resurrection". This was the start of a warm relationship with great rapport. Walter had been a protégé of Mahler, and he trained Forrester in interpretation of his works. She performed at Walter's farewell performances with the New York Philharmonic in 1957.

In 1957, she married the Toronto violinist and conductor Eugene Kash. The couple had five children, including actors Linda Kash and Daniel Kash. Forrester converted to Judaism.

She performed regularly in concert and opera. At the New York City Opera, she sang Cornelia in Handel's Giulio Cesare (1966), opposite Norman Treigle and Beverly Sills, which was recorded by RCA in 1967. She sang at the Metropolitan Opera in New York in 1975 in Das Rheingold (Erda), Siegfried, and Un ballo in maschera. Forrester also provided the voice of the Bianca Castafiore character in the television series The Adventures of Tintin. She was a strong champion of Canadian composers, regularly scheduling their works in her programs, especially when she toured abroad. A notable example is composer Donald Steven, whose work "Pages of Solitary Delights" (winner of the 1987 Juno Award for Classical Composition of the Year) was written for Ms. Forrester. From 1983-88 she served as Chair of the Canada Council.

In 1986, she co-authored her autobiography, Out of Character (ISBN 0-7710-3228-5), with journalist Marci McDonald.

Death
Maureen Forrester died on June 16, 2010, aged 79, in Toronto, after a long battle with dementia. She was predeceased by Eugene Kash, her former husband, whom she had divorced in 1974, and who died in 2004. She was survived by her five children.

Honours

 * In 1967, Forrester was made a Companion of the Order of Canada.
 * In 1969, Forrester received an honorary doctorate from Sir George Williams University, one of Concordia University's founding institutions.
 * On April 8, 1969, Forrester was chosen to sing the Canadian national anthem at the first Montreal Expos regular-season baseball game, at Shea Stadium in New York City.
 * In 1979, Forrester received the Loyola Medal from Concordia University.
 * In 1980, Forrester received the diplôme d'honneur from the Canadian Conference of the Arts
 * In 1983, Forrester was awarded Yale University's Sanford Medal.
 * From 1986–90, Maureen Forrester was Chancellor of Wilfrid Laurier University; the University's recital hall is named in her honour.
 * In 1990, Forrester was inducted into the Canadian Music Hall of Fame (aka Juno Hall of Fame).
 * In 1995, Forrester received a Governor General's Performing Arts Award.
 * In 1999, Forrester received the Order of Ontario.
 * In 2000, Forrester received a star on Canada's Walk of Fame.
 * In 2003, Forrester was made an Officer of the National Order of Quebec.
 * In 2004, Forrester became a MasterWorks honouree by the Audio-Visual Preservation Trust of Canada.

title: Maureen Forrester


text:
List of geysers

This is a list of notable geysers, a type of erupting hot spring.

Argentina

 * Coronel Mollinedo Geyser (Salta)
 * Varvarco (Neuquén)

Brazil

 * Floriano de Lemos Geyser (Minas Gerais)

Bulgaria

 * Sapareva Geyser (Sapareva Banya)

Chile

 * El Tatio, Northern Chile

Iceland

 * Geysir
 * Strokkur

Mexico

 * Maguarichi (Chihuahua)

New Zealand

 * Diamond Geyser (Orakei Korako)

 * Kereru Geyser (Whakarewarewa)
 * Lady Knox Geyser (Waiotapu)
 * Minguini Geyser (Orakei Korako)
 * Pōhutu Geyser (Whakarewarewa)
 * Prince of Wales Feathers Geyser (Whakarewarewa)
 * Waimangu Geyser (Rotorua)

Russia

 * Bolshoi (Greater) Geyser
 * Maly (Lesser) Geyser
 * Sakharny (Sugar) Geyser
 * Zhemchuzhny (Pearl) Geyser
 * Velikan (Giant) Geyser

Serbia

 * Sijarinska Geyser (Sijarinska Banja)

Wyoming

 * Beehive Geyser
 * Castle Geyser
 * Daisy Geyser
 * Excelsior Geyser
 * Fan & Mortar Geysers
 * Giant Geyser
 * Giantess Geyser
 * Grand Geyser
 * Great Fountain Geyser
 * Ledge Geyser
 * Monarch Geyser
 * Morning Geyser
 * Old Faithful Geyser
 * Riverside Geyser
 * Splendid Geyser
 * Steamboat Geyser

Nevada

 * Beowawe
 * Fly Geyser (Black Rock Desert)
 * Steamboat Springs

Cold water
The following are carbon dioxide-generated cold water geysers:

 * Andernach Geyser (aka Namedyer Sprudel), (Eifel, Germany)
 * Crystal Geyser (near Green River, Utah, United States)
 * Geyser of Herľany (Herľany, Slovakia)
 * Mokena Geyser (Te Aroha, New Zealand)
 * Saratoga springs
 * Soda Springs Geyser, (Idaho, United States)
 * Wallender Born (aka Brubbel), (Eifel, Germany)

title: List of geysers


text: Category:Austin, Texas

title: Category:Austin, Texas


text:
HMS Berkeley Castle

Two ships of the British Royal Navy have been named HMS Berkeley Castle after Berkeley Castle in the town of Berkeley, Gloucestershire.

 * Berkeley Castle was a 48-gun wooden warship captured by the French Navy on 25 October 1695.
 * HMS Berkeley Castle (K387) was a Castle-class corvette which was built during the Second World War.

title: HMS Berkeley Castle


text:
Pierre Fournier

Pierre Léon Marie Fournier (24 June 1906 – 8 January 1986) was a French cellist who was called the "aristocrat of cellists" on account of his elegant musicianship and majestic sound.

Biography
Pierre Fournier was born in Paris, the son of a French Army general. His mother taught him to play the piano, but he had a mild case of polio as a child and lost dexterity in his feet and legs. Having difficulties with the piano pedals, he turned to the cello at the age of nine.

He received early training from Odette Krettly, and from 1918 studied with André Hekking and later with Paul Bazelaire. He graduated from the Paris Conservatory at 17, in 1923. He was hailed as "the cellist of the future" and won praise for his virtuosity and bowing technique. In the period 1925–1929 he was a member of the Krettly Quartet, led by Odette's brother Robert Krettly.

He became well known when he played with the Concerts Colonne Orchestra in 1925. He began touring all over Europe. At various stages he played with many of the most highly acclaimed, prestigious musicians of his time, and recorded the complete chamber music of Brahms and Schubert for the BBC on acetates. However, these deteriorated before the recordings could be transferred to a more durable medium. He is also praised for his recordings of the Bach suites (Beethoven-Saal, Hannover, December 1960), which are regarded even now as some of the best versions ever made (released on Deutsche Grammophon "Archive" records). His other discs include LPs of Beethoven's cello sonatas and Elgar's Cello Concerto; these have long since been available on CD.

Fournier was a teacher at the École Normale de Musique in Paris and the Paris Conservatoire from 1937 to 1949. He made his first tour of the United States in 1948 and played to great acclaim in New York and Boston.

His performance in America became an embarrassment when it was revealed in 1949 that Fournier had collaborated with the Nazis during the occupation of France. He was found to have performed 82 times on "Radio-Paris" – a German station – for which he had been paid a total of 192,400 francs. In France, the "National Purging Committee's Professional Branch for Dramatic and Lyric Artists and Performing Musicians" had found him guilty of collaboration, and had banned him from performing for a period of six months.

In the '50s he toured South America, often accompanied by Alfredo Rossi, a personal friend and former colleague during his early days in Italy and Spain.

After 1956, he made his home in Switzerland, although he never relinquished his French citizenship. He received the dedication of both Bohuslav Martinů's Cello Concerto No. 1 (1930, rev. 1939, 1955) and Francis Poulenc's Cello Sonata (1948).

In 1963, he was made a member of the Legion of Honour. He continued performing in public until two years before his death at the age of 79. Until the end of his life, he taught privately at his home in Geneva: the cellists Julian Lloyd Webber and Rocco Filippini were among his pupils.

His son Jean-Pierre became a pianist performing under the name of Jean Fonda.

Fournier played three instruments: a Jean-Baptiste Vuillaume 1863, a Matteo Goffriller 1722 (now played by Valentin Erben of Austria) and a rare Charles Adolphe Maucotel 1849. With the Maucoutel he played the last 18 years of his career and made all his recordings.

Awards and recognitions
Grand Prix du Disque: Grammy Award for Best Chamber Music Performance:
 * Pierre Fournier, Rafael Kubelik Antonin Dvorak: Cello Concerto – recording released in 1955
 * Pierre Fournier, Arthur Rubinstein & Henryk Szeryng for Schubert: Trios No. 1 in B Flat, Op. 99 and No. 2 in E Flat, Op. 100 (1976)
 * Pierre Fournier, Arthur Rubinstein & Henryk Szeryng for Brahms: Trios (Complete)/Schumann: Trio No. 1 in D Minor (1975)

title: Pierre Fournier