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User talk:Wheeler~enwiki/Confusion over term republic

(Excerpts from Menace of the Herd, by Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, Bruce Publishing Co., 1943. pp 2-7)

WHAT OF DEMOCRACY?

(pg 2) Finally one and the same thing can be considered to be democratic and undemocratic at the same time: for instance, the New Deal, Tuxedo Club, Presidential acts, prices of fur coats, British accents, China, Russia, England — all according to individual likes and dislikes. Communists call their creed "streamlined democracy" or "Twentieth-Century Americanism."

We see, then, from the plurality of present-day connotations of democracy that it would be thoroughly unjustified to use the term "democracy" in any other sense than in the classical and universal one. *(italics in original) We may well agree that the mischief started by uneducated popularizers has already reached such proportions that a Hercules is needed to clean this Augian stable of popular misconceptions, false labels, and mispresented ideologies. Even some of the more intelligent writers have become a prey to popular pressure, and as modern intellectuals do not lead the masses any more, but follow them and subordinate their ideas and language to the demands of the market, the confusion has now reached its climax.

Before offering any further reasons regarding the deeper implications of the use and misuse of the term democracy we shall give some views on the American Constitution as expressed by the Founding Fathers and by distinguished modern writers. It will be seen that the classical and scientific meaning of that word remained unchanged for 2300 years, notwithstanding the scandalous ignorance displayed by editors, teachers, college professors, stump orators, and other irresponsible persons who are prominent in the public eye.

Thus the trend toward democracy in the modern age is deplored by Harry F. Atwood in his book Back to the Republic where he writes:

 * "We have drifted from the republic toward democracy: from statesmanship to demagogism; from excellent to inferior service. It is an age of retrogressive tendencies."

J. Hampden Doherty in the Electoral System in the United States confirms similarly our opinion when he writes:

 * "The tendency in this democratic age is to overlook the fact that the Fathers of the Constitution were not believers in the rule of the people, and it was not until after 1800 that manhood suffrage was adopted in any of the States."

Footnote at bottom of page: *Apart from the fact that we rather borrow our terminology from the Fathers of the Constitution than from radio commentators or the speakers at women’s clubs.

WHAT OF DEMOCRACY? (pg 3) Dealing with the current criticism of the Constitution at his time, Madison, in the Federalist, says:

 * It seems to owe its rise and prevalence chiefly to the confounding of a republic with a democracy, applying to the former reasonings drawn from the nature of the latter. The true distinction between these two forms was also adverted to on a former occasion. It is, that in a democracy, the people exercise the government in person: in a republic they administer it by their representatives (No. 14).

Nicholas Murray Butler, president of Columbia, in his booklet Why Should We Change Our Form of Government? (New York, 1912), writes:

 * Aristotle has pointed out that democracy has many points of resemblance with tyranny. It was he who first told us how a democracy as well as a tyranny, may become a despotism.
 * It is just as easy for a majority to become a despot as for a monarch to become a tyrant. Even a tyrant may be benevolent, even a democratic despotism may be malevolent (pp. 29 and .30).

Hamilton, who held at the beginning certain monarchical views in order to exchange them later for aristocratic opinions, opposed the republic. Gouverneur Morris shrewdly said:

 * "...he confounded it with democratical government." Morris, though he shared Hamilton’s dislike of democracy, thus early saw the confusion of republicanism with democracy that so long existed in men’s mind. — (Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. 7,1937, p. 183.)

Today democracy is confused with liberalism,* freedom, and prosperity alike. About the truly' liberal-whiggish Fathers, (italics original, ed. bolded) Ralph Adams Cram writes in his The End of Democracy (Boston, 1937, p. 20):

 * "I apologize to the revered memory of Washington, Adams, Madison, Gerry, and all their fellows for attributing to them any intellectual commerce with democracy, for if they feared anything it was precisely this; whereby their prevision was highly justified. As Mr. Nock says: "One sometimes wonders how our Revolutionary forefathers would take it if they could hear some flatulent political thimblerigger charge them with having founded ‘the great and glorious democracy of the West.’" Of course, as we know now, they never intended to do anything of that sort.

And later he adds:

 *  "The Constitution of 1787 was, then, what may be called an aristocratic republican form of organic law with no salient democratic features."

Footnote: *About its confusion with liberty see the text concerning liberalism.

(pg 4)Alexander Hamilton attacked democracy violently in his speeches on June 21, 1788, "On the Compromise of Constitution," and in the Federal Convention on June 26, 1787. Democracy, socalled "Jeffersonian democracy," was assailed in poetical form by such anonymous writers as Dr. Christopher Caustic in his "Democracy Unveiled or Tyranny Stripped of the Garb of Patriotism" (Boston, 1805). Yet Jefferson was no democrat in the current sense; he believed in the rule of the best, not in the rule of the masses. This is evident when he writes:

 * "The natural aristocracy I consider as the most precious gift of nature, for the instruction, the trusts and government of society. And indeed, it would have been inconsistent in creation to have formed men for the social state, and not to have provided virtue and wisdom enough to manage the concerns of society. May we not even say that that form of government is the best which provides most effectually for a pure selection of these natural aristoi into the offices of government?" (Letter to John Adams, Oct. 28, 1814).

This belief in an elite is not very "democratic." Sometimes Jefferson’s vocabulary was rather unfitting for "progressive" ears; this seems apparent when he deals with the possibility of a large urban proletariat in America which by destroying the agricultural character of the country would make even representative government unworkable. He wrote in the same letter quoted above:

 * "Every one by his property, or by his satisfactory situation, is interested in the support of law and order. And such men may safely and advantageously reserve to themselves wholesome control over their public affairs, and a degree of freedom, which in the hands of the canaille of the cities of Europe, would be instantly perverted to the demolition and destruction of everything public."

This view is supplemented by a fear of an industrial development in the United States. He wrote on December 20, 1787, to Madison:

 * "I think that our governments will remain virtuous for many centuries; as long as they are chiefly agricultural: and this will be as long as there are vacant lands in any part of America. When they get piled upon one another as in the large cities of Europe, they will become corrupt as in Europe." —-(Both letters quoted from J. T. Adams Jeffersonian Principles and Hamiltonian Principles, Boston, 1932.)

His hatred against the urban masses can also be seen in other letters and essays:

 * "The mobs of great cities add just so much to the support of pure government, as sores do to the strength of the human body." — (Volume 1, p. 403 Writings of Jefferson, Washington edition.)

and:

 * "I consider the class of artiflcers as the panclerers of vice, and the instruments by which the liberties of a country are generally overturned." — (Volume I, p. 403.)

These are views which few medieval writers would have expressed with such crudity. They are certainly not the anthor’s and they are only quoted in order to exhort the reader to exercise greater discretion in alluding to the problem of Jeffersonian "democracy". Another author stressing the strictly nondemocratic character of the Constitution (and of historic America) is E. M. Burns who writes in his volume ''James Madison, Philosopher of the Constitution (New Brunswick, 1938):

 * "Instead of defending the absolute sovereignty of the majority, Madison detested it so strongly that he sought in almost every conceivable way to prevent its exercise". (page 63).

A good analysis of the American Constitution is also given by Andrew Cunningham MacLaughlin in the ''Proceedings of the American. Antiquarion Society'' (New Series. Volume 22) under the title: "Democracy and Constitution". As to the definitions he writes:

 * "In any examination concerning the popular character of institutions  we need to recognize the value and significance of words and there is no more carelessly used [word] in the language than ""democratic"".  Democracy, as we use the word, may mean individualism, that is freedom from restraint, opportunity to do what one will without governmental encroachment or restriction; and, where individualism exists, the spirit of indivualism and of individual self-reliance is apt to exist. But democracy may mean equality, and the spirit of equality may be quite contrary to the spirit of individualism, though it is possible that the two may go hand in hand. Again democracy may mean the right of the authority of the masses of the people to manage their own affairs and to make use of the government for their own interests. Democracy in this latter sense may be in absolute and complete conflict with nd individualism, or even with equality. There is no reason for the coexistence of any two of these three principles which we commonly cover by the convenient word democracy or democratic." (p. 296)

"Excusing" the Founding Fathers for their lack of what is scientific democracy he writes:

 * "Just that kind of government [i.e.. democracy] was not in accord with (pg 6)popular desire in 1787, the stirring watchword of American life was Liberty (p. 310). (italics original ed. bolded it).

And further he again states plainly:
 * "It cannot be said that the Constitution of the United States has retarded the growth of democracy, but in the interest of historical accuracy it needs to be said that it did not establish democracy."

The conflict between democracy and liberty to which A. C. MacLaughlin alluded was also well known by Calhoun who wrote in his famous Disquisition on Government (New York, 1853):
 * "There is another error, not less great and dangerous, usually associated with the one which just has been considered. I refer to the opinion, that liberty and equality are so intrinsically united, that liberty cannot be perfect without perfect equality." (p. 56).

and his attack against democratic majoritism becomes more concrete when he writes:
 * "Liberty is little more than a mere name under all governments of the absolute form, including that of the numerical majority, and can only have a secure and durable existence under those of the concurrent or constitutional form" (p. 60).

Returning to an earlier period we want to quote the opinions of John Adams, second president of the United States. In his famous work, A Defense of the Constitution of the United States of America (Volume III, new edition, London, 1794), he asserts that the following propositions can be proved to be true: '''1. No democracy ever did or can exist. '''2. If, however, it were admitted, for argument sake, that a democracy ever did or can exist, no such passion as a love of democracy stronger than self-love. . . ever did, or ever can, prevail in the minds of the citizens in        general. '''3. That if the citizens. . . preferred the public to his private in- terest. . . it would not be from. . . love of the democracy, but from reason, conscience, etc. '''4. That no love of equality, at least since Adam’s fall, ever existed. '''5. That no love of frugality ever existed as a passion, but always as a        virtue. '''6. That therefore the democracies of Montesquieu. . . are all mere frag- ments of his brain, and delusive imaginations. '''7. That his passion of love of the democracy would be, in the members of the majority only a love of the majority....        '''8. That his love of equality would not even be pretended toward the members of the minority but the semblance of it would only be kept up        among the members of the majority....         '''11. That in reality the word democracy signifes nothing more or less than a nation or people without any government at all. . .         '''12. That every attentive reader may perceive that the notions of Mont- esquieu concerning a democracy, are imaginations of his own derived from the contemplation of the reveries of Xenophon and of Plato, concerning equality of goods and community of wives and children, in their delirious ideas of a perfect commonwealth (pp. 493—495). Democracy’ as an ideal of the Founding Fathers is equally denied by W. H. Hamilton and D. Adair in The Power to Govern (New York, 1937, p. 58). It must also be borne in mind that the protest against calling the Constitution democratic comes from historians of all groups, yet while Rightists praise lack of ‘democracy’ in the Constitution "Leftists" ike Charles Beard* and H. Rugg are prone to condemn it outright. We have a ready once cautioned the reader against the concept of "Jeffersonian democracy". Thomas Jefferson never called himself a democrat and the word democrat is only mentioned once in the Monticello edition — as an accusation leveled against him by Hamilton. In his letter addressed to Washington on May 17, 1792, he called himself a "Republican Federalist", and in his first inaugural address as President he said: "We are all Federalists, we are all Republicans." When Andrew Jackson ran against John Q. Adams for the presidency in 1828 he was called by some of his followers (as both candidates were Republican) a "democratic-republican". Van Buren called him sell a Republican and the unfortunate label "democratic" was used again by F. Pierce in 1852. Since that time it became increasingly popular with some people. Others protested and go on protesting. We have said before that it is difficult to find the exact reasons for the growing popularity of the word democracy and democratic taken from a dead language which is thoroughly nonunderstandable to 999 out of 1000 Americans. The decline of classical education in favor of progressive ""self-realization"" has favored the increased use of wrong labels. It is deplorable that even Catholics have become victims of this chaos in verbiage.

Footnote: ''' *Charles A. and Mary R. Beard wrote: "As was said afterwards, the founders of the Republic in general, whether Federalist or Republican, feared democracy more than they feared original sin." (America in Midpassage, New York, 1939, Vol III, p. 922.) About the use of the word democratic between 1865 and the close of the century, see p. 923 of the same book. '''


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Dhyan Chand

Major Dhyan Chand (29 August 1905 – 3 December 1979) was an Indian field hockey player. He is widely regarded by many as the greatest field hockey player in world history. He was known for his extraordinary ball control and goal-scoring feats, in addition to earning three Olympic gold medals, in 1928, 1932 and 1936, during an era where India dominated field hockey. His influence extended beyond these victories, as India won the field hockey event in seven out of eight Olympics from 1928 to 1964.

Known as The Wizard or The Magician  of hockey for his superb ball control, Chand played internationally from 1926 to 1949, where he scored 570 goals in 185 matches according to his autobiography, Goal, and over 1,000 goals in his entire domestic and international career. BBC called him the "hockey's equivalent of Muhammad Ali". The Government of India awarded Chand India's third highest civilian honour, the Padma Bhushan in 1956. His birthday, 29 August, is celebrated as National Sports Day in India every year. India's highest sporting honour, Major Dhyan Chand Khel Ratna Award is named after him.

Early life
Chand was born in Allahabad on 29 August 1905 in a Rajput family to Sharadha Singh  and Sameshwar Singh. Chand's father was enlisted in the British Indian Army, where he played hockey for the army. He had two brothers – Mool Singh and Roop Singh, the latter was also a hockey player. Because of his father's numerous army transfers, the family had to move to different cities, and as such Chand had to terminate his education after only six years of schooling. The family finally settled in Jhansi, Uttar Pradesh, India.

Chand studied at the Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh and finally graduated from Victoria College, Gwalior in 1932. Being in the military, his father got a small piece of land for a house.

Young Chand had no serious inclination towards sports though he loved wrestling. He stated that he did not remember whether he played any hockey worth mentioning before he joined the Army, though he said that he occasionally indulged in casual games in Jhansi with his friends.

Early career (1922–1932)
On 29 August 1922 – his 17th birthday – Chand enlisted in the 1st Brahmans of the British Indian Army as a sepoy (private). A reorganisation of the army that year resulted in the 1st Brahmans becoming the 1/1st Punjab Regiment. Between 1922 and 1926, Chand exclusively played army hockey tournaments and regimental games. Chand was ultimately selected for the Indian Army team which was to tour New Zealand. The team won 18 matches, drew two and lost only one, receiving praise from all spectators. Following this, in the two Test matches against the New Zealand squad, the team won the first and narrowly lost the second. Returning to India, Chand was promoted to Lance Naik in 1927.

After successfully lobbying for reintroducing field hockey in the Olympics, the newly formed Indian Hockey Federation (IHF) made preparations to send its best possible team for the 1928 Amsterdam Olympics. In 1928, an Inter-Provincial Tournament was held to select the team members. Five teams participated in the inaugural nationals – United Provinces (UP), Punjab, Bengal, Rajputana and Central Provinces. Chand got permission from the Army to play for the United Provinces team.

In its first game in the tournament, Dhyan Chand as the centre-forward, and Marthins, their inside-right, performed very well together. Chand attracted much attention with his clever stick-work. His penetrating runs and judicious passes seemed to assure him a position in the team that was to take part in the Olympic Games. Early in the game, it became evident that Chand was at his best. He took the ball away to the right and Marthins did well to give him a good pass. Quick as lightning, Dhyan Chand shot a goal. The ball struck one of the defenders' stick and went into the net, giving goalkeeper Collie no chance. A goal within 3 minutes of the start was more than what the most optimistic of the UP supporters could expect. At the interval, UP led by three goals to nil.

On their part, Rajputana put every ounce of their efforts to score. The UP goal had more than one narrow escape but were the winners of a fine exhibition match (3–1).

Buoyed by the success of the tournament, it was decided that it would be held every two years. After two more trial matches between various hopefuls, the Olympic team (including Chand as center-forward) was announced and assembled in Bombay. Center-half Broome Eric Pinniger was selected as the vice-captain. The IHF was initially low on funds since the provinces of Bombay, Madras, and Burma had turned a deaf ear to their financial appeal, but they managed to scrape enough money. The Olympic team then played a match against the Bombay XI, and amazingly lost 3–2, even though Singh scored both his team's goals. With a quiet send-off, the team left for England on 10 March, to play 11 matches against local sides as well in the London Folkestone Festival in 1927, winning all. It was also said that Great Britain did not send a team in 1928 to the Amsterdam Olympics after their national team was defeated by the Indian team at Folkestone. This is best cited in Kapur's book Romance of Hockey where a despatch of H. Sutherland Stark, London representative of 'Sports', a magazine of Lahore, tells the story better than any other comment: "For reasons it is difficult to understand the English Hockey Association have taken up a very stiff attitude towards Indian Hockey in recent years and have repeatedly been twitted about it by even their own supporters. The editor of a leading sports newspaper described them to me as an intensely conservative body, but there seems to be something more than conservative behind their unwillingness apparently ever to meet India in a full international encounter". Finally, on 24 April, the team arrived in Amsterdam to embark on a tour of the Low Countries. In all the pre-Olympic matches against local Dutch, German and Belgian teams, the Indian team won by large margins.

In the 1928 Amsterdam Summer Olympics, the Indian team was put in the division A table, with Austria, Belgium, Denmark and Switzerland. On 17 May the Indian national hockey team made its Olympic debut against Austria, winning 6–0, with Chand scoring 3 goals. The next day India defeated Belgium 9–0; however, Chand only scored once. On 20 May, Denmark lost to India 5–0, with Chand netting three. Two days later, he scored 4 goals when India defeated Switzerland 6–0.

The final match took place on 26 May, with India facing the home team of the Netherlands. The Indian team's better players Feroze Khan, Ali Shaukat and Kehar Singh Gill were on the sick list and Chand himself was ill. However, even with a skeletal side, India managed to defeat the hosts 3–0 (with Singh scoring 2), and the Indian team won its country's first Olympic gold medal. Chand was the top scorer of the tournament, with 14 goals in five matches. A newspaper report about India's triumph said: This is not a game of hockey, but magic. Dhyan Chand is in fact the magician of hockey. Later, the authorities in the Netherlands in fact broke Chand's hockey stick to check if there was any magnet inside owing to his superb ball control ability. An elderly woman asked him to play with her walking cane and he continued to score goals with it.

On returning to India, the team was received by thousands of people at the Bombay harbour, compared to the three people who had seen them off.

Posted in Waziristan in the North-West Frontier Province (now in Pakistan) with his new 2/14 Punjab Regiment, Chand, by now a naik (corporal) was cut off from the IHF, which was by now controlled by civilians. The Inter-Provincial Tournament was being held to select the new Olympic team; the IHF wrote to the Army Sports Control Board to grant Singh leaves to participate in the nationals. His platoon refused. Chand received news that he had been selected by the IHF for the Olympic team without any formalities. The rest of his teammates, however, had to prove their skills in the Inter-Provincial Tournament, which was won by Punjab. As such, seven players from Punjab were selected for the Olympic team. Apart from Chand, Broome Eric Pinnigar, Leslie Hammond and Richard Allen were the other 1928 Olympians retained in the team. Chand's brother Roop Singh was also included in the squad as a left-in. Lal Shah Bokhari was selected as captain.

The Olympic team then played practice matches in India before heading for Colombo. In two matches in Ceylon, the Olympic team beat the All Ceylon XI 20–0 and 10–0. Wrote one newspaper on the first match, "Perfection is perilous, for it tempts the gods. For once, this was proved wrong for even the god of weather paid tribute to the genius of the Indian players. Rain clouds, which had threatened to ruin the game, vanished into the blue, and thousands of spectators spent a happy hour marveling at the incomparable artistry of the Indian team."

The India team set sail for San Francisco on 30 May and arrived on 6 July. They reached Los Angeles three weeks before the opening ceremony of the Olympics, which took place on 30 July. On 4 August 1932, India played its first match against Japan and won 11–1. Chand, Roop Singh, Gurmit Singh each scored thrice, and Dickie Carr once. In the final on 11 August, India played against hosts USA. India won 24–1, a world record at that time (until it was broken in 2003), and once again clinched the gold medal. Chand scored eight times, Roop Singh 10, Gurmit Singh five, and Pinniger once. In fact, Chand along with his brother Roop scored 25 out of the 35 goals scored by India. This led to them being dubbed the 'hockey twins'.

One Los Angeles newspaper wrote, "The All-India field hockey team which G. D. Sondhi brought to Los Angeles to defend their 1928 Olympic title, was like a typhoon out of the east. They trampled under their feet and all but shoved out of the Olympic stadium the eleven players representing the United States."

The team then embarked on a tour of the United States. They played a match on 20 August against a United States XI, almost the same team that they had faced in Los Angeles. Even after loaning its second keeper Arthur Hind, for a half, the team won 24–1.

After setting sail from New York, the team arrived in England. They then embarked on a hectic tour, playing nine matches in various countries in a fortnight, commencing on 2 September. They played four internationals against the Netherlands, Germany, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary. The team then reached Sri Lanka and India, playing a number of matches to pay for their expenses. At the end of the tour, India had played 37 matches, winning 34, drawing two, with one abandoned. Chand scored 133 of the 338 Indian goals.

In India, he is often referred to as Hockey ka Jaadugar which translates to "Magician of the game of Hockey".

Captaincy and 1936 Berlin Summer Olympics

In 1933, Chand's home team, the Jhansi Heroes, participated in and won the Beighton Cup, which he considered the most prestigious of India men's national field hockey team tournaments. Later, he would state: If anybody asked me which was the best match that I played in, I will unhesitatingly say that it was the 1933 Beighton Cup final between Calcutta Customs and Jhansi Heroes. Calcutta Customs was a great side those days; they had Shaukat Ali, Asad Ali, Claude Deefholts, Seaman, Mohsin, and many others who were then in the first flight of Indian hockey. I had a very young side. Besides my brother Roop Singh, and Ismail, who played for the Great Indian Peninsular Railway in Mumbai, I had no other really great player in the team. But I had a team which was determined to do or die. It was a great match, full of thrills, and it was just opportunism that gave us the victory. Customs were pressing hard and our goal was at their mercy. Suddenly I broke through and from midfield gave a long through pass to Ismail, who ran with Jesse Owens' speed half the length of the ground. A misunderstanding occurred between the Customs left-half and the goalkeeper, and Ismail, taking every advantage of it, cut through and netted the only goal of the match. We felt very proud of our triumph. In Kolkata, the Heroes also won the Lakshmibilas Cup tournament, which was open only to Indian teams. In 1935, they successfully defended their Beighton Cup title, though lost the subsequent year.

In December 1934, the IHF decided to send a team to New Zealand in the new year. Chand and his brother were immediately selected. When Moinuddin Khanji, the Nawab of Manavadar declined to play, Chand was appointed captain. On this tour, the team played a total of 48 matches, with 28 in New Zealand and the remainder in India, Ceylon, and Australia. India won every match, scoring 584 goals and conceding only 40. Of these 48 matches, Chand played 23 and scored a total of 201 goals.

Upon returning to India, Chand resumed his duties in the barracks. In December 1935, the IHF decided to stage the Inter-Provincial tournament to select the Olympic team. Chand was again denied permission to leave his platoon, though once again he was selected without formalities. The final team assembled in Delhi on 16 June and played against the Delhi Hockey XI. Incredibly, they lost 4–1. After this inauspicious start, the team went on a successful tour of the subcontinent, finally departing for Marseilles on 27 June. They arrived on 10 July, and after an uncomfortable journey in third-class compartments, reached Berlin on 13 July. On 17 July, the Indian team played a practice match against Germany and lost 4–1. As such, manager Pankaj Gupta informed the IHF that Ali Dara had to be sent immediately to replace the out of form Mirza Masood.

On 5 August, India won its first match against Hungary 4–0. India won the rest of the group matches against the USA (7–0, with Chand scoring 2 goals) and Japan (9–0, with Chand scoring 4). On 10 August, Ali Dara arrived. Their fourth match was the semi-final against France, whom they defeated 10–0, with Chand scoring 4 goals. Meanwhile, Germany had beaten Denmark 6–0, beaten Afghanistan 4–1, and in the play-offs, had defeated the Netherlands 3–0. Thus, India and Germany were to clash in the 1936 Berlin Olympics field hockey final on 19 August.

On the morning of the final, the entire team was nervous since they had been defeated the last time they had faced Germany. In the locker room, Pankaj Gupta produced a Congress tricolour. Reverently the team saluted it, prayed and marched onto the field. The German team was successful in restricting the India side to a single goal until the first interval. After the interval, the Indian team launched an all-out attack, easily defeating Germany 8–1, incidentally the only goal scored against India in that Olympic tournament. Newspaper reports for the match stated that Dhyan Chand scored four goals, while he claimed he scored three, in his autobiography Goal, with Ali Dara scoring two, and Roop Singh, Carlyle Tapsell and Sayed Jaffar with one goal each. Describing the game, the Special Correspondent of The Hindu wrote: Every member of the team was feeling the strain of the defeat to the Germans in the practice match, and no one was in his usual self. I never saw a hockey team from India, where the game is definitely of a superior standard compared to the rest of the world, being so obsessed on the eve of the match. The players were nervous as to what the result of the match would be, which was heightened by the feeling that the burden of the country's honour was on their shoulders.

The game was played at a fast pace and was packed with thrilling incidents. The Germans undercut and lifted the ball, but the Indian team countered with brilliant half-volleying and amazing long shots. Twice Dara attempted to score but was declared offside. Dhyan Chand discarded his spiked shoes and stockings and played with bare legs and rubber soles and became speedier in the second half.

The vigorous German attacks were brilliantly saved by Allen and Tapsell. The goal scored by Weiss of Germany was the only goal scored against the Indians throughout the tournament. The whole Indian team put up a splendid display. Dhyan Chand and Dara impressed by their combination, Tapsell by his reliability and Jaffar by his tremendous bursts of speed.

There have been many erroneous media reports over the years claiming that Dhyan Chand scored 6 goals in India's 8–1 victory over Germany in the 1936 Olympic final. In his autobiography Goal! Chand wrote:

''“When Germany was four goals down, a ball hit Allen's pad and rebounded. The Germans took full advantage of this and made a rush, netting the ball before we could stop it. That was the only goal Germany would score in the match against our eight, and incidentally the only goal scored against India in the entire Olympic tournament. India's goal-getters were Roop Singh, Tapsell and Jaffar with one each, Dara two and myself three.”''

The International Hockey Federation records also attribute only three of the eight goals to Chand in the final. The final was included in the Leni Riefenstahl film on the 1936 Olympics, Olympia. Overall, in three Olympic tournaments, Chand had scored 33 goals in 12 matches.

It is reported that the German leader Adolf Hitler was so impressed with Chand's skills that he offered him German citizenship and a position of Colonel in the German Army, which Dhyan Chand refused.

East African tour and final tournaments
After returning from Berlin, Chand joined his regiment. Between 1936 and the commencement of the War in 1939, he largely confined himself to army hockey, with one visit to Kolkata to take part in the Beighton Cup tournament in 1937. Before the Beighton Cup, Chand spent four months in a military camp in Pachmarhi to attend military classes. On 16 March 1938, he was made a Viceroy's Commissioned Officer (VCO; the equivalent of the present-day junior commissioned officer) with the rank of jemadar (now termed naib subedar). With the increasing need for qualified officers during wartime, he was promoted to acting subedar by July 1942 and to the war-substantive rank by early 1943. On 9 April 1943, Chand received an emergency commission as a second lieutenant in the 14th Punjab Regiment, with the war-substantive rank of lieutenant from the same date.

Towards the closing phases of the war, Chand led an army hockey team which toured around the battlefields in Manipur, Burma, the Far East and Ceylon. When the war ended in 1945, Chand decided that the Indian hockey team needed new young players. In 1947, the IHF was requested by the Asian Sports Association (ASA) of East Africa to send a team to play a series of matches. The ASA made a condition that Chand should be included in the team. Once again, Chand was chosen as captain.

The team which assembled in Bombay on 23 November 1947, reached Mombasa on 15 December and played 9 matches in British East Africa winning all. Chand, though now in his forties, still managed to score 61 goals in 22 matches.

After returning from the East African tour in early 1948, Chand decided to gradually phase out his involvement in 'serious hockey'. He played exhibition matches, leading a Rest of India side against state teams and the 1948 Olympic team which defeated Chand's side 2–1, even though an aging Chand scored his side's lone goal. Chand's last match was leading the Rest of India team against the Bengal side. The match ended in a draw after which the Bengal Hockey Association organized a public function to honor Chand's services to Indian hockey.

Final years
Chand continued to hold his emergency commission in the Indian Army post-Independence, with the service number IEC 3526, but was apparently not granted a regular commission. In 1951 he was honored at India's National Stadium with the inaugural Dhyan Chand Tournament, which he attended to the admiration of the spectators.

After 34 years of service, Chand retired from the Indian Army on 29 August 1956 as a lieutenant (acting captain). The Government of India honoured him the same year by conferring him the Padma Bhushan, India's third highest civilian honour.

After retirement, he taught at coaching camps at Mount Abu, Rajasthan. Later, he accepted the position of Chief Hockey Coach at the National Institute of Sports, Patiala, a post he held from 1961 to 1969. Chand spent his last days in his hometown of Jhansi, Uttar Pradesh, India.

Chand died on 3 December 1979 from liver cancer at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, Delhi. He was cremated at the Jhansi Heroes ground in his hometown, after some initial problems in getting clearance. His regiment, the Punjab Regiment, accorded him full military honours.

Legacy and honours
Dhyan Chand remains a legendary figure in Indian and world hockey. His skills have been glorified in various apocryphal stories and anecdotes. A number of these revolve around the fact that Singh had extraordinary control over dribbling the ball. Chand's birthday, 29 August, is celebrated as National Sports Day in India since 1995. The President gives away sports-related awards such as the Major Dhyanchand Khel Ratna, Arjuna Award and Dronacharya Award on this day at the Rashtrapati Bhavan, India.

The 20th National Award, 2012, the Gem of India, awarded by the Union Minister of India, was given to Dhyan Chand. The award was received by Dhyan Chand's son, Ashok Dhyan Chand (a hockey Olympian in his own right), on behalf of his deceased father. The award was given by Journalist Association of India under the flagship of Journalists Federation of India, Sirifort Auditorium, New Delhi, India, on 22 September 2012.

In 1995, Chand's nine-foot statue was unveiled in the National Stadium, Delhi, on the occasion of his 90th birth anniversary. The stadium was renamed Dhyan Chand National Stadium in 2002 in his honour. In the same year, India's highest award for lifetime achievement in sports, the Dhyan Chand Award was instituted. It has been awarded annually since, to sporting figures who not only contribute through their performances but also contribute to their sport even after retirement.

A hostel at Aligarh Muslim University, of which he was an alumnus, has been named after him. He scored over 1,000 goals in his entire domestic and international career, from 1926 to 1948, making him the highest goal scorer in hockey history. BBC called him the "hockey's equivalent of Muhammad Ali".

An Astroturf hockey pitch, at the Indian Gymkhana Club in London, has been named after Indian hockey legend Dhyan Chand. The Government of India has issued a commemorative postage stamp and a First Day Cover in honour of Dhyan Chand. He remains the only Indian hockey player to have a stamp in his honour. Chand was among the nominees considered for India's highest civilian award, Bharat Ratna, for 2014 and there was support for it. The award was then given to Sachin Tendulkar and C. N. R. Rao. The family members of Dhyan Chand were disappointed with the government's decision. An RTI was filed which suggested that the Prime Minister's Office had ignored the recommendation from sports ministry on giving the award to Sachin Tendulkar.

A lesson on Dhyan Chand written by author K. Arumugam from chapter titled 'The Wizard' in his book, 'The Great Indian Olympians', was included in the Class 9 text books by NCERT in the year 2002-2003.

Honors

 * Major Dhyan Chand Khel Ratna Award is named after him to honour his contribution to Indian sports by the Government of India. The Union Sports Ministry gives this award annually to India's best performer in international level championships.
 * Dhyan Chand award is a lifetime achievement award named after Dhyanchand.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Dhyan Chand


text:
Anomoeanism

In 4th-century Christianity, the Anomoeans, and known also as Heterousians , Aetians , or Eunomians , were a sect that held to a form of Arianism, that Jesus Christ was not of the same nature (consubstantial) as God the Father nor was of like nature (homoiousian), as maintained by the semi-Arians.

Overview
The word anomoean comes from Greek ἀ(ν)- (an-) 'not' and ὅμοιος (omoios) 'similar', thus 'different; dissimilar'. In the 4th century, during the reign of Constantius II, this was the name by which the followers of Aëtius and Eunomius were described. The term heterousian derives from Greek ἑτεροούσιος, heterooúsios 'differing in substance' from ἕτερος, héteros 'another' and οὐσία, ousía 'substance, being'.

The semi-Arians condemned the Anomoeans in the Council of Seleucia, and the Anomoeans condemned the semi-Arians in their turn in the Councils of Constantinople and Antioch; erasing the word ὅμοιος (omoios) from the formula of Rimini and that of Constantinople and protesting that the Word had not only a different substance but also a will different from that of the Father. From that, they were to be called ἀνόμοιοι (anomoioi).

In the 5th century, the Anomoean presbyter Philostorgius wrote an Anomoean church history.

Notable Anomoeans

 * Aëtius, who founded the Anomoean tradition, later bishop (361–?).
 * Theodulus, bishop of Chaeretapa (?–c. 363) and Palestine (c. 363–c. 379).
 * Eunomius, bishop of Cyzicus (360–361) and exiled bishop (361–c. 393).
 * Paemenius, bishop of Constantinople, (c. 363, at the same time as Eudoxius of Antioch).
 * Candidus (Bishop of Lydia), (c. 363–?).
 * Arrianus, bishop of Ionia, (c. 363–?).
 * Florentius, bishop of Constantinople, (c. 363–?, at the same time as Eudoxius of Antioch).
 * Thallus, bishop of Lesbos, (c. 363–?, at the same time as Eudoxius of Antioch).
 * Euphronius, bishop of Galatia, the Black Sea and Cappadocia, (c. 363–?).
 * Julian, bishop of Cilicia, (c. 363–?).
 * Serras, Stephen, and Heliodorus, bishops of Egypt, (c. 363–?).
 * Philostorgius, historian.

Notable opponents of Anomoeanism

 * Basil of Caesarea, bishop of Caesarea, and author of Against Eunomius.
 * Gregory of Nazianzus, archbishop of Constantinople, prolific writer and orator. The First Theological Oration. A Preliminary Discourse Against the Eunomians.
 * Gregory of Nyssa, bishop of the Cappadocian town of Nyssa and brother to Basil of Caesaria. Against Eunomius (12 books) and Answer to Eunomius' Second Book.

title: Anomoeanism


text:
Mihály Károlyi

Count Mihály Ádám György Miklós Károlyi de Nagykároly (gróf nagykárolyi Károlyi Mihály Ádám György Miklós; Michael Adam George Nicholas Károlyi; or in short simple form: Michael Károlyi; 4 March 1875 – 19 March 1955) was a Hungarian politician who served as a leader of the short-lived and unrecognized First Hungarian Republic from 1918 to 1919. He served as prime minister between 1 and 16 November 1918 and as president between 16 November 1918 and 21 March 1919.

Early life
The Károlyi family were an illustrious, extremely wealthy, Catholic aristocratic family who had played an important role in Hungarian society since the 17th century. His parents were cousins: his father was Count Gyula (Julius) Károlyi (1837 - 1890), his mother was Countess Georgine Károlyi.

Mihály Károlyi was born on March 4, 1875, in the Károlyi Palace in the aristocratic palace district of Pest. Károlyi's parents were cousins, and he was born with a cleft lip and cleft palate, which deeply determined his entire childhood and personality development. His mother died early from tuberculosis and his father soon remarried. His father considered Mihály unsuitable for a more serious career, because of his speech disorder. Due to his cleft lip and cleft palate, the young Mihály was often mocked and humiliated during his childhood by his cousins and other relatives of similar age, despite the power and wealth of his family, which influenced his subsequent vanity, ambition and desire for power.

Mihály was raised with great devotion in the castle of his grandmother at Fót, because his politician father, Count Julius Károlyi, had not enough time for Mihály. At the age of 14, his grandmother sent him to a Viennese clinic, where he underwent special surgery to restore his palate and mouth. This surgery proved to be a sharp turning point; for, after a couple of weeks of recovery, Mihály started to speak quickly, fluently and very elaborately, despite the fact that the family and relatives formerly thought that he was too dumb to speak. His severe developmental disorder was a decisive factor in the development of Karolyi's personality. His struggle to learn to speak and to live a full life after his cleft palate surgery sapped his willpower. As an adult, "iron will, ambition, stubbornness and the security of his immense wealth drove him on his political career." Throughout his life, he has learned three foreign languages at almost native level: English, German and French. His mindset and character were shaped by external influences: including hatred towards the Habsburg dynasty, the traditional anti-German sentiment of his family, his foster father, the world-view of uncle Sándor Károlyi, his adoration of the 1848 revolution in Hungary, his idea of organizing peasants into farming cooperatives. Having unbroken optimistic faith in the rapid development of science and technology, which he thought would solve all problems of humankind, he developed an idealistic devotion to the cause of social justice based on his reading experiences, including the French Encyclopédie and Jules Verne novels. Although he was not interested in university lectures, he managed to pass his exams with the help of a tutor and obtained a law degree. At the age of 24, he became an unbridled adult. He wanted to make up for what he had missed as a teenager, throwing himself into the nightlife, with enthusiasm; he spent his time flagrantly, playing cards, having fun hunting. He lived in French spa towns, attended many international horse races and early automobile races in various European countries. Although his political opponents later sought to denounce his hedonistic lifestyle as a youth, the truth is that Karolyi's youthful life was no different from that of aristocrats of his age. He loved travelling most of all, even going as far as the island of Ceylon, but he also travelled to almost every country in Europe and visited the USA four times. When he was at home, his favourite pastimes were horse riding, polo and hunting, but he also enjoyed playing cards and chess.

He was interested in all technical innovations: he enjoyed driving cars and became a passionate collector of race cars and yachts. On one occasion a fellow pilot of Louis Blériot flew the plane to Hungary that had crossed the English Channel. Károlyi bargained with the pilot to board the famous plane and make a flight over Budapest. It was characteristic of the young Károlyi's recklessness that he sat on the frame of the one-seater airplane and clung to the iron bars, making his flight with legs hanging in the air. Being a Francophone, as was the tradition in his family, he spent several years in Paris; he also traveled across the United Kingdom and the United States. As a gambling addict, he was known for his card battles, his losses and for his "dandy" lifestyle in famous casinos across Western Europe. Around the age of 30, the young tycoon started to get serious and subsequently developed an interest in politics and public life.

Early political career
In his youth, he was a wastrel, but, as he grew older, he became devoted to more serious pursuits. In 1909, he became the President of the OMGE (National Agricultural Society), the main rural organization of the nobility. Initially a supporter of the existing political and social system in Hungary, Károlyi gradually became more progressive, leaning to left-wing orientation during his career.

He ran in the 1901 and 1905 and 1906 parliamentary elections in the lower house of parliament (House of Representatives) without success; however, as a count, he had a right to participate in the Upper house (House of Magnates) of parliament. In 1910, Károlyi was elected to Parliament as a member of the opposition Party of Independence, so he could participate in political life as a member of the House of representatives in parliament. István Tisza and Mihály Károlyi became implacable political enemies following the 1905 elections. Their debates in parliament further increased their mutual personal antagonism with time.

An important milestone in his confrontation with liberal conservatism was when, in June 1912, after the vote on the Defence Act, the parliamentary speaker István Tisza put an end to the opposition's protests with police violence. Opposition members, who had been removed from the chamber, then joined forces with the democratic and socialist opposition outside parliament to organise joint people's rallies. At one of the first of these, on 16 June 1912 in Miskolc, Károlyi appeared as a speaker alongside the Civic Radical Democrat Oszkár Jászi and the social democrat Jenő Landler.

In January 1913, Károlyi was challenged to a duel by prime minister István Tisza, after refusing to shake Tisza's hand following a political disagreement. The 34-bout duel with cavalry sabres lasted an hour until Tisza cut Károlyi's arm and the seconds ended the duel.

World War I, political campaign for the Allied Powers
In 1914, at the time of the assassination of Crown Prince Franz Ferdinand, Károlyi was on his American tour, where he gave lectures at various universities with his friend Zsigmond Kunfi.

During his American tour, he sent telegram messages to Budapest for the Magyarország magazine, where he shared his geopolitical opinion about the deepening crisis in Europe.

On August 5, when the war broke out, his ship arrived in Le Havre after returning from his long trip to the United States. He was promptly arrested, as a citizen of a belligerent country, despite the fact that Austria-Hungary was not yet at war with the French Republic. Consequently, he was released from prison. Later, he was arrested again for several weeks in Bordeaux for being a citizen of a belligerent country. However, after promising that he wouldn't fight against the French during the war, he finally got a passport from the Bordeaux authorities. Afterwards he travelled to Genoa via Madrid and Barcelona and then returned home. On his way home to the Kingdom of Hungary, he crossed Italy at a time when Italy had not yet declared war on the Central powers and was therefore considered a neutral country.

Károlyi was opposed to the involvement in the First World War. Initially, he remained silent on these feelings, and even read a pro-war declaration from his party. He did this as a result of internal pressure, having faced indignation after refusing to support war loans. In 1915, he volunteered in the 1st Hungarian Hussar Regiment in Budapest after being called for service. Later on, in his memoirs, he regretted having ever reluctantly supported the war due to political pressure. The horrors of the war prompted him to accept isolation to openly oppose the war. From 1916 onward, he openly demanded that the war be ended and peace concluded immediately, even at the price of dissolving the alliance of Germany. Károlyi became part of a small but very active pacifist anti-war maverick faction in the Hungarian parliament. He and his followers withdrew to create their own separate party, which initially had only no more than 20 members. According to Tibor Hajdu, Károlyi's movement soon grew in popularity.

Far from being at the forefront of politics until 1916, "the public heard far more about his motor car speeding, car accidents and card battles than his speeches in parliament." It was only after the Hungarian public opinion began to become disillusioned with the war that Károlyi began to look like a real alternative to the governing forces. His consistent and firm support for peace in his speeches made him very popular in the last year of the war.

"With this step began Károlyi's break with his own class. In high politics he became isolated, but he gained the trust and affection of simple people. He wrote in his memoirs: 'I received, day after day, heaps of telegrams and letters in which hundreds of simple people assured me that I had spoken after their own heart, and asked me to persevere. When I travelled from from Parád to Budapest in the middle of July (1917), common soldiers surrounded me at a railway station. One of them addressed me a speech. He called me an apostle of peace.'"

"He, who wants a democratic foreign policy, has to become, heart and soul, a democrat also in internal politics. In splitting the party of independence, Károlyi turned against those who proclaimed war but had their own sons exempted from military service."

In his parliamentary speeches, Károlyi opposed the alliance of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the German Empire: instead he advocated friendship between the peoples and argued against war and supported a pro-Entente foreign policy. Károlyi made contact with British and French Entente diplomats behind the scenes in Switzerland during the war. He argued for peace with the Allies, loosing ties between Austria and Hungary, abolishing the property-based franchise requirements that allowed only 5.8% of the population to vote and run for office before the war, and giving women the right to vote and hold office. In particular, Károlyi demanded in 1915 that veterans should be granted the right to vote, which won so much popular support that it enraged Prime Minister, Count István Tisza. In 1916 Károlyi broke off with his party, which had found his openly pro-Entente attitude to be too radical and dangerous for a war-time pacifist faction in parliament. Therefore, Károlyi formed a new party, called the United Party of Independence of 1848; generally known as the Károlyi Party.

In January 1918, Károlyi proclaimed himself a follower of Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points.

Marriage and family
On 7 November 1914 in Budapest, Károlyi married Countess Katalin Andrássy de Csíkszentkirály et Krasznahorka, with whom he had three children. As Károlyi's wife was a member of one of Hungary's most powerful families; by the marriage, Károlyi got under the protection of his influential father-in-law. His only son, Adam Károlyi served in the Royal Air Force, who crashed due to a technical fault while testing an aircraft over the Isle of Wight in 1939.

Leading the Democratic Republic

On 25 October 1918 Károlyi had formed the Hungarian National Council. Károlyi as the most prominent opponent of continued union with Austria, seized power during the Aster Revolution on 31 October. In 1918, when the Aster Revolution broke out and it became clear that Mihály Károlyi would become head of government, his half-brother, Count József Károlyi (1884-1934), (chief bailiff of Fejér county, member of parliament), resigned from his post and became the most aggressive political opponent of Mihály Károlyi's government. King Charles IV. was all but forced to appoint Károlyi as his Hungarian prime minister. One of Károlyi's first acts was to repudiate the compromise agreement on 31 October, effectively terminating the personal union with Austria and thus officially dissolving the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and state. On the 1st of November, Károlyi's new government decided to recall all of the troops, who were conscripted from the territory of Kingdom of Hungary, which was a major blow for the Habsburg's armies on the fronts.

Károlyi would have preferred to keep the monarchy and some link to Austria if possible. Only after Charles's withdrawal from government on 16 November 1918 made Károlyi proclaim the Hungarian Democratic Republic, with himself as provisional president. On 11 January 1919 the National Council formally recognized him as president.

Sigmund Freud, the Austrian psychologist—who had known the two politicians personally—wrote about the assassination of István Tisza and the appointment of Mihály Károlyi as new prime minister of Hungary: "'I was certainly no adherent of the ancient regime, but it seems doubtful to me whether it is a sign of political shrewdness to beat to death the smartest of the many counts [Count István Tisza] and to make the stupidest one [Count Mihály Károlyi] president.'"

In the same vein, the British writer Harold Nicolson, who had known Károlyi during his exile in Britain, when reviewing Károlyi's memoirs in 1957 noted that: "'he had many qualities, but unfortunately lacked those for which a man is taken seriously by serious people'."

Baron Lajos Hatvany described Károlyi's leadership well when he noted: "'From the discussions no decisions arose, and from the decisions – no actions. A cabinet? No, it was a debating club'."

Károlyi's cabinet
(From 31 October 1918 to 19 January 1919)
 * Prime minister: Mihály Károlyi
 * Minister of Defense: Béla Linder (31 October 1918 to 9 November 1918); Albert Bartha (9 November 1918 to 12 December 1918); Mihály Károlyi (12 December 1918 to 29 December 1918; Sándor Festetics (29 December 1918 to 19 January 1919)
 * Minister of the Interior: Tivadar Batthyány (31 October 1918 to 12 December 1918); Vince Nagy (12 December 1918 to 19 January 1919)
 * Minister of Justice: Barna Buza (31 October 1918 to 3 November 1918); Dénes Berinkey (3 November 1918 to 19 January 1919)
 * King's Personal Minister: Tivadar Batthyány (31 October 1918 to 1 November 1918)
 * Minister of Agriculture: Barna Buza
 * Minister of Commerce: Ernő Garami
 * Minister of Finance: Mihály Károlyi (31 October 1918 to 25 November 1918); Pál Szende (25 November 1918 to 19 January 1919)
 * Minister of Food: Ferenc Nagy
 * Minister of Religion and Education: Márton Lovászy (31 October 1918 to 22 December 1918) Sándor Juhász Nagy (22 December 1918 to 19 January 1919)
 * Minister of Welfare and Labour: Zsigmond Kunfi (12 December 1918 to 19 January 1919)
 * Minister Without Portfolio: Oszkár Jászi (31 October 1918 to 1 November 1918); Zsigmond Kunfi (31 October 1918 to 12 November 1918); Béla Linder (9 November 1918 to 12 December 1918)
 * Minister Without Portfolio for Croatia-Slavonia and Dalmatia: Zsigmond Kunfi (6 November 1918 to 19 January 1919)
 * Minister Without Portfolio for Nationalities: Oszkár Jászi (1 November 1918 to 19 January 1919)

Berinkey cabinet
(19 January 1919 to 21 March 1919) On 19 January 1919, Károlyi resigned as Prime Minister to concentrate exclusively on his duties as President of the Republic. He appointed Dénes Berinkey to form the new government.

 * Prime minister: Dénes Berinkey
 * Minister of Foreign Affairs: (19 January 1919 to 24 January 1919); later Ferenc Harrer (24 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)
 * Minister of Defense: Vilmos Böhm (19 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)
 * Minister of the Interior: Vince Nagy (19 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)
 * Minister of Finance: Pál Szende (19 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)
 * Minister of Food: Ernő Baloghy (19 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)
 * Minister of Religion: János Vass (19 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)
 * Minister of Education: Zsigmond Kunfi (19 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)
 * Minister of Justice: Dénes Berinkey (19 January 1919 to 24 January 1919) later Sándor Nagy Juhász (24 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)
 * Minister of Commerce: Ernő Garami (19 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)
 * Minister of Welfare and Labour: Gyula Peidl (19 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)
 * Minister for Rusyn minority: Oreszt Szabó (19 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)
 * Minister for German minority: János Junker (19 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)
 * Minister of Agrarian land reforms: István Szabó de Nagyatád (19 January 1919 to 21 March 1919)

Foreign policy
On the 1st of November, his new Hungarian government decided to recall all of the troops, who were conscripted from the territory of Kingdom of Hungary. It became a major blow for the Habsburg's armies on the Italian Front which accelerated and secured the collapse of Austria-Hungary.

The Hungarian Royal Honvéd army still had more than 1,400,000 soldiers when Mihály Károlyi was designated as prime minister of Hungary. However, he took up the case of pacifism in accordance with U.S. President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points by ordering the unilateral self-disarmament of the Hungarian army, leaving the country defenseless at a time of particular vulnerability. This happened on 2 November 1918, while Béla Linder served as minister of war which made the occupation of Hungary directly possible for the relatively small military forces of surrounding countries as the Franco-Serbian army, the Czechoslovak and the Romanian army.

Károlyi had appointed Oszkár Jászi as the new Minister for National Minorities of Hungary. During their brief periods in power, Oszkár Jászi, hoped to create an "Eastern Switzerland" by persuading the non-Magyar peoples of Hungary to stay as part of the new Hungarian Republic. Jászi also immediately offered democratic referendums about the disputed borders to minorities, however, the political leaders of those minorities refused the very idea of democratic referendums at the Paris peace conference. Instead the Czech, Serbian, and Romanian political leaders chose to attack Hungary to seize territories. The military and political events changed rapidly and drastically after the Hungarian self-disarmament.

For their part, the neighboring countries used the so-called "struggle against communism", against the capitalist and liberal government of Count Mihály Károlyi.
 * on 5 November 1918, the Serbian army, with the help of the French army, crossed southern borders,
 * on 8 November, the Czechoslovak Army crossed the northern borders,
 * on 10 November d'Espérey's French-Serbian army crossed the Danube river and was poised to enter the Hungarian heartland,
 * on 11 November Germany signed an armistice with Allies, under which they had to immediately withdraw all German troops in Romania and in the Ottoman Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Russian Empire back to German territory and Allies to have access to these countries.
 * on 13 November, the Romanian army crossed the eastern borders of the Kingdom of Hungary.
 * on 13 November, Károlyi signed the Armistice of Belgrade with the Allied Powers. It limited the size of the Hungarian army to six infantry and two cavalry divisions. Demarcation lines defining the territory to remain under Hungarian control were made, and

During the rule of Károlyi's pacifist cabinet, Hungary lost control over approx. 75% of its former pre-WW1 territories (325 411 km2) without armed resistance and was subject to foreign occupation.

The lines would apply until definitive borders could be established. Under the terms of the armistice, Serbian and French troops advanced from the south, taking control of the Banat and Croatia. Czechoslovak forces took control of Upper Hungary and Carpathian Ruthenia. Romanian forces were permitted to advance to the River Maros (Mureș). However, on 14 November, Serbia occupied Pécs.

Many citizens thought that Károlyi could negotiate soft peace terms with the Allies for Hungary. Károlyi headed the Provisional Government from 1 November 1918 until 16 November, when the Hungarian Democratic Republic was proclaimed. Károlyi ruled Hungary through a National Council, transformed into the government that consisted of his party in alliance with the large Hungarian Social Democratic Party and the small Civic Radical Party led by Oszkár Jászi.

Additional trouble for the new government occurred over the question of the armistice. Austria-Hungary had signed the Armistice of villa Giusti (close to Padua, Italy) with the Allies on 3 November 1918. Since Hungary was now independent, some in the Cabinet argued that Hungary needed to sign a new armistice. Against his better judgement, Károlyi agreed to this idea, and had Hungary sign in November 1918, a new armistice with the Allies in Belgrade with the Allied Commander in the Balkans, the French General Louis Franchet d'Esperey.

General Franchet d'Esperey treated the Hungarians with open contempt and imposed a harsher armistice on the defeated nation than the Padua Armistice had. The Belgrade Armistice was nonetheless seen as a victory for Károlyi, as it represented some degree of de facto recognition of his government on the part of the Allies. The Belgrade Armistice was well received back in Budapest. French recognition of Károlyi's government did not, however, materialize, and it soon became apparent that the French Foreign Office considered the treaty a "dead letter". Moreover, Károlyi's opponents argued that by needlessly seeking a second armistice, Károlyi had worsened Hungary's situation.

Upon the National Council's seizure of power, Minister of Defence Béla Linder recalled all troops from the front and instructed all Hungarian units to lay down their arms. By Károlyi’s own admission, this order was informed mainly by a fear among Károlyi’s cabinet that soldiers could return armed, potentially causing disorder, threatening the new government, or prompting Allied intervention. Linder’s much maligned policy was very quickly reversed when Czechoslovak troops occupied several districts claimed by the Prague government in western Hungary on November 9th. As a result, Linder resigned his post as Minister of Defence on November 9th and was replaced with Albert Bartha, who was now faced with the task of reorganizing and re-arming the Hungarian military. In a speech on November 11th, Károlyi announced that the Hungarian army had ceased disarming and was prepared to defend Hungary from the Czech incursion. When Prague sent Gendarmes to occupy several majority Slovak districts in western Hungary, Károlyi followed through on his promise to defend Hungary's borders, mobilizing divisions of repatriated POWs who managed to repel the Czech forces. When a new demarcation line was negotiated, Hungary ceded administration of the areas given to the Prague government, but refused to withdraw its army any further. All through the winter of 1918–19, the Romanians, the Yugoslavs and the Czechoslovaks often broke the armistice in order to seize more territory for themselves. After January 1919, Károlyi began to consider the idea of an alliance with Soviet Russia, through Károlyi was opposed to the idea of Communism in Hungary itself.

In addition, as Hungary had signed an armistice, not a peace treaty, the Allied blockade continued until such time as a peace treaty was signed. Hungary had suffered from food shortages throughout the war and deaths from starvation had become common from 1917 onwards. Furthermore, the country had been overwhelmed with refugees from Transylvania and Galicia.

Domestic politics
At the same time, there existed various revolutionary councils, which were dominated by the Social Democrats, which were not unlike the Soviets (Councils) that existed in Russia in 1917. This situation of Dual Power gave Károlyi responsibility without much power while giving the Social Democrats power without much responsibility. The war deepened social differences and disparity, since the wealthy social strata not directly involved in the war could continue to live unchanged, i.e. carefree lives, and the wealth of the large entrepreneurs who supplied the war effort could even continue to grow enormously, while the wages of the workers who lived on wages were constantly and significantly devalued. The economic incompetence of the new government which printed more and more money, leading to massive inflation and even more impoverishment. Károlyi's failure to improve living conditions or persuade the Allies to lift the blockade led to public criticism of Károlyi.

Making things worse was the creation of Czechoslovakia which had cut Hungary off from supplies of German coal. Hungary which possessed little coal depended upon German coal imports. Without coal, most had to live without heat in the winter of 1918–19, and the railroad network had gradually ceased to function. The collapse of railroads in their turn caused the collapse of industry and hence mass unemployment.

Of the more than forty laws and almost 400 decrees introduced by the Károlyi and Berinkey governments and passed by the National Council, the new electoral law gave the right to vote to all men over 21 and women over 24 who could read and write in any domestic language. General elections under the new law were scheduled for April 1919.

During the War, freedom of the press and freedom of assembly were temporarily banned on the grounds of wartime interests. The Karolyi government reintroduced freedom of the press, freedom of association and freedom of assembly. With the economy on the verge of collapse as a result of the war, and with mass poverty and inflation, social reforms were introduced: unemployment benefit, tax arrears waivers, a ban on the employment of children under 14, wage increases, a token severance payment for demobilised soldiers, the introduction of an eight-hour working day and the extension of social security. Alongside the democratic establishment, the governments of the Karolyi regime also sought to consolidate internal order, but with little success. Furthermore, the Social Democrats who were Hungary's largest party by far, frequently undercut Károlyi and imposed their decisions on him without taking responsibility for their actions. Károlyi wished to transfer almost all of the rural lands to the peasants. To set an example, he gave all of his own vast family estates to his tenants. But this was the only land transfer that took place; the Social Democrats blocked any measures that might give the control of those lands to the peasantry on the grounds that it was promoting capitalism. In February 1919, the government used police force against two recently formed extremist organisations: it dissolved the dictatorial right-wing government and the Hungarian National Defence League (MOVE) led by Gyula Gömbös, which demanded the armed defence of the historic (pre-World War I) Hungarian borders. After an unemployment demonstration on 20 February 1919, which led to an armed confrontation in front of the Budapest offices of the Népszava newspaper, he imprisoned thirty-two leaders of the Communist Party of Hungary, including their leader, Béla Kun.

Downfall of Károlyi government
On 20 March 1919 the French presented the Vix Note ordering Hungarian troops further back into Hungary; it was widely assumed that the military lines would be the new frontiers. Károlyi and Prime Minister Dénes Berinkey were now in an untenable position. Although they did not want to accept this French demand, they were in no position to reject it either. On 21 March, Berinkey resigned. Károlyi then announced that only the Social Democrats could form a new government. It was decided that an alliance would be sought with the Communists led by Béla Kun. Unbeknowst to Károlyi, the Democratic Socialists and the Communist Party came to the decision that Károlyi should be removed from power. Hours after Berinkey resigned, the newly merged Hungarian Socialist Party announced Károlyi's resignation and the formation of the Hungarian Soviet Republic. The liberal president Károlyi was arrested by the new Communist government on the first day. He managed to make his escape and flee to Paris in July 1919.

Later life
On 10 April 1919, "Romanian troops began to invade Hungary to forestall reconquest of Transylvania. A provisional government was set up by Count Julius Karolyi (brother of Michael), Count István Bethlen, Admiral Horthy, and Archduke Joseph at Szeged (under French occupation)."

On 4 July 1919 Károlyi emigrated to Austria, later he moved to Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia.

Finally, in late 1919, Károlyi went into exile in France and during World War Two, in Britain.

For the time being, however, Károlyi managed to get the formerly moderate right-wing Hungarian newspaper, the Wiener Magyar Zeitung, to serve his cause; on 5 June, one day after the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty, Károlyi welcomed the economic blockade of Hungary, which was already in a difficult situation because of the White Terror, and the tone of the subsequent articles became even harsher:"'Words will not win Horthy, he must be crushed by deeds. The terrible thing about brutality is that brutality cannot be defeated without using brutality. Horthy's actions show him to be an enemy of humanity ... so humanity must renounce the tradition of humanity in his face.'"Károlyi began vigorous propaganda activities against the emerging Horthy regime. Károlyi mainly tried to negotiate with the creators of the hostile Little Entente, Masaryk and Beneš, as well as with the Austrian Social Democratic Chancellor, Karl Renner. They wanted to achieve the disarmament of the Hungarian National Army and the removal of Horthy, even with the help of foreign troops and intervention. However the effect has remained small: Renner and Beneš sent a memorandum to the Western Allied Powers, but the leadership of Entente Powers had already decided that Horthy should remain in power.

Eduard Benes sent Mihály Károlyi to Moscow as a Czechoslovak diplomat, as it seemed that the Soviet Red Army was on the verge of victory and would soon occupy Poland. As a diplomat, Károlyi wanted to ensure that the Red Army respected the independence of Transcarpathia and Slovakia. However, the Soviet Red Army was unexpectedly defeated by Marshal Pilsudski in August (Battle of Warsaw).

In 1924, while Károlyi's wife was in the United States she came down with typhoid fever. Károlyi applied for a visa to come to the United States to visit her, but the State Department imposed a gag order, preventing him from giving any political speeches, as the State Department believed him to be a Communist. A year later, Countess Károlyi was denied a visa to visit the United States, but Secretary Kellogg of the State Department refused to explain on what grounds her visa denial was made. Morris Ernst acted as Károlyi's lawyer for these issues.

In August 1944, Károlyi, as president of the Hungarian Council in Great Britain, and his colleagues held a meeting to protest against the ongoing genocidal persecution of Hungarian Jews. Throughout the Horthy era, Károlyi was in a state of official disgrace in his homeland.

In 1946, Károlyi, who by that time had become a socialist, returned to Hungary and from 1947 to 1949 served as the Hungarian Ambassador to France. In 1949, he resigned in protest over the show trial and execution of László Rajk.

He wrote two volumes of memoirs in exile; Egy egész világ ellen ("Against the Entire World") in 1925 and Memoirs: Faith without Illusion in 1954.

He died in Vence, France, on 19 March 1955 at the age of 80.

Legacy

During the socialist era of Hungary, Károlyi was praised as the founder of the first Hungarian republic. Many streets and other public places were named after him, and even a few statues were erected in his honor. The most famous one, sculpted by Imre Varga, was installed in Budapest's Kossuth Lajos tér in 1975. After the fall of communism his statue was repeatedly covered with red paint by unknown persons. At other times a wire was hung around his neck, a sign was hung on the wire with the inscription "I am responsible for Trianon". The statue was dismantled at dawn on 29 March 2012, as part of the redevelopment of Kossuth Square, and transported to a foundry in Kőbánya, Finally Károlyi's statue was moved to Siófok at the residence of its creator. By the 21st century however, the view on him has become mixed at best. Many Hungarians blame him for the disintegration of Greater Hungary and for the establishment of the Hungarian Soviet Republic of 1919. At the same time, throughout Hungary, most cities also renamed their own streets named after him, sometimes in a creative way. In Budapest for example the name of the prominent street in downtown, was changed from "Károlyi Mihály utca" to simply "Károlyi utca", removing the association with him.

References and further reading

 * Deak, Istvan. "Budapest and the Hungarian Revolutions of 1918-1919." Slavonic and East European Review 46.106 (1968): 129–140. online
 * Deak, Istvan "The Decline and Fall of Habsburg Hungary, 1914–18" pages 10–30 from Hungary in Revolution edited by Ivan Volgyes Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1971.
 * Hajdu, Tibor. "Michael Károlyi and the Revolutions of 1918–19." Acta Historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 10.3/4 (1964): 351–371. online
 * Károlyi, Mihály. Fighting the World : The Struggle for Peace (New York: Albert & Charles Boni, 1925).
 * Károlyi, Mihály. Memoirs of Michael Karolyi: faith without illusion (London: J. Cape, 1956). online free to borrow
 * Menczer, Bela "Bela Kun and the Hungarian Revolution of 1919" pages 299–309 from History Today Volume XIX, Issue #5, May 1969, History Today Inc: London
 * Pastor, Peter, Hungary between Wilson and Lenin: the Hungarian revolution of 1918–1919 and the Big Three, Boulder: East European Quarterly; New York: distributed by Columbia University Press, 1976.
 * Polanyi, Karl. "Count Michael Károlyi." Slavonic and East European Review (1946): 92–97. online
 * Szilassy, Sándor Revolutionary Hungary, 1918–1921, Astor Park. Fla., Danubian Press 1971.
 * Vassady, Bela. "The" Homeland Cause" as Stimulant to Ethnic Unity: The Hungarian-American Response to Károlyi's 1914 American Tour." Journal of American Ethnic History 2.1 (1982): 39-64. online
 * Vermes, Gabor "The October Revolution In Hungary" pages 31–60 from Hungary in Revolution edited by Ivan Volgyes Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1971.

title: Mihály Károlyi


text:
List of manufacturing processes

This tree lists various manufacturing processes arranged by similarity of function.

Casting

 * Bellfounding
 * Centrifugal casting (industrial)
 * Continuous casting
 * Die casting
 * Evaporative-pattern casting
 * Full-mold casting
 * Lost-foam casting
 * Investment casting (Lost-wax casting)
 * Countergravity casting
 * Lost-foam casting
 * Low pressure die casting
 * Permanent mold casting
 * Plastic mold casting
 * Resin casting
 * Sand casting
 * Shell molding
 * Slush casting, Slurry casting
 * Vacuum molding

 * Data from Fundamentals of modern manufacturing

Labeling and painting
Main articles: Imaging and Coating
 * Laser engraving
 * Inkjet printing
 * Chemical vapor deposition
 * Sputter deposition
 * Plating
 * Thermal spraying

Moulding

 * Powder metallurgy
 * Compaction plus sintering
 * Hot isostatic pressing
 * Metal injection moulding
 * Spray forming
 * Plastics (see also Rapid prototyping)
 * Injection
 * Compression molding
 * Transfer
 * Extrusion
 * Blow molding
 * Dip moulding
 * Rotational molding
 * Thermoforming
 * Laminating
 * Expandable bead
 * Foam
 * Vacuum plug assist
 * Pressure plug assist
 * Matched mould
 * Shrink wrapping

Forming

 * End tube forming
 * Tube beading
 * Forging
 * Smith
 * Hammer forge
 * Drop forge
 * Press
 * Impact (see also Extrusion)
 * Upset
 * No draft
 * High-energy-rate
 * Cored
 * Incremental
 * Powder
 * Rolling (Thick plate and sheet metal)
 * Cold rolling
 * Hot rolling
 * Sheet metal
 * Shape
 * Ring
 * Transverse
 * Cryorolling
 * Orbital
 * Cross-rolling
 * Thread
 * Screw thread
 * Thread rolling
 * Extrusion
 * Impact extrusion
 * Pressing
 * Embossing
 * Stretch forming
 * Blanking (see drawing below)
 * Drawing (manufacturing) (pulling sheet metal, wire, bar, or tube
 * Bulging
 * Necking
 * Nosing
 * Deep drawing (sinks, auto body)
 * Bending
 * Hemming
 * Shearing
 * Blanking and piercing
 * Trimming
 * Shaving
 * Notching
 * Perforating
 * Nibbling
 * Dinking
 * Lancing
 * Cutoff
 * Stamping
 * Metal
 * Leather
 * Progressive
 * Coining
 * Straight shearing
 * Slitting
 * Other
 * Redrawing
 * Ironing
 * Flattening
 * Swaging
 * Spinning
 * Peening
 * Guerin process
 * Wheelon process
 * Magnetic pulse
 * Explosive forming
 * Electroforming
 * Staking
 * Seaming
 * Flanging
 * Straightening
 * Decambering
 * Cold sizing
 * Hubbing
 * Hot metal gas forming
 * Curling (metalworking)
 * Hydroforming

Machining

 * Mills
 * Grist mill
 * Hammer mill
 * Ball mill
 * Buhrstone mill
 * Disc mill
 * Saw mill
 * Steel mill
 * Blast furnace
 * Smelting
 * Refining
 * Reduction mill
 * Annealing
 * Pickling
 * Passivate
 * Coating
 * Milling
 * Turning
 * Lathe
 * Facing
 * Boring (also Single pass bore finishing)
 * Spinning (flow turning)
 * Knurling
 * Hard turning
 * Cutoff (parting)
 * Drilling
 * Friction drilling
 * Reaming
 * Countersinking
 * Tapping
 * Sawing
 * Filing
 * Broaching
 * Shaping
 * Horizontal
 * Vertical
 * Special purpose
 * Planing
 * Double housing
 * Open-side
 * Edge or plate
 * Pit-type
 * Abrasive jet machining
 * Water jet cutting
 * Photochemical machining
 * Abrasive belt
 * Honing (Sharpening)
 * Electro-chemical grinding
 * Finishing & industrial finishing
 * Abrasive blasting (sand blasting)
 * Buffing
 * Burnishing
 * Electroplating
 * Electropolishing
 * Magnetic field-assisted finishing
 * Etching
 * Linishing
 * Mass finishing
 * Tumbling (barrel finishing)
 * Spindle finishing
 * Vibratory finishing
 * Plating
 * Polishing
 * Superfinishing
 * Wire brushing
 * Routing
 * Hobbing
 * Ultrasonic machining
 * Electrical discharge
 * Electrical discharge machining (EDM)
 * Electron beam machining
 * Electrochemical machining
 * Chemical
 * Photochemical
 * Laser cutting
 * Laser drilling
 * Grinding
 * High stock removal
 * Gashing
 * Biomachining
 * Skiving (metalworking)

Joining

 * Welding
 * Arc
 * Manual metal
 * Shielded metal
 * Gas metal
 * Pulsed
 * Short circuit
 * Electrogas
 * Spray transfer
 * Gas tungsten
 * Flux-cored
 * Submerged
 * Plasma arc
 * Carbon arc
 * Stud
 * Electroslag
 * Atomic hydrogen
 * Plasma-MIG (metal inert gas)
 * Impregnated tape
 * Regulated Metal Deposition
 * Oxyfuel gas
 * Oxy-acetylene gas
 * Methylacetylene propadiene (MAPP)
 * Air-acetylene
 * Oxyhydrogen
 * Pressure gas
 * CO2
 * Resistance
 * Butt welding
 * Flash butt welding
 * Shot welding
 * Spot welding
 * Projection welding
 * Seam
 * Upset welding
 * Percussion (manufacturing)
 * Solid state welding
 * Ultrasonic
 * Explosive
 * Diffusion
 * Hot press
 * Isostatic hot gas
 * Vacuum furnace
 * Friction welding
 * Inertia
 * Forge
 * Cold
 * Roll
 * Electron beam welding
 * Laser welding
 * Thermite
 * Induction
 * Low frequency (50–450 Hz)
 * High frequency (induction resistance; 200–450 kHz)
 * Others
 * Heated metal plate
 * Solvent
 * Dielectric
 * Magnetic pulse welding
 * Radio frequency welding
 * High frequency resistance
 * Electromagnetic
 * Flow
 * Resistance
 * Infrared
 * Vacuum
 * Hot-air-welding
 * Brazing
 * Torch
 * Induction brazing
 * Furnace
 * Dip
 * Soldering
 * Iron
 * Hot plate
 * Oven
 * Induction
 * Dip
 * Wave
 * Ultrasonic
 * Sintering
 * Adhesive bonding (incomplete)
 * Thermo-setting and thermoplastic
 * Epoxy
 * Modified epoxy
 * Phenolics
 * Polyurethane
 * Adhesive alloys
 * Miscellaneous other powders, liquids, solids, and tapes
 * Fastening wood and metal
 * Nailing
 * Screwing
 * (By material fastened)
 * Machine (Metal)
 * Wood Screws
 * (By slot type)
 * Phillips ("Plus sign" in Canada)
 * Straight ("Minus sign" in Canada)
 * (By shape)
 * Round head
 * Flat head
 * Box head
 * Hex
 * Lag
 * Nut and bolts
 * Riveting
 * Clinching
 * Pinning
 * Cotter
 * Groove
 * Tapered
 * Roll
 * Retaining rings
 * Quick release skewer
 * Stitching
 * Stapling
 * Press fitting

Additive manufacturing

 * 3D printing
 * Direct metal laser sintering
 * Filament winding, produces composite pipes, tanks, etc.
 * Fused deposition modeling
 * Inkjet Printing
 * Laminated object manufacturing
 * Laser engineered net shaping
 * Layered manufacturing
 * Rapid Induction Printing
 * Selective laser sintering
 * Spark plasma sintering
 * Stereolithography

Other

 * Mining
 * Quarrying
 * Blasting
 * Crushing
 * Chemical manufacturing
 * Petroleum refining
 * Semiconductor fabrication
 * Assembly line
 * Packaging and labeling
 * Logistics
 * Woodworking
 * Joinery (see also Joining, above)
 * Lapping
 * Mortising
 * Routing (see above)
 * Biscuit joiner
 * Vulcanization
 * Heat treating
 * Bake-out

title: List of manufacturing processes


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Robert Crais

Robert Crais (pronounced ) (born June 20, 1953) is an American author of detective fiction and former screenwriter. Crais began his career writing scripts for television shows such as Hill Street Blues, Cagney & Lacey, Quincy, Miami Vice and L.A. Law. His writing is influenced by Raymond Chandler, Dashiell Hammett, Ernest Hemingway, Robert B. Parker and John Steinbeck. Crais has won numerous awards for his crime novels. Lee Child has cited him in interviews as one of his favourite American crime writers. The novels of Robert Crais have been published in 62 countries and are bestsellers around the world. Robert Crais received the Ross Macdonald Literary Award in 2006 and was named Grand Master by the Mystery Writers of America in 2014.

Biography
Born in Independence, Louisiana, he was adopted and raised as an only child. He attended Louisiana State University and studied mechanical engineering.

Crais moved to Hollywood in 1976 where he found work as a screenwriter for the television series Hill Street Blues, Cagney & Lacey and Miami Vice, and was nominated for an Emmy award. Following the death of his father in 1985, Crais published the novel, The Monkey's Raincoat, which won the 1988 Anthony Award for "Best Paperback Original" and the 1988 Mystery Readers International Macavity Award for "Best First Novel". It has since been selected as one of the 100 Favorite Mysteries of the Century by the Independent Mystery Booksellers Association.

In 2006 Crais was awarded the Ross Macdonald Literary Award and in 2010 the Private Eye Writers of America's (PWA) Lifetime Achievement Award The Eye. In 2014 Crais received the Mystery Writers of America's (MWA) Grand Master Award.

Crais novels include: Demolition Angel, Hostage, Suspect, and The Two-Minute Rule. Most of Crais' books feature the characters Elvis Cole and Joe Pike, with The Watchman (2007), The First Rule (2010) and The Sentry (2011) centering on Joe Pike. Taken is a 2012 detective novel by Robert Crais. It is the fifteenth in a series of linked novels centering on the character Elvis Cole. The 2005 film, Hostage, was an adaptation of one of his books.

In 2020 his novel Suspect (2013) was named Best Mystery/Crime Novel of the Decade in the Barry Awards.

title: Robert Crais


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Maná

Maná is a Mexican pop rock band   formed in 1981. Originally called Sombrero Verde, the current lineup of members is vocalist-guitarist Fher Olvera, drummer Alex González, guitarist Sergio Vallín and bassist Juan Calleros. The band is considered one of the best-selling Latin music artists and the most successful Latin American band of all time with over 25 million records sold worldwide. Moreover, Maná has earned four Grammy Awards, eight Latin Grammy Awards, five MTV Video Music Awards Latin America, six Premios Juventud awards, 19 Billboard Latin Music Awards and 15 Premios Lo Nuestro awards.

After performing under the name Sombrero Verde for six years, they renamed to Maná in 1986 and released their debut studio album, Maná, in 1987. In 1992, the group released ¿Dónde Jugarán Los Niños?, which sold more than 10 million copies worldwide, (over 700,000 copies in the US) becoming the best-selling Spanish-language rock album of all time. After several membership changes, the group released Cuando los Ángeles Lloran (1995), which is noted for its stylistic departure from the band's previous work. Maná followed with Sueños Líquidos (1997), Revolución de Amor (2002) and Amar es Combatir (2006), which continued their success. The band followed up with Drama y Luz in April 2011. Their most recent album is Cama Incendiada, which was released in early 2015.

The band's draws from pop rock, progressive rock, Latin pop, calypso, reggae and ska music genres. They initially achieved success in Latin America and Spain and have since then achieved worldwide commercial success and popularity.

1986–89: formation and early releases

Maná was formed in 1986 by José Fernando "Fher" Olvera (vocals), Ulises Calleros (guitar), and Juan Calleros (bass guitar), who had been performing together in a band called Sombrero Verde since the mid-1970s and disbanded in 1983. The three placed an advertisement in the local Guadalajara newspaper looking for a drummer to complete a new band, to which 15-year-old American Alex González applied and soon joined the group. Maná's first album was titled "Maná" and was released on 12 May 1987 on A&M Records. Maná signed to PolyGram but became unhappy with the direction the label was taking the band and switched to Warner Music shortly before the release of the group's second album, Falta Amor.

A year passed before the album garnered its first hit single, "Rayando el Sol". The group toured heavily in support of the album, performing more than 250 times throughout Latin America, including shows in Mexico, Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia.

1990–96: commercial success

In 1991, they added two new members to the group Iván González on keyboards and César "Vampiro" López on guitar. Ulises Calleros no longer performed with the group, but became one of their managers. On 27 October 1992, the band released ¿Dónde Jugarán Los Niños?, an album that spawned several hits (including "Oye Mi Amor", "De Pies A Cabeza", and "Vivir Sin Aire"). The record sold over three million copies worldwide and became the best-selling Spanish-language rock album of all time. The band undertook an international tour with 268 concerts in 17 countries.

In 1994, López and Iván González left the group due to musical and personal disputes. Fher Olvera and Alex González felt that their departure offered an opportunity to reinvent the group's sound, and searched throughout Mexico, Spain, and Argentina to find a new guitarist.

In the meantime, Maná released the live album Maná en Vivo before choosing Mexican guitarist Sergio Vallín to replace Calleros and López. In 1995, the band recorded a Spanish version of Led Zeppelin's "Fool in the Rain" (Tonto En La Lluvia) for the tribute album Encomium.

On 25 April 1995, the group released Cuando los Ángeles Lloran. The album was noted for its stylistic departure from the band's previous work, which saw the group experimenting with funk and soul music genres. Olvera explained shortly after the release of the album, "Basically, we're still the same Maná, but we're going through a funky, soulish stage. We want to have some fun and be a little louder." The initial reaction to Cuando los Ángeles Lloran was mixed and the first single, the funk-influenced "Déjame Entrar", failed to reach the top ten on the Mexican Singles Chart. However, the album later caught on and sold 500,000 copies in the United States alone within five months of release.

1997–2007: Sueños Líquidos, Revolución de Amor, and Amar es Combatir
In 1997, the group released Sueños Líquidos, an album about the highs and lows of love, with songs like "Clavado en un bar" and "En el muelle de San Blas", recorded in Puerto Vallarta and released simultaneously in 36 countries. The recording received a Grammy Award for Best Latin Rock/Alternative Album. The group performed acoustically in Miami for Latin America's MTV Unplugged program. A final version of the performance was mixed at Conway Recording Studios in Hollywood, and the band released Maná MTV Unplugged on 14 May 1999.

In 2002, to blend their sound with that of rock and roll from the sixties and seventies, the band recorded Revolución de Amor. They won their fourth Grammy for the album. The band released a new version of "Eres mi Religión" for the Italian market in 2003, as a duet with Italian musician Zucchero, and also performed with Zucchero in a new recording of his "Baila Morena". This same year they participated in the annual Pavarotti & Friends concert, along with Queen, Deep Purple, Ricky Martin, Andrea Bocelli, Zucchero, and Bono.

In 2006, after a four-year hiatus, they released their seventh studio album, Amar es Combatir. It reached #4 on the Billboard Top 200 in its first week, selling over 60,000 copies in the first week. Their first single off the album, "Labios Compartidos", rose to the top of the music charts upon its debut in July, when the group played the song live at the Premios Juventud. Amar es Combatir has sold over 644,000 copies, and the Amar es Combatir Tour in promotion of the album grossed more than $35 million.

In 2008, Maná released a live album entitled Arde El Cielo, in both a CD and CD/DVD package. This release shows the band performing during the Amar es Combatir Tour in support of Amar es Combatir.

2008–2012: Drama y Luz
On 12 April 2011, the band released its eighth studio album, Drama y Luz. The record's release was delayed several times, initially scheduled for a fall 2010 release, which was later changed to December 2010, and finally changed to April 2011. The band explained that Drama y Luz was not ready for fans and spent time during the delays putting the finishing touches on the record. Themes addressed on the album include love, hope, addiction, and racism. The first single from the album, "Lluvia al Corazón", became the band's sixth song to reach number one on the Billboard Latin Songs chart, as well as its eighth song to top the magazine's Latin Pop Songs chart.

2013–present: Cama Incendiada / Rayando el sol Tour
In 2015 the most recent studio album Cama incendiada was released.

In 2016, Maná was inducted into the Hollywood Walk of Fame.

In 2018, Mana received the Billboard Latin Music Lifetime Achievement Award and performed live on Telemundo from the Mandalay Bay Events Center in Las Vegas. Mana was honored as the Latin Recording Academy Person of the Year on 14 November 2018.

In 2019, Mana announced in February 2019 their new tour "Rayando el sol tour" that will start in the USA in September 2019. On 12 April Maná released a new version of their classic hit Rayando el sol featuring Spanish singer Pablo Alborán as the first song from their upcoming project.

In August 2021, Billboard and Telemundo announced that Maná would be honored with the icon award at the 2021 Billboard Latin Music Awards on 23 September 2021. The announcement included that the band would also perform a remake of the classic "El Reloj Cucú" ft. 12-year-old singer Mabel at the awards show.

Selva Negra Foundation
Selva Negra Foundation ("Black Jungle Foundation") is a foundation formed by Maná in 1995. Under the direction of Mari González and Augusto Benavides, they finance and support important projects aimed at protecting the environment. With the support of Mexico's government, they also have efforts to save the sea turtle by raising 140,000 turtle eggs for release on the country's Pacific coast.

On 7 April 2008, Maná and the Selva Negra Foundation were named "Champions of Health" by the Pan American Health Organization during an observance of World Health Day 2008 at PAHO headquarters in Washington, D.C.

Politics

Maná supported U.S. President Barack Obama's 2012 reelection bid.

On 29 March 2007, Puerto Rico's Channel 4, WAPA's News program, reported that Maná publicly supported Puerto Rico's prospective independence from the United States. In an interview that followed the aforementioned news announcement, the members of Maná were interviewed by Channel 4 (WAPA) journalist, Rafael Lenín López, who asked them what they thought about Puerto Rico. Maná members confirmed that they support the Puerto Rican Independence Movement and favor greater sovereignty for the Latin American and Caribbean island-nation.

Several of their songs have political inspirations; the liner notes for "Me Voy a Convertir en Un Ave", on the album Sueños Líquidos, notes that the song is "inspired by the book Pedro y el capitán by Mario Benedetti and dedicated to all those who, for defending an ideal of justice, are persecuted or find themselves imprisoned. To the Zapatista Army of National Liberation communities for peace and dignity."

Mana is known for its involvement in social and political issues. The band has been active in supporting environmental causes, human rights, and other charitable efforts. Their song "Eres mi religión" is often cited for its spiritual and humanitarian message.

FAO Ambassador
The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) is a specialized agency of the United Nations that leads international efforts to defeat hunger. FAO was founded on 16 October 1945 in Quebec City, Quebec, Canada. The FAO Goodwill Ambassadors Programme was initiated in 1999. Maná was nominated and appointed FAO Ambassadors on 16 October 2003. Maná emphasized that their song "Justicia, Tierra y Libertad" (in English: Justice, Land, and Liberty [Freedom]) from the Revolución de Amor album, is a message of hope and inspiration in the search of a world without hunger.

Current

 * Fher Olvera — lead vocals, electric guitar, acoustic guitar, rhythm guitar — 1978–present
 * Alex González — drums, backup vocals — 1984–present
 * Juan Calleros — bass, acoustic bass guitar — 1978–present
 * Sergio Vallín — Lead guitar, acoustic guitar, 12-string guitar, classical guitar — 1994–present

Live members

 * Juan Carlos Toribio — keyboards, piano, flute — 1994–present
 * Fernando "Psycho" Vallin — rhythm guitar, 2nd bass guitar, backup vocals — 1997–present
 * Luis Conte — percussion — MTV Unplugged 1999
 * Hector Quintana — percussion, backup vocals — 2006–present

Former

 * Abraham Calleros — drums — 1978–1985
 * Gustavo Orozco — electric guitar — 1978–1985
 * Ulises Calleros — electric guitar — 1978–1991
 * César "Vampiro" López — electric guitar — 1991–1994
 * Ivan Gonzalez — keyboards — 1991–1994
 * Sheila Rios — backup vocals — 1992–2003

As Sombrero Verde
(pre–Maná)
 * 1981: Sombrero Verde
 * 1983: A Tiempo de Rock

As Maná

 * 1987: Maná
 * 1990: Falta Amor
 * 1992: ¿Dónde Jugarán los Niños?
 * 1995: Cuando los Ángeles Lloran
 * 1997: Sueños Líquidos
 * 1999: MTV Unplugged
 * 2002: Revolución de Amor
 * 2006: Amar es Combatir
 * 2011: Drama y Luz
 * 2015: Cama Incendiada

Tours

 * 1993–1995: ¿Dónde Jugarán Los Niños? Tour
 * 1998: Liquido Tour
 * 1999: Unplugged U.S. Tour
 * 2002–2003: Revolución de Amor Tour
 * 2007–2008: Amar es Combatir Tour
 * 2011–2014: Drama y Luz World Tour
 * 2015: Cama Incendiada Tour
 * 2016: Latino Power Tour
 * 2019: Rayando el Sol Tour
 * 2023: Mexico Lindo y Querido Tour

title: Maná