text:
Pelham Bridge

The Pelham Bridge is a bascule bridge located in the New York City borough of the Bronx, just downstream of the railroad Pelham Bay Bridge. It carries Shore Road and a walkway along the downstream side, over the Hutchinson River. The bridge is operated and maintained by the New York City Department of Transportation. Crossing the mouth of the river, it is variously called Pelham Bay Bridge and Pelham Bridge. The BL45 to/from Eastchester in Westchester County as well as the Bx29, which operates between City Island and Co-op City, operates over this bridge.

The Pelham Bridge opens for maritime traffic frequently; in 2014, it opened 724 times. The watercraft traffic under that bridge is greater than for any other drawbridge in the city.

History
The first bridge at the site, a stone bridge built in 1815, was destroyed in a storm on April 12, 1816. Another bridge was not built at the site for eighteen years.

The current bridge replaced an older one that required constant, expensive maintenance. The new bridge was opened to traffic on October 15, 1908 before it was fully completed, in order to save costs on maintaining the old bridge. During construction, the water main for City Island and Pelham Bay Park had to be interrupted, so water was imported from New Rochelle, costing the city $5,323.93. The bridge was completed on February 17, 1909. at a total cost of $605,274.06. The bridge was reconstructed in 1985.

A celebration of the bridge's centennial took place on October 28, 2008.

title: Pelham Bridge


text: User talk:128.104.103.29

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:128.104.103.29


text:
Talk:CSTN

i disagree from deleting this article. i think that there is much to say about the cstn techniques. maybe can do someone that who is more knowingly to that than me ;-) --Carbenium 02:06, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)

My edit
Added some basic info about it.

title: Talk:CSTN


text:
Roger Hammond (cyclist)

Roger Hammond (born 30 January 1974) is a male English retired bicycle racer, specialising in cyclo-cross and road cycling.

Education
Hammond grew up in Chalfont St Peter in Buckinghamshire and attended Dr Challoner's Grammar School as a teenager. While still at school he won the 1992 world junior cyclo-cross championship in Leeds, but elected to concentrate on his university studies before pursuing a cycling career.

Cycling career
Hammond represented England in the road race event, at the 1998 Commonwealth Games in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. He repeated this achievement four years later at the 2002 Commonwealth Games.

He was the British road champion in 2003 and 2004. He rode for in 2005–2006, for  in 2007–2008, for  in 2009–2010, and  in 2011. Hammond rode for the Great Britain team in the 2005 and 2006 Tour of Britain.

Post cycling
In July 2012 Roger Hammond was announced as the team manager of the newly formed Madison-Genesis team. In November 2015 he announced that he would join as a sports director for the 2016 season, initially combining the position with his Madison-Genesis role. He returned to Madison-Genesis for the team's last season in 2019.

Hammond was in December 2019 named as performance director for the Bahrain-McLaren team for the 2020 season.

He joined the Ineos Grenadiers in October 2021 as head of racing.

Hammond has also worked as a pundit for ITV4, providing analysis of the Vuelta a España.

Cyclo-cross

 * 1991–1992
 * 1st Jersey rainbow.svg UCI World Junior Championships

 * 1993–1994
 * 1st MaillotReinoUnido.PNG National Championships

 * 1999–2000
 * 1st MaillotReinoUnido.PNG National Championships

 * 2000–2001
 * 1st MaillotReinoUnido.PNG National Championships

 * 2001–2002
 * 1st MaillotReinoUnido.PNG National Championships
 * National Trophy Series
 * 1st Leicestershire
 * 1st London

 * 2002–2003
 * 1st MaillotReinoUnido.PNG National Championships

 * 2003–2004
 * 1st MaillotReinoUnido.PNG National Championships
 * National Trophy Series
 * 1st Leicestershire

 * 2005–2006
 * 1st MaillotReinoUnido.PNG National Championships

 * 2007–2008
 * 1st MaillotReinoUnido.PNG National Championships

 * 2008–2009
 * 3rd National Championships

Road

 * 1998
 * 2nd Road race, National Road Championships

 * 2000
 * 1st Archer Grand Prix
 * 1st Grand Prix Bodson
 * 2nd Grand Prix Fayt-Le-Franc
 * 3rd Schaal Sels
 * 10th Gent–Wevelgem

 * 2001
 * 1st Textielprijs Vichte
 * 2nd Grand Prix Pino Cerami
 * 3rd Veenendaal–Veenendaal
 * 4th Le Samyn
 * 5th Schaal Sels

 * 2002
 * 1st Tour Beneden-Maas
 * 1st Grote 1-MeiPrijs
 * 1st Sprints classification, Tour of Rhodes
 * 4th Road race, National Road Championships
 * 5th Schaal Sels

 * 2003
 * 1st MaillotReinoUnido.PNG Road race, National Road Championships
 * 1st Jersey yellow.svg Overall Uniqa Classic
 * 1st Jersey green.svg Points classification
 * 1st Stage 2
 * 2nd GP Jef Scherens Leuven
 * 2nd Stage 5 Étoile de Bessèges
 * 8th Gent–Wevelgem
 * 8th Paris–Bourges

 * 2004
 * 1st MaillotReinoUnido.PNG Road race, National Road Championships
 * 3rd Paris–Roubaix
 * 3rd Dwars door Vlaanderen
 * 3rd Grand Prix Rudy Dhaenens
 * 6th Le Samyn
 * 6th Gent–Wevelgem
 * 7th Road race, Olympic Games

 * 2005
 * 1st Stage 2 Tour of Britain
 * 2nd Dwars door Vlaanderen
 * 2nd Nationale Sluitingsprijs

 * 2006
 * 1st Stage 2 Tour of Britain
 * 2nd Road race, National Road Championships

 * 2007
 * 2nd Gent–Wevelgem

 * 2008
 * 10th Gent–Wevelgem

 * 2009
 * 3rd Overall Tour of Qatar
 * 1st Stage 2
 * 3rd Overall Tour of Denmark
 * 3rd Overall Tour de l'Eurométropole
 * 4th Paris–Bourges
 * 5th Road race, National Road Championships

 * 2010
 * 4th Paris–Roubaix
 * 7th Tour of Flanders

title: Roger Hammond (cyclist)


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Eamonn Reading

Eamonn Reading
No encyclopedic content. Vanity article. Joyous 02:08, Dec 9, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete: This looks like a candidate for speedy. DCEdwards1966 02:23, Dec 9, 2004 (UTC)
 * Under current CSD rules, I just couldn't justify it. I do think it's another reason to look at slightly widening candidate categories for CSD. Joyous 02:45, Dec 9, 2004 (UTC)
 * Meet you at Wikipedia:Proposal to expand WP:CSD. Mikkalai 03:46, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Delete: Yeah, this is exactly the kind of article that's a poster child for expanding CSD.  The article is rather obviously anti-vanity. I hate to confirm his view of himself as a loser, but the article's got to go.  Geogre 04:45, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Occasionally an apparent vanity page turns out to be for real, which is why they should go through VFD, but this isn't one of those times. --Carnildo 06:47, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete (autobiographical). Eamonn, if you're reading this, there is nothing wrong with being a simpleton, but in general someone has to have done something pretty significant to merit an encylopedia article. — [[User:Knowledge Seeker|Knowledge Seeker দ (talk)]] 08:32, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Either joke, vanity or both. Eamonn, if you're reading this and it is a joke at your expense, it will soon be gone. Andrewa 17:13, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Vanity, even if it is the least vain vanity of all time! P Ingerson 00:01, 10 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Simply delete it. Dbiv 00:40, 10 Dec 2004 (UTC)


text:
Talk:Shasta (drink)

Availability
IS THIS STUFF AVAILABLE IN THE CHICAGO AREA?
 * They seem to be primarily distributed in the Western states still. I dont have references to show that, though. NatBev may distribute Faygo in the Chicago area, not Shasta.Mercurywoodrose (talk) 03:41, 30 July 2011 (UTC)

Image
todo: link in this image: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image:Shasta-ca-orange-soda.jpg Elijah 02:08, 2004 Dec 9 (UTC)
 * Done --Elijah 23:00, 2004 Dec 9 (UTC)

Hispanic
Flavors derived from hispanic american drinks, including Jamaica, Horchata, and Sangria (mexican soft drink makers also make these flavors).Mercurywoodrose (talk) 03:46, 30 July 2011 (UTC)
 * What on earth is a Hispanic flavour? Cls14 14:35, 22 December 2006 (UTC)

Not everything does the Dew
Compare the note here about the "Moon Mist" flavor with the note about MM on the Faygo page. If they are in fact alternate brands of the same flavor, the notes should not contradict one another. Tell Captain Caps-Lock that Chicago is probably part of the Faygo distribution area rather than Shasta. Asat 05:19, 7 February 2007 (UTC)
 * No evidence that Shasta ever made Moon Mist. thats Faygo's product.76.232.10.199 (talk) 06:48, 30 July 2011 (UTC)
 * Shasta's Moon Mist http://2.bp.blogspot.com/--nmk-_HnXME/Tsfmr0j4PKI/AAAAAAAAA3A/N3SMdG5SSss/s1600/2011+11-20+Moon+Mist.jpg Bizzybody (talk) 09:22, 5 June 2015 (UTC)

Changing flavour?
Sometime near the beginning of 2007, the diet shasta cola flavour seemed to undergo a change to a slightly more citrus flavour. This is in direct contrast to competitors like coca-cola which build upon its unchanging flavour. Has anyone else noticed the occasional flavour tweaking with other shasta beverages? If there is some way the flavour changes can be documented, perhaps it should be mentioned that rather than release a drink with a new name, the company just tweaks the flavour in the existing product line.
 * Can't find any evidence for this. They do add sucralose to their sugary drinks, and this change (dont know when it happened) might have affected the flavor.Mercurywoodrose (talk) 00:35, 1 August 2011 (UTC)

Peanut butter confirmation?
I noticed there was a "peanutbutter zingo" flavor listed, yet I can find no mention of it anywhere on Google aside from other wiki sites. Can someone confirm that it existed at one time? 74.76.154.190 14:56, 27 August 2007 (UTC)
 * It probably did exist, but all refs right now are unreliable, and im not going to add more unreferenced old flavors.Mercurywoodrose (talk) 23:34, 31 July 2011 (UTC)

The famed Jeff Salyers?
Shasta was also the soft drink that famed Australian TV host Jeff Salyers used to spray on himself at the end of every broadcast. I'm sorry, who? This was the only incidence of this name on Wikipedia, which in turn is the only hit on Google. And we don't have Shasta in Australia. MartinSFSA (talk)
 * And thats how we roll: this fictoid now removed by a diligent wikignome.Mercurywoodrose (talk) 03:51, 30 July 2011 (UTC)

Current flavors
Grabbed the following text file from their website, which is their current flavor list as of 07/2011: Apple Black Cherry Cherry Cola Club Soda Cola Creme Soda Diet Black Cherry Diet Cola Diet Creme Soda Diet Dr. Shasta Diet Ginger Ale Diet Grape Diet Grapefruit Diet Orange Diet Root Beer Diet Strawberry Dr. Shasta Ginger Ale Grape Grapefruit Zazz Kiwi Strawberry Mountain Rush Orange Pineapple Pineapple Orange Raspberry Creme Red Pop Root Beer Strawberry Tiki Punch Tonic Water

plus 3 new flavors: Fiesta Punch, California Dreamin', and a cherry flavor. i wont add them yet. the other flavors in the article should be put in "former" section i created.Mercurywoodrose (talk) 04:12, 30 July 2011 (UTC)
 * which i have done.Mercurywoodrose (talk) 04:40, 30 July 2011 (UTC)

When did Shasta quit making Strawberry?
Some time ago Shasta quit making plain Strawberry soda. Hard to pin down when because for some reason stores wouldn't buy it, claiming it didn't sell well. Kind of hard to sell something you never have on the shelf! Bizzybody (talk) 09:26, 5 June 2015 (UTC)

Shasta ‘slogan’?
I remember Shasta using the slogan “It hasta be Shasta” in the mid to late 60s. It was in jingle form along with print. It was the least expensive pop in our local store here in central Iowa - 10 cents/can. The root beer was a favorite.THX1136 (talk) 01:37, 9 September 2023 (UTC) THX1136 (talk) 01:36, 9 September 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Shasta (drink)


text:
Snohomish people

The Snohomish people are a Lushootseed-speaking Southern Coast Salish people who are indigenous to the Puget Sound region of Washington State. Most Snohomish are enrolled in the Tulalip Tribes of Washington and reside on the reservation or nearby, although others are enrolled in other tribes, and some are members of the non-recognized Snohomish Tribe of Indians. Traditionally, the Snohomish occupied a wide area of land, including the Snohomish River, parts of Whidbey and Camano Islands, and the nearby coastline of Skagit Bay and Puget Sound. They had at least 25 permanent villages throughout their lands, but in 1855, signed the Treaty of Point Elliott and were relocated to the Tulalip Reservation. Although some moved to the reservation, the harsh conditions, lack of land, and oppressive policies of the United States government caused many to leave.

The Snohomish today are descended from several groups, including the N'Quentlmamish and Sdodohobsh, among others. Each group was traditionally independent at the village level, but there was a greater cultural connection, and all called themselves Snohomish. They had a strong conception of their territory, and formed strong alliances between each other and outside with other peoples through marriage and diplomacy, which allowed their reach to extend far beyond their territory. Throughout the summer, they traveled across their territory and beyond to hunt, gather, and fish, while the winter was reserved for religious observances and ceremonies. Today, the Snohomish maintain their tradition of potlatching, as well as other cultural elements such as use of canoes, fishing, hunting, and gathering of traditional materials for cultural crafts.

Traditionally, the Snohomish spoke a subdialect of Northern Lushootseed, although it has fallen out of use in favor of English in more modern times. The Tulalip Tribes are in the process of revitalizing the language, as well as preserving and restoring other traditional cultural teachings, which are known in Lushootseed as.

Name and etymology
"Snohomish" is an anglicization of the Lushootseed name. Around the time of contact, a linguistic shift occurred where nasal consonants, such as m or n, shifted in many words to become b or d respectively. This is seen in many of the pronunciations of the oldest speakers of Lushootseed, some of which still pronounced words in the old way. When the Snohomish first encountered Europeans, their name was pronounced as snuhumš, producing the word "Snohomish" in English. After some time, the Lushootseed changed, while the English-language name stayed the same, creating the discrepancy that exists today.

The name "Snohomish" was traditionally used to refer to all those who lived in villages on southern Whidbey and Camano Islands, Hat Island, the coast of Puget Sound from Warm Beach to Muckilteo, and along the Snohomish River until Snohomish City. There were many villages and subgroups within the Snohomish proper, but they all had a level of social cohesion above their own village. In total, the Snohomish had 15 villages around their territory.

The meaning of the word has been debated by linguists and tribal historians. According to the Tulalip Tribes and several ethnologists and historians, the name means "many men" or "lots of people." William Shelton, a prominent leader of the Snohomish people in the early 20th century, said that it meant "lowland people".

Snohomish has also been anglicized many other ways, including Sdoh-hobsh, Sdohobc, Sinahomish, and Sneomuses. Today, Snohomish County, the city of Snohomish, and the Snohomish River are all named after the Snohomish people.

Classification and subgroups
The Snohomish are a Southern Coast Salish people, like most of their neighbors. The Coast Salish are a related group of disparate peoples who speak related languages and share elements of culture, religion, and stories. The Southern Coast Salish branch includes all Lushootseed-speaking peoples and the Twana, extending over all of Puget Sound, except for the westernmost shore of Admiralty Inlet.

The Snohomish today are descended from several peoples, including the Snohomish proper, the Sdodohobsh, and the N'Quentlmamish. Some ethnographers and historians have historically considered the Skykomish and the Sktalejum to be subgroups of the Snohomish as well, due to their close ties with the Snohomish, with many Snohomish people seeing the Skykomish as an offshoot group. The Snohomish themselves were placed under the Snoqualmie as subordinates during treaty negotiations, a fact many Snohomish deeply resented. Each subgroup was historically independent from one another, not seen as united under the Snohomish as they are today. Furthermore, each subgroup was composed of several independent villages who were tied together based on shared drainage systems and a complex network of alliances between families. In addition, all the people who came from island villages were known as , however this was not an ethnic term, and purely a geographical identifier.

The ("people of "), also called the Whidbey Island Snohomish, were a wealthy people, widely famous throughout Puget Sound. They had several villages on the southern half of Whidbey Island. Some ethnographers disagree on whether they were a subgroup of the Snohomish or part of the Snohomish proper.

The Quil Ceda people were those who came from the many villages in the vicinity of Quil Ceda Creek, including the village at Priest Point.

The Sdodohobsh, also known as the Upper Snohomish or Monroe people, hailed from three independent villages in the vicinity of Monroe. Their name,, means "little Snohomish." They were a low-class group, compared to the high-class Snohomish proper.

The name N'Quentlmamish (, also spelled Kwehtlamamish ) refers to all those who lived in villages along the Pilchuck River. Their territory included the Pilchuck River drainage, including Little Pilchuck Creek and Lake Stevens. They had two villages, and have sometimes been referred to as the Pilchuck people. Like the Sdodohobsh, they were low-class, seen by the Snohomish as mean and isolative. They were party to the Treaty of Point Elliot, as a subgroup of the Snohomish, and their land was ceded by Patkanim, a Snoqualmie.

The Sktalejum have sometimes been classed as a Snohomish subgroup, other times as a Skykomish subgroup, and other times as a Snoqualmie subgroup. Their three villages were located on the Skykomish River, above Monroe. Once a powerful group, they were decimated by Smallpox epidemics and left to live in other villages. They were party to the Treaty of Point Elliott, where signed the treaty for them.

The Quadsack, also called the Kwatsakwbixw, were a group who lived on Hat Slough. They had just one village, and have been variously considered a subgroup of the Snohomish or of the Stillaguamish. Although they were once an independent group, they were closely related to both the Snohomish and the Stillaguamish, and got absorbed after the Smallpox epidemics.

Pre-contact
For thousands of years, the Snohomish hunted, fished, and gathered around their territory. Ethnologist Colin Tweddell estimated that the pre-contact Snohomish population was in the thousands, possibly over 6,000. In the early 1800s, there were smallpox and measles epidemics which ravaged the population.

Around 1820, several Snohomish villages were decimated by a large landslide at Camano Head, the southern tip of Camano Island. A massive landslide occurred when the bluff collapsed, burying a village directly below it. Another village on Hat Island was wiped out by a large tidal wave caused by the landslide. Residents of the village at saw the landslide happen, and some managed to escape to higher ground before the impact of the wave. The wave also almost destroyed the largest Snohomish village of. The landslide was catastrophic, with hundreds of casualties. It was during the clamming season, and many who were visiting and  were buried and drowned.

Around 1824, the Snohomish had been warring with the Klallam and Cowichan people for some time. In December of that year, they met the trading party of John Work, a Hudson's Bay Company trader. The Snohomish were among the tribes that later traded with the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Nisqually, established in 1833 at the southern tip of Puget Sound. They also met Roman Catholic missionaries who entered their lands in the early 1840s.

Treaty of Point Elliot
In 1855, a council was held at what is now Mukilteo, Washington in order for then-Territorial Governor Isaac Stevens to draft a treaty that would cede the lands of the people living in the northern Puget Sound region to the United States. The Snohomish were party to this treaty, and about 350 Snohomish attended. During the treaty process, the Snohomish were made subordinate to the Snoqualmie by Stevens, and the treaty was signed for the Snohomish by Patkanim, a Snoqualmie leader. This was widely resented by the Snohomish. Patkanim, along with nine Snohomish "sub-chiefs," authorized the cession of all Snohomish lands to the United States.

During the 1855-1856 Puget Sound War, the Snohomish remained neutral. This upset American authorities, who felt that the Snohomish were "doing nothing" for the American government, and one Indian Agent recommended that the tribe be "disbanded." During this period, the Snohomish were encouraged to remove to a temporary reservation on Whidbey Island, so as to lessen the influence of the tribes fighting the American government.

According to Article 2 of the treaty, the original plan for the Snohomish under the treaty was that they would be relocated to a temporary Snohomish reservation, alongside the Skykomish, Snoqualmie, and Stillaguamish peoples. However, the treaty commission vastly underestimated the number of people who were living along the Snohomish and Stillaguamish drainage systems. In 1854, the treaty commission were under the impression that there were less than 400 people living along both watersheds. By 1856, reports said that the number of people living along the rivers was as high as 1,800. The two sections of land (1,280 acres) set apart for the Snohomish, Snoqualmie, Skykomish, and Stillaguamish peoples was wholly inadequate according to anthropologist Barbara Lane, and all four tribes would never have been able to support themselves on such a reservation.

At a later date, the Tulalip Reservation was established, as outlined in Article 3. It was originally planned to be a 36-section parcel of land to which all peoples living in western Washington would be relocated. The Tulalip Reservation encompassed the Snohomish reservation, and it was incorporated into the Tulalip Reservation. On December 3, 1873, the Tulalip Reservation was expanded by an executive order. It was enlarged to 24,320 acres.

Reservation Era
Although the Tulalip Reservation was initially chosen for its timber and nearby sawmill, funds were never given to rebuild the dilapidated sawmill. Not only that, but in 1874 it became illegal for the residents of the reservation to actually log their own forests, and all work on the reservation was disallowed. This resulted in many leaving the reservation to find logging jobs elsewhere. Eventually, logging was made legal again, but by 1883, most of the forests on the reservation had been logged. Parts of the reservation that weren't forested, about 1,200 acres, were swampland, and the intent was for the residents to drain the swampland for farming. However, the soil quality was poor, and little funding was given for draining the swamps. Because of these problems, the Indian Agent at the time wrote: "possessed of few resources which are likely to kindle the flame of jealousy in the whites, it is preeminently the most proper selection which the Government has ever made for an Indian Reservation."

The Tulalip Reservation was severely overcrowded. Although people were trying to move to the reservation as required, there simply was not enough land. By 1909, the Tulalip Reservation had been completely allotted. Some lost their allotted land, while others never got any allotment at all. Most Snohomish did in fact relocate to the Tulalip reservation early on, however, due to the lack of land, most returned to their traditional homelands. In 1919, 360 Snohomish lived off-reservation, twice as many as those living on-reservation.

In addition to the overcrowding, disease, and lack of work, the oppressive policies of the American government, including suppression of traditional language and religion, caused many people to leave the reservation during the early reservation period.

In 2008 membership in the unrecognized Snohomish Tribe of Indians had increased to 1,200, although it is unknown what percentage of the members are Snohomish. As of 2023, there are at least 5,100 members of the Tulalip Tribes, the majority of whom are of Snohomish ancestry.

Territory and villages
The core of Snohomish territory was the lower Snohomish River, particularly the area near the mouth. The historical extent of Snohomish territory stretched over Snohomish, King, and Island counties, including Whidbey Island, Camano Island, Hat Island, the eastern shoreline of Puget Sound, the Snohomish River, and the lower reaches of the Skykomish River. The Snohomish controlled the entirety of Whidbey Island south of a portage at what is now Greenbank. It also encompassed most of Camano Island, controlling the western side of the island south of Point Demock and the eastern side south of Livingston Bay. On the mainland, the southernmost border of Snohomish territory along the coast was at what is now Richmond Beach, south of Edmonds. The northernmost border encompassed Warm Beach, and continued easterly to Jordan and southerly to Granite Falls. To the east and west, Snohomish territory encompasses the entire Snohomish River drainage, excluding the Snoqualmie River, and including the Skykomish River to just downriver of Elwell Creek. The eastern boundary is generally the small mountain range between Mount Pilchuck and Bald Mountain.

Like other Puget Sound tribes, the Snohomish historically had a strong conception of their territory and its boundaries. People were aware of tribal boundaries and where they were, and there was mutual respect for the boundaries of other tribes. Alliances and friendship between nations allowed for arrangements which could allow others to cross into the territory of one's group. Through this system of alliances, the Snohomish allowed other allied peoples to use certain areas of their territory. Snohomish-controlled areas on Whidbey Island were shared with the Skagit, the Kikiallus, the Snoqualmie, and the Suquamish. The Stillaguamish, Snoqualmie, and Kikiallus were allowed to use certain areas of Snohomish Camano Island. The Snoqualmie and Duwamish were allowed to visit Hat Island. Tulalip Bay was shared with the Stillaguamish and Snoqualmie, and the southern Puget Sound coast owned by the Snohomish was shared with their southern Duwamish neighbors. Likewise, many of these groups allowed the Snohomish to visit their lands for hunting, fishing, and gathering in return.

Villages
The Snohomish and their associated groups permanently occupied at least 25 villages throughout their territory. Villages were composed of at least one longhouse, and larger villages such as often had smaller houses and a potlatch house  for specifically for ceremonies. Some villages, notably the village at, had large cedar palisades which protected the village. Low class villages, such as the village at, did not.

Religion
One of the primary beliefs of traditional Snohomish religion is in the spirit power or guardian spirit. Spirit powers are used in many ways, from daily activities to warfare. For example: a hunter might sing their spirit song during their hunt, and if they heard the spirit singing back, they would be successful. Certain professions were only open to those with certain helpful spirits. Traditionally, Snohomish children were trained from a very young age to go on a spirit power journey to remote locations where they would receive a power. Popular places to get spirit powers were at Stevens Pass and Lake Getchel in the Cascades. Generally, a spirit quest would take place during the spring, and it was best done during a storm. In order to acquire a spirit power, one had to do something challenging. This usually involved fasting, bathing many times a day, and diving deep into water. The longer someone fasted, or the more difficult the challenges they overcame, the more powerful spirit they would obtain. Spirits could also be obtained later in life due to overcoming personal challenges or developing skills. Traditionally, both women and men could get spirits, although men tended to get more powerful spirits.

The winter was historically a common time for many religious ceremonies, but especially prominent was the winter spirit power ceremony. In Snohomish religion, spirit powers travel around the world but return during the winter. When a spirit power returns, a person feels sick and hears their spirit power song. When this happens, one would traditionally host a large ceremony, often lasting several days, in which they would sing, dance, and give out gifts to friends and family. Unlike other ceremonies where people sang their spirit power songs alone, in this ceremony, friends were invited to help sing and dance. At the end of this ceremony, a person would usually give a potlatch.

Snohomish religion also features the, which is a type of spirit in the shape of a board. The tradition emerged in the Puget Sound region during the early historic period and a Snohomish woman claimed to be the first to get it. The boards are painted red and black and were about one-and-a-half feet long with a hole in it. This spirit is said to help people in catching fish, as well as searching for people lost in the woods. During the winter ceremony, people with this spirit did not perform their spirit dance themselves; rather, they hired four men to dance for them in pairs. In each pair, one danced with a larger board and one danced with a smaller board, putting their hand through the hole in the board and dancing counter-clockwise. The dances traditionally lasted four days and four nights, and the songs were sung four times fast and four times slow. Traditionally, the most powerful and desired spirit powers was (also spelled  or ). This spirit power is primarily a wealth spirit which helps one acquire wealth and property in life. Someone with was said to receive more gifts during a potlatch than others. Another highly powerful spirit is, which is a war spirit which came to people in time of war or courage. People with often were great and famous warriors. Both of these spirits were found only in deep water. The only spirit which one did not ever want to meet was the (Ayahos). The Ayahos is a highly-powerful elk-snake spirit which as two horns which lives in the forest. Hunters which follow this spirit are believed to die soon after meeting it.

Also a feature of traditional Snohomish religion are shamanistic spirits. Shamans, also called doctors,, are marked by their ability to get unique spirits which can be used to heal or hurt people. Traditionally, a did not have a winter dance, and their spirits are said to remain with them at all times. Unlike many other Indigenous peoples of the Northwest Coast, the Snohomish did not have secret societies for their shamans. The traditional belief is that shamans can cure people from many things, but those wounded in war could not be cured by a shaman, only by their own spirit powers. Shamans could also restore the spirit of a person who had their spirit power stolen. It was said that a shaman showed their power by wearing a stone or belt which could turn into a snake.

After colonization, many Snohomish also converted to the Indian Shaker Church, a syncretic Christian denomination. A Shaker church was built at Tulalip.

Architecture
The main dwelling of the Snohomish was the winter longhouse. Longhouses were often between one-hundred to two-hundred feet long. The Snohomish had two types of longhouses as identified by their roof shape: the slanted shed-roof houses and the triangular gable-roof houses. Longhouses were constructed out of long cedar planks tied to vertical posts for support. Houses were divided into rooms for each family. Inside the longhouse, the house posts were carved and painted by the oldest member of the family, and cattail mats were hung over the walls for insulation and storage. Two rows of sleeping platforms were around the wall, and above them were located storage shelves where provisions, blankets, and other belongings were stored. Fireplaces were never in the center of the house, but rather were located around the sides to allow for easy passage throughout the entire house. A replica of a traditional shed-roof longhouse was constructed at the Hibulb Cultural Center for gatherings and storytelling. The Gathering Hall at Tulalip Bay is inspired by the design of a traditional gable-roof longhouse.

Longhouses were owned by those who built it, with many longhouses being owned by the whole community. In larger longhouses with partitions, each room would be owned by one or several families. Other longhouses were owned by just one man and his family, all living in the longhouse.

The potlatch house was a special type of longhouse that wealthier communities could afford. Although any longhouse could be used for potlatches, large and wealthy communities often elected to build special longhouses exclusively for potlatching. Such houses were constructed in a similar fashion to normal houses, but had generally no partitions inside. The largest Snohomish potlatch house was located at. A large shed-roof house, it was 115 feet long and 43 feet wide, with ten carved house posts.

The Snohomish also built smaller, temporary summer lodgings. They were square shaped, either like a lean-to or with a gabled roof. It was constructed of a frame with large mats stacked on top of each other and overlapped to be waterproof to form the roof and walls. Generally, only one family at a time occupied a summer house.

Sustenance
Food was always abundant on Puget Sound before colonization, and the traditional diet of the Snohomish was well-rounded. The Snohomish took steelhead, dog, pink, sockeye, and king salmon, as well as trout, sturgeon, and flounder, on the lakes, rivers, and saltwater. Many types of shellfish such as clams, cockles, and mussels were gathered on the coast. Bear, deer, beaver, elk, goat, and duck, and goose were all hunted in the surrounding forests. Fish was mainly dried, while meat was both smoked and dried.

Fishing is highly important to the Snohomish, and there are many traditional techniques used to catch many types of fish, both in rivers and on the saltwater. The most famous method of fishing on the river is with weirs. Weirs were built over a river so that one could walk on the platform and lower a dip-net down into the trapped fish. Traps, hooks, and spears were used as well. Flare fishing, using flares made of pine chips, was done on rivers at night.

Plant resources were also widely used. Roots and berries, as well as certain native vegetables were gathered in the prairies, forests, and marshes. Berries, especially blackberries, were dried and made into cakes for dessert, or for future use. Flour and potatoes were also added to the diet, obtained through trade with settlers.

The Snohomish domesticated and kept the native Salish Wool Dog, which were sheared for their wool. The wool was highly valuable and could be made into clothing and blankets. According to ethnologist Colin Tweddell, the Snohomish were the center of the woolly-dog craft among the Coast Salish. The Snohomish also made blankets out of feathers and fireweed, as well as from high-quality mountain goat wool caught high in the Cascade Mountains.

Trade and transportation
The Snohomish were central in the trade of mountain goat wool and dog wool to many saltwater groups which had limited access to such resources. The Snohomish sold large quantities of mountain goat wool and blankets to the Indigenous peoples of Vancouver Island, in particular.

A common currency used by the Snohomish was shell money, called dentalium or solax. While many tribes had to trade for shells, the Snohomish were able to gather some types in their own territory, although certain shells did have to be traded. Shells were strung together with a string, and some high-class people wore shells as jewelry, on the end of a necklace or as earrings.

The canoe was the primary method of transportation in historic times. Even today, they are widely used in cultural contexts. Traditionally, the Snohomish utilized five types of canoes. The largest kind was the Quinault-style canoe, an ocean-going canoe manufactured by the Quinault, who traded it to the Snohomish. It could hold as many as 60 people. The smaller Nootka-style canoe, also called the war canoe or Chinook canoe, was a saltwater canoe originally from the Makah, but was widely adopted by the Snohomish for traveling. The Snohomish painted this canoe black on the outside, and red on the inside. It could carry as many as fifteen people. A smaller variant of this canoe, the, was made for women and hauling trade goods. The Nootka-style canoe replaced a similar type of canoe, the, which was manufactured natively by the Snohomish. The Snohomish used two types of canoes for river travel, the river canoe and the shovel-nose canoe. The river canoe was the smallest of the two, usually built for two people, and was made to look like the larger canoes. It was used most commonly for duck hunting and fishing. The more common shovel-nose canoe was used widely by the Snohomish for quick river travel and for fishing.

Traditional clothing and appearance
In the summer, Snohomish men generally wore long pants made of buckskin, fastened with a belt made also of buckskin or otter skin. Men wore shirts with or without sleeves which were trimmed with otter skin. Women wore long cedar-bark skirts and long-sleeved shirts made of buckskin. Women also used cedar-bark capes to shield themselves from the rain. Both men and women wore capes of bearskin or sealskin, fastened with pins of bone or yew, and both men and women wore moccasins or went barefoot. Both men and women wore cedar basket hats, which were secured with buckskin chin straps. In the winter, men wore warm racoon-skin hats with fur.

Snohomish women wore their hair parted down the middle and hung lose on each side, covering the ear. Below the ear it was braided. Men wore their hair parted down the middle and tied in a knot at the neck. When at work or at war, men tied their hair in a bun at the top of their head, which was decorated with shell money. High-class men decorated their hair for ceremonies, braiding otter skin into the hair and painting it red. Very young children wore their hair loose. A slave's hair was cut short.

Both men and women painted their faces with red paint to prevent chapping and to keep the skin cool during summer. Paint was sometimes in decorative designs representing one's spirit powers. Women also tattooed their arms and legs, but there was no religious significance.

Sociopolitical organization
The highest level of regular political organization was traditionally that of the village. The extended family was one of the most important parts of the fabric of traditional Snohomish society. The extended family was made up of several related families who lived in the same house, divided into sections for each family. Some large houses fit multiple extended families. Families made a complex web of alliances through marriage, which secured hunting, fishing, and gathering rights at preferable locations.

Like other Puget Sound tribes, the Snohomish traditionally did not have chiefs. Rather, there were high-ranking nobles who guided village affairs and resolved disputes, however, they did not have executive authority over anyone. In specific scenarios, like hunting parties or war parties, specific leaders could be appointed who had a higher level of authority during that activity. War leaders had high amounts of authority over warriors, but no one else, and still listened to other high-ranking people for counsel. In matters of law and justice, parties sent orators who decided on appropriate payment to settle the dispute. A dispute left unsettled could lead to war. A common show of friendship after a dispute would have two tribes cut up blankets together and weave the other people's blanket wool into the tribe's own blankets.

Later, after the contact period, Snohomish society began to shift into a more hierarchical system. A system evolved where one chief at who led all the Snohomish villages and governed with the help of various subchiefs. The role was generally hereditary. Despite this, the chief did not have absolute authority, and matters were decided by majority vote at council. One such chief in this era was William Shelton, who was the last hereditary chief of the Snohomish before the eventual abolition of the hereditary chiefdom.

Today, the Snohomish are part of the Tulalip Tribes, which have their own governmental systems.

Traditionally, Snohomish society was made up of a class system composed of three classes: high-class, low-class , and slaves. Slaves were prisoners of war, and, although they could not legally gain their freedom by themselves, it was possible (although uncommon) for the children of a slave to gain their freedom through a beneficial marriage. Otherwise, the children of an enslaved person were also to be slaves. Sometimes, a slave's family might buy them freedom if they could afford it. Enslaved children participated in the religious life as did other children, and those that got powerful spirit powers as they grew up were respected and treated as equals by their masters. The Snohomish never killed their slaves ritually or as punishment, unlike other Puget Sound peoples.

Potlatch
Potlatches are large intra-tribal gatherings which have long been practiced by the Snohomish and other neighboring Coast Salish peoples. The potlatch was the foundation of the economy prior to colonization, and today remains a very important cultural element of the Snohomish people. Traditional potlatches were essentially feasts for the purposes of gift-giving. Potlatches were held for many reasons, including (but not limited to) for a naming ceremony, for a funeral, after a successful hunt, for a marriage, for settlement of a debt or quarrel, or for celebrating a salmon run. Throwing an extravagant potlatch by giving away essentially all of one's possessions was highly respected and made someone widely famous. Traditionally, the potlatch cycle was used to strengthen alliances and relationships with nearby peoples. The potlatch cycle was also shared by the various villages of the Snohomish, solidifying their own inter-village connections. Among the Snohomish, the main potlatch houses were at, , , and. Other villages had potlatch houses as well, including at, , , and. It is likely that there were more potlatch houses before the population decline due to smallpox. Certain houses were built during the early colonial period, such as the potlatch house at.

A traditional potlatch generally saw the invitation of hundreds of people from local villages as well as distant villages. A traditional potlatch had an extensive welcome ceremony, in which each arriving group had its own day for welcome. When they arrived, they were greeted by a dance, to which the arriving group would respond with a song. After the welcome ceremonies for all groups, there would be feasting, dancing, and singing. Distribution of gifts (i.e. "potlatching") was common, but did not (and do not) happen at every potlatch. Potlatches also traditionally included long speeches by famous orators, who were given gifts for their speeches. People displayed their spirit powers by singing power songs or by performing tricks.

Yearly cycle
Although the Snohomish had permanent lodgings, they were only semi-sedentary. The traditional Snohomish lifestyle involved a year-long cycle of hunting, fishing, and gathering, all across their territory and beyond. Some remained at their villages year-round, especially the sick and elderly, but most people participated in the seasonal gathering cycle each year. One of the factors in the unity of the various Snohomish villages was the common participation in the yearly cycle in the same areas. The cycle began in spring, as people began to gather salmonberries in the lowlands of the Cascades. By summer, people traveled widely throughout the territory for hunting, fishing, berrying, clamming, and gathering all around the islands and the coastline of the Sound. Some also traveled into Stevens Pass to berry during the later months of the summer season. Around August, people would travel inland to hunt elk and prepare for the salmon runs. In the early fall, salmon began running throughout Snohomish territory, and upriver fishing commenced. Hunters also widened their focus to deer, bear, beaver, and other animals during this time. In the late fall, as people returned to their villages for the winter, people would travel far upriver into Skykomish territory to hunt mountain goats in the Cascades. The winter was a time of religious ceremony as well as craftwork and building until the spring, with fishing for steelhead taking place in January.

In modern times, as more people began to be employed in hop fields, the summer months became a time of traveling to the fields to work before heading home for the winter.

Language
The language of the Snohomish is Lushootseed, a Coast Salish language spoken by many different peoples throughout Puget Sound. Lushootseed is split into two main dialect areas, Northern, and Southern, each of which is split into various subdialects.The Snohomish dialect (also called the Tulalip dialect today) is a subdialect of Northern Lushootseed which has characteristics of both Northern and Southern Lushootseed, due to its location on the border between the two main dialects. Although usage of the language has declined in favor of English, the Tulalip Tribes work towards revitalizing the language to daily use and promoting traditional cultural knowledge called. The Tribes offer Lushootseed language classes in local schools, and also have held Catholic Mass in the language.

Tulalip Tribes of Washington
Most Snohomish are now enrolled in the federally-recognized Tulalip Tribes of Washington. The Tulalip Tribes is successor-in-interest to several groups, including (but not limited to) the Snohomish, Skykomish, and the Snoqualmie. The Snoqualmie are also represented by the Snoqualmie Indian Tribe, which fought for and subsequently won federal recognition for themselves, and are also as the successor-in-interest to the aboriginal Snoqualmie peoples.

The Tulalip Tribes operate two casinos, Quil Ceda Creek Casino and the Tulalip Resort Casino. The Tulalip Tribes also administrate the only tribal municipality in the country, Quil Ceda Village, and operate the Hibulb Cultural Center, a cultural center and museum. They also have several schools within Marysville School District, as well as a Montessori school and several early childhood education and other welfare and education programs for children and adults. In 2006, the Tribes employed 2,400 people in total.

Each year, the Tulalip Tribes participate in the Tribal Canoe Journey, an intra-tribal culture event held across Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia. In 2003, the Tulalip Tribes were the host nation. They celebrate Treaty Day on the weekend nearest January 22, and hold powwows and traditional celebrations throughout the year. The Tulalip Tribes also have Smokehouse religion facilities.

The Tulalip Reservation, established for the Snohomish and other groups (including those waiting for previously promised reservations) by the Treaty of Point Elliot, is west of the city of Marysville, is located on traditional Snohomish territory. However, most enrolled members today live off the reservation.

Snohomish Tribe of Indians
Some Snohomish people are members of the Snohomish Tribe of Indians or Snohomish Indian Tribe, commonly referred to as the Snohomish Tribe. The Snohomish Tribe is an unrecognized heritage group which claims descent from five aboriginal peoples: the Snohomish, the Sdodohobsh, the N'Quentlmamish, the Skykomish, and the Sktalejum. It was incorporated in 1974, and has sought federal recognition and a reservation between Snohomish and Monroe. In 2004, they were denied federal recognition, and they appealed the decision in 2008. They hold an annual powwow on Marrowstone Island, near Port Townsend. There were approximately 1,200 members of the group in 2008, although it is unknown what percentage are Snohomish descent.

Notable Snohomish

 * Boeda Strand, basket weaver
 * William Shelton, chief
 * Tommy Yarr, former NFL player and Notre Dame Fighting Irish football captain

title: Snohomish people


text:
Type site

In archaeology, a type site is the site used to define a particular archaeological culture or other typological unit, which is often named after it. For example, discoveries at La Tène and Hallstatt led scholars to divide the European Iron Age into the La Tène culture and Hallstatt culture, named after their respective type sites.

The concept is similar to type localities in geology and type specimens in biology.

East Asia

 * Banpo (Yangshao culture, Neolithic Yangshao culture, China)
 * Liangzhu Town, near Hangzhou (Liangzhu culture, Neolithic, China)
 * Songguk-ri (Middle Mumun culture, southern Korea)
 * Suemura cluster of kilns – Kilns of Sue pottery (Middle and Late Kofun period, Osaka, Japan)
 * Sanage cluster of kilns — Kilns of Green Glazed Ware and Ash Glazed Ware (Nara and Heian period, Aichi Prefecture, Japan)

Europe

 * a river terrace of the River Somme (Abbeville, France), of the Abbevillian culture
 * Aurignac (Haute Garonne, France), of the Aurignacian culture
 * Hallstatt (Salzkammergut, Austria), of the Hallstatt culture
 * La Tène, Neuchâtel, Switzerland, of the La Tène culture
 * Vinča, Belgrade, Serbia, of the Vinča culture
 * Abri de la Madeleine (Dordogne, France), of the Magdalenian culture
 * Le Moustier (Dordogne, France), of the Mousterian culture
 * Saint Acheul (near Amiens, France), of the Acheulean culture
 * Butmir (near Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina), of the Butmir culture

Mesoamerica

 * Uaxactun (Maya civilization, Dept.of Peten, Guatemala)
 * Dzibilchaltun (Maya civilization, northern Yucatan, Mexico)
 * Monte Albán (Zapotec civilization, Oaxaca, Mexico)

Near East

 * Tell Halaf, Syria, for the Halaf culture
 * Tell Hassuna, Iraq, for the Hassuna culture
 * Jemdet Nasr, Iraq, for the Jemdet Nasr period
 * Tell al-'Ubaid, Iraq, for the Ubaid period
 * Uruk, Iraq, for the Uruk period

Northern America

 * Folsom, New Mexico (Folsom Tradition), United States
 * Clovis, New Mexico (Clovis culture), United States: generally accepted as the type site for one of the earliest human cultures in the North America
 * La Plata County, Colorado (Basketmaker II period of the Anasazi culture), United States
 * Barton Gulch of the Blackwater Draw Paleo-Indian culture
 * Adena Mound (Adena culture), United States
 * Borax Lake Site, for two of the earliest cultural traditions in California: the Post Pattern and Borax Lake Pattern.

Oceania

 * New Caledonia, of the Lapita culture.

South Asia

 * Kot Diji (Pre-Indus civilization, Pakistan)
 * Harappa (Indus civilization, Punjab, northeast Pakistan)

title: Type site


text: User talk:68.59.84.10

title: User talk:68.59.84.10


text: User talk:24.230.26.23

title: User talk:24.230.26.23


text: User talk:68.224.196.94

title: User talk:68.224.196.94


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Inco

Inco

 * An abbreviation for a university's compsci department. Not much there there. It's barely a stub, not to mention hardly notable enough for a separate entry. Katefan0 02:13, Dec 9, 2004 (UTC)
 * del. Mikkalai 03:14, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete: Nonsense. Geogre 04:30, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Redirect to Inco Limited. Samaritan 20:21, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Redirect Spinboy 21:02, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Samaritan and Spinboy: They are nowhere near the same thing; a redirect is completely inappropriate. Inco Limited references a company in Canada; Inco is described as a compsci department at a university in Brazil. Katefan0 23:19, Dec 9, 2004 (UTC)
 * I know, but Inco Limited is often simply called Inco, even making the chorus of the unofficial national party song of Canada. That being said, I could live with a delete and redirect... Samaritan 00:59, 10 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Katefan, what the article describes is irrelevant to whether the title should be turned into a redirect to Inco Limited. And the answer to whether it should is, absolutely. I've more than once had to check back myself as to whether the mining company's article was at Inco, INCO or Inco Limited. Bearcat 06:40, 11 Dec 2004 (UTC)

title: Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Inco


text:
User:Carbenium

Hi!

I'm known as Carbenium in the german, danish and norwegian wikipedia; also in wikimedia commons, german and danish wiktionary. My main contributiuns are in the german wikipedia.

Have fun! :-) Carbenium

commons:User:Carbenium wiktionary:de:benutzer:Carbenium

da:Bruger:Carbenium de:Benutzer:Carbenium no:Bruker:Carbenium

title: User:Carbenium


text:
Santiago Bernabéu (footballer)

Santiago Bernabéu de Yeste (8 June 1895 – 2 June 1978) was a Spanish footballer who played for Real Madrid as a forward. He is widely regarded as one of the most important figures in the history of Real Madrid, having served as its president for 34 years and 264 days, from 11 September 1943 until his death on 2 June 1978.

Under Bernabéu's leadership, Real Madrid became a dominant team both on national and international level, with its influence stretching beyond the football pitch. The club's current stadium is named in his honour.

Early years and career
Bernabéu was born in Montealegre del Castillo (named simply Montealegre before 1916), in the province of Albacete, Spain. However, he was registered at his parents' home in the near town Almansa, where his family lived. His family moved to Madrid when he was very young, and Bernabéu himself joined the Real Madrid junior ranks in 1909 at age 14, after being a regular spectator at their matches for years. Bernabéu wore the captain's armband for years. In 1920, Santiago Bernabéu withdrew from Real Madrid and went on to join their city rival Atlético Madrid, with whom he would only play one game. In 1921, he returned to Real Madrid, playing as a striker before retiring from playing in 1926. He continued to be associated with the club until 1935, first as manager of the first team, then as a director and later becoming assistant manager.

Civil War
With the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936, professional football ceased to be played in Spain. During the war, Bernabéu fought on the side of Francisco Franco's Nationalists under the general Agustín Muñoz Grandes.

Post-Civil War
After the war, Bernabéu proceeded to spend the next several months finding and contacting former players, directors, and club members, eventually restructuring the club. In 1943, Bernabéu was elected president of Real Madrid – a position he would occupy until his death on 2 June 1978, beginning to implant his ideas. He restructured the club at all levels, in what would become the normal operating structure of professional clubs in the future, giving every section and level of the club independent technical teams and recruiting people who were ambitious and visionary in their own right, such as Raimundo Saporta.

He then endeavoured to build what would become the stadium that today bears his name, at the time the largest stadium in all of Europe. The Ciudad Deportiva, built so that the players could train without damaging the stadium's pitch, was also constructed during these years. Finally, he embarked upon an ambitious strategy of signing world-class players from Spain and abroad, the most prominent of them being the signing of Alfredo Di Stéfano. During Bernabéu's presidency many of Real Madrid's most legendary names played for the club, including Molowny, Muñoz, Di Stéfano, Gento, Rial, Santamaría, Kopa, Puskás, Amancio, Pirri, Netzer, Santillana, Juanito, Camacho, del Bosque, and many others. With this legendary team, Real Madrid would go on to usher in an unprecedented era of dominance both domestically and internationally, highlighted by its five consecutive European Cup triumphs and numerous domestic titles.

Influence in Europe and legacy
In 1955, acting upon the idea proposed by the L'Équipe journalist Gabriel Hanot and building upon the Latin Cup (at the time the most important European club tournament involving the champions of France, Spain, Portugal, and Italy), Bernabéu met in the Ambassador Hotel in Paris with Bedrignan and Gustav Sebes and created what was at first a loosely constructed tournament played among invited teams, but which over time developed into what is today the Champions League. Under the administration of UEFA, it is the world's premier club competition.

Bernabéu helped Manchester United rebuild its team following the Munich air disaster in 1958.

At the time of his death, Bernabéu had been the club's president for 35 years, during which his club won 6 European Cups, 2 Latin Cups, 1 Intercontinental Cup, 16 league titles, 6 Spanish Cups, and 1 Copa Eva Duarte. He died in 1978, while the World Cup was being played in Argentina. In his honour FIFA decreed three days of mourning during the tournament. In 2002, he was posthumously awarded the FIFA Order of Merit.

Player

 * Copa del Rey: 1917

President

 * Football:
 * La Liga: 1953–54, 1954–55, 1956–57, 1957–58, 1960–61, 1961–62, 1962–63, 1963–64, 1964–65, 1966–67, 1967–68, 1968–69, 1971–72, 1974–75, 1975–76, 1977–78
 * Copa del Generalísimo: 1946, 1947, 1961–62, 1969–70, 1973–74, 1974–75
 * Copa Eva Duarte: 1947
 * European Cup: 1955–56, 1956–57, 1957–58, 1958–59, 1959–60, 1965–66
 * Latin Cup: 1955, 1957
 * Intercontinental Cup: 1960

 * Basketball:
 * Liga Española de Baloncesto: 1957, 1958, 1959–60, 1960–61, 1961–62, 1962–63, 1963–64, 1964–65, 1965–66, 1967–68, 1968–69, 1969–70, 1970–71, 1971–72, 1972–73, 1973–74, 1974–75, 1975–76, 1976–77
 * Copa del Rey de Baloncesto: 1951, 1952, 1954, 1956, 1957, 1960, 1961, 1962, 1965, 1966, 1967, 1970, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1974, 1975, 1977
 * FIBA European Champions Cup: 1963–64, 1964–65, 1966–67, 1967–68, 1973–74, 1977–78
 * Basketball Latin Cup: 1953
 * FIBA Intercontinental Cup: 1976, 1977

title: Santiago Bernabéu (footballer)


text: User talk:68.105.17.80

title: User talk:68.105.17.80


text:
Talk:Sesshō and Kampaku

This article's a bit of a mess.
I'd clean it up, but I don't really have the prerequisite knowledge.--ByrnedHead 02:17, 9 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Romanization
Is "Kampaku" more well known than "Kanpaku"? WhisperToMe 06:23, 29 October 2005 (UTC)
 * I, personally, have never seen it spelled 'kanpaku', but then my main history texts are nearly 40 years old. I think it's one of those things like shimbun, where some romanization systems make 'n' into 'm' before a 'b' or 'p' as that's a little closer to the pronunciation. LordAmeth 13:53, 29 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Writing ん as m before "p", "b" and "m" is a characteristic of traditional Hepburn romanization. Some dictionaries still use traditional Hepburn, but it is now generally regarded as outdated. The question of which method the Wikipedia article should use would depend on whether Kampaku is already a familiar term to historians. The same goes for using Sessho instead of Sesshō, which is correct Hepburn (the former is not the result of any official method of romanization). Seeing as Matsuo Bashō uses Hepburn romanization in the English version and nonstandard romanization in the Simple English version, it's obvious there is no standard as to how things are done on Wikipedia.
 * Echnin
 * The impression I get recently is that there is beginning to be a push for a move to more proper romanization - e.g. using macrons in article titles - but that there is no true official consensus on the policy. That said, I stand by my earlier statement, that Kampaku seems to be one of the exceptions to the modern romanization rule of calling ん "n". Plenty of things have changed, e.g. Yedo-->Edo, Kwannon-->Kannon, but this seems to be the standard for this particular term. To be entirely honest, I don't know if we need to have a truly strict overarching policy on this sort of thing... LordAmeth 23:51, 15 December 2005 (UTC)
 * The important thing is that whichever spelling you use for the title, you should also make redirects with the other spelling. Tocharianne 03:35, 30 December 2006 (UTC)

Sesshō after the Meiji Restoration
This was moved from the main page by -- Taku 09:35, 20 September 2007 (UTC)
 * 1867–1912 Meiji
 * Imperial Chief Advisers
 * 1864–1868 Nariyuki Nijo
 * President of Government
 * 1868 Prince Taruhito
 * Ministers to the Right (acting chief ministers)
 * 1868–1871 Sanetomi Sanjo
 * Chief Minister
 * 1871–1885 Sanetomi Sanjo
 * Prime Minister
 * 1885–1888 Marquess Hirobumi Ito
 * 1888–1889 Count Kiyotaka Kuroda
 * 1889–1891 Duke Aritomo Yamagata
 * 1891–1892 Duke Masayoshi Matsukata
 * 1892–1896 Marquess Hirobumi Ito (2nd time)
 * 1896–1898 Duke Masayoshi Matsukata (2nd time)
 * 1898 Marquess Hirobumi Ito (3rd time)
 * 1898 Marquess Shigenobu Okuma
 * 1898–1900 Duke Aritomo Yamagata (2nd time)
 * 1900–1901 Marquess Hirobumi Ito (4th time)
 * 1901–1906 Duke Taro Katsura
 * 1906–1908 Duke Kimmochi Saionji
 * 1908–1911 Duke Taro Katsura (2nd time)
 * 1911–1912 Duke Kimmochi Saionji](2nd time)
 * 1912–1926 Taishō
 * 1921–1926 Regent—Prince Hirohito
 * Prime Minister
 * 1912–1913 Duke Taro Katsura (3rd time)
 * 1913–1914 Count Gonnohyoe Yamamoto
 * 1914–1916 Marquess Shigenobu Okuma (2nd time)
 * 1916–1918 Count Masatake Terauchi
 * 1918–1921 Takashi Hara
 * 1921–1922 Korekiyo Takahashi
 * 1922–1923 Tomosaburo Kato
 * 1923 Yasuya Uchida (acting)
 * 1923–1924 Count Gonnohyoe Yamamoto (2nd time)
 * 1924 Viscount Keigo Kiyoura
 * 1924–1926 Baron Takaaki Kato (from 1925, Count Takaaki Kato)
 * 1926–1927 Reijiro Wakatsuki

RfC: Move to Sesshō and Kanpaku?
Proposal: move this article from Sesshō and Kampaku to Sesshō and Kanpaku. Curly "JFC" Turkey 🍁 ¡gobble! 05:33, 20 January 2017 (UTC)

Discussion

 * An NGram makes it clear that "Kanpaku" has been the preferred romanization by a wide margin for the whole 21st century to date—a romanization that is also more in line with the standards at MOS:JAPAN, and thus more predictable for editors. The sorts of articles the terms sesshō and kanpaku are likely to appear in are also the most likely to use other terms that conform to the modified Hepburn MOS:JAPAN recommends. Curly "JFC" Turkey 🍁 ¡gobble! 05:33, 20 January 2017 (UTC)
 * Comment First of all, the Ngram should be "case-insensitive" checked and "smoothing" made 0. Resulting Ngram becomes like this. Secondly, Ngram compares a total occurence of a word ("match_count") not number of books ("volume_count"). If a word appears 100 times in "one" book, match_count and volume_count becomes 100 and 1 respectively. While the word appears once in each 100 books, match_count and volume_count becomes 100 and 100 respectively. Apparently the prevalence of the word should be measured by "volume_count" not "match_count". See Google Ngram Viewer for details.
 * The followings are Google Book search result:
 * "Kampaku" "Sessho" OR "Sesshō" 1,270
 * "Kanpaku" "Sessho" OR "Sesshō" 516
 * "Kampaku" 5,510
 * "Kanpaku" 3,630
 * ―― Phoenix7777 (talk) 23:48, 22 January 2017 (UTC)
 * Phoenix7777: The data doesn't seem to make much of a case for giving precedence to a spelling that's at odds with MoS recommendations. Exceptions should be exceptional, and "kampaku" is not exceptional by a long shot.  Also, are LLC Books et al filtered from those results?  Three of the books on the first page of hits are reprints of Wikipedia articles—obviously using Wikipedia's current spelling. Curly "JFC" Turkey 🍁 ¡gobble! 06:21, 23 January 2017 (UTC)

 * It's listed as kanpaku in the 4th edition of the Kenkyusha J-E dictionary, which normally would be good enough for me. For spelling, simply choosing an authoritative dictionary and following it avoids a lot of problems. But in this case, all of the top results on Google have kampaku, including Britannica, Sansom's history, and books from academic presses like Harvard and Cambridge. It looks like kampaku has been an accepted term for a long time, at least in academia. So I would tend to leave it as it is. – Margin1522 (talk) 04:58, 23 January 2017 (UTC)
 * Margin1522: Sansom died in 1965 and his spellings include "Ōye Masahira" and "Ichi no Iye". I assume the "Cambridge" you refer to is The Cambridge History of Japan, published in the 1980s.  More recent books from Cambridge use the spelling kanpaku: . Curly "JFC" Turkey 🍁 ¡gobble! 06:34, 23 January 2017 (UTC)
 * The second of those books seems to have one of each. Either way is OK with me. I don't think the arguments are decisive either way. – Margin1522 (talk) 11:14, 23 January 2017 (UTC)
 * When the arguments aren't decisive either way, the normal thing is to fall back on standards, isn't it? MOS:JAPAN calls for modified Hepburn except in exceptional cases, and "kampaku" is in no way exceptional.  We end up with entire articles in modified Hepburn except for the word "kampaku", which might make sense if this were an everyday word readers have come to expect to see spelt that way—but "kampaku" most clearly is no such word. Curly "JFC" Turkey 🍁 ¡gobble! 01:17, 24 January 2017 (UTC)
 * Oppose, though Sesshō and Kanpaku should be a redirect per MOSJA. Any likely alternate spelling should be. I'm not seeing the support in sources for moving it at this time. ··· 日本穣 ·  投稿  · Talk to Nihonjoe ·  Join WP Japan ! 23:30, 30 January 2017 (UTC)
 * I don't understand this rationale. Why do we have a MOS if we're just going to ignore it? Curly "JFC" Turkey 🍁 ¡gobble! 23:39, 30 January 2017 (UTC)
 * Support (strongly): As Curly Turkey says, there is a standard (Hepburn romanisation), which is overwhelmingly the most common standard for writing Japanese words in roman letters, and which is the standard Wikipedia has adopted. (Very wisely, in my opinion, even though personally I think I could design a much better standard in about 10 minutes, as could any Finn in about 20 seconds.) It simply doesn't matter what odd "spelling" (not really the right term, IMO) this or that author might have used, nor indeed what different romanisation standard some dictionary might have used. Imaginatorium (talk) 13:29, 31 January 2017 (UTC)
 * Comment: Not changing my vote on the narrow issue, but I just realised this is on my list. en:WP is an encyclopedia in English, and I think it is important that it is as accessible to English speakers as possible. This article starts (is this a "hatnote"?) "This article is about the regent of the emperor of Japan." This immediately raises the question: then why isn't it titled "Regent of the emperor of Japan"? In the first (real) paragraph, we learn of the two Japanese words in the title, neither of them exactly English household words, that there was not much difference between them. So why use two opaque foreign terms when one English one would do? Of course I think en:WP should show the original terms (including the kanji, which are a lot easier to grasp), because this is providing useful information; but requiring the person looking for information to know the terms already is not helping. Imaginatorium (talk) 13:48, 31 January 2017 (UTC)
 * Imaginatorium: On that note, they're probably not looking for "Regent of the emperor of Japan"—they're probably clicking through from one of the hundreds of articles that link to it. Curly "JFC" Turkey 🍁 ¡gobble! 03:22, 16 February 2017 (UTC)

But that only seems to support my point. The first one I looked at was one of the years, but these all say things like:

 * 804: Fujiwara no Yoshifusa, Japanese regent (d. 872)
 * 836: Fujiwara no Mototsune, Japanese regent (d. 891)
 * 866: Fujiwara no Yoshifusa becomes regent (sesshō) to assist the child emperor Seiwa, starting the Fujiwara regency.
 * 872: Fujiwara no Yoshifusa, Japanese regent (sesshō), dies at his native Kyoto, having ruled since 858. He is succeeded as head of the Fujiwara clan by his son Fujiwara no Mototsune.
 * 876: ...appoints Fujiwara no Mototsune as regent (sesshō)...

It seems to me that in no case is the Japanese term relevant. The simplest and clearest way is as in 804, where the English word "regent" is linked to a discussion of the details of Japanese regents (however titled). If the specific title is given, it should be as "...the regent (sesshō)", italicised of course.

Then Alessandro Valignano included a reference to "the Kanpaku Toyotomi Hideyoshi", which I changed to a generic "ruler". TH did indeed have this title, but (modulo my very feeble grasp of Japanese history) I do not think this article will be helpful -- the reader needs to go and look at Toyotomi Hideyoshi to understand the power structure of the time.

Fujiwara no Mototsune has a list including:
 * Tadahira (忠平) (880–949) - Daijō Daijin, Sesshō and Kampaku

(I do not intend to criticise the editors responsible for this; there is a lot of work involved.) But this is not really very readable, with lists of unglossed Japanese roles. In particular, how can Tadahira have been both Sesshō and Kampaku? If we cannot distinguish them, saying "Regent" would be both more accurate, and immediately understandable in English.

And so on. Imaginatorium (talk) 08:21, 19 February 2017 (UTC)
 * Imaginatorium: I'm not disagreeing with the "keep it English" principal, but aside from the years articles you'll find virtually all of them link via either Sesshō, Kampaku, or Sesshō and Kampaku—this is why I opened the RfC.
 * "how can Tadahira have been both Sesshō and Kampaku"—according to the Fujiwara no Tadahira article, he became sesshō in 931 and kanpaku in 941. If we change the article title to "Regent blah blah blah", how would you handle the Tadahira article.  He became regent in 931, and then regent in 941? Curly "JFC" Turkey 🍁 ¡gobble! 10:29, 19 February 2017 (UTC)
 * (As an aside, even it the artiecl were moved to a "Regent" title, we'd still have to decide whether to use kanpaku or kampaku in those cases where it would have to appear in running text—as it inevitably would somethere in the text of this article). Curly "JFC" Turkey 🍁 ¡gobble! 10:33, 19 February 2017 (UTC)

 * Support: (Is this discussion still open?) I was a bit surprised to see Kampaku in the title, since I'm more used to the romaji system. Wiktionary doesn't have an entry for kampaku, but it does for kanpaku (not using this as an argument in favor... just citing it as a curiosity). —capmo (talk) 02:02, 3 February 2021 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified one external link on Sesshō and Kampaku. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20040827224301/http://nekhet.ddo.jp/ruler/japan/sekkan.html to http://nekhet.ddo.jp/ruler/japan/sekkan.html

When you have finished reviewing my changes, you may follow the instructions on the template below to fix any issues with the URLs.

Cheers.— InternetArchiveBot  (Report bug) 11:45, 10 December 2017 (UTC)

title: Talk:Sesshō and Kampaku


text:
Walter Kerr

Walter Francis Kerr (July 8, 1913 – October 9, 1996) was an American writer and Broadway theatre critic. He also was the writer, lyricist, and/or director of several Broadway plays and musicals as well as the author of several books, generally on the subject of theater and cinema.

Biography
Kerr was born in Evanston, Illinois, and earned both a B.A. and M.A. from Northwestern University., after graduation from St. George H.S. also in Evanston.

He was a regular film critic for the St. George High School newspaper while a student there, and was also a critic for the Evanston News Index. He was the editor of the high school newspaper and yearbook. He taught speech and drama at The Catholic University of America.

After writing criticism for Commonweal he became a theater critic for the New York Herald Tribune in 1951. When that paper folded, he then began writing theater reviews for The New York Times in 1966, writing for the next seventeen years. During this time, Kerr lived in New Rochelle, NY in the same house Norman Rockwell lived in.

He married fellow writer Jean Kerr (née Collins) on August 9, 1943. Together, they wrote the musical Goldilocks (1958), which won two Tony Awards. They also collaborated on Touch and Go (1949) and King of Hearts (1954). They had six children.

Kerr died from congestive heart failure on October 9, 1996.

He was portrayed pseudonymously by David Niven in the 1960 film Please Don't Eat the Daisies, based on Jean Kerr's best-selling collection of humorous essays.

Critiquing shows
Kerr was one of the harshest New York theatre critics of his era, giving the fewest favorable reviews. He was well known for panning musicals that were musically ambitious.

Notoriously he is credited with one of the world's shortest reviews, "Me no Leica" for John Van Druten's I Am a Camera in the New York Herald Tribune, December 31, 1951.

Stephen Sondheim
Many of the shows he critiqued were those of Stephen Sondheim. About Sondheim's Company, Kerr wrote that it was too cold, cynical and distant for his taste, though he "admitted to admiring large parts of the show."

About Sondheim's Follies, he wrote " 'Follies' is intermissionless and exhausting, an extravaganza that becomes tedious for two simple reasons: Its extravagances have nothing to do with its pebble of a plot; and the plot, which could be wrapped up in approximately two songs, dawdles through 22 before it declares itself done... Mr. Sondheim may be too much a man of the seventies, too present-tense sophisticated... The effort to bind it up inhibits the crackling, open-ended, restlessly varied surges of sound he devised with such distinction for Company."

He praised A Little Night Music, writing that "The score is a gift, the ladies are delightful, and producer Harold Prince has staged the moody meetings with easy skill."

He expressed mixed sentiments about Sweeney Todd: The Demon Barber of Fleet Street, praising the music but deeming it too lilting for the show's grisly subject; his conclusion- "What is this musical about?" He wrote a follow-up article on his observation that the musical contained a plot from Molière's The School for Wives, posing the question who, of all of the authors who had revised the tale of Sweeney Todd over the years, had put the plot into the story.

Nevertheless, in 1977, he wrote of Sondheim "I needn't tell you that Stephen Sondheim is, both musically and lyrically, the most sophisticated composer now working for the Broadway theater."

Leonard Bernstein
In reviewing Leonard Bernstein's West Side Story he focused on the dancing: "the most savage, restless, electrifying dance patterns we've been exposed to in a dozen seasons... The dancing is it. Don't look for laughter or—for that matter—tears."

In his review of the original 1956 Broadway production of Candide, he wrote that it was a "really spectacular disaster". However, in reviewing the 1973 revival of Candide he wrote that it was a "most satisfying resurrection. [...] 'Candide' may at last have stumbled into the best of all possible productions... The show is now a carousel and we are on it quite safely... The design of the unending chase is so firm, the performers are so secure in their climbing and tumbling...that we are able to join the journey and still see it with the detachment that Voltaire prescribes."

Frank Loesser
Of Frank Loesser's "musical with a lot of music" [sic. opera], The Most Happy Fella he wrote: "the evening at the Imperial is finally heavy with its own inventiveness, weighted down with the variety and fulsomeness of a genuinely creative appetite. It's as though Mr. Loesser had written two complete musicals—the operetta and the haymaker—on the same simple play and then crammed them both into a single structure."

Other criticism
Kerr was also notable for his lack of enthusiasm for the plays of Samuel Beckett. For instance, of Beckett's Waiting For Godot he wrote "The play, asking for a thousand readings, has none of its own to give. It is a veil rather than a revelation. It wears a mask rather than a face."

Awards and honors
Walter Kerr won a Pulitzer Prize for Criticism in 1978 for "articles on the theater".

In 1983, Kerr was inducted into the American Theater Hall of Fame.

In 1990, the former Ritz Theater on West 48th Street in the Theater District, New York was renamed the Walter Kerr Theatre in his honor.

Works
Books (selected)
 * Criticism and Censorship (1954)
 * How Not to Write a Play (1955)
 * Pieces at Eight (1958)
 * The Decline of Pleasure (1962)
 * The Theatre in Spite of Itself (1963)
 * Tragedy and Comedy (1967)
 * Thirty Plays Hath November (1969)
 * God on the Gymnasium Floor (1971)
 * The Silent Clowns (1975)
 * Journey to the Center of the Theater (1979)

Broadway
 * Count Me In 1942 musical – wrote book
 * Sing Out, Sweet Land 1944 musical revue – wrote book and directed book
 * The Song of Bernadette 1946 play – wrote book with Jean Kerr and directed
 * Touch and Go 1949 musical revue – wrote sketches and lyrics with Jean Kerr and directed
 * King of Hearts 1954 play – directed (written by Jean Kerr and Eleanor Brooke)
 * Goldilocks 1958 musical – wrote book and lyrics with Jean Kerr and Joan Ford (lyrics) and directed

Other
 * Miss Calypso – a Maya Angelou album that Kerr produced
 * Stardust (1946) wrote (comedy), presented at the Catholic University, Washington, DC under the title Art and Prudence

title: Walter Kerr


text:
José Cardozo

José Saturnino Cardozo Otazú (born 19 March 1971) is a Paraguayan football manager and former footballer. He played as a striker and spent 10 years of his career playing for Toluca and is the club's all-time top goalscorer. He also managed Toluca in 2013 up to 2016.

Cardozo earned 82 caps for Paraguay between 1991 and 2006, putting him ninth in their most-capped players of all time, with his haul of 25 international goals the second most for the nation. He represented them at three Copa América tournaments, two FIFA World Cups, and the 2004 Olympic tournament, winning silver in the latter.

Cardozo, while on loan for the tournament, was also a main catalyst and goalscorer for runner-up Cruz Azul in the 2001 Copa Libertadores defeat to Buenos Aires club Boca Jr.

Club career
Born in Nueva Italia in the Central Department, Cardozo began his professional career in 1988, making his debut for River Plate of Paraguay. After four years in River, he moved to Swiss club FC St. Gallen, where he played from 1990 to 1992. He returned to South America in 1993, joining Universidad Católica de Chile helping the team reach the 1993 Copa Libertadores de América final. The following year he played for Club Olimpia of Paraguay, from which he moved to Club Toluca of Mexico.

Cardozo made his debut for Toluca in the 1995 season, but only appeared in three games, scoring no goals. However, in the subsequent winter season, he scored 7 goals in 13 games. In his ten years with the team, he has scored a record 249 goals for the club, including 36 goals in 25 matches in the 2002 Apertura. Cardozo was top scorer of the league four times (Verano 1998, Verano 1999, Apertura 2002, and Clausura 2003). He moved to the 4th spot in the list of all-time top scorers in the Mexico Primera Division after Jared Borgetti scored his 250th goal with Monarcas Morelia.

Due to his work at Toluca, Cardozo was elected as the Paraguayan Footballer of the Year in the years 2000, 2002 and 2003; and the South American Footballer of the Year in 2002. Despite the fact that he was fiercely opposed to the move, Cardozo was transferred to Argentine team San Lorenzo de Almagro in June 2005, and finished the season with only 4 goals due to injuries that kept him away from playing several games. However, many critics lambasted Cardozo for refusing to play through the pain. While playing for Toluca, Cardozo struggled through the 1997 campaign with hamstring problems and then played through much of the 2001 season despite suffering a broken wrist in the season opener. Cardozo is the all-time leading scorer for Toluca, with 249 goals in 332 appearances.

In July 2006, Cardozo attempted to return to Club Olimpia to finish his career. He was unable to re-sign for the club because the Paraguayan league's transfer deadline had already passed. As a result of his inability to sign for Olimpia, he decided to retire from football. He scored 342 goals total in his career. In June 2008 a farewell match was organized in the city of Toluca to honor his career and contributions to football. Cardozo scored two goals in the match which had a sellout crowd.

Paraguay national team
Cardozo was the all-time leading scorer for the Paraguay national team, with 25 goals, until 2013, with the record being broken by Roque Santa Cruz. He played for his country at the 1998 and 2002 World Cups and was named in the original 2006 World Cup squad but he was injured during training sessions and replaced by Dante López. Cardozo was also an over-age player at the 2004 Summer Olympics, when Paraguay finished second. On 4 August, before the Summer Olympics began, he played in a preparation game against the Portugal of Cristiano Ronaldo in the city of Algarve, resulting in a 5–0 defeat. He scored a hat-trick against Uruguay in the 2006 FIFA World Cup qualification, with the final result being 4–1.

Paraguay U23

 * Score and Result list Paraguay's goal tally first.

Club Olimpia
In November 2006, Club Olimpia's coach Oscar Paulin was fired due to poor performances by the team and Cardozo was named as the interim coach of the Paraguayan club, this being his first experience as a coach. He coached for the remainder of the year and for the 2007 Apertura tournament.

Indios
In October 2009 he was hired to be an assistant coach for the team of Indios de Juarez for the Apertura 2009.

Club Olimpia (Return)
Cardozo returned to Olimpia Asunción in November 2009 following coach Carlos Kiese's resignation.

Querétaro FC
In 2011, he was hired as coach Querétaro FC where he led the team into their first liguilla and the team's all team highest place (8th) and points (26) in Primera División regular season. He managed to eliminate Guadalajara in the Quarter Finals and advance to a surprising semi-final where they lost to champions Tigres UANL 1–0. The following season however, Querétaro began the season with poor results, which once again emerged relegation problems against rivals Atlas and Estudiantes Tecos (relegated) which led to Cardozo's resignation.

Club Olimpia (Return)
After spending the 2011 and 2012 seasons at Querétaro, he was appointed to manage Olimpia once again on 25 September 2012 after the departure of Gregorio Perez.

Toluca
On 7 May 2013, Cardozo was announced as the new manager for Club Deportivo Toluca of Mexico where he played for 10 years (1995–2005). On 1 May 2016, during the 2016 Clausura, Cardozo confirmed that he would no longer coach Toluca beyond the end of the season despite still having a year left on his contract. He stated that since he did not meet his objective of reaching the Liga MX playoffs with the club, he had nothing more to do with the club, citing that Toluca was a big club with directors and fans that expected a lot more of the team than he could continue to offer. He stated that when a team can no longer accomplish what is asked of it, that the first change that must come is the manager, no questions about it.

Chiapas
Cardozo had a turbulent season at Chiapas during the Apertura 2016, being sacked in September and then brought back due to the petition of the chiapas players. He was ultimately sacked one week later after two more defeats.

Puebla
Cardozo took over Club Puebla early in the Clausura 2017 season.

Guadalajara
On 12 June 2018, Cardozo was appointed manager of Liga MX club Guadalajara.

Honours
Olimpia
 * Paraguayan League: 1993

Toluca
 * Mexican Primera División: Verano 1998, Verano 1999, Verano 2000, Apertura 2002
 * CONCACAF Champions' Cup: 2003

Cruz Azul
 * Copa Libertadores runner-up: 2001

Paraguay
 * CONMEBOL Men Pre-Olympic Tournament: 1992
 * Summer Olympics silver medal: 2004

Individual
 * Mexican Primera División Golden Ball: Apertura 2002
 * Mexican Primera División Golden Boot: Verano 1998, Verano 1999, Apertura 2002, Clausura 2003
 * FIFA World Topscorer of the Year: 2003 (58 goals)
 * Paraguayan Footballer of the Year: 2000, 2002, 2003
 * South American Footballer of the Year: 2002
 * South American Team of the Year: 2002, 2003, 2004
 * All-time scorer for Deportivo Toluca (249 goals)

title: José Cardozo


text:
Base 26

Base 26 may refer to:

 * A numeral system, see
 * Xi'an Satellite Control Center, a Chinese aerospace facility

title: Base 26


text:
Material culture

Material culture is the aspect of culture manifested by the physical objects and architecture of a society. The term is primarily used in archaeology and anthropology, but is also of interest to sociology, geography and history. The field considers artifacts in relation to their specific cultural and historic contexts, communities and belief systems. It includes the usage, consumption, creation and trade of objects as well as the behaviors, norms and rituals that the objects create or take part in.

Material culture is contrasted with symbolic culture or non-material culture, which include non-material symbols, beliefs and social constructs. However, some scholars include in material culture other intangible phenomena like sound, smell and events, while some even consider it to include language and media. Material culture can be described as any object that humans use to survive, define social relationships, represent facets of identity, or benefit peoples' state of mind, social, or economic standing.

The scholarly analysis of material culture, which can include both human made and natural or altered objects, is called material culture studies. It is an interdisciplinary field and methodology that tells of the relationships between people and their things: the making, history, preservation and interpretation of objects. It draws on both theory and practice from the social sciences and humanities such as art history, archaeology, anthropology, history, historic preservation, folklore, archival science, literary criticism and museum studies.

Material value

Research in several areas looks into the reasons for perceiving an object as having meaning. Common reasons for valuing material lie in their monetary or sentimental value.

A well-known related theory is Daniel Kahneman's endowment effect theory. According to Kahneman, people infuse objects they own with a higher value than they do if they do not own the object. The endowment effect is found to occur as soon as an item is acquired and the effect increases over time.

Another way in which material can hold meaning and value is by carrying communication between people, just like other communication forms such as speech, touch and gesture. An object can mediate messages between time or space or both between people who are not together. A work of art, for example, can transfer a message from the creator to the viewer and share an image, a feeling, or an experience. Material can contain memories and mutual experiences across time and influence thoughts and feelings. A study found that couples who have more items that were jointly acquired and more favorite items among them had higher-quality relationships.

Researchers from the fields of sociology, psychology, and anthropology have also been fascinated by gift-giving, a universal phenomenon that holds emotional meaning using material culture. According to Schieffelin, "gift-giving is a vehicle of social obligation and political maneuver." Mauss defines the gift as creating a special bond between the giver and the receiver. According to Mauss, the giver never really leaves the gift but becomes part of the receiver's future by inserting the gift into their life. A gift leads at some point to another gift in response, which creates a special reciprocal bond between people.

History
Material culture studies as an academic field grew along the field of anthropology and so began by studying non-Western material culture. All too often, it was a way of putting material culture into categories in such a way that marginalized and hierarchized the cultures from which they came. During the "golden age" of museum-going, material cultures were used to show the supposed evolution of society from the simple objects of non-Westerners to the advanced objects of Europeans. It was a way of showing that Europeans were at the end of the evolution of society, with non-Westerners at the beginning. Eventually, scholars left the notion that culture evolved though predictable cycles, and the study of material culture changed to have a more objective view of non-Western material culture.

The field of material culture studies as its own distinct discipline dates to the 1990s. The Journal of Material Culture began publishing in 1996. Collecting habits date back hundreds of years.

Contributors
Leslie White was an American anthropologist, known for his advocacy of theories of cultural evolution, sociocultural evolution, and especially neoevolutionism and for his role in creating the department of anthropology at the University of Michigan Ann Arbor. He was president of the American Anthropological Association (1964). He wrote The Science of Culture in 1949 in which he outlined schema of the world as divided into cultural, biological, and physical levels of phenomenon. White believed that the development of culture rested primarily on technology and that the history of human technology could be understood through the study of human-produced materials.

American anthropologist James Deetz, known for his work in the field of historical archaeology, wrote the book "In Small Things Forgotten" in 1977 and published a revised and expanded version in 1996. He pioneered there the ideas of using neglected substances such as trash pits, potshards, and soil stains to reveal human actions. By analyzing objects in association with their location, the history of that location, the objects they were found with, and not singling out the most valuable or rarest ones, archaeologists can create a more accurate picture of daily life. Deetz looks at the long view of history and investigates the impact of European culture on other cultures across the globe by an analysis of the spread of everyday objects.

Ian M. G. Quimby's Material Culture and the Study of American Life, written in 1978, tried to bridge the gaps between the museum world and the university and between curator and historian. Quimby posits that objects in museums are understood through an intellectual framework that uses non-traditional sources. He also describes the benefits of work on exhibit design as a vehicle for education.

Thomas Schlereth, Professor Emeritus of American Studies at the University of Notre Dame, wrote about philosophies and methods of teaching history outside the traditional classroom. In his book Artifacts and the American Past, Schlereth defines material culture study as an attempt to explain why things were made, why they took the forms they did, and what social, functional, aesthetic, or symbolic needs they serve. He advocates studying photographs, catalogues, maps and landscapes. He suggests a variety of modes for interrogating artifacts.

Professor Kiki Smith of Smith College, asserts that "…clothes can reveal much about lives from the past", and that garments preserved in collections are akin to other artifacts, including books, diaries, paintings and letters. She established the Smith College Historic Clothing Collection with 3000 items for the college's theater department. This archive of women's clothing and accessories, from all social classes, is a resource for courses in costume design, history, material culture, and literary history and curatorial practices.

Gerd Koch, associated with the Ethnological Museum of Berlin, is known for his studies on the material culture of Tuvalu, Kiribati and the Santa Cruz Islands. During his early field work in 1951 to 1952, Koch developed techniques in the recording of culture, including the use of tape recorders and cinematographic cameras.

Archaeology
Archaeology is the study of humanity through the inferential analysis of material culture to ultimately gain an understanding of the daily lives of past cultures and the overarching trend of human history. An archaeological culture is a recurring assemblage of the artifacts from a specific time and place, most often that has no written record. These physical artifacts are then used to make inferences about the ephemeral aspects of culture and history. With more recent societies, written histories, oral traditions, and direct observations may also be available to supplement the study of material culture.

Beginning in the European Renaissance and the culture's fascination with classical antiquities, the study of artifacts from long-lost cultures has produced many forms of archaeological theory, such as trans-cultural diffusion, processual archaeology, and post-processual archaeology. Additionally, archaeological sub-disciplines have emerged within the field, including prehistoric archaeology, classical archaeology, historical archaeology, cognitive archaeology, and cultural ecology. Recently, a scientific methodology and approach to the analysis of pre-historic material culture has become prevalent with systematic excavation techniques producing detailed and precise results.

Anthropology
Anthropology is most simply defined as the study of humans across time and space. In studying a human culture, an anthropologist studies the material culture of the people in question as well as the people themselves and their interactions with others. To understand the culture in which an object is featured, an anthropologist looks at the object itself, its context, and the way that it was manufactured and used.

The first anthropologist interested in studying material culture was Lewis Henry Morgan, in the mid-19th century. He is most known for his research on kinship and social structures, but he also studied the effect of material culture, specifically technology, on the evolution of a society. Later in the 19th century, Franz Boas brought the fields of anthropology and material culture studies closer together. He believed that it was crucial for an anthropologist to analyze not only the physical properties of material culture but also its meanings and uses in its indigenous context to begin to understand a society. At the same time in France, Émile Durkheim wrote about the importance of material culture in understanding a society. Durkheim saw material culture as one of the social facts that functions as a coercive force to maintain solidarity in a society.

Claude Lévi-Strauss, in the 20th century, included the study of material culture in his work as an anthropologist because he believed that it could reveal a deeper level of structure and meaning unattainable by typical fieldwork. According to Lévi-Strauss, material culture can recall the mindset of a people, regardless of intervening time or space. Also in the 20th century, Mary Douglas thought that anthropology was about studying the meaning of material culture to the people who experience it. Marvin Harris, a contemporary of Douglas, put forward the theory of cultural materialism and said that all aspects of society have material causes.

Sociology
In archaeology, the idea that social relations are embodied in material is well known and established, with extensive research on exchange, gift giving and objects as part of social ceremonies and events. However, in contradiction to archaeology, where scientists build on material remains of previous cultures, sociology tends to overlook the importance of material in understanding relationships and human social behavior.

The social aspects in material culture include the social behavior around it: the way that the material is used, shared, talked about, or made. An object cannot hold meaning in and of itself and so when one focuses on the social aspects of material culture, it is critical to keep in mind that interpretations of objects and of interactions with them are the ones to evoke importance and meaning.

Heritage industry
Museums and other material culture repositories, by their very nature, are often active participants in the heritage industry. Defined as "the business of managing places that are important to an area's history and encouraging people to visit them," the heritage industry relies heavily on material culture and objects to interpret cultural heritage. The industry is fueled by a cycle of people visiting museums, historic sites, and collections to interact with ideas or physical objects of the past. In turn, the institutions profit through monetary donations or admission fees as well as the publicity that comes with word-of-mouth communications.

That relationship is controversial, as many believe that the heritage industry corrupts the meaning and importance of cultural objects. Often, scholars in the humanities take a critical view of the heritage industry, particularly heritage tourism, believing it to be a vulgar oversimplification and corruption of historic fact and importance. Others believe that the relationship and the financial stability it brings is often the element that allows curators, researchers, and directors to conserve material culture's legacy.

title: Material culture