text:
Janet Burston

Janet Elizabeth Burston (January 11, 1935 – March 3, 1998) was an American child actress who was the final leading lady in the Our Gang short subjects series, replacing Darla Hood in 1942.

Career
Burston began her film career in the Our Gang film All About Hash as a background child character in 1940 at age five. Burston stayed as a background character for two years before replacing Darla Hood as leading lady in 1941. She stayed with the gang until the end of the series in 1944. She appeared in a few outside films, including Blondie Goes Latin (1941) and Ginger (1946).

Burston left show business in 1964. After her retirement from acting, she kept a low profile and attended few Our Gang reunions.

Personal life
Janet Burston was the daughter of Lester F. Burston of Oakland, California. She married four times. Burston died in her sleep on March 3, 1998. She was 63.

Our Gang filmography

 * 1) All About Hash (1940)
 * 2) Waldo's Last Stand (1940)
 * 3) Baby Blues (1941)
 * 4) Melodies Old and New (1942)
 * 5) Surprised Parties (1942)
 * 6) Doin' Their Bit (1942)
 * 7) Rover's Big Chance (1942)
 * 8) Benjamin Franklin, Jr. (1943)
 * 9) Family Troubles (1943)
 * 10) Calling All Kids (1943)
 * 11) Election Daze (1943)
 * 12) Little Miss Pinkerton (1943)
 * 13) Three Smart Guys (1943)
 * 14) Radio Bugs (1944)
 * 15) Tale of a Dog (1944)
 * 16) Dancing Romeo (1944)

title: Janet Burston


text:
Talk:Hydroinformatics

This initial article looks like it was taken directly from, as does the image. Euphoria 00:35, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)

copyright
The copyright holder of the externally linked text does permit to publish the material on wikipedia, please contact Serge@hydroinformatics.com for any questions

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Hydroinformatics


text:
Talk:James Rosenquist

Guggenheim retrospective
http://images.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://www.firstpulseprojects.net/bombproject/f-111.jpg&imgrefurl=http://www.firstpulseprojects.net/bombproject/f-111.html&h=513&w=713&sz=64&tbnid=LbEFgvKd5cQJ:&tbnh=99&tbnw=137&start=60&prev=/images%3Fq%3Df-111%26start%3D40%26hl%3Den%26lr%3D%26sa%3DN

 * I've added a link to an archive of this exhibition to the External links section. -- GentlemanGhost  (séance)  02:02, 2 May 2019 (UTC)

Last Nite art
Hi,

Please see the question at Talk:Last Nite. Thanks. --Amir E. Aharoni (talk) 15:22, 16 February 2009 (UTC)

External links modified
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He used to be cool.
😎 213.205.240.158 (talk) 09:31, 21 March 2022 (UTC)

🤮
No 213.205.240.158 (talk) 09:35, 21 March 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:James Rosenquist


text:
User talk:Ape~enwiki

Welcome!

Hello,, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! Please sign your name on talk pages using four tildes (~~); this will automatically produce your name and the date. If you need help, check out Where to ask a question, ask me on my talk page, or place  on your talk page and someone will show up shortly to answer your questions. Again, welcome! --Flockmeal 00:36, Dec 5, 2004 (UTC)
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Your account will be renamed
Hello,

The developer team at Wikimedia is making some changes to how accounts work, as part of our on-going efforts to provide new and better tools for our users like cross-wiki notifications. These changes will mean you have the same account name everywhere. This will let us give you new features that will help you edit and discuss better, and allow more flexible user permissions for tools. One of the side-effects of this is that user accounts will now have to be unique across all 900 Wikimedia wikis. See the announcement for more information.

Unfortunately, your account clashes with another account also called Ape. To make sure that both of you can use all Wikimedia projects in future, we have reserved the name Ape~enwiki that only you will have. If you like it, you don't have to do anything. If you do not like it, you can pick out a different name. If you think you might own all of the accounts with this name and this message is in error, please visit Special:MergeAccount to check and attach all of your accounts to prevent them from being renamed.

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Renamed
 This account has been renamed as part of single-user login finalisation. If you own this account you can |log in using your previous username and password for more information. If you do not like this account's new name, you can choose your own using this form after logging in: . -- Keegan (WMF) (talk) 10:34, 22 April 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:Ape~enwiki


text:
User talk:Verk

Welcome!

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Replaceable fair use Image:Low_pressure_near_Iceland,_2000.jpg
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title: User talk:Verk


text:
São João

São João, Portuguese for "Saint John", may refer to:

Architecture

 * Forte de São João (disambiguation)
 * Capela de São João Batista (Chapel of St. John the Baptist), Church of São Roque, Lisbon

Brazil

 * Barra de São João, Casimiro de Abreu, Rio de Janeiro
 * Cedro de São João, Sergipe
 * Mata de São João, Bahia
 * São João, Paraná
 * São João, Pernambuco
 * São João d'Aliança, Goiás
 * São João do Araguaia, Pará
 * São João do Arraial, Piauí
 * São João da Baliza, Roraima
 * São João da Barra, Rio de Janeiro
 * São João Batista, Maranhão
 * São João Batista, Santa Catarina
 * São João Batista do Glória, Minas Gerais
 * São João da Boa Vista, São Paulo
 * São João do Caiuá, Paraná
 * São João da Canabrava, Piauí
 * São João do Cariri, Paraíba
 * São João do Carú, Maranhão
 * São João das Duas Pontes, São Paulo
 * São João Evangelista, Minas Gerais
 * São João da Fronteira, Piauí
 * São João de Iracema, São Paulo
 * São João do Itaperiú, Santa Catarina
 * São João do Ivaí, Paraná
 * São João do Jaguaribe, Ceará
 * São João da Lagoa, Minas Gerais
 * São João do Manhuaçu, Minas Gerais
 * São João do Manteninha, Minas Gerais
 * São João da Mata, Minas Gerais
 * São João de Meriti, Rio de Janeiro
 * São João das Missões, Minas Gerais
 * São João Nepomuceno, Minas Gerais
 * São João do Oeste, Santa Catarina
 * São João do Oriente, Minas Gerais
 * São João do Pacuí, Minas Gerais
 * São João do Paraíso, Maranhão
 * São João do Paraíso, Minas Gerais
 * São João da Paraúna, Goiás
 * São João dos Patos, Maranhão
 * São João do Pau d'Alho, São Paulo
 * São João do Piauí, Piauí
 * São João de Pirabas, Pará
 * São João do Polêsine, Rio Grande do Sul
 * São João da Ponta, Pará
 * São João da Ponte, Minas Gerais
 * São João do Rio do Peixe, Minas Gerais
 * São João do Sabugi, Paraíba
 * São João da Serra, Rio Grande do Norte
 * São João do Soter, Maranhão
 * São João do Sul, Santa Catarina
 * São João do Tigre, Paraíba
 * São João do Triunfo, Paraíba
 * São João da Urtiga, Rio Grande do Sul
 * São João da Varjota, Piauí

China

 * São João Island, an island in the province of Guangdong

Portugal

 * São João (Abrantes), a parish in the municipality of Abrantes
 * São João (Lisbon), a parish in the municipality of Lisbon
 * São João (Ovar), a parish in the municipality of Ovar
 * São João da Boa Vista (Tábua), a civil parish in the municipality of Tábua
 * São João da Serra, a parish in the municipality of Oliveira de Frades
 * São João da Madeira, a municipality in the district of Aveiro
 * São João (Lajes do Pico), a civil parish in the municipality of Lajes do Pico, Pico, Azores

India

 * San João (Goa)

title: São João


text:
User talk:Sid007

Social! Great Web Links[edit]

Sid Shroff com Sid Shroff IL Contact Facebook Professional Link Hi.IM Chicago IL, Downers Grove, Illinois Social IL Shroff, Sid Shroff, Sid V Twitter --sid007 (talk) 04:58, 17 July 2013 (UTC) Welcome!

Hello,, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! Please sign your name on talk pages using four tildes (~~); this will automatically produce your name and the date. If you need help, check out Where to ask a question, ask me on my talk page, or place  on your talk page and someone will show up shortly to answer your questions. Again, welcome! --Flockmeal 00:36, Dec 5, 2004 (UTC)
 * The five pillars of Wikipedia
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My own talk page :P sid007 01:29, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Wikipedia Mailing List
The best place to generally talk to the Wikipedia community is the mailing list. --Flockmeal 04:43, Dec 8, 2004 (UTC)
 * Thanks for the insight sid007 08:22, 8 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Web template
I've replied at Talk:Web template. --David Iberri | Talk 18:54, Dec 8, 2004 (UTC)

Speedy deletion nomination of User:Sid007/Sid Shroff

A tag has been placed on User:Sid007/Sid Shroff requesting that it be speedily deleted from Wikipedia. This has been done under section U5 of the criteria for speedy deletion, because the page appears to consist of writings, information, discussions, and/or activities not closely related to Wikipedia's goals. Please note that Wikipedia is not a free web hosting service. Under the criteria for speedy deletion, such pages may be deleted at any time.

If you think this page should not be deleted for this reason, you may contest the nomination by visiting the page and clicking the button labelled "Contest this speedy deletion". This will give you the opportunity to explain why you believe the page should not be deleted. However, be aware that once a page is tagged for speedy deletion, it may be deleted without delay. Please do not remove the speedy deletion tag from the page yourself, but do not hesitate to add information in line with Wikipedia's policies and guidelines. If the page is deleted, and you wish to retrieve the deleted material for future reference or improvement, then please contact the, or if you have already done so, you can place a request here. MrLinkinPark333 (talk) 19:38, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

Mpendulo
Zulu 41.116.28.112 (talk) 17:06, 17 March 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:Sid007


text:
São João Batista

São João Batista or São João Baptista (Portuguese for Saint John the Baptist) may refer to the following places:

In Brazil

 * São João Batista, Maranhão
 * São João Batista, Santa Catarina
 * São João Batista do Glória, Minas Gerais

In Cape Verde

 * São João Baptista (Ribeira Grande de Santiago), a parish on the island of Santiago
 * São João Baptista (Boa Vista), a parish on the island of Boa Vista
 * São João Baptista (Santo Antão), a parish on the island of Santo Antão
 * São João Baptista (Brava), a parish on the island of Brava
 * São João Baptista (Santo Antão), a parish on the island of Santo Antão

In Benin

 * Ouidah, a city that includes Fort of São João Baptista de Ajudá, a tiny Portuguese enclave occupied by Benin in 1961.

In Portugal

 * São João Baptista (Beja), a former parish in the municipality of Beja
 * Santiago Maior - São João Baptista (Beja), a parish in the municipality of Beja since 2013
 * São João Baptista (Campo Maior), a parish in the municipality of Campo Maior
 * São João Baptista (Castelo de Vide), a parish in the municipality of Castelo de Vide
 * São João Baptista (Entroncamento), a parish in the municipality of Entroncamento
 * São João Baptista (Moura), a parish in the municipality of Moura
 * São João Baptista (Porto de Mós), a parish in the municipality of Porto de Mós
 * São João Baptista (Tomar), a parish in the municipality of Tomar
 * São João Baptista de Airão, a parish in the municipality of Guimarães

title: São João Batista


text:
Category:Nonce words

Articles related to nonce words, lexemes created for a single occasion to solve an immediate problem of communication.

title: Category:Nonce words


text: Category:Shields

title: Category:Shields


text:
São João (Lajes do Pico)

São João, named for John the Baptist (in Portuguese) is a civil parish in the municipality of Lajes do Pico in the Portuguese archipelago of the Azores. It is the only civil parish in the municipality with a border on the summit of Pico (2,351 meters). The population in 2011 was 423, in an area of 32.94 km2. It contains the localities Areia, Canada de Baixo, Canada de Cima, Ponta Rasa and Porto São João.

History
Oral tradition holds that São João was part of a large southern parish of São Mateus, in the primitive locality of Arruda, some 12 km from the centre of Lajes. The name, Arruda came from a medicinal herb that prospered in the landscape of the parish, a region known for extensive arable agricultural parcels dedicated to cereal production (particularly wheat). At the time of settlement, the parochial church held an extensive 20 alqueires of land in cultivation, as well receiving an annual tithe equal to 15 alqueires. Even today the lands around Areia between São Mateus and São João were considered the most productive of this region. Yet, the residents of this area did not only dedicate to cereal production, instead dividing themselves between the fishery and raising of cattle and sheep for wool.

Owing to the growth in population, São Mateus began to be divided into smaller territories, resulting in the dismemberment of Arruda, that would give origin to São João Baptista. Around 1619 a small hermitage was erected by Domingos Marques and his wife, Silveira do Macedo, dedicated to this patron, whose image appeared on the beach. The small hermitage was expanded and elevated to the status of parochia (ecclesiastical parish) possibly after 1700, from affirmations of Ms. Silveira de Macedo. It is unclear when the religious parish was eventually elevated to civil parish, owing to the rarity of records.

Between February and June 1718 the region was hit by violent volcanic eruption, necessitating the removal of the Blessed Sacrament from the sanctuary, first to the Hermitage of Santo António, then later to the Hermitage of São Bartolomeu in the locality of Silveira (Lajes do Pico). It was only on November 2, 1719, that the reliquary and images were returned to the hermitage of Santo António, following a lit procession, since the primitive church in Arruda was completely destroyed by lavas from the eruption. Today, the site is marked by a modest cross over mound of lava. Another eruption occurred in 1720 that isolated the community: after the 1718 a lava field had intersected the only connection to São Mateus, and in 1720, another lava field had cut off access to Lajes. These fields, apart from restricting access to the community, also inundated the productive agricultural lands, coming to be referred to as terrenos brejeiros or poor terrains.

The rebuilding of the parochial church of Arruda began shortly after the volcanic eruptions and ceased with the inauguration in 1726, when the image of São João was transferred from its sheltered hermitage to the new temple, following a grand procession. By 1829, this new church had outlived its parishioners, and through the initiative of its zealous parish priest, Father Silveira Bulcão, a new church was constructed, with the assistance of donations from the faithful in the Misericórdia of Horta. Father Bulcão did not see the completion of the church (because he was transferred to Madalena), but it was eventually completed under the stewardship of Father Francisco Joaquim Coluna in 1848. Its current appearance came from 1901, under designer Miguel António, and supervised by Father Manuel Garcia da Rosa.

Geography
The village of Sao Joao is located on the main roadway (Estrada Regional E.R.1-1ª) between hamlets of Terra do Pao (São Caetano) and Silveira (Lajes do Pico). São João comprises two distinct communities, the upper (Companhia de Cima) and lower (Companhia de Baixo) portions of the village.

The single-bell tower parochial church is in the lower district in close proximity to the small sea port. It was extensively renovated following historical earthquakes, with a tiled front-facade constructed over quarried rock. A secondary chapel was constructed within the past decades to support the upper congregation in a modernist style. A park was also constructed around the lava flows that destroyed the original church (in 1720).

The village of Sao Joao is a quiet community that includes a cafe/mercantile shop, restaurants, an auto repair garage (in the location of the former village blacksmith's shop), and a commercial cheese factory. Being primarily agricultural community now (as whaling was discontinued in the 1970s), most of the grassing lands are located in the mid-altitudes, as dense vegetation dominate the top of the mountainous Achada Plain and Pico Volcano. Other landmarks include a small chapel used for the Holy Spirit feasts, in each of the upper and lower villages, and village squares constructed (such as the Largo de São João) to provide picnicking facilities, playgrounds and animal pens. Along the seashore, Ponte de São João provides a sand volleyball court, showers and picnic facilities adjacent to a point projecting out in the ocean, with small tidal pools and natural swimming area.

Economy
Whaling has been a vital industry in the district until recently, and the port of São João relied on the industry for its development. The clear and deep harbor supported the industry, allowing the commercialization of hundreds of whales annually.

title: São João (Lajes do Pico)


text:
Tanzanian hip hop

Tanzanian Hip-hop, which is sometimes referred to Bongo Flava by many outside of Tanzania's hip hop community, encompasses a large variety of different sounds, but it is particularly known for heavy synth riffs and an incorporation of Tanzanian pop.

There is some debate over whether Bongo Flava, which has emerged as a defined pop movement, can really still be qualified under the overarching term "hip hop" and not a movement unto itself, when it is beginning to develop a distinctive sound that differs from hardcore rap or, for example, the Maasai Hip hop of X Plastaz, who use the tradition of the Maasai tribe as the focal point for their sound and style. Tanzanian hip hop influenced the sound of the Bongo Flava genre. While Tanzanian hip hop retains many of the elements found in hip hop globally in terms of sound and lyricism, Bongo flava, derived from the Swahili word "ubongo" (meaning brains), incorporates hip hop, Indian filmi, taraab, muzik wa dansi, and dancehall beats. It all began in the 1980s when Tanzanian teenagers were really interested in the American hip hop scene. At first, they took American beats and rapped to them. As the youth rapped, the hip hop in Tanzania began to develop into a mix of traditional and localized hip hop scene. As a result, it began a wave of interest from other people in Eastern Africa.

Bongo Flava
Etymology of the name "Bongo" of Bongo Flava comes from Kiswahili usually meaning brains, inelegance, cleverness but can also mean mentally deranged. Bongo is the augmentative form of Ubongo, Kiswahili for Brainland. Flava is kiswahili for Flavour. Ubongo is a term originally use, and in Tanzania still used, for the city of Dar es Salaam. Outside Tanzania, Ubongo is often referring to Tanzania. Ubongo as a term originated from a speech by President Nyerere in the late 70's during a very difficult time following both the global fuel shocks of the 70's and the Kagera war against Uganda. Mwalimu Nyerere spoke that only a nation using brains (using Kiswahili Ubongo for Brainland) could, and would, overcome the difficult challenges Tanzania was facing. Unfortunately things became even worse for Tanzania, and by the early 1980's Dar es Salaam was calling itself mostly by the name Jua Kali (hot sun/world is spinning/dizzy) but also Ubongo. The term Ubongo was being used as a clever way to say both, survival in Dar es Salaam required brains and inelegance, but was also full of mentally deranged people.

In 1981, musician Remmy Ongala founded a band called Matimila. Each band has a unique mtindo (style/fashion) and Remmy Ongala's band Matimila named their mtindo "Bongo". Remmy Ongala would become the most famous musician ever for Tanzania, reaching global fame working with English singer Peter Gabriel.

Music style of Bongo Flava
There has been a lot of debate over whether Bongo Flava/Fleva is Tanzanian Hip Hop. While many scholars and journalists use Bongo Flava and Hip Hop interchangeably, distinctions are made by many Bongo Flava and Hip Hop artists.

Bongo flava borrows from Tanzanian hip hop, with fast rhythms and rhymes in Swahili. The name "Bongo Flava" comes from the Swahili word for brains: ubongo. Bongo is the nickname of Dar es Salaam. It means that you need brains to survive there. It has evolved over time, combining elements of American rap, R&B, hip hop, with its unique Swahili twist. As much as American culture, the lyrics within Tanzania hip-hop and the culture are politicized, about HIV, poverty, and corruption, or about life, relationships, money, jealously, and love.

Bongo Flava is a mixture of Afrobeat and arabesque melodies, dancehall and hip-hop beats, and Swahili lyrics. It developed in the 1980s when Tanzanian youth started rapping because they were fascinated by the hip-hop scene in the United States. They fairly quickly added their own spin and flavor to the music by localizing it with beats, rhythms, and topics. The genre has become popular very quickly; it is the best-selling musical genre in East Africa, is already a success in neighboring Kenya and Uganda, and is sweeping the African continent and spreading to the rest of the world. In 2004, German record label Out Here Records released the compilation CD, Bongo Flava - Swahili Rap from Tanzania. The 70 minute record which features artists including X Plastaz, Juma Nature, and Gangwe Mobb has enjoyed wide international distribution.

When American hip hop first migrated to Tanzania, local rappers would sample popular American rap beats, simply inserting Swahili rhymes in place of English. This infant Bongo Flava style and imported American hip hop was initially embraced almost exclusively by young upper class individuals who found it fashionable to follow US trends. This was often viewed as Tanzanians simply appropriating American culture and style, relating this to the idea of Americanization. In the early 1990s, as the genre was developing, the 'Kiswacentric' concept was born. Artists began to "localize" the music by addressing purely Tanzanian issues and eventually using the Swahili language, which in itself is a language with many global influences. Additionally, beats shifted from American hip hop sampling to organic synthesized beats often incorporating local beats, rhythm, and sounds. Tanzanian artists ensured that even when rapping in English, they would maintain the Swahili meanings behind their rhymes. By rapping in Swahili they were able to make the hip-hop style their own, while still "keeping it real" by the standards of American Hip-Hop. This Kiswacentric rap has continued the Swahili poetic tradition of using wordplay, puns, and rhyme to express oneself. Many artists strive to use Swahili ideas and culture in their songs and styles rather than reproducing American pop culture or gangsta rap.

The choice of language played an important role in the development and local acceptance of bongo flava. Through rapping in Swahili, many new artists were able to localize hip hop, giving it "a politically charged cultural image" and providing a way to relate it with Tanzanian culture. Tanzanian rapper Dolasoul (Ahmed Dola), who studied in Nigeria and the United Kingdom, notes that rap music, particularly in Swahili, provided him "with the means to represent his people and speak about changes that can be made for ‘a better tomorrow.’" He also notes that albums produced in Swahili, with minimal English, helps to make his language more accepted internationally. The use of Swahili language in bongo flava conveys a particular message and idea to its listeners, instilling a sense of national pride and common culture. Dolasoul mentions that with his use of Swahili and minimal English, he is attempting to "give a wake up call to my people."

At the same time, the employment of Swahili Rap represents an attempt to negotiate the authentic gangster projection with more traditional and local Tanzanian musical forms. Between the prominent mainstream US hip hop image of gangster rappers and increased radio and television airplay for groups from South Africa, Europe and the Congo region who project that image, Tanzanian rappers are heavily swayed toward a more raw style. While this borrowing of the authentic gangster image as represented outside of Tanzania can be interpreted as an appropriation for localizing purposes, it can also be viewed as mimicry. Since authentic gangster rap is commercially viable, Tanzanian artists are torn between the possibilities it presents and the negative attention it may gain them. Indeed, those who do imitate Western gangster rap are often isolated and derided for being gangster wannabes. Thus, the use of the Swahili language in Tanzanian rap helps take ideas from a larger hip hop discourse and incorporate them into the local context of that African rap culture. It makes sense then that those most dependent on the more marketable hardcore rap generally come from the impoverished regions of Tanzania, like Dar Es Salaam, where any chance at success may be more important than the worry of abandoning national pride in exuding a culturally ambivalent image. One of the paramount rap topics in this issue of balance is the objectification of women, which while it may be more marketable than less explicit forms, stands in contention with the Islamic ideals that many Tanzanians embrace. Still though, crude styles tend to appeal to the urban youth of Tanzania, as exemplified by the rap group LWP Majitu who, according to Out Here Records, "are popular for their hardcore hard hitting lyrics." Whether in the poorer parts of Tanzania or the more privileged, it is crucial for rap artists to maintain a healthy balance between the traditional and the original, the local and the global.

Emergence of hip-hop in Tanzania
Hip hop culture in Tanzania began in the early to mid 1980s chiefly as an underground movement, when promoters and artists would be forced to record and copy music in makeshift studios using rudimentary equipment. Underground rap began, not in the poorer working class areas of Dar es Salaam, but in the slightly more affluent areas of the city, where there was access to the Western world through friends, family, and travel opportunities. Oddly enough, rap first caught on amongst the youth of Tanzania's 'middle class.' These were teens with some formal education, a familiarity with English and a connection in another country who could mail the music to them. Hip hop provided the perfect outlet for Tanzanian youth to voice their anger and dissatisfaction with society. These students of hip hop played an integral part in the formation of bongo flava, "through participation within a transcultural, multilingual and multiracial global hip-hop nation, combining African-American language with Swahili and local street varieties ("Kihuni")". In the 1990s, Tanzanian hip hop shifted from an underground phenomenon to commercially accepted model, and became accessible to working class youth as well.

Early Tanzanian rap tended to be in English, but as the genre developed some rappers began writing raps in Swahili. The main venue for their music was live performance, particularly the Yo Rap Bonanza competition. The YRB competition was organized by Indian merchants; notably, it attracted rappers from outside of [Dar es Salaam]. Artists such as Saleh J and Eazy-B performed at the competition.

African American music had always been influential in Tanzania, especially soul and R&B, but with the birth of a socialist government, foreign music was banned in Tanzania. For example a hip hop group from Tanzania, Berry White, exemplifies the influence of African American music solely in the name of the band. It seems as though they are imitating and/or mimicking the world renown Barry White. Moreover, before the socialist government in Tanzania banned foreign music, it was evident that Tanzanian hip hop was heavily influenced by western music, specifically African American music. This gave Tanzanian citizens limited access to hip-hop, and early artists either learned of it by hearing it in a foreign country through connections abroad. For young rappers like Dolasoul, or Balozi, (Ahmed Dola), "it was just for the fun, no money was involved." Rap music was merely a pastime for the upper and middle classes, in opposition to early hip-hop artists in the United States and South Africa. Education was seem as their way to gain financial and social success and early rappers mostly rapped in English using American lyrics and tracks. The scene began to change in the early 1990s with the breakdown of socialism, allowing hip-hop to become accessible to lower classes through the increase in circulation, and as it became acceptable for local artists and hip-hop fans began recording, copying and distributing hip-hop.

Africa taking notice of this genre of music is another huge advance for Tanzanian hip hop. In the history of Music in Tanzania, there had never been a male bongo flava artist nominated for Kora African music Awards. Yesaya Ambwene aka AY was the first one to be nominated. Ay was nominated in the category of the best male artist from Eastern and Central Africa in 2005. Including this genre in the African music awards reveals a lot of how far this music has come in such a short time.

Currently, hip-hop is not only a music of the elite, but is an important voice for the lower classes and those who are poor and underprivileged. Hip Hop is also the voice of the lower class because it allow them to express what their feelings are about any given situation on the country. Also because this is a way to upper ward mobility and a way to move from poverty to a better economical position. But in particular as Lemelle says "woven together into this scene and the lyrics are a sense of anger and alienation as well as clear desire to seek a better life-weather inside the country or without". (Hip Hip culture and the children of Arusha, Sydney J. Lamelle). In any case what the lower class in Tanzania use the hip hop as way to show the way in which poor people live in their country and at the same time try to gain some economical position. For example, artist Balozi recently worked on a project with poor Tanzanian boys affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic, writing a song expressing their plight. The song, "Hali Duni" proceeded to move to the top of the musical charts in Dar es Salaam, and was featured in several movies.

According to journalist Henry Bukuru (a.k.a. Cxteno Allstar), rap music was by far the greatest influence of hip hop culture in Tanzania. Mponjika described the four rudiments of hip hop culture in Tanzania as: break dancing (b-boying), graffiti art, DJing, and rapping. DJ competitions represented the birth of hip hop, particularly in Zanzibar, which had television to broadcast these competitions that took place live in informal public spaces (school graduations, picnics, house parties).

So many artists have emerged from Bongo Flava, and it is almost impossible to name all of them. The Tanzaninan "Dr.Dre" is certainly Mr. II that was the first Bongo Flava's superstar which has now retired. Mr. II is classified as a solo artist in Tanzania, but two groups took over the Bongo Flava industry namely the "TMK" and the "East Coast". The "Tmk" stands for Temeke which is one of the poorest neighbourhoods in Dar-es-Salaam. In that part of the city inhabits some of the most radical and critical crews such as Juma Nature or Gangwe Mobb. The "East Coast" is where rappers from middle or upper class society in a much nicer part of town Upanga, these rappers are known to rap more about the happy sides of life and their music is often compared to commercial music. Juma Nature raps about his country and the sense of unity that he exemplifies. His music is easy flowing and is accompanied by synthesised drum with instrumentation. Juma Nature uses a story telling aspect to his rapping.

Imitation to original formation
Tanzania, an African country, has a history of European colonization. There has been a long-standing debate in regarding the implicit dynamics of power when a colonized or oppressed culture adopting certain cultural forms (music styles, fashion, etc.) of the colonizers or the oppressors. Is hip-hop in Tanzania mimicry and imitation of American hip-hop, which would imply an American cultural hegemony? Or are artists borrowing some elements of American hip-hop that resonate with them, among a variety of other (for example Tanzanian, Congolese, Japanese, or Cuban) cultural influences and then creating something entirely new, entirely their own? Are these always mutually exclusive? Alex Perullo, writer and professor at Bryant College in Rhode Island, says this: [Some say] all this music that is coming from the West such as hip-hop is destroying local cultures and local ideas, and local musical trends. And to some extent, there is a little bit of truth in that, although I would hesitate to say that cultural imperialism is actually happening...There are a lot of artists in Tanzania who do dress exactly like the people that they see from the United States. They wear the FUBU clothing, they wear the baggy pants, they wear the New York Yankees hats...But the problem with that is this is very early in the pop music....They sang in English, and sang about American issues. But now we have artists singing [in] Swahili, and they sing about Swahili issues, about Tanzanian issues, about issues that are very much identified with their country...So I think as far as Tanzanian identity is concerned, yes, there are certain things that they're going to keep borrowing from American culture or European culture, or other African cultures, but this doesn't mean that there's going to be assorted eradication of local trends...the main genres are still there. There not disappearing. There's room enough for all these genres to grow, and they each occupy different areas.

There seems to be a debate that is consistently repeated in every single country in which global hip hop is studied, what is truly authentic? Bongo Flava in Tanzania borrows elements from music all over the world, mainly cultural elements (i.e.- style, attitude) from the American hip hop scene. There is a sense that Tanzanian youth look up to the European styles which they apparently mimic. The music is produced using Swahili which makes it seem like the foreign hip hop cultures are the inputs to the output that is Bongo Flava, but this final "output" is different from the sum of its parts.

In an effort to appear authentic, much of Tanzanian hip-hop began imitating the American model of "gangsta" rap, romanticizing aggression and violence. However, as hip-hop evolved in Tanzania, it has slowly diverged from this precedent. Crime in Tanzania is seen as a result of economic need and is very much frowned upon, with wezi, or thieves, becoming instant targets for outcasting by the community or falling victim to "instant justice" on the streets. In fact, bongo flava originates from the Swahili word "ubongo" meaning brains, an implication that it takes brains to survive in Dar es Salaam. This interpretation of values conflicts the message sent out by American "gangsta" rap. Furthermore, the gangs in Dar es Salaam share few of the same characteristics of the large drug dealing gangs wreaking havoc in inner city America. In a region where Islam plays a strong role in the lives of the general populace, it is difficult to incorporate the vain outlook on life and the condescending attitude towards women so prevalent in commercially successful rap in America. Consequently, "gangsta" rap has not achieved widespread popularity in Tanzania, although "gangsta" rap will occasionally reveal itself in album sales or on the radio.

Tanzania hip-hop artists often struggle to distance themselves from the styles of American hip-hop, but are making a conscious effort to create their own style. Tanzanian hip hop group Jungle Crewz Posse scoffed at the notion that their songs were just like American music, saying "Rap is not copying from abroad...we are not talking gun. If you showed me a gun it would be hard for me to tell you which is the trigger. I know gun in movies, pictures. We are talking things that we know and see and understand. Tanzanian hip-hop music could have been associated with mimicry and copying from other cultures at one point, but as Bongo flava becomes more developed, its sound will become more and more authentic to Tanzania. Already with a second generation of hip-hop artists emerging new, uniquely African sounds have been used more, including "muziki wa dansi, taarab, and Indian filmi."

Due to the presence of multiple societies, Tanzania has a torn perspective of its own culture.

There are youth in Tanzania that are entranced with Western culture and modernization enough to want to "become like them" (the West). As most fail and even die to make this transition, bongo-flava songs, while still speaking out against heavy issues like HIV/AIDS, has recently been made to be "uplifting and memorable," in order to give Tanzanians hope and a positive outlook on life.

Through hip hop, Tanzanian youth combine the best of both worlds. They mimic United States and European styles of hip hop, while still allowing their own African heritage and culture to shine through. Using their native language, they often portray remnants of ancient rituals in the singing and videos. The imitation of already existing forms of hip hop combined with their own style allows Tanzanian hip hop to be truly unique.

Role in Tanzanian society
Tanzanian culture embraces President Julius K. Nyerere's 1967 "Arusha Declaration" in which called for "Ujamaa", or familyhood. Being a socialist nation at the time, this declaration called for the halt of corrupt politics and promised protection from the hands of global imperialists. Post-Socialism, when politicians abandoned the principles of Ujamaa, the growing underground Hip-Hop movement of the 1980s readopted it. Presently, Bongo Flava retains its political messages in spite of experiencing a rise in "gangsta" style rap during the 1990s. The Tanzanian culture seemingly refuses to accept violence and vulgarity in its music while romanticizing socialism.

Hip Hop is a force which shaped the project of how to construct the Tanzanian nation. Cultural policies such as national music policies were formed in order to produce a united culture for the Tanzanian nation. These types of policies allowed Swahili bands to emerge and a live entertainment scene to thrive. However, it was not until the 1980s that the birth of hip hop and rap music truly took place. As a result of politicians post Nyerere forgetting about ujamaa and the rise of unemployment and poverty, an avenue for artistic expression was created as an underground movement. While the establishment of hip hop in other countries such as South Africa and Brazil took place among lower classes of the population, hip hop in Tanzania was most common among middle and elite classes due to their access to the western world.

As in many African countries, hip hop has become a medium for post-colonial expression and the development of a youth voice. According to Sidney Lemelle, rap and hip hop have been "localized and indigenized to fit the political economic and social cultural realities of post-colonial/neo-colonial struggles, and both have served as avenues for artistic expression and political protest." Rap has become a way for youth in Tanzania to teach other others about joblessness, corruption, class differences, AIDS and other problems that are faced within the Tanzanian society. It has formed a type of community for the youth to bind together building confidence and self-reliance rather than anger and violence which is the stereotype of how the rappers in the society are. It also provides validation that they are not the only ones facing these pressures every day. Pieter Remes found out in his research that regardless of where the music was produced whether locally or abroad, that the music was intertwined with the experience and expression of urban youth in many different dynamic ways.

It has also become a medium with roots in the oral tradition of some countries like Tanzania. This can be seen in street entertainment known as mchiriku which is very popular in Dar es Salaam. Mchiriku is a style of music that is very popular around the poor areas of Dar es Salaam, Coastal and Morogoro regions. Its repetitive, fast-paced rhythms are considered unsoothing by the wealthy people in Tanzania. Mchiriku is played with a small hand held keyboard, old tins beaten with sticks, drums and whistles. Mchiriku songs are known for biting social commentary.

Tanzanian hip hop has been seen to voice many positive messages. Music has served as an alternative to newspapers, radio, and other forms of news about social issues and conditions. Tanzanian rappers have been seen to work with government organizations and NGOs regarding social issues among youth such as AIDS awareness and drugs. Such NGOs have been founded to promote this type of education which has been coined 'Edutainment', which is the mixing of education with popular culture in order to transmit these messages to youth. Madunia is an organization based in the Netherlands which promotes African music and the local initiatives of African musicians. It also gives advice on the use of this music as a "medium of development".

Female rappers have had difficulty finding success in East Africa. The media in Tanzania was slow to accept female artists, "who might offer a gendered voice and a counter-narrative in the public sphere." Kenyan rapper Nazizi developed a large following in Tanzania and worked with Tanzanian producers P-Funk Majani and Mika Mwamba. Although she has been successful competing against male MCs, Nazizi insists that she "would really love to see more ladies jumping onto the rap bandwagon." The biggest difficulty facing female rappers is that they must overcome the assumption that MCing is a masculine activity and that hip hop is associated with gangs and violence.

Sidney J. Lemelle writes that if a song had explicit lyrics about women then it was hardly aired on Tanzanian television. The government plays a big role in there. With all these negative environmental factor on rappers, including the ones explained in the last paragraph, really put down the female artist to grow. That is why the author states that it is not surprising that "there are only a few female Kiswahili rappers in East Africa." A few of the popular Tanzanian female artists are Dataz, Lade Lou, Bad Gear, SJ and Aunt Su. According to Eric Toroka, Dataz second solo album's name was "Zali la moshi". "Florence Kasela, famous as Dataz is among few other hip hop female artists in Tanzania" are also joining the hip-hop movement in all over the country. Dataz states to her fellow "hip hop artists that they should not misinterpret hip-hop". She said, "A big difficulty is that people consider hip hop as hooliganism but they actually don't know what it is. I think they should sit down and listen to tracks like Chemsha bongo and more and then comment about it." Thus, it can be said that the wrong definition of hip-hop and government influence plays a big role in this situation.

Events and Organizations
There have been several organizations and events that emerged to provide platforms for Hip Hop culture in Tanzania. These include the (now defunct) Hip Hop Kilinge (Cypher), a weekly event that brought youth to the New Msasani Club in Dar es Salaam for performances, battles, and education sessions. In Arusha, the Hip Hop NGO Okoa Mtaa (Save the Streets) organizes regular Hip Hop festivals and workshops that focus on various Hip Hop elements, like lyricism and photography. Hip Hop artist Fid Q organized several Hip Hop initiatives, including the interview show FidStyle Fridays, the open mic event Poetry Addiction, and the Hip Hop Darasa (class) for aspiring artists. Lyricist Lounge, later renamed The Lounge, was started by Shamsa Suleiman and New York Native FetJen, and hosted monthly open mic nights for upcoming and established artists.

Bongo Flava and HIV/AIDS
Hip hop has been used as a major vehicle for awareness about HIV/AIDS. In her article, Sidney refers to Tanzanian rapper Dully Sykes and a song he released in 2001 called ‘Nyambizi’ (Swahili for voluptuous woman). The song lyrics talk about having unprotected sex, and many radio stations refused to play the song. The ubiquity of sexual themes in music has created a lot of controversy in Tanzania because it is estimated that 12-15% of the population is infected with HIV or AIDS. In response, many artists have begun using hip hop to bring awareness to the AIDS epidemic and to teach youth safe sexual practices. Ishi (the Swahili command to live) is the name of a government-sponsored organization that helps promote safe sex. "Our main theme – don't feel shy, talk with your partner about abstinence, being faithful or using a condom," says Nassoro Ally, a regional outreach coordinator for Ishi. Ally Adds that hip hop is a great way to reach youth who may not know how to read and write, but who do participate in the hip hop scene in Tanzania. With roots in the Maasai tradition, elements of hip hop, and the contributions of super star innovators like X Plastaz, hip hop is being used to transmit an important message across Tanzania and in other African countries as well.

Bongo Records
Bongo records is owned by a very influential person in the Tanzanian hip-hop/Bongo Flava scene that is taking place in this part of Africa. Paul Matthysse who is also known as P-Funk Majani, is not only the owner of Bongo Records but also as talented producer, who has had a lot of input in the way the genre of music is shaped. He has been the winner of Kili Music Award in Tanzania as producer of the year 3 times. Matthysse also produced the Album of the year in 2005 and 2006, song of the year in 2005 and 2006, best hip-hop album in 2006. He is considered as Tanzania's most prominent Bongo Flava producer. And is credited as one of the founders of the genre P.Funk.

Swah rap
Swahili rap, known as Swah Rap, began to develop in the early 1990s. Led by the Kwanza Unit, a group composed of many of the major artists, Swah rap sought to bring Tanzanian themes to their rap. Kwanza Unit modeled a Kwanzian Nation after Afrika Bambaataa's Zulu Nation. Kwanzian Nation tried to bring positive messages to the music. These artists combined their traditional word play, evocative puns, and rhyming with Tanzanian topics to fight working class oppression and develop authentic Tanzanian culture. However, in reality, many Swah Rap tracks have been infiltrated by words and themes from American "gangsta rap."

Famous Swah Rap Artists include Villain Gangsters, Tribe X, Riders Posse, K singo and Abbas Maunda.

Tanzanians' view of American rap music
Rappers such as Sam Stigillydaa has said, "American rappers talk about crazy things- drinking, drugs, violence against women, American blacks kill blacks. I hope African rap stays African and doesn't turn crazy." Tanzanians view the United States as an aggressive country that romanticizes both violence and crime whereas Tanzania dispels such a romanticization of violence and crime. Tanzanians view crime as caused by economic need, not greed, and those who become criminals risk having people brand them social outcasts. Tanzanians also view cultural imperialism as a form of symbolic violence that relies on a relationship of constrained communication to extort submission.

Bongo Flava artists

 * Mr. II (aka Sugu)
 * Fid Q
 * Bill Nass
 * Professor Jay
 * Balozi Dola
 * X-Plastaz
 * Saleh J
 * AY
 * Dully Sykes
 * TID
 * Nandy
 * Lady Jaydee
 * Diamond Platnumz
 * Juma Nature
 * Ali Kiba
 * Dizasta Vina
 * Panishee Mdudu
 * Jay Moe
 * Benjamin wa Mambo Jambo
 * BJB

title: Tanzanian hip hop


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Amfac

Amfac, Inc., formerly known as American Factors and originally H. Hackfeld & Co., was a land development company in Hawaii. Founded in 1898 as a retail and sugar business, it was considered one of the so-called Big Five companies in the Territory of Hawaii. At its peak, it owned 60000 acre of land, and was a dominant sugar company in Hawaii, as well as the founder of one of its best known department store chains, Liberty House. It ended with the completion of a bankruptcy proceeding in 2005, with a small successor company, Kaanapali Land, LLC (otc pink: KANP), owning 5000 acre of land in Kaanapali on the island of Maui.

History
In 1849, German immigrant Heinrich Hackfeld formed a dry goods store called Hackfeld's Dry Goods in Honolulu. Hackfeld later became the business agent for Kōloa Plantation on the island of Kauai. Paul Isenberg became a partner in 1881. In 1898, the Hackfeld and Isenberg family interests in Hawaii were officially reorganized as H. Hackfeld & Co.

During World War I, H. Hackfeld & Co. was seized by the U.S. government Alien Property Custodian. It was later sold to a consortium of Hawaii businessmen in 1918, who changed the name to "American Factors". In 1966, the name was further shortened to "Amfac". Henry Alexander Walker became president in 1933. The family estate in Nuuanu Valley, known as the H. Alexander Walker Residence, was developed into a showcase orchid garden.

From 1968 to 1972, under president Henry Alexander Walker Jr., Amfac acquired 42 companies. These included the Fred Harvey Company, which had grown to fame operating Harvey House restaurants along railroad lines starting in 1876.

Gulf+Western Industries owned a 25% stake in the company, which was sold in 1983.

California businesses in the 1970s
As of the 1970s, Amfac ran a variety of hospitality, retail, financial and other businesses in California, among other states. California was its second state after Hawaii. It operated:
 * 13 Joseph Magnin specialty department stores across Southern California.
 * The restaurants at the Los Angeles Music Center.
 * The Airport Marina Hotel, operated by Fred Harvey.
 * Fred Harvey's Furnace Creek Inn and Ranch in Death Valley (now the Inn at Death Valley).
 * The Victor Hugo Inn in Laguna Beach.
 * The Tejon Ranch House in Lebec.
 * The Ranch House Inn in Valencia.
 * Fred Harvey-operated food and beverage and in-flight dining services at Ontario Airport and Palm Springs International Airport.
 * Amfac Mortgage, providing real estate financing services from six offices.
 * Amfac Properties and Amfac Communities, offering real estate development and management services including Canyon Sands in Palm Springs, California.
 * Amfac Drug Supply, distributing pharmaceuticals to hospitals and pharmacies from six branches.
 * Amfac Electric Supply, distributing materials to contractors and builders from a dozen branches.

1980s–2000s
In 1987, Ronald Sloan was removed as chief executive and president and was replaced by Richard Griffith (Henry Walker Jr. was still chairman of the board). The company announced it was selling its non-Hawaii business units. Amfac was bought by Chicago-based JMB Realty in 1988 for $920 million.

As the sugar industry in Hawaii declined after statehood, so did the fortunes of Amfac. The company's assets were gradually sold off or closed. Oahu Sugar in Waipahu was closed in 1995. Liberty House went into bankruptcy in 1998 (it was later acquired by Federated Department Stores and now carries the Macy's brand name). The Pioneer Mill in Lahaina closed in 1999, and the Kekaha Sugar Mill and Lihue Plantation closed in 2000. West Maui Land acquired the former Pioneer Mill fields above Launiupoko Beach Park. Steve Case acquired the Lihue plantation in 2001. Amfac Hawaii went into Chapter 11 bankruptcy in 2002. Amfac Parks & Resorts was retained by JMB and was renamed Xanterra Parks & Resorts. Amfac Hawaii was reorganized as Kaanapali Land, LLC and the bankruptcy closed in 2005. Some of the former plantation land uphill from the resort has been subdivided into a development called Kāʻanapali Coffee Farms.

title: Amfac


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Giant Robot (magazine)

Giant Robot is a website and former bimonthly magazine focusing on Asian and Asian-American popular culture, founded in Southern California in 1994. It was one of the earliest American publications to feature prominent Asian film stars such as Chow Yun-fat and Jet Li, as well as Asian musicians from indie and punk rock bands. Its coverage later expanded into art, design, Asian-American issues, travel, and much more.

Publication history
Eric Nakamura (BA '93) and Martin Wong (BA '90) had met when they were both undergraduate students at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), where they bonded over their shared interest in punk music and Asian pop culture. Giant Robot, named after the Japanese TV series Giant Robo, was initially created as a small, punk-minded magazine that featured Asian pop culture and Asian-American alternative culture, including such varied subject matter as history, art, music, film, books, toys, technology, food, and skateboarding. The publication grew from its original format—a small, photocopied zine, folded and stapled by hand—to its eventual full-color format. In the early days, Wong and Nakamura independently approached bookstores and music shops to ask if they would carry the magazine.

In 2003, the magazine could be found at Barnes & Noble, Tower Records, Virgin Store, Borders, and UCLA Ackerman Union, amongst other location. In 2004, there were 60,000 copies in circulation annually.

Giant Robot briefly had an in-magazine zine insert titled ''Giant Power. ''

Nakamura and Wong are featured on the DVD release of the collection of animated short films The Animatrix, discussing anime in the Making of the Animatrix documentary.

The last issue of the magazine, #68, was released in February 2011, featuring the work of Luke Chueh on the cover.

Also in 2011, Giant Robot launched its new website and updated content, including articles, video, and products daily.

Giant Robot store
Tired of always redirecting customers to third-party sellers for items that they featured in the magazine, they began a mail-order service to sell those Asian products directly to the readers. In the late 1990s, Giant Robot expanded its endeavor to an online retail store, selling artist goods, designer vinyl dolls, minifigures, plush dolls, stationeries, art, T-shirts, and many creative goods.

The success of the commercial website enabled the establishment of a brick-and-mortar retail store in 2001, first in Los Angeles and later in San Francisco. A third store, called GR2, was opened in Los Angeles, and features work by young contemporary artists. Giant Robot further expanded to a fourth store in New York City, and a fifth in Silverlake. The GR2, San Francisco, and New York locations feature monthly art exhibitions from up-and-coming and established artists.

As of 2009, the Silverlake store has closed. The New York store closed in 2010 and the San Francisco store closed in 2011. Giant Robot had an association with Lost Weekend Video in the Mission District of San Francisco, where they opened a pop-up shop; Lost Weeked Video closed in 2018. As of 2022, GR2 Gallery and the Giant Robot Store are located in Los Angeles.

Their first art show featured works by artist David Choe.

Giant Robot events
In 2007, Giant Robot published its 50th issue and celebrated with an art exhibition at the Japanese American National Museum titled, "Giant Robot Biennale: 50 Issues." A follow-up exhibition entitled "Giant Robot Biennale 2: 15 Years" was held at the museum in 2009.

In 2010, Giant Robot presented Zen Garage at the Japanese American National Museum featuring the Scion xb Famicom Car designed by Nakamura.

On September 22, 2012, Nakamura curated Giant Robot Biennale 3 at the Japanese American National Museum. The opening night brought in over 1500 people. The exhibition features the works of Rob Sato, Deth P. Sun, Ako Castuera, Eishi Takaoka, Saelee Oh, Sean Chao, Albert Reyes, and Zach Gage. Using figures designed by Uglydoll creator David Horvath, Nakamura curated Project Remix, a custom vinyl show with over 80 artists from seven countries—including the rare combination of both established customizers and fine artists. Special additions to the exhibition include an original piece from Japanese painter Masakatsu Sashie, as well as arcade machines running Jeni Yang and Beau Blyth’s new indie video game, Catburger.

On April 19, 2014, Eric Nakamura and Carin Adams curated SuperAwesome: Art and Giant Robot at Oakland Museum of California. Artists Included: Ako Castuera, Sean Chao, David Choe, Luke Chueh, Hamburger Eyes, Andrew Hem, James Jean, Kozyndan, Masakatsu Sashie, Shizu Saldamando, Rob Sato, Amy Sol, Deth P Sun, and Adrian Tomine. The exhibition ran until June 27, 2014.

On April 18, 2015, Eric Nakamura curated Samurai! at Worcester Art Museum in Worcester, Massachusetts. The exhibition features samurai armor and contemporary art. Artists include: Murals by Andrew Hem, Mari Inukai, and Audrey Kawasaki. On view: Miya Ando, Esao Andrews, Shawn Cheng, Josh Cochran, Moira Hahn, Jed Henry, James Jean, kozyndan, Mu Pan, Ferris Plock, Stan Sakai, Masakatsu Sashie, Rob Sato, Yuko Shimizu, Katsuya Terada, and Kent Williams. The exhibition ran until September 6, 2015.

title: Giant Robot (magazine)


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Orange County Blue Star

Orange County Blue Star was an amateur American soccer team based in Irvine, California. Founded in 1997, the team played in the USL Premier Development League (PDL), the fourth tier of the American Soccer Pyramid, in the Southwest Division of the Western Conference until 2012.

The team played its home games at Eagle Stadium on the campus of Concordia University, where they played from 2007 to 2012. The team's colors are white and black.

Zodiac Professional era
Blue Star began life as Orange County Zodiac in the USISL A-League in 1997, finishing fifth in the Pacific Conference in their inaugural season, with Gustavo Leal leading the scoring charts. The team suffered three years of middling results, only advancing to the post season in 1999, where they lost to the Seattle Sounders in the Round of 16. The Zodiac played some of their games at Santa Ana Stadium. They changed their name to Orange County Waves prior to the 2000 season, their final one in the A-League, but finished rock bottom of the Pacific Conference, and took the 2000–01 offseason to consider their options.

Drop to PDL; Blue Star is born
The club dropped down to the PDL in 2001 and changed their name again, and the newly christened Blue Star immediately enjoyed success. They finished their first year in the fourth tier as Champions of the Southwest division, but were defeated by eventual championship runners-up, Calgary Storm, in the Conference semi-finals. 2002 was frustrating, with Blue Star finishing a third in the division and missing out on the playoffs, but 2003 was better, for although they finished second to Fresno Fuego in the divisional table, they advanced all the way to the national playoff semi-finals, falling 3–1 to Chicago Fire Reserves at the penultimate hurdle. The 2003 regular season included some stunning results, including a pair of 5–1 victories over Fresno Fuego and San Diego Gauchos, a 5–2 demolition of Nevada Wonders, and a breathtaking 5–4 win over BYU Cougars which featured a hat trick by Ryan Coiner.

The year 2003 was a landmark season due to the participation of a certain German player named Jay Göppingen, who played eight games and scored five goals for Blue Star. Goppingen was actually the pseudonym used by former Inter Milan, Bayern Munich and Tottenham Hotspur striker Jürgen Klinsmann who, following his relocation from Europe to California, decided he wanted to keep playing for a year or so, just for fun, and to impart his wisdom to Orange County's young soccer players. Klinsmann was born in the city of Göppingen in Baden-Württemberg.

The 2004 season saw Blue Star relocate from the stadium at UC Irvine to the Home Depot Center in Carson, but the change of surroundings didn't stop them from winning their second divisional title in style, finishing four points ahead of second-place Fresno Fuego, and losing just 3 regular season games all season. Blue Star enjoyed a number of free-scoring victories, putting five past Nevada Wonders in mid May, and topping rivals Southern California Seahorses 4–2 in June. The playoffs saw them take care of Spokane Shadow in the opening game, but eventually lose the Western Conference title to Fresno Fuego.

Blue Star enjoyed probably the most successful year in their history in 2005, retaining their division title with comparative ease by finishing a clear 11 points ahead of their nearest rivals, Southern California Seahorses. Once again, Blue Star were the league's free-scoring entertainers, scoring more than four goals on six occasions, including a 6–2 road victory over San Diego Gauchos, and two 5–0 demolitions of BYU Cougars and Nevada Wonders. The 2005 squad included a number of players who would later go on to grace Major League Soccer and the US Men's National Team, including Sacha Kljestan, Calen Carr, Robbie Rogers, Kamani Hill, and top scorer Kei Kamara from Sierra Leone, who knocked in 12 goals in his 14 starts. Blue Star easily advanced to the post-season playoffs where, after beating Fresno Fuego and Northwest champions Cascade Surge, they fell by the odd goal in three to the eventual national champions, Des Moines Menace. Blue Star's impressive early season form also took them to the US Open Cup for the first time since 1999, but they were beaten 3–1 in the first round by El Paso Patriots. Blue Star finished 2005 with the best regular season record in the country, winning 15 out of their 16 games, suffering just one loss, and finishing with a +39 goal difference.

With their conference expanding to 9 teams, Blue Star did not find life in 2006 quite as easy, but they still finished second in the division behind Southern California Seahorses. Playing out of yet another new stadium – Orange Coast College in Costa Mesa – Blue Star started the season strongly, winning four of their first five games, including an astonishing 4–3 victory over San Fernando Valley Quakes which saw them score 4 goals in the final 8 minutes of the game. A strong season finish saw Blue Star win six of their last eight games, and their form continued into the playoffs, where they overcame Abbotsford Rangers and BYU Cougars to take the Western Conference title for the second year in a row, before losing to Michigan Bucks in the national semi finals. Anthony Hamilton and Sal Zizzo were the season's top scorers with 8 and 4 goals respectively, while Sem Lopez contributed 3 assists.

The 2007 season, however, marked the first season when things did not go Blue Star's way. Playing out of their third stadium in as many years – Concordia University in Irvine – for the first time in a long time the team finished with a losing record, picking up just 3 wins all season, and finishing a lowly 9th in the divisional table, a full 19 points adrift of league leaders Fresno Fuego and San Fernando Valley Quakes. The sole high point in a hugely disappointing season was the 3–0 victory over Bakersfield Brigade in early July, and it is indicative of the unexpected slump in form the team suffered that the season's top scorer, Patrick Marion, notched just 5 of the team's 18 goals.

Blue Star started 2008 brightly, hoping to put the misery of the dismal 2007 season behind them. Two wins in their first four games – 4–1 over old rivals Southern California Seahorses (in which all four Blue Star goals were scored by Jeffrey Clark) and 3–1 over Lancaster Rattlers – initially kept spirits high, but things quickly turned sour. Blue Star didn't win another game until July, and during their mid-season drought suffered seven defeats in nine games, including a 6–1 hammering by Los Angeles Legends, a 3–0 home defeat by Fresno Fuego, and a humiliating 4–2 loss away to Lancaster Rattlers in what was that franchise's second ever victory. As July came round, Blue Star were rooted at the foot of the Southwest standings, but three victories in their last three games, including an impressive 3–1 win over Bakersfield Brigade, gave their year at least some small semblance of respectability. Nevertheless, Blue Star finished 8th of 10 in the division, twelve points behind divisional champions San Fernando Valley Quakes. Jeffrey Clark was the team's top scorer, with seven goals, while Tomer Konowiecki notched up four assists.

The 2009 season began superbly for Blue Star, with four wins in their first four games – including an impressive 4–0 over divisional new boys Ogden Outlaws that featured a hat trick from striker David Ponce – and four straight clean sheets for goalkeeper Kris Minton taking them to the first round of the US Open Cup for the first time since 2005. However, having gone unbeaten in their first six regular season games through the end of May, Blue Star collapsed in mid-season, and endured an awful ten game winless streak through June and July that saw the teams fall to a number of comprehensive defeats, losing 5–1 to Fresno Fuego, 3–0 to Bakersfield Brigade, and conceding a late equalizer in the return game against Fresno to draw 2–2 when victory looked to be on the cards. Even their cup run ended quickly with a 5–2 loss at the hands of NPSL side Sonoma County Sol. A final day 1–0 victory on the road in Utah against BYU Cougars restored a little bit of pride for the team which once dominated the division, but it was much too little too late, and they finished the year a distant eighth in the table. David Ponce scored five goals, but such was the squad's instability that head coach Spencer used 46 players during the course of the season, including ex-professional Mike Munoz and Ian Sarachan, son of former Chicago Fire MLS coach Dave Sarachan.

Notable former players
This list of notable former players comprises players who went on to play professional soccer after playing for the team in the Premier Development League, or those who previously played professionally before joining the team.

 * 🇺🇸 Calen Carr
 * 🇺🇸 Conor Chinn
 * 🇺🇸 Ryan Coiner
 * 🇺🇸 Cameron Dunn
 * 🇺🇸 Eric Ebert
 * 🇺🇸 Michael Enfield
 * 🇺🇸 Michael Erush
 * 🇺🇸 Brad Evans
 * 🇺🇸 Michael Farfan
 * 🇺🇸 Irving Garcia
 * 🇺🇸 Adolfo Gregorio
 * 🇺🇸 Leonard Griffin
 * 🇺🇸 Anthony Hamilton
 * 🇺🇸 Jordan Harvey
 * 🇺🇸 Nick Hatzke
 * 🇺🇸 Kamani Hill
 * 🇺🇸 Chandler Hoffman
 * 🇸🇱 Kei Kamara
 * 🇺🇸 Amir Kazemi
 * 🇺🇸 Dan Kennedy
 * 🇩🇪 Jürgen Klinsmann
 * 🇺🇸 Gordon Kljestan
 * 🇺🇸 Sacha Kljestan
 * 🇺🇸 Mike Littman
 * 🇳🇿 Tony Lochhead
 * 🇺🇸 Drew McAthy
 * 🇺🇸 Noah Merl
 * Orlando Perez
 * Charley Pettys
 * 🇺🇸 Christian Ramirez
 * 🇺🇸 Robbie Rogers
 * 🇺🇸 David Sias
 * 🇺🇸 A. J. Soares
 * 🇺🇸 Matthew Andrade
 * 🇺🇸 Joe Sofia
 * 🇺🇸 Matt Taylor
 * 🇺🇸 Nick Theslof
 * 🇺🇸 Tyson Wahl
 * 🇺🇸 Martin Vasquez
 * 🇺🇸 Amani Walker
 * 🇺🇸 Sal Zizzo
 * 🇺🇸 Steve Patterson

Honors

 * USL PDL Western Conference Champions 2006
 * USL PDL Regular Season Champions 2005
 * USL PDL Western Conference Champions 2005
 * USL PDL Southwest Division Champions 2005
 * USL PDL Southwest Division Champions 2004
 * USL PDL Western Conference Champions 2003
 * USL PDL Southwest Division Champions 2001

Head coaches

 * 🇺🇸 Erik Kirsch (2001)
 * 🇺🇸 Tom Poltl (2002–2004)
 * 🇺🇸 Nick Theslof (2005–2006)
 * 🇺🇸 Jon Spencer (2007–present)

Stadium

 * Santa Ana Stadium; Santa Ana, California (2001–2002)
 * Stadium at UC Irvine; Irvine, California (2003, 2005)
 * Stadium at Sage Hill High School; Newport Coast, California, 2 games (2003)
 * Home Depot Center; Carson, California (2004)
 * Stadium at Orange Coast College; Costa Mesa, California (2006)
 * Eagle Stadium at Concordia University; Irvine, California (2007–present)
 * Stadium at Huntington Park High School; Huntington Park, California, 1 game (2011)

Average attendance
Attendance stats are calculated by averaging each team's self-reported home attendances from the historical match archive at https://web.archive.org/web/20100105175057/http://www.uslsoccer.com/history/index_E.html.

 * 2005: 109
 * 2006: 95
 * 2007: 314
 * 2008: 79
 * 2009: 114
 * 2010: 93

title: Orange County Blue Star


text:
The Daily Pennsylvanian

The Daily Pennsylvanian, Inc. is the independent student media organization of the University of Pennsylvania. The DP, Inc. publishes The Daily Pennsylvanian newspaper, 34th Street magazine, and Under the Button, as well as five newsletters: The Daily Pennsylvanian, The Weekly Roundup, The Toast, Quaker Nation, and Penn, Unbuttoned.

The Daily Pennsylvanian is published in print once per week when the university is in session, by a staff of more than 300 students. Content is also published online on a daily basis. 34th Street Magazine, an arts and culture magazine, which is published once a month in print, and Under the Button, a satirical publication, also regularly publish content online. The organization operates three principal websites: thedp.com, 34st.com, and underthebutton.com. It has received various collegiate journalism awards.

History
The Daily Pennsylvanian was founded in 1885 as a successor to the University Magazine, a publication by the Philomathean Society. The newspaper has been published daily since 1894, except for a hiatus from May 1943 to November 1945 on account of World War II. The DP broke away from the university in 1962 to become an independent publication, incorporating in 1984 to solidify its financial and editorial independence from the university. Also in 1962 the previously all-male daily began to accept female students. Among the early few women were Mary Selman Hadar, formerly an editor at The Washington Post; Clara Bargellini, today a professor of Mexican art at the National Autonomous University of Mexico; and Susan Nagler Perloff, a Philadelphia freelance writer. Today the newspaper's budget is funded primarily through the sale of advertising by professional and student staff.

Description
The DP is sometimes called Penn's "unofficial journalism department," because the university has no journalism department (though it does have the prestigious Annenberg School for Communication), and because many of its staff members go on to pursue careers in the print, broadcast, and digital media. DP alumni can be found at a number of major daily newspapers and national magazines, including The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, The Washington Post, Forbes, the Los Angeles Times, The Philadelphia Inquirer, Time, and Business Week.

Awards
In 2008, the DP was awarded the Society of Professional Journalists' National Mark of Excellence Award. In the same year, the paper won the Spring 2008 Columbia Gold Crown, awarded to eight college newspapers nationwide. It received first place in the Associated Collegiate Press's Kansas City Convention Best of Show Competition in 2008. The DP won the Pacemaker, awarded by the Associated Collegiate Press and the Newspaper Association of America Foundation in 1990, 1997, 1998, 2000-2004, 2007, 2017, 2018, and 2019. It was ranked as the "most read" college newspaper by The Princeton Review in 1990, 1997, 1998, and 2001. In 2006, College Publisher awarded the DP first place in the category of Best Online Sports Coverage and, in 2008, it was awarded an online Gold Crown for thedp.com.

Notable former staff members

 * George Wharton Pepper 1887 (DP Editor-in-Chief), U.S. Senator from Pennsylvania
 * Josiah Penniman 1890 (DP Editor-in-Chief), Provost of the University of Pennsylvania
 * Owen Roberts 1895 (DP Editor-in-Chief), associate justice, U.S. Supreme Court
 * Josiah McCracken 1900 (DP Associate Editor), physician; silver and bronze medalist, 1900 Summer Olympics
 * Wilson Hobson Jr. '24 (DP Editorial Board), bronze medalist, 1932 Summer Olympics
 * John Haines Ware III '30 (DP staff), U.S. Representative from Pennsylvania
 * Charles Addams '33 (DP staff), cartoonist
 * Robert Elegant '46, journalist known for his coverage of the Korean and Vietnam Wars
 * Leonard Lauder '54 (DP staff), chairman and CEO, Estée Lauder Companies
 * Frank Dolson, '54, Philadelphia Inquirer sports writer
 * Gaeton Fonzi, '57, reporter and editor for Philadelphia Magazine
 * Michael Stuart Brown '62 (DP Editor-in-Chief), geneticist and physician; 1985 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine
 * Claudia Cohen '62 (DP Exec. Editor), gossip columnist, socialite, and television reporter
 * Richard Fisher '63 (DP Exec. Editor), New York real estate developer
 * Dan Rottenberg '64 (DP sports editor), journalist, editor and author of 10 books
 * Lee Eisenberg (author), '68 (DP reporter), editor, Esquire magazine
 * Arnold Eisen '73 (DP reporter), chancellor, Jewish Theological Seminary
 * Maurice Obstfeld '73 (DP Editor-in-Chief), chief economist, International Monetary Fund
 * Benjamin Ginsberg '74 (DP Editor-in-Chief), partner, Patton Boggs
 * Buzz Bissinger '76 (DP Editorial Page Editor), author, Friday Night Lights; 1987 Pulitzer Prize for Investigative Reporting
 * David A. Gross '76, (DP staff) U.S. ambassador
 * Erik Larson '76, (DP staff) author, The Devil in the White City
 * Steve Stecklow '76 (DP reporter/columnist), global investigative reporter, Reuters; 2019 Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting 2007 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service
 * Lisa Scottoline '77 (DP staff), author of legal thrillers
 * Dave Lieber '79 (DP columnist), columnist, The Dallas Morning News
 * Richard Stevenson '81 (DP Exec. Editor), Washington editor, The New York Times
 * Ken Rosenthal '84 (DP Sports Writer), sportswriter, reporter, and sportscaster for Fox Sports
 * Frank Luntz '84, opinion columnist
 * Stefan Fatsis '85, former Wall Street Journal reporter; author, Word Freak
 * Jean Chatzky '86, financial editor, TODAY Show
 * Jeffrey Goldberg '87 (DP Exec. Editor), Editor-in-Chief, The Atlantic; 2003 National Magazine Award
 * Gene Sperling '87 (DP columnist), former director, United States National Economic Council
 * Alan Schwarz '90, reporter for The New York Times
 * Cenk Uygur '92 (DP columnist), host of TheYoungTurks
 * Harold Ford Jr. '92 (DP columnist), U.S. Representative from Tennessee
 * Helen Gym '93 (34th Street Editor), Philadelphia City Council
 * Matt Selman '93 (34th Street Editor), producer, The Simpsons
 * Stephen Glass '94 (DP Exec. Editor), disgraced former New Republic writer
 * Josh Tyrangiel '94 (34th Street Editor), editor, Bloomberg Businessweek
 * Gab Marcotti' 95, sports journalist, ESPN FC
 * Charles Ornstein '96 (DP Exec. Editor), senior reporter, ProPublica; 2005 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service
 * Josh Heald '00 (34th Street Editor), writer and producer, Hot Tub Time Machine and Cobra Kai
 * Binyamin Appelbaum '01 (DP Exec. Editor), editor, The New York Times
 * Ashley Parker '05 (DP and 34th Street features editor and writer), reporter, The Washington Post

title: The Daily Pennsylvanian


text:
Ringed teal

The ringed teal (Callonetta leucophrys) is a small duck of South American forests. It is the only species of the genus Callonetta. Usually placed with the dabbling ducks (Anatinae), this species may actually be closer to shelducks and belong in the subfamily Tadorninae; its closest relative is possibly the maned duck.

Description
The male and female remain colourful throughout the year, lacking an eclipse plumage. The drake has a rich chestnut back, pale grey flanks, and a salmon-coloured breast speckled in black. A black band runs from the top of its head down to the nape. Females have an olive-brownish back, a head blotched and striated in white, and pencilled barring on a pale chest and belly. Both males and females have a dark tail, a contrasting pale rump, and a distinctive white patch on the wing. Bills are grey and legs and feet are pink in both sexes. Pairs easily bond. Their contact calls are a cat-like mee-oowing in ducks and a lingering peewoo in drakes. Most ringed teals average 14 - 15 in long, with a 28 in wingspan. Individuals typically weigh 11 - 12 oz. Ringed teals also have webbed toes with long, pointed claws that specialize in allowing the birds to sit on tree branches. These specialized toes are unique, as most waterfowl cannot easily remain perched on tree branches.

The ringed teal breeds in north-west Argentina and Paraguay, also occurring in Bolivia, Brazil and Uruguay. Upon reaching sexual maturity, ringed teals form strong pair bonds. These pair bonds typically last a single breeding season but can last for the lifetime of a pair. A pair bond begins with the male courting the female. In general, courting consists of large amounts of preening, flashing the iridescent green speculum, and swimming in figure eights around the female of interest while vocalizing. Once a pair bond is solidified, mating occurs in the water. Nests are usually created out of hollow holes in tree cavities. The nests are lined with down, and the female tends to be the defender of the nest. The male will defend the female against other males and potential predators throughout their pair bond. Females typically lay 6-12 eggs that are white in colour. The eggs are incubated for an average of 29 days. Both male and female participate incubating the eggs, but one captive study shows that the females were solely responsible for incubation. Hatched chicks are precocial, having a layer of down and effectively walking, functioning, and feeding themselves. Although the chicks hatch with a layer of feather down, it is not immediately waterproof. Until their own oil glands are fully developed, chicks receive their waterproofing oils from contact with their parents' feathers. Both the male and female play a large role in raising and defending the chicks until fledging at 50–55 days old. The male tends to be the most invested and will often be seen following behind separated or slower chicks. Until fledging, the chicks stay in a close group and learn quickly from their parents how to forage, swim efficiently, and avoid predators. The bonded pair is often able to produce two groups of offspring in one breeding season. The male will continue to care for the first group of chicks while the female incubates the second group of eggs. The ringed teal's pair bonding behaviour makes reproduction very efficient. It is possible for a bonded pair to have laid and hatched up to 24 offspring by the end of a breeding season.

Their habitats include tropical, swampy forests and marshy clearings in well-wooded lowlands, as well as secluded pools and small streams. As a predominantly aquatic species, ringed teals eat a variety of aquatic plants and invertebrates, as well as any seeds that can be found. Ringed teals are classified as “dabblers” as opposed to “divers”. Dabblers tend to feed on plant and insect material near the surface of the water, where as divers feed on plants, invertebrates, and fish deeper under the water's surface. Although dabblers may submerge their heads and upper torso while putting their tails up in the air, also known as “up-ending”, they rarely completely submerge themselves and stay under for periods of time, such as the divers do.

Ringed teals can live up to 15 years in captivity, however, an average life span is not known for wild individuals.

title: Ringed teal


text:
Van Pelt

Van Pelt is a Dutch toponymic surname meaning "from Pelt". Pelt is a region in Belgian Limburg including the modern municipality of Overpelt, It could also refer to the neighboring Peel, Netherlands. People with this surname include:

 * Alex Van Pelt (born 1970), American football quarterback and coach
 * Alison Van Pelt (born 1963), American painter
 * Brad Van Pelt (1951–2009), American football linebacker
 * Bradlee Van Pelt (born 1980), American football quarterback and safety, son of Brad
 * Bo Van Pelt (born 1975), American golfer
 * Calvin Leroy Van Pelt (1924–2011), Native American businessman
 * Daniel Van Pelt (born 1964), American politician convicted of bribery
 * Darin Van Pelt (born 1979), American aerospace engineer
 * Erika Van Pelt (born 1985), American singer
 * Frank P. Van Pelt (1861–1942), Sandy Hook pilot
 * Graham Van Pelt, Canadian musician and songwriter
 * James Van Pelt (born 1954), American science fiction author
 * Jim Van Pelt (1935–2022), American football quarterback
 * John Van Pelt "JVP" (1958–2023), American news correspondent & educator
 * John Vredenburgh Van Pelt (1874–1962), American architect
 * Patricia Van Pelt (born 1957), American (Illinois) politician
 * Robert Van Pelt (1897–1988), American (Nebraska) judge
 * Robert Jan van Pelt (born 1955), Dutch historian and Holocaust scholar.
 * Scott Van Pelt (born 1966), American sportscaster
 * Sydney James Van Pelt (1908–1976), Australian medical doctor and hypnotist
 * William Van Pelt (1905–1996), American politician, representative from Wisconsin
 * Wouter van Pelt (born 1968), Dutch field hockey player

 * Fictional characters
 * Three siblings from the Peanuts comic strip: Linus, Lucy, and Rerun Van Pelt
 * Van Pelt, a fictional character and antagonist from the 1995 American fantasy adventure film, Jumanji and the Jumanji Television series
 * Grace Van Pelt, in TV series The Mentalist
 * Maddie Van Pelt, from the Nickelodeon series Every Witch Way
 * Russell Van Pelt, the primary antagonist character in the 2017 American fantasy comedy film, Jumanji: Welcome to the Jungle

Other uses

 * The Van Pelt, an indie rock band
 * Van Pelt Library, the University of Pennsylvania's main library, named after Charles Patterson Van Pelt, the major donor at the time of construction.
 * Van Pelt Manor in Brooklyn, New York, named after the Dutch settler Teunis Laenen van Pelt
 * Mount Van Pelt, mountain in Antarctica

title: Van Pelt


text:
Talk:Ambient temperature

from VfD:

Pointless rant on what should be a simple dicdef Denni ☯ 00:53, 2004 Dec 5 (UTC) Keep but cleanup, Ambient Temperature is not necessarily the sameas room temperature, but in some cases it is. At the minimum, redirect and add info on ambient temp to Room temperature Pedant 22:51, 2004 Dec 10 (UTC)
 * Roll it all the back to its original version: a redirect to Room temperature. --jpgordon∇∆∇∆ 03:10, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep and cleanup. Some good content but an unsuitable style. Not the same as room temperature as the article itself points out. Andrewa 11:50, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete Ghastly entry. Ambient temperature is simply the temperature of a surrounding environment where some measurement is being made. Beyond that, its meaning is highly dependent on context. Hardly worthy of a dictionary entry, definitely not encyclopedic. Wyss 19:39, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete how could this be more than a dic def?? ike9898 01:56, Dec 6, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete, but only if a little definition of it is given in the entry for room temperature. Wikipedia's the first place I came to find out what ambient temperature meant, and I'd have been sorely disappointed if no mention was made anywhere.
 * Delete Article that doesn't seem to even have proper formmating of a legit article [[User:Squash|Squash (Talk)]] 09:56, Dec 10, 2004 (UTC)

end moved discussion

title: Talk:Ambient temperature


text:
Talk:Halifax Mooseheads

Deletion discussion
from VfD:

not notable stublet on junior sports team Pedant 00:54, 2004 Dec 5 (UTC) I stand corrected, evidently I completely misunderstood what this team was. As this seems to be consensus I'm going to remove the delete tag. Pedant 19:59, 2004 Dec 6 (UTC)

 * You may be misunderstanding the use of the word "junior" here - the QMJHL is one the leagues of the Canadian Hockey League, which is one of the most important hockey leagues in the world. So, keep, but expand of course. Adam Bishop 00:57, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * QMJHL is rather more important that A and AA level pro hockey teams. The vast portion of new NHL players each year come out of the Canadian Hockey League, and mostly from the OHL and QMJHL. Juniors move from home to join these teams, and travel vast distances to compete (across a quarter of the continent) in games versus other teams. A and AA ice hockey leagues are *smaller* than the CHL leagues and *less competitive*, and *less popular*. AAA is only slightly better than these leagues. The US equivalent to a CHL league team would be Division 1 NCAA ice hockey, except it's not, because NCAA hockey sucks in comparison, CIAU hockey is better than NCAA hockey, and CIAU hockey sucks because players are either in CHL or have joined the NHL and don't go to university. 132.205.64.202 06:02, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep, the main hockey team in one of Canada's major cities. - SimonP 17:21, Dec 5, 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep Spinboy 17:48, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep Wyss 19:28, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep A2Kafir 22:53, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep! Every OHL team has a page, yet no QMJHL team has one! Earl Andrew 02:09, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Hate to break it to ya...not many of the Western Hockey League teams have a page yet, either. Bearcat 06:33, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. With the imminent loss of the St. John's Maple Leafs (moving to Toronto), this will become arguably the most notable sports team in Atlantic Canada. Samaritan 05:24, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Duh, keep. —[[en:RaD Man|RaD Man (talk)]] 08:53, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. Trollminator 02:36, 10 Dec 2004 (UTC)

end moved discussion

Attendance
To whichever IP address contributor keeps adding the line about "Halifax has led the QMJHL in attendance every year they've been in the league" - Please stop. It's not true. See BoojiBoy 16:54, 27 May 2006 (UTC)
 * It was probably Bobby Smith who said Halifax gets the best attendace every year. In his own little world we do...... —Preceding unsigned comment added by 142.68.197.16 (talk • contribs)
 * Halifax did use to, up until around 3 years ago, when Quebec made much improvements with theirs. The statement is no longer true. Sportyguy03 (talk) 02:25, 15 November 2008 (UTC)

title: Talk:Halifax Mooseheads