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Talk:Consonant cluster

Acqusition of clusters
I would like to kno about the noraml acquisition of consonants clusters. What are we supposed to expect at 2 years of age? (English) — Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.17.139.247 (talk • contribs) 21:13, 30 November 2004

Rhythm
How is rhythm a six-part consonant cluster? The y is a pronounced as a vowel. The way I hear it, there are two consonant clusters in "rhythm", "rh" and "thm". — Preceding unsigned comment added by Bryce (talk • contribs) 14:18, 15 June 2005

rhythm has a vowel
rhythm in english is a 4 (or 5) phoneme, 2 syllable word [rIDm] (sorry, can't remember my SAMPA), there is most definitely a vowel.. [r] [I] [D] and a syllabic [m] (or schwa + m if you subscribe to that line of thinking). — Preceding unsigned comment added by Exit (talk • contribs) 00:16, 3 July 2005

Georgian/Slovak Consonant clusters
i'd like to rewite some of this to be less misleading, because for example in slovak, r and l can be vocalic, so a word presented like štvrťžblnknutie may appear to be only 2 syllables (because there are 2 vowel nuclei), but in fact it is 4 syllables long: štvrť.žbln.knu.tie, where the r and the l are syllabic, so why is the word presented as an example of a 'formidable consonant cluster'? each syllable has at most a 3 consonant onset, which is hardly formidable.

also, the statement: the Georgian gvbrdγvnis is an example of this type, containing four syllables, but only one vowel...

what is the syllable breakdown? gv.brd.γv.nis? do not these syllables have a vocalic nucleus? if so, that means 3 of those consonants aren't parts of the clusters.... which according to the syllable breakdown i've written, there aren't any clusters at all if you look at it on a per-syllable basis. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Exit (talk • contribs) 17:59, 3 July 2005

 * I guess this merely means that /v/ can be vocalic in Georgian -- and, yes, this probably means in turn that there are no consonant clusters in any syllable.

 * George Hewitt, professor of Caucasian languages at the University of London, informs me that the consonants of Georgian cannot appear as syllable nuclei... that would seem to make the Georgian word a monosyllable, and therefore quite scary. :) I don't see how this is even possible from an articulatory perspective, but my experience of Georgian is extremely limited. I'm going to change this in the article, since Hewitt's published reference grammar ("Georgian: A Structural Reference Grammar") backs this up. thefamouseccles 02:05, 9 Sep 2005 (UTC)

 * What does it really mean that consonants can't appear as syllable nuclei? Surely they do so phonetically? Is Hewitt talking about some more abstract analysis? David Marjanović 16:14, 16 June 2007 (UTC)

and the importance of cross-syllable clusters? are there any references for this? i've never heard mention of this before.

Exit 3 July 2005 17:59 (UTC)

i'm a student of tbilisi state university of the faculty of georgian linguistics, and more, i'm georgian and my native language is georgian. that means i can help you to understand and do not leave any doubts about georgian consonant clusters. georgian language is one of the very rear languages (or the only), where everything is read totaly the same way it is written. i mean that every phonem (or just phonetic sound) has only one letter, that expreses it. and any time when this letters are written, there can be read strictly the same. for example a word sheuratsxhk'ops is read /sheuratsxhk'ops/ :-) (there are 4 consonants /ts/, /x/, /h/, /k'/). and there is strictly 4 syllables (she.u.ratsx.hk'ops). and yes, the word /gvbrdghvnis/ is strictly only onesyllabical. if you listen to georgian speaking, or better, georgian poems, where this word is used. you would discover that i'm right. and there is nothing scary about it. caucasian people have very free articulation, and this kind of things is not problem for us. :D

but i'm going to tell you that, there is consonant cluster whith 9 consonants in word /gvprtxlvnis/ (he is making us to be always scary) in georgian. it's a grammatical form of word /prtxla/ (a creature that is always scary). but it's is not an literatural form, that's why no one has written about it yet, but in dialects and slang it exists! and maybe there are moreconsonantic clusters in regional goergian or georgian slang that i can't remember at the moment. (sorry for not knowing english well :), if) —Preceding unsigned comment added by Alexandro Celabreli (talk • contribs) 11:53, 30 November 2009 (UTC)

do not confuse orthography with phonetics
i removed the following lines:

The longest consonant cluster in an English word appears in latchspring. The longest consonant cluster anywhere, eight in total, appears in German Angstschweiss (agony sweat).

Certain loan words, like Nietzschean (supporting philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche's ideas), which has five, may have even more.

... latchspring may contain 5 consonants in a row, but only 4 spoken across 2 syllables.. [latS.sprIN]...

same thing with the german Angstschweiss ... sch in german is phonetically 1 consonant [S]

and if we are talking about the english pronunciation of Nietzschean, well, it would be pronounced [nitSi@n]... one consonant for all of 'tzsch' in the middle of the word

also, although czech vlk (wolf) doesnt contain any written vowels, the [l] is vocalic.

Exit 8 July 2005 03:44 (UTC)

That's like saying english word /wrd/ has no vowels.

Or that ancient Hebrew was pronounced with no vowels.

 * this article is a mess, the international standard for pronunciation (IPA) should be used instead of the words (that may itself be incorrect romanizations).--Esteban Barahona (talk) 21:45, 30 August 2008 (UTC)

A tiny correction to the above rambling; the longest consonant kluster seems to be in the Swedish word borsjtjschlager, nine in total. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 82.181.100.127 (talk) 20:42, 20 May 2011 (UTC)

Definition
Currently the article defines a consonant cluster thus "a consonant cluster is a group of consonants which have no intervening vowel." Compare this to the definition given here. "A consonant cluster is a group or sequence of consonants that appear together in a syllable without a vowel between them." (emphasis added). Which is correct? I believe it's the latter. I'm about to edit the article accordingly.

I also noticed the following "Japanese is almost as strict, but it allows clusters of n + consonant: Honshu, the name of one of the major islands of Japan, is an example." Yeah, the major island but ... if we keep in mind the above correct definition, we notice something: these groups of /n/ + consonant are not consonant clusters at all because they cross a syllable boundary. However, this is not to say the consonant clusters cannot occur in Japanese. The language does allow consonant plus /j/ as in Tokyo.

Jimp 04:39, 18 January 2006 (UTC)

 * I think there is some basis for the first definition, because there are some languages which allow particular sounds word-finally, but not before another consonant. I think the native vocabulary of Finnish is an example. —Felix the Cassowary 05:07, 18 January 2006 (UTC)

Yeah, I hadn't read the bit where the article mentions that there is disagreement over which definition is better. This info had been placed way down towards the bottom, though. I've moved it up into the intro where it belongs. Even so, that Japanese example is still a little off considering that the [n] in Honshu is a syllabic consonant and therefore phonologically a vowel. Jimp 06:12, 18 January 2006 (UTC)
 * No, it isn't. The [n] in Honshu isn't syllabic; Honshu has only two syllables in Japanese. It has four moras, and moras are arguably more important in Japanese phonology (and certainly poetry) than syllables, but still only two syllables. I think the definition of consonant cluster as any string of consonants regardless of syllabification is best to start off with, since there are languages (Bella Coola) that have been argued not to have syllables, and since syllabification is usually a matter of theoretical opinion rather than objectively observable fact, meaning we tread into the realms of non-NPOV and OR when we start talking about syllable boundaries. And finally, there are indeed many languages that allow more complicated clusters at word edges than at word-internal syllable edges. --Angr ( tɔk ) 06:20, 18 January 2006 (UTC)

 * I'd say the kana of "tsu" and "chi" has consonant clusters, but that might be me... 惑乱 分からん 16:04, 5 August 2006 (UTC)
 * No, they're affricates, which are single segments, not consonant clusters. The famous minimal pair in English is why choose with an affricate versus white shoes with a cluster. In Polish they constrast even within a word: czy has the affricate, while trzy has the cluster . User:Angr 16:35, 5 August 2006 (UTC)

 * OK, so that's it, thank you! 惑乱 分からん 20:21, 5 August 2006 (UTC)

The Georgian word
I might be wrong here, but I'm almost entirely sure that "he is plucking us" is actually gvprcʼkvnis in Georgian. I'll try to find out which word is correct and then maybe correct the entry if no one objects or can certify the word in the entry. I think I'm going to include Georgian spelling for this word as well... —N-true 18:12, 1 May 2006 (UTC)

 * Actually, gvprckvnis (no ejective) is "he's peeling us". The root to pluck is given by brdɣvn-: gvbrdɣvnis he's plucking us. See George Hewitt's 1995 Georgian: a structural reference grammar, page 20. Thefamouseccles 22:51, 31 July 2006 (UTC)

Polish consonant clusters
In Polish 4-consonant clusters are also not uncommon (e.g. Strwiąż, wstręt, pstry, wstrzymać, wzgląd, wstrzelić, oszczerstw), 5-consonant clusters also sometimes occur (e.g. źdźbłko). Also, you only show examples of clusters within a single word (although I believe Angstschweiß should be counted as 2 words, which in German can be in many cases joined together). If you counted inter-word clusters, you would find even 9-consonant examples in Polish (e.g. słuchać "oszczerstw z wstrętem", wszedł "Herbst z pstrągami") — Preceding unsigned comment added by Sutashu (talk • contribs) 08:21, 7 June 2007

Angstschweiß
"The German word Angstschweiß (cold sweat) is another good example."

Uh... and how would that be? 203.154.48.179 13:53, 1 July 2007 (UTC)

Why Choose White Shoes?
Above, User:Angr mentioned the difference between two distinct consonants put together into a cluster (even if the cluster is bridging two syllables, rather than being contained within a single syllable -- I'll leave that a separate issue!) and an affricate, which is generally percieved and pronounced as a single consonant. Contrary to IPA renderings, the English "CH" or "TCH" is (almost?) never pronounced as a "T" followed by an "SH": The word "chew", for example, isn't pronounced in a way that could be equally well rendered as "tshew"; "why choose" and "white shoose" are not homophones, nor are "catch it" and "cat shit" even though "catch up" and "ketchup" are. While most examples of consonant clusters counting affricates as more than one consonant have been removed from the article, I think it would benefit the article to directly address the subject. One thing in particular that I'd like to see addressed is the fact that if one draws out the "CH" sound, it has a sharp, almost tinnient sound compared to a drawn out "SH" sound, as the "CH" is made with the tip of the tongue (with the supposed "T" sound really being incidental to its pronunciation) and the "SH" is made with a much broader area of the tongue contacting the roof of the mouth further back. To be honest, I can't see why IPA stopped using ligatures for the English "CH" and "J" in favor of two seperate symbols for each, when even the ligatures conveyed the (completely incorrect) idea that the English "CH" and "J" each contain more than a single consonantal sound quality, thus calling for exactly the opposite sort of replacement: losing each of the two ligatures with its own, single, distinct symbol. Why a single character is used in IPA to distinguish a combination of two totally different sounds in the case of [ɲ] (made up of an [n] followed by a very distinct [j]), but two characters are needed for a single sound in both the case of the single sound misleadingly rendered [tʃ] and the single sound misleadingly rendered [dʒ] is absolutely inconcievable. The only reason I could possibly think of for this is that the usual pronunciation of these consonants throughout almost the entire Anglosphere radically differs from mine own native dialect of Cascadian English, in which case there would be unique consonants in Cascadian English not represented at all in the IPA. --Þórrstejn [ ˡθoɝ.staɪʲn ]: Hammer of Thor  talk  09:59, 19 August 2007 (UTC)
 * Um, is not "a combination of two totally different sounds ... (made up of an [n] followed by a very distinct [j])"; it's a single sound with a single, palatal, place of articulation. It doesn't occur in English, so don't be thrown off by statements seen in introductory language books that claim that  is like the ny in canyon; it isn't. Are you aware of any published literature discussing the inadequacy or otherwise of transcribing affricates as sequences of stop + fricative? —Angr 10:24, 19 August 2007 (UTC)
 * I appreciate the correction on ; when I referred back to the IPA chart and articulated the sound myself, I found it was very different from an [n] followed by a [j], though, and I'm willing to admit this could very well be an error in pronunciation on my part, I could not make the sound without noticing something very similar to the English affricates: I couldn't make the sound without another consonantal sound (in this case an approximant) following, however faintly, in the wake of the nasal voicing (for want of a better term).  Unfortunately I'm not aware of any literature describing the inadequacy/inaccuracy of transcribing affricates as sequences of stop + fricative, or else I'd have been bold and added the information myself, as it seems relevant to the subject of consonant clusters.  The relevancy, as I see it, would lie in the affricate being an essentially condensed consonant cluster itself.  I remember at one time, when the ligatures were used, it wasn't at all uncommon to see [that bridge-like diacritic, the name of which momentarily escapes me], which usually denotes a consonant sound articulated in a spot between the characters that make up the ligature, which (being the amateur that I am) seemed to me to indicate that those who used this convention considered the English affricates to be singular consonants and not stop + fricative sequences.  Is this a misinterpretation on my part?  If not, surely not every phonologisthas condoned the change in convention from single consonant represented by ligature and diacritic to a sequence of two consonants.  Though I'll concede that the English affricates do contain two audible sound qualities, it doesn't seem to me this is any truer of the affricates than of some other consonants represented by single characters (not sequences nor even ligatures) on the IPA chart.  Like diphthongs, many consonants sound very differently at the beginning of the articulation from how they sound at the end; were this untrue, all consonants would sound essentially the same when recorded and played backward, and not many do.  The main problems I see are, firstly, the inconsistency when using ligatures/sequences for some consonants and not for others (not so much in the fact of using them for some and not for others, but the seemingly arbituary manner in which this is applied), secondly, and probably least relevantly, that in the case of the English affricates, the "stop" portion does not come to a full stop, but blends seemlessly into the "fricative" portion, and thirdly, being to me most importantly of all, that, even were a stop + fricative sequence to be used to represent the English affricates, the both the "stop" and "fricative" of each affricate are pronounced differently, with, at least in some dialects (or perhaps just a noticeable enough number of idiolects to call attention to itself) a different enough place of articulation to merit their own place on the IPA charts, or, in what seems to me the majority of cases, not quite a different enough place of articulation to merit such treatment but to be mentioned in the phone's name (a good comparison to illustrate what I mean here is how denti-alveolars don't merit their own position on IPA charts, but merit a difference in name), and a very different manner of articulation, from the characters used in sequence to denote them; the "[t]" part of the English "CH" isn't articulated in place or manner quite the same as the [t] of the English "T", nor the "" part of the English "CH" at all in manner or place like the "" in the English "SH".  I doubt this is unique to Cascadian English, as I've never seen it mentioned in reference to the dialect.  I can't imagine that no phonologist has ever observed these differences in pronunciation; that the ligature with the bridge-diacritic was thrown around so loosely and arbitrarily that those phonologists who once used it all now unanymously agree that each English affricate is just a sequence of other phones heard in the language.  Mainly, I was hoping someone else, with more knowledge on the subject of the history of the IPA representations of English affricates than I, might have something to add on the matter, or at least be able to point me in the direction of published literature on the subject if said someone didn't feel like doing it himself.  --Þórrstejn [ ˡθoɝ.staɪʲn ]:  Hammer of Thor  talk  12:08, 19 August 2007 (UTC)
 * P.S. Please forgive my relative ignorance on the subject of phonology, my main interest in it comes from a personal conlanguage-family project and an obsession with trying to figure out how on earth the Celts managed to turn a C/K/Q into a P (akin to my parallel obsession with trying to imagine how the hummingbird evolved from an insect-eater; both of which are easy to describe in a stepwise process on paper, but extremely difficult to envisage occuring practically in the real world).  --Þórrstejn [ ˡθoɝ.staɪʲn ]:  Hammer of Thor  talk  12:26, 19 August 2007 (UTC)
 * By "the bridge diacritic" I assume you mean the symbol often used thus: . That symbol hasn't been deprecated in the IPA; only ligatures like have been. The "tie bar" symbol isn't used much for English, because  is mostly unambiguous without it (the difference between white shoes and why choose can be shown in transcription by separating the syllables with a period, or by separating the words with a space); and it's not used much here at Wikipedia because most people see IPA transcriptions in Arial Unicode, which has a bug in the "tie bar" symbol, making it appear in the wrong place. However, in other languages, using the "tie bar" is important: Polish, for example, has a contrast between the cluster  in trzy and the affricate  in czy. You're right that the stop portion of the English  affricate is not made in exactly the same place as the stop [t] in isolation, but it does fall within the range of the /t/ phoneme's allophonic variation. I think when I say white shoes the [t] of white is in pretty much exactly the same place as the stop portion of the affricate when I say why choose: the [t] assimilates in place to the following . As for Celtic, it wasn't a straightforward [k] that became [p], it was a labialized . Since that sound already has a labial component, it's not so far-fetched that it could change to [p] over time, especially since the Celtic languages had no native [p] at the time. Languages' phonologies like symmetry, and an asymmetric system like that of Proto-Celtic, which had a [b] and a  but no [p], was inherently unstable. —Angr 13:16, 19 August 2007 (UTC)

Different words are different syllables. A very brief pause is inserted between syllables. Plus, "white" is often pronounced using a "held T" or "glottal stop" rather than the Initial T. ANd even if you DO use an aspirated t, there will be a slight pause before "sh". Ticklewickleukulele (talk) 01:20, 7 February 2013 (UTC)

Tendency for some consonant clusters to appear more frequently?
I've been wondering this for a long time: why do "tr", "dr" appear a lot more often than "tl", "dl" in European languages that I've seen (Germanic and Romance mainly)? "tl" and "dl" appear mostly between syllable boundaries, and are rarely ever present in initial and final positions (excluding the syllable "l" right now), while "tr" and "dr" are common enough regardless of whether the "r" is an alveolar approximant, trill, or even an uvular fricative. Similarly, "sl" is more often than "sr", and "vr", "vl", "zr", "zl" are all quite rare (except for "vr" in French)? What quality governs the probability for a certain cluster to appear and to remain in a language?

Keith Galveston (talk) 07:09, 16 April 2008 (UTC)

Give transcription in examples
ALL of the examples in foreign (this is the English wikipedia, remember?) languages, currently do not provide transcription! While readers could be expected to know the consonant composition of a word in the language of the article this is definately not the case for other languages. As user Exit said, spelling is not phonetic transcription. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 78.130.134.65 (talk) 00:53, 4 August 2008 (UTC)
 * I think the transliteration of Georgian and spelling of Nuxálk and Slovak are close enough to being phonetic transcriptions that no additional transcription should be necessary. Transcription of the Japanese and Croatian could be advantageous, though. —Angr 05:16, 4 August 2008 (UTC)

Sound bites
This article could probably benefit from some sound bites, to show us how exactly things like "/ɡvbrdɣvnis/" sound when said properly. I just can't concieve this word as one syllable at all. - file lake shoe 17:05, 27 August 2009 (UTC)
 * Indeed. Recording or it didn't happen.  60.240.145.232 (talk) 08:32, 26 May 2010 (UTC)

Sound Shifts and Cluster Simplification
As a native speaker of American English, I'm painfully aware that our orthography usually doesn't correspond to the actual pronunciation of the word. It's with this in mind that I propose to modify or replace the sentence regarding "twelfths" and "bursts", as /twɛɫfs/ and /bɺs:/ seem to be more common than /twɛɫfθs/ and /bɺsts/, at least in my experience. It seems to me--again, just personal experience--that speakers are tending towards simplifying consonant clusters, especially in clusters involving /θ/. For example, I've heard (/pʰæðz/ or /pʰæθs/) turn into something like /pʰætʰ.s/ (/t/ distinct /s/);  becomes /t̪utʰ.s/ (same as before); becomes something like /wɵʊvz/ instead of /wʊɫvz/, and so on. I just think there should be a note about variant pronunciations that simplify consonant clusters, at least in English. Dargueta (talk) 00:02, 3 September 2009 (UTC)
 * If you have published sources, go right ahead. +Angr 11:48, 3 September 2009 (UTC)
 * How does The Cambridge History of the English Language look? Consonant Cluster Simplification Dargueta (talk) 07:03, 22 September 2009 (UTC)

Longer finnish
Unbeknownst to the writer the finnish word hamstrata - to hoard like a hamster breaks the 3 rule. so it is not so 4 is possible — Preceding unsigned comment added by 88.113.96.60 (talk) 22:17, 24 October 2011 (UTC)
 * The sentence says "natively". Hamstrata is clearly not a native Finnish word. Angr (talk) 17:54, 25 October 2011 (UTC)

On consonant clusters
Consonant clusters are two or more consonants that make one sound as in sh, th, tch, ph, etc. They differ from blends. In a blend such as spl, the sounds blend together but are distinctly separate as in s-p-l-i-t which has four distinct phonemes. In the word "w-i-tch" there are three separate phonemes because tch makes one sound. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 63.246.187.30 (talk) 01:28, 17 November 2011 (UTC)

Just for fun
Before making light of Georgian clusters, try beating the 12 consecutive consonants in this everyday sentence: "The rankled dirndls tsked strict schmucks" (only spoilsports pronounce "tsk" as ). Afasmit (talk) 23:21, 19 April 2013 (UTC)
 * But no one pronounces it /tsk/. The only choice besides /tɪsk/ is /k|/ (past tense /k|t/). Angr (talk) 11:47, 20 April 2013 (UTC)

Longest English initial consonant cluster?
In the section on English clusters, it says that a word can have at most 3 consonant phonemes in its initial cluster, however, doesn't the word "strain" have four ( /stʃɹeɪn/ )? Perhaps I have been saying it wrong, though. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 199.107.200.110 (talk) 21:45, 18 July 2013 (UTC)
 * The affricate /tʃ/ is considered a single consonant phoneme in English, not a sequence of two phonemes. Angr (talk) 10:15, 20 July 2013 (UTC)

Five-consonant codas in English
As far as I can tell, twelfths only has 4 consonant sounds in its coda. 166.137.244.62 (talk) 19:38, 29 May 2015 (UTC)
 * Yes, and Hampsthwaite isn't an example of a coda at all. I've fixed the text accordingly. —Largo Plazo (talk) 02:05, 30 May 2015 (UTC)

Armenian Schwa Insertion
Firstly, I am in no way an expert on language, let alone Armenian, of which I don't even know a word. However, I was curious about Armenian consonant clusters, and I found on Wiktionary that there didn't seem to be very many with more than about three consecutive consonants split between syllables (let alone in the same one). Then I came across an online book about the language. Starting on page 30, it mentions schwa insertion for consonant clusters of length greater than two (and sometimes even in those with two!). In fact, looking at the Armenian Wiktionary pages for the mentioned words (քրթմնջալ and խղճմտանք) yields a pronunciation with the schwas put in (look directly below the IPA pronunciation to see the word with (ը) inserted), and the English page for քրթմնջալ, (the other word doesn't have an English page) shows the schwas inserted in the IPA. I don't think that Armenian should be removed from the page per se, but instead listed as an example of orthography not matching pronunciation. Though that raises the question for someone who is an expert on Armenian: Are there examples of words which are pronounced with long consonant clusters? Also, I don't think that the Roman characters used to compose those are worth mentioning, because those digraphs are artificial, anyway (created by switching to an alphabet with fewer characters). This insertion is mentioned in the article on schwas, by the way. BlanketPI (talk) 23:05, 12 February 2016 (UTC)

“sightscreen”
The page says the “ts” in “sightscreen” is an affricate /t͡s/, the same as the “zz” in “pizza”. However, this is not true, and in reality, it is a sequence of /t/ and /s/ (sight·screen). English renders a the sequence /ts/ as /t͡s/ only when pluralizing a word ending with /t/, or in compound words containing pluralized words ending with /t/, as in “Pittsburgh”. 125.63.25.18 (talk) 03:42, 17 July 2017 (UTC)

 * Pittsburgh does not contain a pluralized word - it contains a possessive with no apostrophe. The "burgh" belonged to "Pitt".  That said, I don't believe there is any difference between the "ts" sound in any of the examples you gave. Kafetzou2 (talk) 22:31, 27 January 2023 (UTC)

3-consonant cluster for English that doesn't start with s
The article says currently that all such clusters begin with /s/ or /ʃ/, however there is at least one word that isn't like this: croissant /ˈkɹwɑːsɒ̃/ --138.246.2.200 (talk) 11:59, 22 December 2019 (UTC)
 * Do English speakers who haven't studied French pronounce it like that? Largoplazo (talk) 14:17, 22 December 2019 (UTC)
 * There are very many transcriptions in different dictionaries. In Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary the only pronunciation listed for the UK is /ˈkrwæsɒ̃/, for the US there are two options—/krwɑːˈsɑ̃ː/ and also /krəˈsɑːnt/. I don't know the actual real-life situation but I think it's a valid example still, it's a frequently used word--138.246.2.200 (talk) 23:47, 22 December 2019 (UTC)

title: Talk:Consonant cluster


text:
User:Daniel Strimpel

This is Daniel Strimpel's user page.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User:Daniel Strimpel


text:
Papadopoulos

Papadopoulos (Παπαδόπουλος, ; meaning "son of a priest") is the most common Greek surname. It is used in Greece, Cyprus and countries of the Greek diaspora as well, such as the USA, United Kingdom, Australia and Scandinavian countries. Its female version corresponds to the masculine genitive Papadopoulou (Παπαδοπούλου ).

Men

 * Antonios Papadopoulos (born 1999), German footballer of Greek descent
 * Avraam Papadopoulos (born 1984), Greek footballer
 * Daniil Papadopoulos (born 1963), Greek footballer
 * Dimitrios Papadopoulos (1950–2020), Greek footballer
 * Dimitrios Papadopoulos (born 1981), Greek footballer
 * Dimitris Papadopoulos (basketball player) (born 1966), Greek basketball player
 * Dimitrios Papadopoulos (general) (1889–1983), Greek general in World War II
 * Efthimios Papadopoulos (born 1983), Greek runner
 * Evgenios Papadopoulos, Greek sprinter
 * Georgios Papadopoulos (1919–1999), Greek military officer and dictator in 1967–1973
 * George Papadopoulos (born 1987), former policy adviser for the Donald Trump presidential campaign, 2016
 * Giannis Papadopoulos (footballer, born 1989), Greek footballer
 * Giannis Papadopoulos (footballer, born 1998), Greek footballer
 * Giorgos Papadopoulos (footballer, born 1991), Cypriot footballer
 * Giorgos Papadopoulos (singer) (born 1985), Cypriot singer
 * Giuseppe Papadopulo (born 1948), Italian football manager
 * Greg Papadopoulos (born 1958), American engineer, computer scientist, executive, and venture capitalist, former CTO of Sun Microsystems
 * Ioannis Papadopoulos (chess player) (born 1988), Greek chess player
 * Kyriakos Papadopoulos (born 1992), Greek footballer
 * Lazaros Papadopoulos (born 1980), Greek basketball player
 * Lefteris Papadopoulos (born 1935), Greek lyricist and journalist
 * Manolis Papadopoulos (born 1968), Greek footballer
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 * Nikolaos Papadopoulos, several people of that name
 * Panagiotis Papadopoulos, Greek wrestler
 * Panos Papadopulos (1920–2001), German actor of Pontic Greek origin
 * Panos Papadopoulos (born 1958), Greek-Swedish designer and entrepreneur
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 * Tassos Papadopoulos (1934–2008), 5th President of Cyprus in 2003–2008
 * Theologis Papadopoulos (born 1960), Greek footballer
 * Vitali Papadopulo (born 1963), Russian footballer and manager
 * Yiannis Papadopoulos (guitarist) (born 1984), Greek guitarist

Women

 * Irena Papadopoulos, Greek Cypriot academic
 * Stiliani Papadopoulou (born 1982), Greek hammer thrower
 * Linda Papadopoulos (born 1971), British-Canadian psychologist and media commentator

In fiction

 * Algernon Papadopoulos, a character in the video game Bully
 * Aristotle Papadopoulos, the main antagonist of the film The Hitman's Wife's Bodyguard.
 * Lester Papadopoulos, Apollo's human name in The Trials of Apollo by Rick Riordan

title: Papadopoulos


text:
Element 14 (company)

Element 14 Ltd was a British developer of digital subscriber line (DSL) equipment created in July 1999 from the disposal of the assets of Acorn Computers. As "a three-site startup", it combined teams from Acorn, Inmos/STMicroelectronics and Alcatel.

History
By January 1999, Acorn Computers Ltd. had renamed to Element 14 Limited to reflect the changed focus of the business and to distance itself from the education market that Acorn Computers was most known for. Other names had been considered by the company, but the domain name e-14.com had been registered before the official announcement.

During this time the ARM Holdings share value had increased to a point where the capital value of Acorn Group was worth less than the value of its 24% holding in ARM. This situation led shareholders to press Acorn to sell its stake in ARM Holdings to provide a return on their investment.

In May 1999, a deal was offered to Acorn Group plc shareholders by MSDW Investment Holdings Limited, a newly incorporated subsidiary of Morgan Stanley Dean Witter Group, in which the MSDW subsidiary would acquire Acorn by giving Acorn shareholders two ARM Holdings shares in exchange for every five Acorn Group shares being held.

As part of the disposal of Acorn's assets, an independent company "owned by Stan Boland and certain senior management" were granted the option to purchase Acorn's silicon and software design activity for £1 million subject to obtaining external financing. This company was effectively the independent Element 14 entity, which set about raising venture capital and subsequently secured £8.25 million in first-round funding from Bessemer Venture Partners, Atlas Ventures and Herman Hauser's Amadeus Capital Partners.

In February 2000, Element 14 successfully head-hunted Alcatel's top digital subscriber line (DSL) engineers, including designers of analogue front-end and digital ICs, xDSL modem software and specialists in asymmetric DSL (ADSL) and very high rate DSL (VDSL) systems, and thereby acquired an engineering centre in Mechelen, Belgium. This reflected a shift towards the companies targeting of the DSP technology away from Media and towards DSL markets.

Element 14 developed IPTV over standard phone lines and worked with telcos such as Canada's NBTel. It continued to develop its DSP products until it was purchased by Broadcom Corporation in November 2000 for £366 million and Element 14 became Broadcom's DSL business unit.

title: Element 14 (company)


text:
Talk:Robert Raikes

Untitled
Would someone rephrase this last sentence in the article: "He used the proceeds, among other things, to set up the first sunday school..." I find the clause "among other things" both (a)vague and (b)confusing. (a): Unless the "other things" can be specified (or hyperlinked-to!), the phrase is essentially useless -- it doesn't convey useful information. (b): the way this sentence is punctuated, it says that proceeds and things were used to set up the first sunday school. That seems to be an odd thing to state (what other things? tables and chairs?), so perhaps it was intended to say that proceeds were used to set up the first sunday school and other things. Which still leaves me curious as to what else the proceeds were used for.

Sorry I don't have sufficient knowledge about this topic to offer an article revision as to what it should say. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 152.16.9.110 (talk • contribs). This was added in 2004.

I am expanding today from google scholar and google book search results. Sources used include, and those sources cited as references. GRBerry 02:24, 27 June 2006 (UTC)

Raikes Mausoleum
A neglected monument in the classical style to Raikes the Kingston-on-Hull banker (see the disambiguation page) stands on Welton Wold, Yorkshire. A photo thereof is available via Google Maps. 210.50.143.21 (talk) 08:50, 22 March 2010 (UTC) Ian Ison

title: Talk:Robert Raikes


text: User talk:66.159.82.116

title: User talk:66.159.82.116


text:
William A. Mitchell

William A. Mitchell (October 21, 1911 – July 26, 2004) was an American food chemist who, while working for General Foods Corporation between 1941 and 1976, was the key inventor behind Pop Rocks, Tang, Cool Whip, and powdered egg whites. During his career he received over 70 patents.

Early life
He was born in Raymond, Minnesota. When he was a teenager, he ran the sugar crystallization tanks at the American Sugar Beet Company and slept two hours a night before getting to school. He earned an undergraduate degree at Cotner College in Lincoln, Nebraska and then graduated with a master's degree in chemistry from the University of Nebraska.

Career
Mitchell got a research job at an Agricultural Experiment Station in Lincoln, Nebraska. A lab accident there left him with second- and third-degree burns over most of his body. He joined General Foods in 1941. His first major success came with a tapioca substitute he helped develop during World War II, in response to the disruption of cassava supplies. Because of this, tapioca quickly became known as "Mitchell mud" within the US WW II infantry.

In 1957, he invented a powdered fruit-flavored vitamin-enhanced drink mix that became known as Tang Flavor Crystals. NASA started using Tang in 1962 in their space program.

In 1956, he tried to create instantly self-carbonating soda, which resulted in the creation of Pop Rocks. Although Pop Rocks weren't sold until 1975, he received patent 3,012,893 for its manufacturing process in 1961.

In 1967, he introduced Cool Whip, which became the largest and most profitable line in its division very quickly.

He received 70 patents in total during his career. Mitchell was a resident of Lincoln Park, New Jersey for many years before moving out west after his retirement in 1976.

Personal life
He was married to Ruth Cobbey Mitchell and they had seven children. His daughter, Cheryl Mitchell, also became a food scientist. He moved to Stockton after Ruth's death in 1999. Mitchell died of heart failure on July 26, 2004, at the age of 92 in Stockton, California, where he was living with his daughter.

title: William A. Mitchell


text:
Pierre Victor Auger

Pierre Victor Auger (14 May 1899 – 24 December 1993) was a French physicist, born in Paris. He worked in the fields of atomic physics, nuclear physics, and cosmic ray physics. He is famous for being one of the discoverers of the Auger effect, named after him.

Early life
Pierre's father was chemistry professor Victor Auger. Pierre Auger was a student at the École normale supérieure in Paris from 1919 to 1922, the year when he passed the agrégation of physics. He then joined the physical chemistry laboratory of the faculté des sciences of the University of Paris under the direction of Jean Perrin to work there on the photoelectric effect.

Career
In 1926, he obtained his doctorate in physics from the University of Paris. In 1927, he was named assistant to the faculté des sciences of Paris and, at the same time, adjoint chief of service to l'Institut de biologie physico-chimique. Chief of work to faculty in 1934 and general secretary of the annual tables of the constants in 1936, he was named university lecturer in physics to the faculty on the first of November 1937. He was charged with, until 1940, the course on the experimental bases of the quantum theory within the chair of theoretical physics and astrophysics. He was also adjoint director of the laboratory of physical chemistry. He then occupied the chair of quantum physics and relativity of the faculté des sciences of Paris.

At the end of World War II, he was named director of higher education from 1945 to 1948, which permitted him to introduce the first chair of genetics at the Sorbonne, conferred upon Boris Ephrussi.

The process where Auger electrons are emitted from atoms is used in Auger electron spectroscopy to study the elements on the surface of materials. This method was named after him, independently from Lise Meitner who discovered the process one year before in 1922, albeit in a different, and then controversial, context about the nature of the beta-rays versus Charles Drummond Ellis.

Findings
In his work with cosmic rays, he found that the cosmic radiation events were coincident in time meaning that they were associated with a single event, an air shower. He estimated that the energy of the incoming particle that creates large air showers must be at least 1015 electronvolts (eV) = 106 particles of 108 eV (critical energy in air) and a factor of ten for energy loss from traversing the atmosphere.

Honors and achievements

 * He was European Space Research Organisation (ESRO) first Director General and one of the forefathers for the CERN foundation.

 * He was president of the Centre international de calcul (Rome). From 1948 to 1959, he directed at UNESCO the department of mathematical and natural sciences.

 * He was elected a member of the Académie des sciences in 1977.
 * He hosted a broadcast of popularization of exacting science on Friday evenings on the public radio station France Culture from September 1969 to June 1986, entitled Les Grandes Avenues de la science moderne.

 * The world's largest cosmic ray detector, the Pierre Auger Observatory, is named after him.

title: Pierre Victor Auger


text:
Harold Pender Award

The Harold Pender Award, initiated in 1972 and named after founding Dean Harold Pender, is given by the Faculty of the School of Engineering and Applied Science of the University of Pennsylvania to an outstanding member of the engineering profession who has achieved distinction by significant contributions to society. The Pender Award is the School of Engineering's highest honor.

Past recipients

 * 2018: Yann LeCun, for his work in convolutional neural networks.
 * 2013: Barbara Liskov, for her work in programming languages, programming methodology and distributed systems.
 * 2010: Robert E. Kahn and Vinton G. Cerf, for their pioneering and seminal contributions to network-based information technology, and especially for the design and implementation of the TCP/IP protocol suite, which continues to provide the foundation for the growing Internet
 * 2006: Mildred Dresselhaus, for pioneering contributions and leadership in the field of carbon-based nanostructures and nanotechnology, and for promoting opportunities for women in science and engineering
 * 2003: Dennis Ritchie and Ken Thompson, for development of the UNIX operating system and C programming language
 * 2002: John J. Hopfield, for his pioneering accomplishments in the field of computational neuroscience and neuroengineering
 * 2000: Jack St. Clair Kilby, for his contribution to the invention of the integrated circuit, or microchip
 * 1999: John H. Holland, founder of genetic algorithms and innovative research in the science of complexity and adaptation
 * 1995: George Dantzig, developer of the simplex algorithm spawning the field of linear programming
 * 1993: Hiroshi Inose, leader in advances in digital communication and in increasing our understanding of the effects of information flow on society
 * 1991: Arno Penzias, discoverer of the background microwave blackbody radiation of the universe
 * 1990: Dana S. Scott, pioneer in application of concepts from logic and algebra to the development of mathematical semantics of programming languages
 * 1989: Leo Esaki, pioneer in tunneling phenomena in semiconductors and development of quantum well structures
 * 1988: John Bardeen, co-inventor of the transistor and contributor to the theory of superconductivity
 * 1987: Herbert A. Simon, contributor to cross-disciplinary work between computer science, psychology, economics, and management, including the development of artificial intelligence and cognitive science
 * 1986: Ronold W. P. King, leader in the development of electromagnetic antenna theory
 * 1985: Amnon Yariv, innovator in quantum electronics and integrated optics
 * 1984: Carver Mead and Lynn Conway, developers of CAD techniques for VLSI technology and authors of first VLSI textbook
 * 1983: John Backus, developer of speed-coding and FORTRAN
 * 1982: Maurice V. Wilkes, developer of world's second large-scale general-purpose electronic digital computer and author of first digital computer programmers textbook
 * 1981: Richard W. Hamming, father of algebraic coding theory
 * 1980: Robert N. Noyce, developer of the integrated circuit
 * 1979: Edwin H. Land, Inventor of instant photography
 * 1978: Claude E. Shannon, creator of quantitative Information theory
 * 1977: Jan A. Rajchman, electronic and computer research
 * 1976: Hyman G. Rickover, USN, father of the nuclear navy
 * 1975: Chauncey Starr, founder of the Electric Power Research Institute (EPRI)
 * 1974: Peter C. Goldmark, inventor of the 33-1/3 rpm long-playing record (among other things)
 * 1973: John Mauchly and J. Presper Eckert, inventors of ENIAC
 * 1972: Edward E. David Jr., science advisor to the President of the United States

title: Harold Pender Award


text:
User:Crystalllized

Rachel joined Wikipedia in 2004. It was a simpler time, when there was never any fear of people in her life finding out about her various fandom activities, the need for a career or even to make her own money was still years away, and she had, of course, never heard of Minecraft. Under her original username she edited in sporadic bursts over the course of a few years before vanishing to college in 2007, where she picked a new username: crystallized. Eventually, she did hear of Minecraft and games like it, and those wikis and others for video games and tropes alike drew her in. In 2014, roughly ten months shy of the tenth anniversary of her account, Rachel submitted a username change request (of course, such a simple single word was already in use, but luckily she was already using variations with three L's elsewhere) and decided to return to Wikipedia to do what she had been doing best on other wikis: editing, polishing, and cleanup. She wasn't, isn't, and probably won't be the most consistent of editors, but she certainly intends to do what she can.

--Crystalllized (talk) 19:00, 18 March 2014 (UTC)

title: User:Crystalllized


text:
Calo

Calo, Caló, or Calò may refer to:

 * Kaló, the language of the Iberian Romani
 * Iberian Kale (calé):
 * Romani people in Spain, more frequently called gitanos
 * Romani people in Portugal, more frequently called ciganos
 * Caló (Chicano), argot or slang of Mexican-American Spanish
 * CALO, the Cognitive Assistant that Learns and Organizes, a DARPA project
 * Calo (Roman fort), a Roman army encampment near Xanten.

People:
 * Calò (surname), an Italian surname
 * Caló (surname), a Spanish and Portuguese surname
 * Super Caló, stage name of Mexican professional wrestler Rafael García

Calo, Calones
 * Calones, military slaves of Ancient Rome

title: Calo


text: Category:1145 births

title: Category:1145 births


text:
User talk:Tusixoh

Hello and welcome to Wikipedia! Hope you like it here, and stick around.

Here are some tips to help you get started:

 * To sign your posts (on talk pages, for example) use the '~' symbol. To insert just your name, type ~~~ (3 tildes), or, to insert your name and timestamp, use ~~~~ (4 tildes).
 * Try the Tutorial, and feel free to experiment in the test area.
 * If you need help, post a question at the Help Desk
 * Eventually, you might want to read the Manual of Style and Policies and Guidelines.
 * Remember Neutral point of view
 * Explore, be bold in editing pages, and, most importantly, have fun!

Good luck!

[[User:Meelar|Meelar (talk)]] 21:20, Nov 30, 2004 (UTC)

title: User talk:Tusixoh


text:
Smith machine

The Smith machine is a weight machine used for weight training. It consists of a barbell that is fixed within steel rails allowing only vertical or near-vertical movement. Some Smith machines have the barbell counterbalanced. The machine can be used for a wide variety of exercises though it is most commonly used to perform "Smith machine squats".

Use as a self-spotting device
Behind each vertical post (runner) is a series of slots on which the barbell can be hooked. This means that unlike an ordinary barbell, the Smith machine need not be re-racked after a set of repetitions: it can be secured at any point. This is intended to make it safer for those who lift without a spotter, as one only needs to twist the wrist in order to lock the barbell in place in the event that the weight becomes too great. Most models also incorporate blocks, pegs, or other devices which can be adjusted to automatically stop the barbell at a predetermined minimum height.

This does not fully eliminate the inherent danger in having a heavy weight on one's back, however, and may instill a false sense of confidence. In 2001, a Smith machine user became quadriplegic when the apparatus crushed his spine. Bench pressing while alone is dangerous in general, but even more so in a Smith machine; if one gets trapped under the bar, it cannot be rolled or tipped sideways off one's chest or neck, which has led to at least one fatality.

Advantages and disadvantages
Use of the Smith machine is frowned upon by many strength training devotees as it forces the user to adopt an unnatural straight-up-and-down "bar path" which can put shear stress on the knees or back (if squatting) or shoulders (if pressing).

The constrained movement of the bar also reduces the role that stabilizing muscles play versus an exercise using free weights. This may allow heavier weights to be lifted, at the expense of engaging less muscle mass overall. It is also hard to keep an accurate training log because manufacturers do not usually indicate bar weights.

As with other exercise machines, the Smith machine is often preferred by casual or inexperienced strength trainees who do not know how to safely perform free weight exercises involving heavy weights. Many gyms cater to casual trainees and thus may provide Smith machines instead of power racks, which are a piece of equipment critical for safely performing squats and other barbell-based free weight exercises.

The Smith machine does have some advocates amongst experienced trainees, however. The "bar path" issue is minimized for exercises involving a short range of travel such as calf raises and shrugs. It is potentially good for performing exercise variations when progress has slowed using other exercise forms, although care must be taken to avoid joint stress issues. The removal of stabilizing muscles as a factor can also allow one to increase the intensity applied to primary muscles.

3D Smith machine
A conventional Smith machine has one degree of freedom – the bar can move up and down in a straight line along a vertical track. (Rolling the bar is also typically used to activate the safety locks.) Some variant designs allow an additional degree of freedom – forward and back – while still keeping the bar from rotating or moving side to side. These machines are sometimes called "3D Smith machines" or "Jones Smith machines".

A few designs, such as Shermworks' "Free Spotter" or TuffStuff's "XPT Training System", permit almost all degrees of freedom while still incorporating user-activated safety catches (as opposed to the passive, pre-set safeties of a power rack).

Origin and history
The Smith machine was invented by American Jack LaLanne, who rigged up a sliding apparatus in his gym in the 1950s. It was spotted by Rudy Smith, who commissioned Paul Martin to improve it. Smith then installed the modified model in a gym he was managing at the time, Vic Tanny's gym in Los Angeles. By the end of the 1950s, Rudy Smith was an executive in Tanny's chain of gyms, and the Smith machine was being manufactured and sold more widely.

Effectiveness
Research published in December 2009 reported that free weights triggered 43% more activation of the muscles than a Smith machine when performing squats.

title: Smith machine


text:
User:Zoohouse

Basic Information

 * Name: Joel M.
 * Location: Miami, FL USA
 * Photograpghy: http://www.flickr.com/photos/joelmontes

Wikipedia

 * 1) United States Flag Code
 * 2) Monofilament line
 * 3) Borg scout ship
 * 4) National Business Aviation Association
 * 5) Dura lube
 * 6) Deering Harvester Company
 * 7) Gaging Station
 * 8) Florida Registry of Interpreters for the Deaf
 * 9) Black Point Marina 2010-07-26

Own Work
Photographer's other work: http://www.flickr.com/photos/joelmontes

Images Edited
NOTE: I make too many edits to list them all here. Take a look at my contribution page.

Sub Pages

 * Resources for Research
 * Sources and Notes
 * Work Space

Useful WP Refrances

 * Manual of Style

title: User:Zoohouse


text:
User talk:Nparikh

Hello and welcome to Wikipedia! Hope you like it here, and stick around.

Here are some tips to help you get started:

 * To sign your posts (on talk pages, for example) use the '~' symbol. To insert just your name, type ~~~ (3 tildes), or, to insert your name and timestamp, use ~~~~ (4 tildes).
 * Try the Tutorial, and feel free to experiment in the test area.
 * If you need help, post a question at the Help Desk
 * Eventually, you might want to read the Manual of Style and Policies and Guidelines.
 * Remember Neutral point of view
 * Explore, be bold in editing pages, and, most importantly, have fun!

Good luck!

[[User:Meelar|Meelar (talk)]] 21:24, Nov 30, 2004 (UTC)

Image copyright problem with Image:PennArms.png
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title: User talk:Nparikh


text:
PanzerBlitz

PanzerBlitz is a tactical-scale board wargame published by Avalon Hill in 1970 that simulates armored combat set on the Eastern Front of World War II. The game, which was the most popular board wargame of the 1970s, is notable for being the first true board-based tactical-level, commercially available conflict simulation wargame. It also pioneered several concepts that would become industry standards.

Description
PanzerBlitz simulates clashes between Soviet and German forces at the level of company-sized infantry for Russian units, and platoon-sized infantry for German units, as well as individual mechanized or motorized vehicles. This scale of simulation was new to wargaming, since previous wargames had focused on larger units such as brigades, regiments, and divisions.

Much of the strategy in PanzerBlitz derives from the rule allowing units to shoot or move, but not both, in a single turn. Additionally, the difficulty of outright destruction of units encourages players to use combined arms rather than a simple concentration of one unit type to defeat the opponent.

The game includes technical information on the weight, speed, gun size, and crew complement of every major tank used on the Russian front. Additionally the battles - which were tactical fights - featured the detailed organizations of fairly small units, all the way from mortar teams to the trucks and wagons needed to give the units strategic flexibility. Much of this information had never been published before, outside of Army field manuals and partially classified intelligence reports.

It also pioneered concepts such as isomorphic mapboards and open-ended design, in which multiple unit counters are provided from which players can fashion their own free-form combat situations rather than simply replaying the published scenarios.

Scale
The game board hexes represent 250 meters, a turn is 6 minutes, the playing pieces represent companies and platoons.

Innovative features
PanzerBlitz introduced a number of innovations to board wargames:

 * 1) Geomorphic mapboards which can be arranged in various combinations to create different battlefields.  This became a hallmark of Avalon Hill tactical games such as Squad Leader. Panzer Leader includes a beach board for invasion scenarios, while The Arab-Israeli Wars includes a canal board to represent the Suez Canal. From the release of PanzerBlitz onward, wargamers started to call any modular game mapboard "geomorphic", adding a new and peculiar meaning to that word.
 * 2) Armor units are represented by vehicle silhouettes rather than standard military symbols, making the game a departure from other operational level games as well as being reminiscent of miniatures games. Combined with bookcase-style packaging, it advanced Avalon Hill's reputation for physical quality.
 * 3) The game is not limited to the 12 scenarios provided with it, but includes instructions for making a Design-Your-Own (DYO) scenario, or "Situation 13".  The Designer's Notes shows players how many counters it will take to make up a complete Soviet Tank Corps, though this would require purchasing additional counter sets from Avalon Hill. (Players were advised against such extravagance, however, and urged to keep "counter density" low.) This open-ended approach made PanzerBlitz a highly replayable game system, a feature widely emulated by subsequent games.
 * 4) The wealth of technical detail was unprecedented, as was the detailed description of how this technical data was incorporated into the game.  The Designer's Notes state, "A glance at the PanzerBlitz game components gives you the impression that you can pick up a considerable amount of historical data by just studying the game, much less actually playing it ... Unfortunately, you cannot take this data, as modified in the game design, at face value.  Instead you must understand some of the decisions that were made about this game data before it was incorporated into the game."

Design philosophy
In spite of the heavy technical payload, the basic system is quite simple, an expression of Avalon Hill's design philosophy in that playability and design elegance were prized above exactitude. The game mechanics are abstract and aimed at giving a realistic "feel" for armored combat rather than a completely accurate simulation.

Simulation issues
Although the abstract simplicity of PanzerBlitz attracted a wide following, certain unrealistic aspects were heavily criticized.

 * Panzerbush: A tank that ends its movement in a wooded hex is invisible unless an enemy unit is directly adjacent to it, even though the tank may have moved to that position in full view of the enemy, and fired from that position as well. This ability of units to hop from one woods hex to another without being attacked was called "Panzerbush Syndrome", which became a scornful nickname for the game itself. The game provided a cumbersome optional rule to overcome this, but the later versions of the system (Panzer Leader and The Arab-Israeli Wars) provided much better solutions, such as the optional opportunity fire and more realistic rules for spotting and visibility. In addition in these later games systems, a hidden unit that fires on the enemy becomes visible and can be fired upon in return.
 * Truck burners: The game provides truck and wagon units to transport infantry and anti-tank guns. However, players used rule "loopholes" to develop other non-historical uses for trucks.:
 * Spotter: A tank parked in woods is invisible unless an enemy unit is adjacent to it. Nothing in the rules prevents a player from driving a truck into the woods and parking it adjacent to the tank, which removes the tank's invisibility, allowing the player owning the truck to fire with other units at the now-visible tank.
 * Roadblock: The rules do not allow for tanks to move into hexes already occupied by enemy units unless the enemy units are located on clear terrain, in which case, the tank can use the "overrrun" rule. However, because roads are not considered clear terrain, the overrun rule does not apply, allowing a truck to be parked on a road as a roadblock to stop enemy tanks.

Publication history
In 1969, Avalon Hill dominated the wargame market, producing on average, one game per year with well-produced but expensive components. At the new wargame publisher Poultron Press, co-founder Jim Dunnigan and his design team decided to go in the opposite direction, marketing a number of very cheaply made "Test Series" games to see if producing many games a year could also be a viable business model. These test games featured typewritten pages with hand-drawn maps and graphics and thin paper counter sheets, packaged in a plain manila envelope. Tactical Game 3, also titled Test Series Game 3, designed by Dunnigan, was sent to playtesters in 1969. Later the same year, a second printing was included as a free pull-out game in Issue 22 of Poultron Press's house magazine Strategy & Tactics, becoming the first tactical wargame in the history of modern board wargaming.

In 1970, Dunnigan sold the rights to Tactical Game 3 — retaining royalty rights — to Avalon Hill, who republished the game as PanzerBlitz, with professionally designed components and twelve combat scenarios.

From 1970 to 1980, PanzerBlitz was the top-selling board wargame in North America. Avalon Hill followed PanzerBlitz with two companion games: Panzer Leader, which focused on the Western Front; and The Arab-Israeli Wars, which covered the 1956, 1967 and 1973 wars in the Middle East. The numerical values used by counters in The Arab-Israeli Wars conformed to the same scales as the World War II sister games, so that players who wanted to create fanciful scenarios involving modern equipment facing World War II equipment could do so while maintaining the internal consistency and realism of the game system.

Multi-Man Publishing acquired the rights to the game, and released PanzerBlitz: Hill of Death in 2009.

Unofficial sequels
PanzerBlitz designer Jim Dunnigan created several PanzerBlitz-style games for his own company (which had evolved from Poultron Press to Simulations Publications Inc.): Combat Command, Panzer '44, and MechWar '77. However, as critic Heinz von Sieben noted, "The major disappointment with PanzerBlitz was the sequential nature of the mechanism, and Dunnigan’s mechanism of simultaneous movement for subsequent tactical games such as KampfPanzer and Desert War solved one problem, only to introduce a different problem of playability and bookkeeping."

Reception
In Issue 5 of the UK magazine Games & Puzzles, (September 1972), game designer Don Turnbull commented, "PanzerBlitz is the game which I would isolate as a personal favourite and one which is most suitable for a newcomer to the hobby." Turnbull noted that the game "has variety, flexibility, realism, playability and considerable entertainment value." After a lengthy examination of the game mechanics, Turnbull concluded, "I recommend PanzerBlitz highly to anyone aspiring to become a board wargamer. [...] This game probably represents the best combination of the features of board wargaming." Several issues later, Turnbull added, "At the risk of repeating myself, one of the most flexible and enjoyable games currently available."

In A Player's Guide to Table Games, John Jackson noted the "Panzerbush syndrome", pointing out that "units skulk from woods hex to woods hex, from ravine to protecting slope, without incurring the enemy fire which, in reality, they would have drawn when they exposed themselves on open ground." However, Jackson concluded, "PanzerBlitz is complex; it's got a lot of rules and is definitely not the first wargame a novice should tackle. But it's challenging and a whole lot of fun, and that's what games are all about, isn't it?"

In his 1977 book The Comprehensive Guide to Board Wargaming, Nicholas Palmer called it "Perhaps the most frequently played wargame ever produced." He noted PanzerBlitz was "the first to bring a wealth of tactical detail to the Second World War East Front, and met a delighted reception from the hobby when it came out in 1970." Palmer highlighted some frailties of the aging game design, particularly "somewhat unbalanced scenarios and the 'Panzerbush' syndrome, in which units popping from wood to wood cannot be attacked by non-adjacent units, which is a flaw in realism." He concluded on an upbeat note, saying, "Exciting, high skill level, very complex."

Games magazine included PanzerBlitz in their "Top 100 Games of 1980", saying, "Simulating World War Il combat between small units of Germans and Russians, this is the best-selling wargame ever published. Its popular features include a nifty mapboard that fits together in 12 different configurations, and rules that allow players to invent battle situations beyond the 12 provided."

In the 1980 book The Complete Book of Wargames, game designer Jon Freeman called PanzerBlitz "a watershed design. It was the first to simulate World War II events at the tactical level, the first to treat the differences between armor and infantry as more than a distinction in attack or movement factors, and the first to develop a real sequence of play, with different events occurring at different stages." He called it "an enormously important game — really the first to break out of the 'classic' Avalon Hill mode." In addition to its historical significance in the hobby, Freeman also noted that "It is also a very good game that is fluid in play, exciting, and colorful." He did admit there were problems with the spotting rules that allowed units "to skulk from woods without being fired on — a pattern known as the 'panzerbush syndrome'", as well as with the effectiveness of indirect high explosive artillery. Despite these issues, he gave the game an Overall Evaluation of "Very Good".

By August 1996, a quarter century after its publication, PanzerBlitz had sold 275,000 copies. Computer Gaming World columnist Terry Coleman claimed that these figures made it the second-best-selling board wargame ever, behind Axis & Allies. In his 2000 book Wargames Handbook: How to Play and Design Commercial and Professional Wargames, PanzerBlitz designer Jim Dunnigan stated that the game had sold the "extraordinary sales figure" of 320,000 units over 25 years, making it the most successful board wargame in the history of the hobby.

In a retrospective review in Issue 28 of Simulacrum, Heinz von Sieben commented, "The abstract simplicity of PanzerBlitz combined with its elegant physical presentation and its release at a most opportune moment in the growth of interest in board wargames attracted a wide following. Quite simply, PanzerBlitz was incredibly popular when it first came out, a fact which encouraged the development of other tactical games and ultimately led to the most successful of the tactical systems, Squad Leader and Advanced Squad Leader."

SimCity designer Will Wright cited PanzerBlitz as one of his influences in designing his later works.

Other reviews and commentary

 * Casus Belli #12 (Dec 1982)
 * Moves #50, p23
 * The Playboy Winner's Guide to Board Games

title: PanzerBlitz


text:
Lift jet

A lift jet is a lightweight jet engine installed only for upward thrust.

An early experimental program using lift engines was the Rolls-Royce Thrust Measuring Rig (TMR), nicknamed the "Flying Bedstead", first run in 1955.

In the early 1960s both the Soviet Union and Western nations considered lift engines to provide STOL or even VTOL capability to combat aircraft. The Soviet Union did concurrent testing of versions of combat aircraft using variable geometry wings or lift jets but ruled out lift jets. Problems associated with lift engines include high fuel consumption, extra weight (which is simply dead weight when the engines are not needed for lift), and taking up fuselage volume that could be used for fuel or other systems. It was decided that variable-geometry wings provided comparable advantages in take-off performance without as many penalties and the Mikoyan MiG-23 and Sukhoi Su-24 entered service.

An operational military aircraft which used lift engines was the Soviet Yakovlev Yak-38, a VTOL fighter used by the AVMF's small aircraft carriers, which were not large enough to support conventional fixed-wing aircraft.

An alternative to the lift jet for vertical thrust is the lift fan used on the STOVL Lockheed F-35B version of the U.S. Joint Strike Fighter.

title: Lift jet


text:
Communist Party of Indonesia

The Communist Party of Indonesia (Indonesian: Partai Komunis Indonesia, PKI) was a communist party in the Dutch East Indies and later Indonesia. It was the largest non-ruling communist party in the world before its violent disbandment in 1965. The party had two million members in the 1955 elections, with 16 percent of the national vote and almost 30 percent of the vote in East Java. During most of the period immediately following the Indonesian Independence until the eradication of the PKI in 1965, it was a legal party operating openly in the country. After 1965, the party has since been declared as illegal and its activities are considered treason and terrorist by the Indonesian government.

Forerunners
The Indies Social Democratic Association (Dutch: Indische Sociaal-Democratische Vereeniging, ISDV) was founded in 1914 by Dutch socialist Henk Sneevliet and another Indies socialist. The 85-member ISDV was a merger of the two Dutch socialist parties (the SDAP and the Socialist Party of the Netherlands), which would become the Communist Party of the Netherlands with Dutch East Indies leadership. The Dutch members of the ISDV introduced communist ideas to educated Indonesians looking for ways to oppose colonial rule.

The ISDV began a Dutch-language publication, Het Vrije Woord (The Free Word, edited by Adolf Baars), in October 1915. It did not demand independence when the ISDV was formed. At this point, the association had about 100 members; only three were Indonesians, and it rapidly took a radically anti-capitalist direction. When Sneevliet moved ISDV's headquarters from Surabaya to Semarang, the ISDV began attracting many Indonesians from like-minded movements which had been growing throughout the Dutch Indies since 1900. The ISDV became increasingly incompatible with the SDAP leadership in the Netherlands, who distanced themselves from the association and began to equate them with Volksraad (People's Council). A reformist faction of the ISDV broke away and formed the Indies Social Democratic Party in 1917. The ISDV began Soeara Merdeka (The Voice of Freedom), its first Indonesian-language publication, that year.

Later on, ISDV saw the events of the October Revolution in Russia as an inspiration for a similar uprising in Indonesia. The organization gained momentum among Dutch settlers in the archipelago. Red Guards were formed, numbering 3,000 within three months. In late 1917, soldiers and sailors at the Surabaya naval base revolted and established soviets. Colonial authorities suppressed the Surabaya soviets and the ISDV, whose Dutch leaders (including Sneevliet) were deported to the Netherlands.

Around the same time, ISDV and communist sympathizers began infiltrating other political groups in the East Indies in a tactic known as the "block within" strategy. The most apparent effect was the infiltration committed on a nationalist-religious organization Sarekat Islam (Islamic Union) which advocated a pan-islam stance and freedom from colonial rule. Many members including Semaun and Darsono were successfully influenced by radical leftist ideas. As a result, communist thoughts and ISDV agents were successfully planted in the largest Islamic organization in Indonesia. After the involuntary departure of several Dutch cadres, combined with the infiltration operations, the membership shifted from majority-Dutch to majority-Indonesian.

Establishment
At its 23 May 1920 congress in Semarang, the ISDV changed its name to Perserikatan Komunis di Hindia (PKH; the Communist Union of the Indies). Semaun became party chairman, and Darsono the vice-chairman. Its highest committee members were predominantly Dutch.

During this time, communist sympathizers were still considered part of Sarekat Islam itself. In the period leading up to the Sarekat Islam's sixth congress in 1921, members affiliated with the central branch in Batavia decided to attempt to purge the organization of its communist members. Agus Salim, the organization's secretary, introduced a motion banning Sarekat Islam members from dual membership in other parties. The motion passed despite opposition from Tan Malaka and Semaun, forcing the communists to change tactics. The Dutch colonial authorities introduced more restrictions on political activity and Sarekat Islam decided to focus on religious matters, leaving the communists as the only active extremist organization.

In 1922, whilst Semaun was attending Far Eastern Labour Conference in Moscow, Tan Malaka tried to turn a strike by government pawnshop workers into a national strike by all Indonesian labor unions. The plot failed and Malaka was arrested, given a choice between internal or external exile; he chose the latter and left for the Soviet Union. In May, Semaun returned after seven months in the Soviet Union and began to organize the labor unions into a single organization. In September, the Union of Indonesian Labour Organizations (Persatuan Vakbonded Hindia) was formed.

At the fifth Comintern congress in 1924, it was emphasized that "the top priority of communist parties is to gain control of trades unions"; there could be no successful revolution without this. The PKH began to concentrate on unions, decided to improve discipline, and demanded the establishment of a Soviet Republic of Indonesia. The party name was changed again that year, to Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI, Communist Party of Indonesia).

Planning
In a May 1925 plenary session, the Comintern executive committee ordered the Indonesian communists to form an anti-imperialist coalition with non-communist, nationalist organizations; extremist elements led by Alimin and Musso called for a revolution to overthrow the Dutch colonial government. At a conference in Prambanan, Central Java, communist-controlled trade unions decided that the revolution would start with a strike by railroad workers which would then trigger a general strike; after that, the PKI would replace the colonial government.

The planned revolution would begin in Padang, but a government-security clampdown at the beginning of 1926 which ended the right to assembly and led to the arrest of PKI members forced the party to go deeper underground. Dissention among PKI leaders about the timing and course of the revolution resulted in poor planning. Tan Malaka, the Comintern's agent for Southeast Asia and Australia, did not agree with the plot (partly because he believed that the PKI had insufficient mass support). As a result of these divisions, the revolution was postponed in June 1926.

Revolt
However, a limited revolt in Batavia (as Jakarta was then known) began out on 12 November; similar revolts took place in Padang, Bantam and Surabaya. The Batavia revolt was crushed in a day or two, and the others were quashed in a few weeks.

Aftermath
As a result of the failed revolution, 13,000 people were arrested, 4,500 imprisoned, 1,308 interned, and 823 exiled to the Boven-Digoel camp in the Digul region of Western New Guinea; several people died in captivity. Many non-communist political activists were also targeted by colonial authorities under the pretext of suppressing the communist rebellion, and the party was outlawed by the Dutch East Indies government in 1927. The PKI went underground, and Dutch (and, later, Japanese) surveillance ensured that it was never a disciplined or coherent organisation for the remainder of the pre-war period.

During the initial period of illegality, with much of its leadership imprisoned, the PKI kept a somewhat lower profile. Although PKI leader Musso returned from his Moscow exile in 1935 to reorganize the underground (or "illegal") PKI, his stay in Indonesia was brief. The party now worked on a variety of fronts, such as Gerindo and trade unions. It began working amongst Indonesian students in the Netherlands within the nationalist organization Perhimpunan Indonesia, which the party would soon control.

National revolution
The PKI re-emerged on the political scene after the 1945 surrender of Japan and actively participated in the Indonesian National Awakening; many armed units were under PKI control or influence. Although PKI militias played an important role in fighting the Dutch, President Sukarno was concerned that the party's growing influence would eventually threaten his position. Because the PKI's growth troubled the right-wing sectors of Indonesian society and some foreign powers (especially the vigorously anti-communist United States), its relationship with the other forces also fighting for independence was generally difficult.

The PKI and the Socialist Party (Partai Sosialis) formed a joint front, the People's Democratic Front, in February 1948. Although the front did not last, the Socialist Party later merged with the PKI; by this time, the Pesindo militias were under PKI control.

Madiun affair
On 11 August 1948, Musso returned to Jakarta after twelve years in the Soviet Union. The PKI politburo was reconstructed, and included D. N. Aidit, M. H. Lukman and Njoto. After signing the Renville Agreement in 1948, many of the republican armed units returned from zones of conflict; this gave the Indonesian republicans some confidence that they would be able to counter the PKI militarily. Guerrilla units and militias under PKI influence were ordered to disband. In Madiun, a group of PKI military which refused to disarm were countered in September of that year; the confrontations sparked a violent uprising, which provided a pretext to clamp down on the PKI. It was claimed by army sources that the PKI had announced the proclamation of a Soviet Republic of Indonesia on 18 September, with Musso as president and Amir Sjarifuddin as prime minister. At the same time, however, the PKI had denounced the uprising and appealed for calm. The uprising was suppressed by republican troops, and the party experienced another period of repression. On 30 September, Madiun was taken over by republican troops of the Siliwangi Division. Thousands of party members were killed, and 36,000 were imprisoned. Amongst the executed were several leaders, including Musso (who was killed on 31 October, allegedly while trying to escape from prison). Although Aidit and Lukman went into exile in China, the PKI was not banned and continued to function; its reconstruction began in 1949.

Publishing
During the 1950s, the party began publishing again; its main publications were Harian Rakyat and Bintang Merah, as well as quarterly journal PKI dan Perwakilan.

National Unity Front
In January 1951, during the meeting of the Central Committee, D. N. Aidit was chosen General Secretary. Under Aidit, the PKI grew rapidly—from 3,000–5,000 in 1950 to 165,000 in 1954 and 1.5 million in 1959. The PKI led a series of militant strikes in August 1951 which were followed by clamp-downs in Medan and Jakarta, and the party leadership briefly went underground.

Consultative Body of Political Parties
Also under Aidit, the PKI began to consider the possibility of cooperation with the Indonesian National Party (PNI) to overthrow the Masyumi-led cabinet of Mohammad Natsir.

1955 legislative election
The PKI favoured Sukarno's plans for Guided Democracy before the 1955 election, and actively supported him.

The party finished fourth in the election, with 16 percent of the vote and nearly two million members. It won 39 seats (out of 257), and 80 out of 514 in the Constituent Assembly. Almost 30 percent of the votes in East Java were cast for the PKI.

Struggle against capitalism
Opposition to continued Dutch control of Irian Jaya was often raised by the party during the decade, and the PKI office in Jakarta experienced a grenade attack in July 1957. The party made advances in municipal elections that month, and in September the Islamist Masyumi Party demanded that the PKI be banned.

On 3 December, trade unions largely under PKI control began seizing Dutch-owned companies. These seizures paved the way for the nationalization of foreign-owned businesses. The struggle against foreign capitalism gave the PKI an opportunity to profile itself as a national party.

By the mid 1950s, the PKI had a reputation of being one of the least corrupt parties in Indonesia. Officials in the U.S. were becoming concerned that it might be difficult to defeat the PKI in elections, as they were well organized and spoke to the needs of the people. Said Richard Nixon, vice president at the time: "a democratic government was [probably] not the best kind for Indonesia."

PRRI rebellion
A coup attempt was made by pro-U.S. forces in the military and the political right wing in February 1958. The rebels, based in Sumatra and Sulawesi, proclaimed a Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia (Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia) on 15 February. The revolutionary government immediately began arresting thousands of PKI members in areas under their control, and the party supported Sukarno's efforts to quell the rebellion (including the introduction of martial law). The rebellion was eventually defeated.

Nasakom
In August 1959 there was an attempt on behalf of the military to prevent the PKI's party congress. The congress was held as scheduled, however, and was addressed by Sukarno. In 1960, Sukarno introduced "Nasakom": an abbreviation of nasionalisme (nationalism), agama (religion) and komunisme (communism). The PKI's role as a junior partner in the Sukarno policy was institutionalized; the PKI welcomed Nasakom, seeing it as a multi-class united front.

Guided democracy
Although the PKI supported Sukarno, it retained its political autonomy; in March 1960, the party denounced the president's undemocratic handling of the budget. On 8 July of that year, Harian Rakyat carried an article critical of the government. The PKI leadership was arrested by the army, but was later released in accordance with Sukarno's orders. When an independent Malaysia was conceived, it was rejected by the PKI and the Malayan Communist Party.

With growing popular support and a membership of about three million by 1965, the PKI was the strongest communist party outside China and the republics of the Soviet Union. The party had a firm base in mass organizations such as the Central All-Indonesian Workers Organization (Sentral Organisasi Buruh Seluruh Indonesia), People's Youth (Pemuda Rakjat), the Indonesian Women's Movement (Gerakan Wanita Indonesia), the Peasants Front of Indonesia (Barisan Tani Indonesia), the Institute of People's Culture (Lembaga Kebudajaan Rakjat) and the Association of Indonesian Scholars (Himpunan Sardjana Indonesia). At its peak, the total membership of the party and its front organizations was claimed to be one-fifth of the Indonesian population.

In March 1962, the PKI joined the government; party leaders Aidit and Njoto were appointed advisory ministers. The following month, the PKI held its party congress. In 1963, the governments of Malaysia, Indonesia and Philippines discussed territorial disputes and the possibility of a Maphilindo confederation (an idea introduced by Philippine president Diosdado Macapagal. The PKI rejected Maphilindo; party militants entered Malaysian Borneo, fighting the British, Malaysian, Australian, and New Zealand forces there. Although some groups reached the Malay Peninsula, planning to join the struggle there, most were captured on arrival. Most PKI combat units were active in the border regions of Borneo.

In January 1964, the PKI began confiscating British property owned by British companies in Indonesia. During the mid-1960s, the United States Department of State estimated party membership at about two million (3.8 percent of Indonesia's working-age population).

Sukarno's balancing act with the PKI, the military, nationalist factions, and Islamic groups was threatened by the party's rise. The growing influence of the PKI concerned the United States and other anti-communist Western powers. The political and economic situation had become more volatile; annual inflation reached over 600 percent, and living conditions for Indonesians worsened.

In December 1964, Chairul Saleh of the Murba Party (formed by former PKI leader Tan Malaka) claimed that the PKI was preparing a coup. The PKI demanded a ban on the Murba Party, which was imposed by Sukarno in early 1965. In the context of Konfrontasi with Malaysia, the PKI called for arming the people. Large sectors of the army were opposed to this, and Sukarno remained officially noncommittal. In July, about 2,000 PKI members began military training near Halim Air Force Base; the concept of arming the people had won support among the Air Force and the Navy. On 8 September, PKI demonstrators began a two-day siege of the U.S. consulate in Surabaya. Aidit addressed a PKI rally on 14 September, urging members to be alert for things to come. On 30 September, Pemuda Rakyat and Gerwani (both PKI-associated organizations) held a mass rally in Jakarta to protest the inflation crisis.

30 September movement
During the night of 30 September and 1 October 1965, six of Indonesia's top army generals were killed and their bodies thrown down a well. The generals' killers announced the following morning that a new Revolutionary Council had seized power, calling themselves the "30 September Movement" ("G30S"). With much of the army's top leadership dead or missing, General Suharto took control of the army and put down the abortive coup by 2 October. The army quickly blamed the coup attempt on the PKI, and began an Indonesia-wide anti-Communist propaganda campaign. Evidence linking the PKI to the generals' assassinations is inconclusive, leading to speculation that their involvement was very limited or that Suharto organised the events (in whole or in part) and scapegoated the communists. In the ensuing violent anti-communist purge, an estimated 500,000 communists (real and suspected) were killed and the PKI effectively eliminated. General Suharto outmaneuvered Sukarno politically and was appointed president in 1968, consolidating his influence on the military and government.

On 2 October, the Halim base was recaptured by the army. Although Harian Rakyat carried an article in support of the G30S coup, the official PKI line at the time was that the attempted coup was an internal affair within the armed forces. On 6 October, Sukarno's cabinet held its first meeting since 30 September; the PKI minister Njoto was in attendance. A resolution denouncing G30S was passed, and Njoto was arrested immediately after the meeting.

A mass demonstration was held in Jakarta two days later demanding a ban on the PKI, and the party's main office was burned down. On 13 October, Ansor Youth Movement (the youth wing of Nahdlatul Ulama) held anti-PKI rallies across Java. Five days later, Ansor killed about a hundred PKI members.

Mass killings
Between 100,000 and two million Indonesians were killed in the mass killings that followed. The victims included non-Communists who were slain because of mistaken identity or guilt by association. Although a lack of information makes it impossible to pinpoint an exact casualty figure, many scholars today suggest that the figure is at least 500,000. According to a CIA study of the events in Indonesia, "In terms of the numbers killed the anti-PKI massacres in Indonesia rank as one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century".

The United States played a significant role in the killings, supplying economic, technical and military aid to the Indonesian military when the killings began and providing "kill lists" (via the U.S. embassy in Jakarta) with the names of thousands of suspected high-ranking members of the PKI. A tribunal held in the Hague in 2016 concluded the massacres were crimes against humanity, and the U.S. backed the Indonesian military "knowing well that they were embarked upon a programme of mass killings". Declassified U.S. diplomatic cables released in 2017 corroborate this. According to UCLA historian Geoffrey B. Robinson, the Indonesian army's campaign of mass killings would not have occurred without the support of the U.S. and other powerful Western governments. Documentary filmmaker Joshua Oppenheimer, director of The Act of Killing and The Look of Silence, said:

"We know that U.S. embassy officials were compiling lists of thousands of names of public figures in Indonesia and handing these to the army and saying, 'Kill everybody on these lists and check off the names as you go, and give the lists back to us when you’re done'."

Time magazine presented the following account on 17 December 1965: Communists, red sympathizers and their families are being massacred by the thousands. Backlands army units are reported to have executed thousands of communists after interrogation in remote jails. Armed with wide-bladed knives called parangs, Moslem bands crept at night into the homes of communists, killing entire families and burying their bodies in shallow graves.

The murder campaign became so brazen in parts of rural East Java, that Moslem bands placed the heads of victims on poles and paraded them through villages. The killings have been on such a scale that the disposal of the corpses has created a serious sanitation problem in East Java and Northern Sumatra where the humid air bears the reek of decaying flesh. Travelers from those areas tell of small rivers and streams that have been literally clogged with bodies.

Although the motive for the killings seemed political, some scholars argue that the events were caused by panic and political uncertainty. Part of the anti-Communist force responsible for the massacres consisted of members of the criminal underworld who were given permission to engage in acts of violence.

Among the worst-affected areas was the island of Bali, where the PKI had grown rapidly before the crackdown. On 11 November, clashes erupted between the PKI and the Indonesian National Party which ended in the massacre of suspected PKI members and sympathizers. Bali was the only place in the country where local soldiers intervened to lessen the slaughter.

On 22 November, Aidit was captured and killed. The military announced that Aceh had been cleared of communists in December, and special military courts were set up to try jailed PKI members. The party was banned by Suharto on 12 March, and the pro-PKI Central All-Indonesian Workers Organization was banned in April. Some of the events were fictionalized in the 1982 film, The Year of Living Dangerously.

After 1965
After initial sporadic resistance, the PKI was paralyzed after the 1965–1966 killings. The party's leadership was crippled at all levels, leaving many of its former supporters and sympathizers disillusioned, leaderless and disorganized. The remnants of the party politburo issued a September 1966 statement of self-criticism, criticizing the party's previous cooperation with the Sukarno regime. After Aidit and Njoto were killed, Sudisman (the fourth-ranking PKI leader before October 1963) took over the party's leadership. He attempted to rebuild the party on a base of interlocking groups of three members but made little progress before he was captured in December 1966 and sentenced to death in 1967.

Some PKI members took refuge in an isolated region south of Blitar in East Java after the crackdown on the party. Among the leaders in Blitar were the Politburo member Rewang, the party theorist Oloan Hutapea and the East Java leader Ruslan Widjajasastra. Blitar was an underdeveloped area where the PKI had strong peasant support, and the military was unaware that the PKI had consolidated there. The PKI leaders were joined by Lieutenant Colonel Pratomo, the former commander of the Pandeglang military district in West Java, who helped provide military training for the local communists. Violence erupted in Blitar in March 1968, as local peasants attacked leaders and members of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in retaliation for the role it had played in anti-communist persecution; about 60 NU members were killed. According to Australian political scientist Harold Crouch, it was unlikely that the killings of NU members in Blitar had been ordered by the PKI leaders. The military became aware of the PKI enclave and crushed it by mid-1968.

Some party members were outside Indonesia at the time of the 30 September events; a sizeable delegation had traveled to the People's Republic of China to participate in the anniversary celebration of the Chinese Revolution. Others had left Indonesia to study in Eastern Europe, particularly Albania. Although the party apparatus continued to function in exile, it was largely isolated from political developments in Indonesia. In Java, some villages that were known refuges for members (or suspected sympathizers) were identified by authorities and closely watched for a long time.

, former PKI members remained blacklisted from many occupations (including government jobs). During his presidency, Abdurrahman Wahid invited PKI exiles to return to Indonesia in 1999 and proposed the removal of restrictions on the open discussion of communist ideology. In arguing for the removal of the ban, Wahid cited Indonesia's original 1945 constitution (which did not prohibit, or specifically mention, communism). Wahid's proposal was vigorously opposed by some sectors of Indonesian society, especially conservative Islamic groups. In an April 2000 protest, the Indonesian Islamic Front rallied ten thousand people in Jakarta against Wahid's proposal. The army did not immediately reject the proposal, promising a "comprehensive and meticulous study" of the idea.

title: Communist Party of Indonesia


text: User talk:68.189.124.92

title: User talk:68.189.124.92