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Boulder Mountain (Utah)

Boulder Mountain (also known as Bluebell Knoll and Boulder Top) in Utah, United States makes up half of the Aquarius Plateau of South Central Utah in Wayne and Garfield counties. The mountain rises to the west of Capitol Reef National Park and consists of steep slopes and cliffs with over 50,000 acres (200 km²) of rolling forest and meadowlands on the top. The mountain has a nearly flat summit of roughly 70 square miles. The mountain is the highest timbered plateau in North America and is part of the Dixie National Forest.

Highway 12
Utah Scenic Byway 12 traverses the eastern side of the mountain from Torrey through Boulder and on to Escalante. A series of unpaved backcountry roads and jeep trails provide access to the top during the brief snow-free time, usually only a few months from July to September. These jeep trails were originally created as the main route for wagons traveling between Escalante and Boulder. The trail was upgraded to a road in 1920 when the Ohio Drilling Company created a route to Wagon Box Mesa. A famous road on the mountain, Hell's Backbone Road, forks from Scenic Byway 12. Hell's Backbone then runs west toward Posey Lake/Pine Creek Road. The road eventually winds back to the town of Escalante, which allows travelers to complete a 38-mile loop.

Climate
Boulder Mountain has a subalpine climate (Köppen Dfc), bordering on an Alpine climate (Köppen ET) at the highest elevations around Bluebell Knoll.

Donkey Reservoir is high up on the northeastern slope of Boulder Mountain. Donkey Reservoir also has a subalpine climate (Köppen Dfc) but with lower average temperatures, due to its lower elevation.

Fly fishing
Boulder Mountain is routinely held in high regard by Utahans as a fisherman's paradise. Fishing opportunities began on the mountain in the 1950s when juvenile fish(fry) were carried via horseback and planted in the area's high alpine lakes and streams. In 1971, the state record brook trout (7 pounds, 8 ounces) was caught in Boulder Mountain's waters. Brook trout are the prominent species stocked on Boulder Mountain. Colorado River Cutthroat are the fish species native to the area. In 2014, a committee consisting of anglers and residents convened to determine the future management of the fisheries on Boulder Mountain. This committee assisted the Utah Division of Wildlife Resources in resolving the issue of overpopulating brook trout in the alpine lakes of Boulder Mountain. Based on the discussion, 35 percent of the lakes would be managed for trophy brook trout. The management plan categorized each lake into ten different sections: North Creek, North Slope, South Slope, East Slope, West Slope, Boulder Top, Griffin Top, and Escalante Mountain. The management plan introduces splake, tiger, and cutthroat trout to the waters that the committee deemed appropriate. Colorado cutthroat populations have steadily decreased since the introduction of brook trout to the area. Emphasizing the importance of re-establishing a healthy population of native trout in the area, sterile brook trout (triploid) and other sterile trout species, such as tiger and splake trout, were introduced to increase fishing opportunities.

Flora

The Boulder Mountain cinquefoil (Potentilla angelliae) is a rare species of plant that is endemic to Boulder Mountain. Acharophyte assemblage located at the Griffin Top section (Aquarius Plateau, Utah, USA) provides, for the first time, the relative age of the base of the Claron Formation.

Fauna
The mountain is home to some of the biggest elk in the state of Utah, consistently producing some of the largest bull elk during the hunt each fall. The mountain is also known for mule deer. Predators are also prevalent; mountain lions and black bears are commonly seen throughout the area.

In popular culture
The Scottish dream pop band Cocteau Twins named their fifth album Blue Bell Knoll after the mountain.

title: Boulder Mountain (Utah)


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Cycling at the 1984 Summer Olympics

The cycling competition at the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles consisted of three road cycling events and five track cycling events. For the first time, women's cycling events were included in the Olympic program. Also newly introduced in these Games was the men's points race event.

Participating nations
359 cyclists from 54 nations competed.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Cycling at the 1984 Summer Olympics


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Let's trim our hair in accordance with the socialist lifestyle

Let's trim our hair in accordance with the socialist lifestyle (alternatively translated as Let us trim our hair in accordance with Socialist lifestyle) was a television program broadcast on state-run Korean Central Television in North Korea between 2004 and 2005 as part of a longstanding government propaganda against haircuts and fashions deemed at odds with "socialist values". The program claimed that long hair could adversely affect human intelligence.

North Korea's fashion restrictions
Such dress and hair standards have long been a fixture of North Korean society. Kim Jong Il was known for his "Speed Battle Cut" crew cut when he first came to prominence in the early 1980s, though he later reverted to the short sided bouffant favored by his father. After Kim Jong Il succeeded his father, some of the state's restrictions on Western fashion were relaxed. Women were allowed permanent waves, men could grow slightly longer hair, and even public dancing was allowed. Despite such slight concessions during the early years of Kim Jong Il's rule, obvious emblems of Western fashion such as jeans continued to be entirely banned, and long hair on men could lead to arrest and forced haircuts.

According to the North Korean daily Rodong Sinmun (Worker's Newspaper), the leadership was fighting a guerrilla war against the possible incursion of capitalism into the sphere of personal appearance. Along with long hair, untidy shoes were identified as the epitome of Western culture which, by imitation, would lead the country to ruin.

Television series
The series began in 2004 as part of the regular television program Common Sense. In the autumn of that year, a larger media campaign (print and radio as well as television) began promoting proper attire and neat appearances for men. The show encouraged short hairstyles, such as the flat-top crew cut, middle hairstyle, low hairstyle, and high hairstyle. It said that hair should be kept between 1 and 5 cm in length, and recommended haircuts for men every 15 days. The country's official hairstyles did allow men over 50 years old to grow their upper hair up to 7 cm long, to disguise balding.

An initial five-part series of the show featured officially endorsed haircut styles, while a later series went a step further by showing certain men as examples of how not to trim one's hair. With each example, the show conveyed the person's name and where they lived (or worked) via subtitles and/or voice. For example, in one episode (shown in January 2005) a North Korean citizen named Mr. Ko Gwang-hyun, whose unkempt hair covered his ears, was shown as a negative role model, with the voiceover commentary: "We cannot help questioning the cultural taste of this comrade, who is incapable of feeling ashamed of his hair style. Can we expect a man with this disheveled mind-set to perform his duty well?"

In the North Korean capital city of Pyongyang, hidden cameras were placed to catch citizens with improper hairstyles. This was part of a television programme broadcast at the same time as Let's Trim Our Hair in Accordance with the Socialist Lifestyle. The offenders would then be interviewed by the presenter and asked to explain themselves. Their name, address and workplace would be announced to embarrass them in the hopes that fear of such social ostracism would influence others' behavior.


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Maestà

Maestà, the Italian word for "majesty", designates a classification of images of the enthroned Madonna with the child Jesus, the designation generally implying accompaniment by angels, saints, or both. The Maestà is an extension of the "Seat of Wisdom" theme of the seated "Mary Theotokos", "Mary Mother of God", which is a counterpart to the earlier icon of Christ in Majesty, the enthroned Christ that is familiar in Byzantine mosaics. Maria Regina is an art historians' synonym for the iconic image of Mary enthroned, with or without the Child.

In the West, the image seems to have developed from Byzantine precedents such as the coin of Constantine's Empress Fausta, crowned and with their sons on her lap and from literary examples, such as Flavius Cresconius Corippus's celebration of Justin II's coronation in 565. Paintings depicting the Maestà came into the mainstream artistic repertory, especially in Rome, in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, with an increased emphasis on the veneration of Mary. The Maestà was often executed in fresco technique directly on plastered walls or as paintings on gessoed wooden altar panels.

A more domestic representation, suitable to private devotion, is the iconographic theme of Madonna and Child.

Examples of Maestà in painting
The most famous example of the Maestà is the Maestà with Twenty Angels and Nineteen Saints, an altarpiece comprising many individual paintings commissioned by the city of Siena in 1308 from the artist Duccio di Buoninsegna. The painting was installed in the city's cathedral on June 9, 1311. Although it took a generation for its effect truly to be felt, Duccio's Maestà set Italian painting on a course leading away from the hieratic representations of Byzantine art towards more direct presentations of reality.

Creating this altarpiece assembled from many wood panels bonded together before painting was an arduous undertaking. The work was not only large, the central panel was 7 by 13 feet, but it had to be painted on both sides since it could be seen from all directions when installed on the main altar at the centre of the sanctuary.

On the back of the Maesta were episodes from the life of Christ, focusing on his Passion. Sacred narrative unfolds in elegant episodes enacted by graceful figures who seem to dance their way through these stories while still conveying emotional content.

Because the Maesta was dismantled in 1771, its power and beauty can only be imagined from scattered parts, some still in Siena, Italy, but others elsewhere.

Other noted examples of the Maestà are Simone Martini's Maestà in the Palazzo Pubblico, Siena, or Cimabue's fresco in the Basilica of San Francesco d'Assisi.

title: Maestà


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Army of the Southwest

The Army of the Southwest was a Union Army that served in the Trans-Mississippi Theater during the American Civil War. This force was also known as the Army of Southwest Missouri.

Army of the Southwest
Created on Christmas Day, 1861, the Army of the Southwest was the field unit of the Dist. of Southwest Missouri, composed of troops from the Department of Missouri. The principal commander of the army was Brigadier General Samuel R. Curtis, but several other officers commanded the army for brief periods of time later in the war.

When Curtis assumed command of the Army there were three divisions commanded by Brig. Gen. Franz Sigel, Brig. Gen. Alexander Asboth and Col. Jefferson C. Davis. Sigel felt he had been passed over for command of the army and threatened to resign. More than half the Army of the Southwest was composed of German immigrants and Sigel (a German) carried a great deal of influence with them. Wishing to appease Sigel when he organized the army, Curtis named Sigel second-in-command and placed him in overall command of the 1st and 2nd Divisions which were composed of mostly German immigrants. Colonel Peter J. Osterhaus (another German immigrant) assumed command of the 1st Division and Gen. Alexander Asboth (a Hungarian immigrant) retained command of the 2nd Division. This left Col. Davis' 3rd Division as the only division composed of native born units (mostly from Midwestern States). So Curtis created the 4th Division with Colonel Eugene A. Carr in command to bring an ethnic balance to the army.

Curtis led the army into its greatest engagement of the war at the Battle of Pea Ridge. After capturing Helena, Arkansas, later that year, the army ceased to be of great significance for the rest of the war.

The 1st Division, now commanded by Frederick Steele was eventually transferred to the Army of the Tennessee after a brief stint in the Dist. of Eastern Arkansas. Asboth's 2nd Division and Davis' 3rd Division were transferred to the Army of Mississippi during the siege of Corinth.

Army of Southeast Missouri
On December 3, 1862, much of the 4th Division was re-designated the Army of Southeast Missouri under the command of General John W. Davidson. This formation had two divisions commanded respectively by Col. William P. Benton and Col. Chester A. Harding, Jr. (later General Carr). This army was short-lived as the troops were transferred to the Army of the Tennessee in preparation for the Vicksburg campaign, where they became part of the 14th Division, XIII Corps under the command of General Carr.

Commanders

 * Major General Samuel R. Curtis (December 25, 1861 – August 29, 1862)
 * Major General Frederick Steele (August 29, 1862 – October 7, 1862)
 * Major General Eugene A. Carr (October 7, 1862 – November 12, 1862)
 * Major General Willis A. Gorman (November 12, 1862–December 13, 1862) Also in command of the Dist of Eastern Arkansas from December 3

Major Battles

 * Battle of Pea Ridge (Curtis)
 * Battle of Cotton Plant (Curtis) only units from the 1st Division were engaged
 * Capture of Helena (Curtis)

title: Army of the Southwest


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Denise Poirier-Rivard

Denise Poirier-Rivard (born May 19, 1941) is a Canadian politician. Poirier-Rivard was a Bloc Québécois member of the House of Commons of Canada representing the district of Châteauguay—Saint-Constant. First elected in the 2004 election. Poirier-Rivard was the Bloc's critic of the Agriculture and Agri-Food.

Born in Montreal, Quebec, Poirier-Rivard was a cheese maker and farmer.

title: Denise Poirier-Rivard


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Picture bride

The term picture bride refers to the practice in the early 20th century of immigrant workers (chiefly Japanese, Okinawan, and Korean) in Hawaii and the West Coast of the United States and Canada, as well as Brazil selecting brides from their native countries via a matchmaker, who paired bride and groom using only photographs and family recommendations of the possible candidates. This is an abbreviated form of the traditional matchmaking process and is similar in a number of ways to the concept of the mail-order bride.

Motives of husbands
In the late 19th century, Japanese, Okinawan, and Korean men traveled to Hawaii as cheap labor to work on the sugarcane plantations. Some continued on to work on the mainland. These men had originally planned to leave plantation work and go back home after a few years or a contract was up. Between the years of 1886 and 1924, 199,564 Japanese entered Hawaii and 113,362 returned to Japan. However, many men did not make enough money to go back home. Also, in 1907 the Gentlemen's Agreement prohibited immigration from Hawaii to the mainland United States for laborers. Because now these men were put in situations with limited mobility, they had to make Hawaii or the mainland United States their home, and part of that was getting married. In Hawaii, the plantation owners also wanted to see the laborers get married. Though they had originally preferred single men, when the contract labor system was abolished, the owners thought that wives would make the men more likely to settle down and stay. Also, the plantation owners hoped that wives would limit the amount of gambling and opium smoking the workers did, and act as a morale booster for the men.

Motives of picture brides
There were many factors that influenced women to become picture brides. Some came from poor families, so they became picture brides for economic reasons. They thought that they would come upon economic prosperity in Hawaii and the continental United States, and could send back money to their families in Japan and Korea. There is evidence suggesting that picture brides were not infrequently educated at the high school or college level and were thus more emboldened to seek out new opportunities abroad. Others did it out of obligation to their families. Because the marriages were often facilitated by parents, the daughters felt they could not go against their parents' wishes. One former picture bride recounted her decision: "I had but remote ties with him yet because of the talks between our close parents and my parents' approval and encouragement, I decided upon our picture-bride marriage." There is, however, little to no indication that the brides were sold to their husbands by their families.

Some women became picture brides in an attempt to escape familial duties. They thought that by leaving Japan or Korea they could get out of responsibilities such as filial piety that came along with traditional marriage. Some women thought that they would gain freedoms denied to them in Japan and Korea. A quote from a Korean picture bride named Mrs. K embodies the mindset of many picture brides traveling to Hawaii, "Hawaii's a free place, everybody living well. Hawaii had freedom, so if you like talk, you can talk, if you like work, you can work." With the influx of women becoming picture brides, some women followed the trend as the thing to do. As one Japanese picture bride, Motome Yoshimura, explained, "I wanted to come to the United States because everyone else was coming. So I joined the crowd."

Marriage process
These Japanese, Okinawan, and Korean women got the name picture brides because the men in Hawaii and mainland United States sent pictures back to their home countries in order to find a bride. Family members, often with the help of a go-between (called a nakōdo (仲人) in Japanese and a jungmae jaeng-i in Korean), used these photos to try to find wives for men who sent them. When looking at prospective brides the go-betweens looked at the family background, health, ages and wealth of the women. The process of picture bride marriage was modeled after traditional arranged marriage (called miai kekkon (見合い結婚) in Japanese and jungmae gyeolhon in Korean). Picture bride marriage was not much different from these arranged marriage customs, except instead of the man having little role he had no role. Once the bride's name was entered into her husband's family registry, the marriage was considered official in Japan, and she was eligible for travel documents to the U.S. However, even though this was sufficient in their home countries, it was not considered a valid form of marriage by the American government. Because of this, mass wedding ceremonies were held at the dock or in hotels subsequent to the brides' arrival.

Immigration
The Gentlemen's Agreement of 1907 stopped the issuance of passports to Japanese laborers trying to go to continental America or Hawaii. However, there was a loophole in the agreement that allowed wives and children to immigrate to be with their husbands and fathers. It was because of this loophole that so many picture brides were able to immigrate to the United States. The impact of the Gentlemen's Agreement is evident in the population percentage of men and women before and after it was issued. For example, 86.7 percent of Japanese admitted to U.S. prior to Gentlemen's Agreement were men, though after the agreement only 41.6 percent of the Japanese admitted were men. By 1897, the Japanese were known as the largest single ethnic group in Hawaii, consisting of 40 percent of the population by the year 1900. Between 1907 and 1923 14,276 Japanese picture brides and 951 Korean picture brides arrived in Hawaii.

Likewise, Korean immigration to Hawaii was halted by Japan after Korea's new status as a Japanese protectorate in 1905. Picture brides, however, were an exception. While the ethnic Korean labor force could no longer enter the U.S. from Hawaii in 1907, by 1910 groups of picture brides from Korea had begun immigrating to the West Coast. In 1910, Korean men outnumbered women ten to one within the United States. By 1924 the population of Korean women had grown, the numbers reaching three men to one woman. This was due to many Korean girls already within the U.S. borders reaching marriage age, as well as the arrival of between 950 and 1,066 brides. Between 1908 and 1920 over 10,000 picture brides arrived on the West Coast of the United States.

Arrival
It was a rough journey for the picture brides. When they first arrived, they were required to go through numerous inspections at the immigration station. The United States government did not recognize picture marriages as being legal; therefore, the picture brides would meet their soon-to-be husbands for the first time and attend a mass wedding ceremony on the docks. Many of these women were surprised at what they found upon arrival. Most of what the women knew about their husbands before meeting them was based on the photos they had sent. However, the images presented did not always represent the men's real lives. Men would send photos back to Japan and Korea that were retouched, old, or of different men completely. Men often wore borrowed suits and chose to pose with luxury items, such as cars and houses, that they did not actually own.

One picture bride summarizes the feelings of many of the brides subsequent to meeting their husbands; she writes, "I came to Hawaii and was so surprised and very disappointed, because my husband sent his twenty-five-year-old handsome-looking picture...He came to the pier, but I see he's really old, old-looking. He was forty-five years more old than I am. My heart stuck." On average, the grooms were ten to fifteen years older than their brides. The age of their husbands were not the only shock for the women, they were also taken aback by their living conditions. Many women expected to live in houses like ones in the photos the men sent them, but instead found plantation quarters that were crude, isolated, and racially segregated. One of the reasons that the grooms and go-betweens were not altogether truthful with the future brides was because they believed that the women would not come if they knew the reality of the man and his conditions.

Life in Hawaii
Though they were now living in Hawaii, the Japanese picture brides still felt it was important to preserve their traditions and heritage. The values they tried to instill in their children were filial piety, obligation to community and authority (on in the Japanese language), reciprocal obligation (giri in Japanese), the importance of hard work, perseverance, frugality, and a drive for success (seiko in Japanese). Many picture brides worked on the plantations. In 1920 fourteen percent of the workers on the plantations were female, and of those female workers, eighty percent were Japanese. On the plantation they usually irrigated and weeded the fields, stripped cane of dry leaves, or cut seed cane. Men were given similar tasks, but were often paid more. For example, in 1915 Japanese women plantation workers made 55 cents compared to the 78 cents made by their male counterparts.

In addition to working in the fields the women also were expected to take care of the house, which included cooking, cleaning, sewing and raising the children. When a woman could not afford childcare she might work with her child on her back. Some picture bride women with children left the fields to work for bachelor men by doing laundry, cooking, or providing clothing. Korean picture brides left plantation life sooner than many Japanese women did, and many moved to Honolulu to start their own businesses. Regardless of whether they stayed on the plantation or not, it was important to the picture brides to build communities between themselves through women's groups and churches.

Problems with the practice
Though initially unhappy, most of the picture brides eventually settled into their marriages or just accepted them so they did not shame their families. Japanese couples were often from similar areas of Japan and therefore had fewer marital issues than Korean couples who were often from different areas of Korea. Though, there were exceptions to this, and not every marriage worked out. Some of the picture brides, after seeing their husbands for the first time, rejected them and went back to Japan or Korea. The bonds of these marriages were tenuous enough that bride Lee Young Oak and her husband Chung Bong Woon were met with praise and relief by their fellow Koreans in Hawaii for the relative success and happiness of their marriage while on their honeymoon in Honolulu. Some married husbands turned out to be alcoholics, physically abusive, or tried to sell them into brothels, but many of these women nevertheless stayed in the marriage for the sake of the children.

An example of a picture bride who stayed married to her husband, despite his mistreatment of her, was Shizuko Tamaki; she and her husband were married for 50 years. Others who initially married did not end up staying with their husbands. These picture brides resorted to elopement with another man, or kakeochi in Japanese. Elopement was especially hazardous to the picture brides because of its endangerment of their reputation and their residency in the United States. Wives who eloped could be deported to Japan, following the Japanese civil code that granted the husbands the ability to decide the new residency of their wife; for those women, the Women's Home Missionary Society in the United States provided temporary housing while they waited to go back to Japan. In order to find their wives who had disappeared, the husbands of these women would take out reward ads in Issei community newspapers for whoever could find their wife.

Many residents of the American continent and Hawaii thought that the Gentlemen's Agreement would end Japanese immigration to the United States, so when vast numbers of picture brides started arriving, it revitalized the Anti-Japanese Movement. The people who were against the immigration of the Japanese and picture brides were called exclusionists. They called picture bride marriage uncivilized because it did not involve love or have any regard to morality; exclusionists thought of picture bride marriage as a violation of the Gentlemen's Agreement, since they believed the women were more like workers rather than wives to the men. Exclusionists also feared that children produced from picture bride marriages would be a dangerous addition to the population because they would be able to buy land for their parents in the future. Also, some people, many immigrant inspectors included, thought that picture bride marriage was a disguise for a prostitution trade. Overall, there was a negative sentiment toward picture brides in the United States.

End of the practice
In order to maintain positive relations with the United States, the Japanese government stopped issuing passports to picture brides on March 1, 1920, because they were so ill-received in the United States. The end of picture brides left around 24,000 bachelors with no way to return to Japan and bring back a wife. Despite this, picture brides and the gentlemen's agreement were able to create a second Japanese generation, Nisei, consisting of 30,000 people in 1920.

In popular culture
Yoshiko Uchida's novel, titled Picture Bride (1987), tells the story of a fictional Japanese woman named Hana Omiya, a picture bride sent to live with her new husband in Oakland, California in 1917. The novel also focuses on her experiences in a Japanese internment camp in 1943.

The feature film Picture Bride (1994; unrelated to Uchida's novel), created by the Hawaii-born director Kayo Hatta and starring Youki Kudoh in the title role, tells the story of Riyo, a Japanese woman whose photograph exchange with a plantation worker leads her to Hawaii.

The Korean language book entitled Sajin Sinbu (2003; Korean for "Picture Bride"), compiled by Park Nam Soo, provides a thorough Korean/Korean American cultural approach to the topic, providing an historical overview of the picture bride phenomenon in the Korean context, as well as related poetry, short stories, essays, and critical essays written by various Korean/Korean American authors. The book was compiled for the Korean Centennial, marking the 100 anniversary of the first known arrival of Korean immigrants to U.S. territory in 1903 aboard RMS Gaelic (1885).

Alan Brennert's novel, Honolulu by (2009) features a Korean picture bride coming to Hawaii.

Julie Otsuka's novel, The Buddha in the Attic (2011), describes the lives of picture brides brought from Japan to San Francisco about a century ago and what it means to be an American in uncertain times. The novel was a National Book Award for fiction finalist in 2011 and was short listed for 2013 Dublin IMPAC literary award.

The finale episode of the AMC TV series, The Terror: Infamy (2019), reveals that before dying and returning as a yūrei, Yūko was a picture bride, with tragic consequences.

In the 2023 children's book "Brave Mrs. Sato" written by Lori Matsukawa and illustrated by Tammy Yee, readers learn about a picture bride who emigrated from Japan to Hawaii and developed a friendship with a young girl and taught her about her Japanese heritage and experiences as a picture bride. The book is based upon the author's real-life experiences with her own babysitter.

title: Picture bride


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Emergency Exit (band)

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was DELETE. jni 17:48, 11 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Emergency Exit (band)
Non-notable band. Apparently a high school band based in high school. Here is their history as recorded on their website:
 * Late in the year 2000, guitarist Joe Bitton and drummer Ben Roberts, Had the idea at the end of their 5th grade year to start a rock band. Although they didn't know how to do this, they had the ambition of an adult. Late in the year of 2001, Joe got his first guitar, and cherished it for months later. The first time he played it, he strummed every string and created a disastrous sound. Ben and Joe soon realized that even with Joe's ability to play the James Bond theme, there was something missing. Early 2002 singer Raffi Sweet joined the band and Bassist Andy Hughes joined as a band manager. Andy manly sat in the corner and said stuff like, "awesome" or laughed. After the band bombed their first gig at a party, they realized that their was still something missing from them. To solve this, Andy became a bassist. One year later the band got their first good gig, which was a party in the back of Joe's house with a crowd of maybe 40 people. Although they later would be playing for crowds of 500 people, they still look back at this as their best gig.Soon after, Emergency Exit went to Working Man Studios to put together a few tracks for a demo. They then gave the demo away in school, and people loved it. But as time went on they realized how amateur it was.A few months later, the band known as Blackstone, organized a concert called Stone-Fest. The concert was a great night with about a 100 person crowd. The band played for 4 hours and put on an amazing show.Within the years later various gigs were taken and turned down until 2004.

Urge that this be deleted as non-notable. -SocratesJedi | Talk 05:07, 4 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Not notable. Apparently there was another band by this name in the 1960s. See this. JoaoRicardo 05:34, 4 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Patent nonsense.--Centauri 06:18, 4 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, not notable, band vanity. Megan1967 06:39, 4 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete all non-notable vanity articles. Jayjg (talk) 19:32, 4 Feb 2005 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.
 * Please do not delete. Quoted from the deletion page, "Articles about start-up businesses or musicians are not vanity pages and are considered acceptable, but it's preferable that the initial author not be someone affiliated with the project." I posted this, and I am not affiliated with the band at all. I feel that this page deserves to be here.
 * Above vote was by User:141.154.215.175. --Idont Havaname 23:47, 4 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, but read on. Sorry, but this band isn't notable enough for inclusion, no one is likely to research it beyond your immediate circle of friends and the article is totally unencyclopedic.  I'm not trying to be mean, so please don't take offense.  Here's a great way to not only keep it but to give it more exposure:  Consider moving the info to a new user page.  As you contribute more, the info on the band will be more likely to be seen by those wishing to contact you. - Lucky 6.9 22:11, 4 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, non-notable vanity.
 * Above vote was by me! --Idont Havaname 23:49, 4 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, vanity. Wyss 23:22, 5 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * please delete this. Yuckfoo 01:12, 6 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, does not meet WikiProject:Music's guidelines for inclusion. Tuf-Kat 16:53, Feb 6, 2005 (UTC)


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Talk:University of Otago

History of Student Protest
there needs to be some refernce to the strong history of student protest on the University campus. I see that some people have tried to indicate this recently, albeit in a farily narrow fashion, but then these comments were edited out! I have added a sentence about this at the beginning, with one refence, but this sentence could have a reference for the biggest protest from each decade (mixed flatting, student fees, cannabis law reform to name just a few). I think it deserves a level 2 sub heading, or at least an incorporation into the 'themes' or traditions section (in line with the discussion on couch burning below). Please expand on this theme and do not just edit it out. This is a very significant part of the hisotry of the University and student culture. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Otepoti history (talk • contribs) 02:07, 20 September 2008 (UTC)

Please leave the information about cannabis law reform Protests at the University, it is very significant and topical and many students and staff are interested in the issue. I notice Xlerate is very keen to have this information removed but the validity of including this information can be defended by the same arguments that Xlerate is using to keep the 'couch burning' section. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 139.80.33.95 (talk) 21:53, 18 January 2009 (UTC)

 * This page is for the University of Otago, not for attempting to subtly promote Otago Norml. Once again I believe you (Abe Gray, then Otepoti_history, now anon?) have a WP:COI, edits have obvious pro-Norml POV. The couch-burning, however, isn't addressed promotionally. There could be a mention of this topic along the lines of students occasionally arrested on campus, as covered in 3rd party news, but I still feel it is WP:UNDUE (ALCP 0.41% in recent election for example). Additionally I don't see any mention of Norml on the campus cop website, unlike the couching burning problem: http://www.campuscop.co.nz/fires.html XLerate (talk) 00:58, 19 January 2009 (UTC)

 * Quoting Xlerate 'I want it to stay, it is a significant part of this university's culture. I fail to see how officially sanctioned bears on the relevance - if we only hear about approved events then an article can become an advert, censor anything negative. Neither does [it] need to practiced by the majority - the majority of NZers don't play rugby, yet it is the national sport.' Also 'It is significant when it can be cited in the national news multiple times. The sources indicate it is part of this university's culture, therefore justified mentioning in this article.'  These statements apply to the cannabis law reform protests on the Otago campus.  The fact that XLerate's personal opinion is one of indifference to this part of Otago University culture does not negate it's notability as part of the campus atmosphere.  This information must stay in the summary of student protest at Otago as it is the most recent example of a long tradition.  XLerate making assumptions about the various authors who have tried to add this information and a personal distaste for the information is not justification for removal.  The single sentence at issue is 'The most recent protest movement on the Otago Campus centres around the reform of New Zealand's cannabis prohibition laws'.  This is not in any way promotional and it is a statement of fact that is referenced and backed up by numerous mainstream media references.  If you have an issue with the wording change it to be more suitable, do not remove it.  This is a factual event that is now part of Otago University's history, just like couch burning, whether people like it or not.  It is not up to the personal opinions of editors to censor information.  If this information is removed again without reasonable justification it will be considered an edit war and a third opinion will be sought and I think it is quite clear that this information is relevant and topical and will be reinstated permanently.  —Preceding unsigned comment added by 139.80.33.95 (talk) 01:23, 19 January 2009 (UTC)

Protest is a part of the culture, that isn't the issue. It is correct to say the problem is the sentence 'The most recent protest movement on the Otago Campus centres around the reform of New Zealand's cannabis prohibition laws' - it sounds very like a goal of Norml. We can see on the ODT there are recent student protests about debt and about Tibet for example. So to say recent protest centres on cannabis is pro-Norml POV, undue weight promoting that organisation/its goals. Please do invite WP:3O, one look at the anon edit history shows a case of WP:SPA - once again, does the anon editor deny a WP:COI? XLerate (talk) 02:42, 19 January 2009 (UTC)

 * If you think other current protest topics should be added, by all means add them in that section, though none of your examples have gained anywhere near the notoriety of the OUNORML protests or any of the other protests from other eras mentioned in that section. Will you be satisified if the sentence is changed to 'One of the most recent protest movements...'.  This would seem to rectify your concern and leave room for other additions of current protest topics.  With regard to WP:SPA, let me draw attention to several sentences from the description of that phenomenon, 'If you are in a discussion with someone who edits as a single purpose account, Communal standards such as don't bite the newcomers apply to all users. Be courteous. Focus on the subject matter, not the person. If they are given fair treatment, they may also become more involved over time.' and 'statements regarding motives are not generally recommended. The term should be used descriptively and should not be read pejoratively unless a disruptive agenda is clearly established.' and 'Identifying and interacting with single-purpose accounts requires both civility and tact.'  I will change the sentence to as I have indicated above and hopefully this will resolve your concerns.  —Preceding unsigned comment added by 139.80.33.95 (talk) 03:57, 19 January 2009 (UTC)

 * A single sentence about the cannabis law reform protests is entirely legitimate within the context of other notable historical protests at Otago. Your removal of this information based on assumptions you are making about an editors POV is a clear indication of bias.  The sentence as it exists now 'Since 2004 a group of students has met on the Otago campus to protest what they term 'New Zealand's unjust cannabis prohibition laws' is entirely factual and supported by the references provided.  To make a statement of fact like that does not imply any endorsement.  It is quite clear through your repeated attempts to prevent any mention of the cannabis law reform protests in association with the University, that you are in fact the one with POV issues.  Your edit summaries indicate a clear anti NORML bias, for example 'rewrite offending sentence ("recently", "prohibition", Norml obfuscation/propaganda)' and 'not advertising space for Norml protests, other 2008 protests had many more people (~281 v ~100 v ~40))'.  You are attributing malicious intent based only on assumptions you are making and removing information on that basis is not in the spirit of Wikipedia.  That would be like me accusing you of being a paid employee of the University's Marketing and Communications division and removing any information you have ever added by claiming a COI (are you?).  The cannabis law reform protests have in fact been quite notable and are now a part of the University's history.  You don't have to be a NORML enthusiast to recognise that.  The law reform protests have been running continuously for five years, they have regularly attracted well over 100 people on numerous occasions and over 250 on several occasions, they were mentioned in the news at least 5 times in 2007 and well over 25 times in 2008 (including national TV news in both years).  This makes them notable enough to be included in their own sentence along with the chronology of other significant historical protests.  Adding a bunch of minor protests from 2008 in an attempt to obscure the significance of the law reform protests is giving the other events undue weight, another Wiki no no.  If you remove this information again a third opinion will be sought.  Also in the future please refrain from making assumptions and accusations about someone who is new to Wikipedia, you might put them off.139.80.33.95 (talk) 22:00, 20 January 2009 (UTC)

New editors are still asked to be civil, and realise their contributions may be edited mercilessly, topics the IP editor needs to understand - "placate" is being disrespectful for example. Citations, edit summaries, talk page arguments, and essay quotes don't support the claim of being new. Yet again I challenge the IP editor to declare any association with NORML, and no I am not employed by the university or any PR firm. That suggestion is another credibility issue for the editor who quoted me on couch burning - honestly. The IP editors contribs show a specific agenda editing Wikipedia, again they need to be aware: "not welcome to promote NORML protests here". The ODT proves they are less popular. XLerate (talk) 01:33, 21 January 2009 (UTC)

Couch burning?
i do not think this should be inncluded in the university page as it is not a university event nor is it practiced by the vast mojority of students. I will delete it in a week unless i get a decent argument against its deletion...
 * I want it to stay, it is a significant part of this university's culture - here is an example, here is another. I fail to see how officially sanctioned bears on the relevance - if we only hear about approved events then an article can become an advert, censor anything negative. Neither does couch burning need to practiced by the majority - the majority of NZers don't play rugby, yet it is the national sport. XLerate (talk) 06:24, 16 February 2008 (UTC)
 * It might be recent and topical, but it's hardly significant in the grand scheme of things. Couch burning is to the 00s what potato cannons were to the 90s, and sky-rocket wars at Unicol were to, well, until they were banned. Couch burning doesn't warrant its own section, and not at a Level 2 sub-heading. Limegreen (talk) 10:45, 16 February 2008 (UTC)
 * It is significant when it can be cited in the national news multiple times. The sources indicate it is part of this university's culture, therefore justified mentioning in this article. The campus cop has a webpage specifically on this topic, he mentions 4-6 fires a week, as well as arson penalties up to 14 years jail. XLerate (talk) 07:12, 17 February 2008 (UTC)

We can do better than this
At the moment the article reads like a series of unconnected sentences! There is little to no history of the place, description of campus, explanation of student life (what about the scarfies?!?). Check out Dartmouth College, Duke University and Cornell University. In the age of digital cameras I'm sure there are some photos out there too!

The main question is: where should the overhal begin? Auccl799 00:23, 25 October 2007 (UTC)

Alumnae and alumni
Right-O, fellow-grads, students, and sympathisers: let's see if we can convert some of those sub-subheading famous people into internal links by writing articles about them! Robin Patterson 05:07, 4 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Colleges and Halls
It's bugged me for sometime the over-emphasis on this page with respect to Knox and Selwyn. I have fairly strong connections to one of them, but frankly it makes me a bit nauseous. Knox and Selwyn are not the only halls that are independent of the University, or the only halls with Chapels or Tutorials. And while they do have "fellows", the fellows do not interact in the same way that fellows interact in the same way they do at, say, Cambridge. They are both older, and probably have a higher degree of tradition associated with them, but they way it's presented seems exaggerated, and mildly in violation of NPOV...Limegreen 04:18, 20 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Colleges etc
The comment about Knox/Selwyn is perhaps true. But skimming through the article I notice the comment about how the most selective halls are Carrington, Selwyn and Knox. Certainly Carrington is selective, but nowhere near as much so as the other two.

All three are full of snobby Ivory Tower types, what does it matter?

I think the suggestion is out to make a separate article called something like ""University of Otago Residence Halls". Instead of having separate articles for each hall, or instead of having excessive material about a particular one here. What do yall think? Lisamh 16:59, 24 September 2006 (UTC)

Colleges cont'd
Why is the description of Arana right in the middle of the university page? Surely this is a mistake? Agree with the above re University of Otago Colleges of Residence, however think seperate pages for Knox and Selwyn are warranted simply because of the history and interest independent of their status as university colleges. Knox for example has a School of Ministry and Selwyn is after all the first.

Valid point re selectiveness of Carrington. The most consistently selective are Knox, Selwyn and Arana. I think while there may be an 'emphasis' on Knox and Selwyn Colleges it reflects the fact that by their nature (high rate of returners, history, traditions, resident and non-resident fellows' they play a more integral role in their students' university experiences. Do agree however that the bulk of any information about them or any other hall detracts from the university site and should be seperated.

 * Arana should have been at best a subsection of residential colleges, and was supposed to be merged to a different page, not this one. I've sent it back to its own page in the interim. --Limegreen 04:59, 11 January 2007 (UTC)

cleanup help
I'm asking for cleanup help on the University College, Otago article. The current article isn't very informative. Thanks. K e rowyn 06:56, 1 February 2006 (UTC)

Motto
The motto seems to be incorrect. It should be 'Dare to be wise' (c.f. http://www.otago.ac.nz/profiles/students/annaguthrie.html) kabl00ey 08:32, 18 August 2006 (UTC)

 * 'Dare to be wise' is the translation that the University seems to prefer, although I am not aware as to whether they have officially adopted an english version. Sapere Aude suggests that the current gloss there is at least not entirely incorrect. the more common gloss occurs in the text, and intriguingly, that other version has been there for almost 2 years with no comment  --Limegreen 00:13, 21 August 2006 (UTC)

Allen Hall
I think if there is going to be an article about the capping show then there should also be an article about the other theatrical events that happen at the University, of which there are many created every year by the Theatre Studies dept. The theatre dept is a large part of uni life for many people as there is a new play every week for the Lunch Time Theatre Programme and also many evening theatre productions directed by the departments honours students.

College and alumni templates
Hi, I've updated Knox College's article (with all the COI go-aheads in place) and tidied it up using a new college alumni template (tailored for residential colleges) and an Otago college infobox (based on those for residential colleges elsewhere). Since St Margaret's and Selwyn were fairly straightforward to put into this format, I've done that too and have altered the University infobox used in a couple of college articles to the new one. However, this has a couple of issues I'd like a little help with, please: Any assistance would be much appreciated! PS If anybody has a use for it, I've made a college userbox (User:Philtweir/User Knoxie) to go with my other ones and is pretty easy to derive off. Selwyn and St Margaret's CoAs are on their pages... --Philtweir (talk) 03:38, 6 April 2010 (UTC)
 * Free coats of arms - I've done Knox, Selwyn and St Margarets because they seem to fit into the same rules as coats of arms for residential colleges elsewhere (and Cumberland's has already been done by somebody else), but I don't know which of the others have coats of arms and which have only non-free, potentially trademarked, logos. Salmond's may well be do-able? [NB: I realise that the actual emblazon is non-free, but a new work based off the blazon shouldn't be...]
 * College colours - at the very least, including rugby colours would be good
 * Applying these templates to other college articles.

 * Further to this, some input on what the most suitable term for dependent/university-owned colleges is would be great so the status can be included. Please see the talk page of Template:Infobox Otago college and post your 2 cents.--Philtweir (talk) 10:48, 6 April 2010 (UTC)

 * Further to further to this, I've prepared a User:Philtweir/Colleges of the University of Otago page, which is based on the text on this page. Would there be any objection to me creating this page (which has a couple more sections, a tidy up and subsections on the articleless colleges) and linking it from this page? This seems to have been successfully proposed a couple of years ago. Cheers, --Philtweir (talk) 06:02, 7 April 2010 (UTC)

 * I think it's fine, linking to the main article and trimming the section to a summary paragraph. XLerate (talk) 03:46, 8 April 2010 (UTC)

Edit War by User XLerate and User Otepoti history
Please discuss here on the talk page rather than continually reverting each other. Thank You. Outback the koala (talk) 23:15, 21 April 2010 (UTC)

 * That content has two issues, posting meeting schedules for Otago NORML is inappropriate on this page, and is breach of WP:SOAPBOX. The claim first arrest isn't substantiated by the references, and appears to be another attempt to promote that group here. User:Otepoti history has a history of making personal attacks, they need to conform to WP:CIVIL for this discussion, and restrict their posts to improving the article. XLerate (talk) 23:24, 21 April 2010 (UTC)

 * I also see that the claims are not supported by the sources. But I hope Otepoti history participates in this discussion and might be able to substantiate the additions to the encyclopedia. @XLerate; I left Otepti's version of the page as is, only because he made the addition first and you in turn reverted. Outback the koala (talk) 23:56, 21 April 2010 (UTC)

 * Little surprised to see the page reverted to the unsourced content per WP:BURDEN, but I see where you're coming from Outback. The initial edit by Otepoti history was undoing an earlier edit I'd made . The university/OUSA has dozens of clubs, I think none of the meeting schedules ought to be included in this article. I also believe there is a pattern of abuse by that group, the university, OUSA, Wikipedia, being used as a platform for propaganda. XLerate (talk) 00:23, 22 April 2010 (UTC)

 * I understand you're reasoning and I must agree, the unsourced content shouldn't have stayed. I'll tentatively change the page back, but I don't want to stifle discussion and I have posted my original reasoning above. I think that propaganda is purhaps a harsh wording, while we certainly aren't here for promotional purposes, it seems noteworthy enough for me as long as we have a source. Some kind of reference to confirm this material is all we need, WP:V is clear. Hopeful Otepoti will join the discussion and shed some light on this. Outback the koala (talk) 04:07, 22 April 2010 (UTC)

 * Hi there I don't see how the version of sentences that I have edited is promotional. It is merely a statement of facts.  The meeting schedules are not posted, it merely says 'twice weekly'.  The edit as XLerate would like to see it totally obscures the relation of this group to the tradition of student protest at Otago and to some would seem like a deliberate obfuscation.  Xlerate has a history of making unsupported accusations about COI and bias and edits that could be construed as malicious related to this group.  Third opinions have been sought in the past and upheld against XLerate and it is clear that he is the one with bias.  Accusing other users of COI without evidence is not considered CIVIL.  I am reverting the edit to my version, I will check the reference and change it to a more appropriate one if necessary.  Cheers. Otepoti history (talk) 06:33, 22 April 2010 (UTC)

 * Just read through the references and every single thing in that sentence is supported by them, could you guys tell me what you thought was unsupported by the references? Also if you could explain why the sentence as written seems soapbox/promotional? Otepoti history (talk) 06:41, 22 April 2010 (UTC)

Don't continue edit-warring after you've been told to resolve it here. Which reference supports the claim "first on-campus arrests of students since the Registry occupation"? I've repeatedly asked for references for that specific part , and again in this thread, Otepoti history is playing deaf for this request.

The part about trespass notices, supported by references was also removed, that needs to stay in being the other half of the arrests story. Both versions contain Otago NORML, the claim of obfuscation is nonsense.

Here is the list of OUSA clubs, including all in the article with twice weekly or however often meetings are held is unreasonable. The Otago NORML "twice weekly meetings" is promotional for that organisation and not relevant to this article, it needs to be removed.

I see Otepoti history has also refused my request to be civil, if they continue making personal attacks they risk being blocked. XLerate (talk) 07:23, 22 April 2010 (UTC)

 * The claim of bias against me is also false, for example this edit, which probably saved Otepoti history's article from deletion. XLerate (talk) 07:44, 22 April 2010 (UTC)

Prior to this edit I had not looked at the sources, as my first concern was the edit war, but I have attempted to make a compromise using only material provided in the citations. Hopefully we can all be happy with this version. I removed the "first on-campus arrests of students since the Registry occupation" part because no source supports it. But I have included the "weekly meetings" part. Tell me what you think of these changes - Do they satisfy everyone? Outback the koala (talk) 19:04, 22 April 2010 (UTC)

 * Thanks for your diplomacy Outback, looks fine to to me apart from one issue. The "twice weekly meetings since" still needs to be removed, details of that group don't belong here per WP:SOAPBOX #1, #4, #5 and WP:UNDUE. "Those promoting causes or events, or issuing public service announcements, even if noncommercial, should use a forum other than Wikipedia to do so." Like nearly every edit made by Otepoti history's WP:SPA, it is only to sneak advertising for that group and it's cause into Wikipedia. XLerate (talk) 00:31, 23 April 2010 (UTC)

 * I just think it's giving context to the situation and although Otepoti seems to be an SPA, I don't think it invalidates this one sentence which is clearly sourced and only serves to provide context. If it was anything more it would probably be promotional, but I don't think this is in Soapbox territory. Thoughts? Outback the koala (talk) 01:44, 23 April 2010 (UTC)

 * Hi, thanks for the intervention here outback, it's nice to be able to discuss the finer points of this without just having everything deleted. I am fairly in agreement with the edit as it stands now, but I think the last sentence needs to be changed slightly as currently it makes it sound like the protests stopped after the arrests, which they haven't.  How about changing it to, 'In 2008, several members were arrested and issued trespass notices from the Union Lawn, but the protests continue to this day.'? Otepoti history (talk) 06:25, 23 April 2010 (UTC)

 * Yes, the talk pages do help facilitate discussion. As to your suggested addition, please, go ahead and add it in, as long it is referenced. I don't recall seeing anything that says the protests are still ongoing, but if you could direct me to which present reference talks about this; or better yet, provide a new source (always a WP:RS of course), that would be dandy. Thanks. Outback the koala (talk) 07:18, 23 April 2010 (UTC)

 * Hi there, I added the sentence as I suggested to reflect that the protests still continue, as for a reference source, the reference that talks about the fifth anniversary of the protests being held in September 2009 shows that the protests continued after the arrests and trespass notices in mid-2008. Cheers. Otepoti history (talk) 22:04, 6 May 2010 (UTC)

Navbox
I've put together a basic navbox with the faculties and colleges, as I was getting fed up trying to move between them and noticed other universities had solved this problem using such an approach. To avoid causing any undue confusion, I've added it to the college pages rather than everything so people can have a look first and see if there are any objections or changes. If so, work away on Template:University of Otago. Incidentally, a list of Matariki partners is commented out in the code; wasn't too sure whether it would be unnecessary padding. Finally, should student associations be added or does that bring in a slightly disconnected and changeable list? --Philtweir (talk) 08:47, 28 June 2010 (UTC)
 * Well, solved the Matariki question. All members have the new Matariki navbox --Philtweir (talk) 10:22, 28 June 2010 (UTC)

Sources source
Those looking for sources on the University or related topics may find this Hocken Bulletin to be of use: - Philtweir (talk) 03:43, 9 August 2010 (UTC)

Ethnicity of students
Does anyone know if the University changed their method of calculating which ethnicity people come from in 2007 - If you go to the source cited for the ethnicity table, the values differ from the ones here on Wikipedia. Do the tables need to go back that far in the past, or can it be updated for just the 2007-2011 that are currently on the Otago website? I don't feel that the ethnicity of students in 2003 is relevant or should be included. Iberichard (talk) 21:38, 30 October 2012 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just added archive links to 2 one external links on University of Otago. Please take a moment to review my edit. If necessary, add after the link to keep me from modifying it. Alternatively, you can add to keep me off the page altogether. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/20081014041726/http://osms.otago.ac.nz/news/om0502_brown.html to http://osms.otago.ac.nz/news/om0502_brown.html
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/20071223211703/http://www.otago.ac.nz:80/alumni/graduation/16december2006/address.html to http://www.otago.ac.nz/alumni/graduation/16december2006/address.html

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Cheers. —cyberbot II  Talk to my owner :Online 08:49, 29 August 2015 (UTC)

title: Talk:University of Otago


text: User talk:4.234.241.242

title: User talk:4.234.241.242


text:
St. Thomas, Nevada

]

St. Thomas, Nevada is a ghost town in Clark County, Nevada, United States, near where the Muddy River flows into the Colorado River. St. Thomas was purchased by the US Federal Government and abandoned as the waters of Lake Mead submerged the town in the 1930s.

However, as the level of Lake Mead dropped in the 2000s, the ruins of the town resurfaced. It is now located within the Lake Mead National Recreation Area.

History
The town was founded by members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church), led by Thomas Smith in 1865. With a population of about 500 at its peak, St. Thomas became an established town of farms and businesses, and was at one point the county seat of Pah-Ute County. The frontier settlement is noted as the endpoint of explorer John Wesley Powell's first Colorado River expedition, the Powell Geographic Expedition of 1869.

LDS Church members abandoned St. Thomas in February 1871, as a land survey shifted the state line of Nevada one degree longitude to the east, placing all of the LDS settlements known as the Muddy Mission in Nevada instead of Arizona or Utah. The state of Nevada then attempted to collect taxes for previous years payable only in gold from the residents. They chose to leave without paying in 1871. The LDS Church members moved to Utah, where many of them founded new towns in Long Valley (present day Glendale, Orderville, and Mount Carmel).

When the LDS Church members left in 1871, others claimed their abandoned properties. One of the few to remain was Daniel Bonelli of St. Thomas, who farmed, mined and owned Bonelli's Ferry on the Colorado River at Junction City later Rioville. After being deserted by most of its first settlers, new LDS settlers came to the St. Thomas and other places in the area in the 1880s.

The construction of Hoover Dam and the resulting rise in the waters of the Colorado River forced the abandonment of the town, with the last resident, Hugh Lord, leaving June 11, 1938.

The ruins of St. Thomas, which became visible after the water level in Lake Mead lowered, are protected by the National Park Service as a historic site. The cemetery was relocated to Overton, Nevada where there is a St. Thomas interpretive center with a staff archaeologist doing on-going research into the history and settlement of the Muddy River.

In popular culture
The novel Lords of St. Thomas (GWP, 2018) by Jackson Ellis tells the story of the last family to vacate the flooded town in 1938 following construction of the Boulder Dam. The book's protagonist, Henry Lord, is based on Hugh Lord.

The novel Muddy: Where Faith and Polygamy Collide (Deseret Book, 2019), by Dean Hughes, tells the story of the early LDS pioneers in the settlement.

The novel The Desert Between Us, (University of Nevada Press, 2020) by Phyllis Barber tells the story of early LDS pioneers, polygamy, the U.S. government's decision to open a road to California, and camels.

title: St. Thomas, Nevada


text:
Marin City, California

Marin City is an unincorporated community and census-designated place (CDP) in Marin County, California, United States. As of the 2020 census, it had a population of 2,993, up from 2,666 in 2010. It is located 1.5 mi northwest of downtown Sausalito, 8 mi south-southeast of San Rafael, and about 5 mi north of San Francisco from the Golden Gate Bridge, at an elevation of 23 ft. Marin City was developed for housing starting in 1942, to accommodate wartime shipyard workers and other migrants to California. Among those were African Americans from the South in the Great Migration, which continued until 1970.

After World War II, the area became predominantly African-American, as white residents were able to move freely to private housing elsewhere in Marin County. Since the 1980s, additional development has changed the makeup of the population while providing more local jobs. In 2018, Marin City's socioeconomic and racial makeup (median household income of $40,000, and almost 40 percent Black) contrasts with the mostly wealthy and White population in Marin County overall (greater than $80,000 median income, less than four percent Black).

History
Prior to World War II, this area was occupied by a dairy farm and a handful of families. Soon after war was declared on December 8, 1941, Marin City was rapidly built during 1942 in order to house 6,000 of the 20,000 workers who migrated from all over the United States, attracted by the defense jobs at Marinship, the Sausalito waterfront shipyard. A total of 93 liberty ships and tankers were built and launched from Marinship in fewer than three years.

Many of the African-American shipyard laborers who had migrated to the Bay Area from the South during the second phase of the Great Migration continued to live in Marin City after the war, either by choice or because many black families were restricted by local zoning from living in or buying homes in the towns surrounding Marin City. They became the core of the community after many of the other workers moved to other areas at the end of the war. During the war, African Americans comprised about 10 percent of Marin City's population. By the 1970s, African Americans comprised more than 75 percent of the population of Marin City, most of whom were descendants of the Marinship workers.

During the 1980s and 1990s there was considerable residential and commercial development in the community, including several new housing developments, apartment complexes, and condo developments. The commercial area was expanded, particularly with the construction of the Gateway Shopping Center in 1996, which displaced a locally renowned flea market. As of 2010, the community population was 38.9 percent white and 38.1 percent African American; nearly 14 percent were Hispanic of any race. In the early 21st century, Marin City residents and officials have begun to think about incorporating as a city.

Geography
Marin City is located in southern Marin County at 38°52'07" North, 122°30'33" West, about 5 mi north of San Francisco. It is bordered to the southeast by the city of Sausalito and to the west by Tamalpais Valley. The U.S. Route 101 freeway forms the northeast edge of the community, beyond which is Richardson Bay, an arm of San Francisco Bay. The community is bordered to the southwest by the hills of the Golden Gate National Recreation Area.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP had an area of 0.54 sqmi, all land.

Government
The municipal authority for Marin City is the Marin City Community Services District (MCCSD), a multi-purpose California special district that is governed by a publicly elected five-member board of directors. It is administered by a district manager and staff. As of June 2011, the District Manager is Monique Brown and the Board President is Nancy Johnson.

Chartered in 1958, the MCCSD is responsible for providing services in the areas of parks and recreation, street lighting, recycling and refuse removal. Total operating revenue for MCCSD's fiscal year 2016–2017 was $1,300,000.

According to the Marin County Local Agency Formation Commission (LAFCO), the District has a total area of 0.9 square miles (2.3 km2).

Demographics
The 2010 United States Census reported that Marin City had a population of 2,666. The population density was 4,967.0 PD/sqmi. The racial makeup of Marin City was 1,037 (38.9%) White, 1,017 (38.1%) African American, 15 (0.6%) Native American, 287 (10.8%) Asian, 21 (0.8%) Pacific Islander, 120 (4.5%) from other races, and 169 (6.3%) from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 365 persons (13.7%).

Among the Asian population, largest ethnic groups were Vietnamese (3.0%), followed by Indians (2.9%), Filipinos (1.7%), Chinese (1.2%), Japanese (0.6%), Koreans (0.3%), and Other Asian (1.3%). Among Hispanics and Latinos, the largest ethnic groups were Mexican (5.7%), followed by Central Americans (3.4%), South Americans (1.8%), Puerto Ricans (0.6%), and Other Hispanics (2.0%).

The Census reported that 100% of the population lived in households.

There were 1,197 households, out of which 380 (31.7%) had children under the age of 18 living in them, 298 (24.9%) were opposite-sex married couples living together, 300 (25.1%) had a female householder with no husband present, 57 (4.8%) had a male householder with no wife present. There were 85 (7.1%) unmarried opposite-sex partnerships, and 18 (1.5%) same-sex married couples or partnerships. 427 households (35.7%) were made up of individuals, and 94 (7.9%) had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.23. There were 655 families (54.7% of all households); the average family size was 2.91.

The population was spread out, with 633 people (23.7%) under the age of 18, 261 people (9.8%) aged 18 to 24, 820 people (30.8%) aged 25 to 44, 703 people (26.4%) aged 45 to 64, and 249 people (9.3%) who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 35.6 years. For every 100 females, there were 83.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 75.4 males.

There were 1,309 housing units at an average density of 2,438.8 /sqmi, of which 30.7% were owner-occupied and 69.3% were occupied by renters. The homeowner vacancy rate was 2.1%; the rental vacancy rate was 8.6%. 27.2% of the population lived in owner-occupied housing units and 72.8% lived in rental housing units.

Notable residents

 * Harry Bowden, artist and photographer; lived in Marin City 1949–65
 * William Del Monte (1905–2016), the last living survivor of the San Francisco earthquake of 1906
 * George Duke, keyboardist, composer, singer-songwriter; born in San Rafael and raised in Marin City
 * Jack Kerouac stayed in Marin City and nearby Mill Valley during his travels in the 1940s and 1950s. (He combined the two cities' names into "Mill City" in On the Road.)
 * Anne Lamott, novelist, political activist, and teacher; former resident
 * Tupac Shakur (1971–1996), rapper and actor; moved to Marin City with his family in 1988. He attended nearby Tamalpais High School, before moving to Oakland after graduation to pursue his music career.
 * Lew Welch (August 1924-May 1971), Beat poet; lived in Marin City during the 1960s

Education
Marin City is served by the Sausalito Marin City School District for primary grades (K-8) and the Tamalpais Union High School District for secondary grades. The K-8 district operates Martin Luther King, Jr. Academy (Formerly Bayside-Martin Luther King Jr. Academy), a K-8 school with preschool and middle school in Marin City and elementary school in Sausalito.

There was formerly Willow Creek Academy, a public charter school in Sausalito which is affiliated with the district. about 150 students in Marin City attended Willow Creek, while Bayside King had a total student enrollment of 143. As of the 2018–2019 school year Willow Creek Academy has 407 students enrolled. Being that Willow Creek is a charter school they welcome anyone who lives in California, although most of the students live within the school district, which is Sausalito and Marin City and other communities in Marin County. Several parents outside of the county also found that Willow Creek was a good fit for their children, most of them being from Fairfield and Vallejo.

In previous eras Grades K-6 were allowed to attended either Bayside Elementary School in Sausalito or Willow Creek Academy (a public charter school), both in Sausalito. Grades 7–8 attended Martin Luther King Jr. Academy in Marin City, or Willow Creek Academy. Residents may attend Willow Creek Academy, a K-8 school in Sausalito. Beginning in the fall of 2013, Bayside was scheduled to close, with Willow Creek taking the former Bayside campus, making MLK a K-8. The consolidation of Bayside into MLK will be in effect in the fall of 2013. In 2014 Bayside moved to Marin City joining MLK, now being known as Bayside MLK Academy. During this time they had no stable principal and not enough teachers for each class. As of now the principal of the school is David Finnane. The new motto of the school is "Panther Pride". Pride standing for, Pride, Respect, Integrity, Determination, Excellence. In 2021 Willow Creek consolidated into the Martin Luther King School in Marin City.

Students in grades 9–12 attend Tamalpais High School in Mill Valley and Redwood High School.

Marin City is served by the Marin City Library, a branch of the Marin County Free Library that is within the Gateway Shopping Center.

Housing
Homes sold in Marin City are often labeled as being located in Sausalito since Marin City shares the 94965 ZIP Code, the 331 and 332 telephone prefixes, and Sausalito Marin City School District with its close neighbor Sausalito. Most of the housing in Marin City was developed in the 1970s, '80s and '90s after much of the temporary Marinship housing put up in 1942 had been razed.

Business
Once famous for the Marin City Flea Market which was forcibly closed in the mid-1990s, despite community protest, to make way for the Gateway Shopping Center, the MCCSD had planned to launch the smaller-scale Marin City Market Fest on selected Saturdays in the summer of 2006.

title: Marin City, California


text:
Breeding program

A breeding programme is the planned breeding of a group of animals or plants, usually involving at least several individuals and extending over several generations. There are a couple of breeding methods, such as artificial (which is man made) and natural (it occurs on its own).

According to the Dutch State Secretary of Economic Affairs the delivery of young animals is important for the natural behavior of the mother, the herd and is desirable from a veterinary perspective.

Breeding programs are commonly employed in several fields where humans wish to change the characteristics of their animals' offspring through careful selection of breeding partners:
 * Dog and cat fanciers may coordinate a breeding program to raise the probability of an animal's litter producing a championship-caliber animal.
 * Horse breeders try to produce fast racehorses through breeding programs.
 * Conservationists use breeding programs to try to help the recovery of endangered species by preserving the existing gene pool and preventing inbreeding.
 * There also can be breeding programs for plants. For instance, a winery owner, seeking to find a better tasting wine, could design a breeding program so that only the vines whose grapes make the very best wine are allowed to breed.

title: Breeding program


text:
Maka Kotto

Maka Kotto (born December 7, 1961) is a Cameroonian-born Canadian politician. Educated in France, Kotto immigrated to Quebec, Canada, where he was an educator before entering politics. Kotto was a Parti Québécois member of the National Assembly of Quebec for the riding of Bourget. From 2012 to 2014, he served as the Minister of Culture and Communications. A former member of the House of Commons of Canada for the Bloc Québécois, Kotto is also a published author and has appeared in films.

Early life and education
Kotto was born in Douala, Cameroon, and graduated from high school at Lycée Henri-Martin in Saint-Quentin, France. He studied law, politics, dramatic art and cinema in Nanterre, Bordeaux and Paris. Kotto immigrated to Quebec in 2006.

Before becoming a politician, Kotto was an author, actor, and stage director. He appeared in the 1989 movie How to Make Love to a Negro Without Getting Tired (Comment faire l'amour avec un nègre sans se fatiguer), based on the novel by Dany Laferrière. He also appeared in a second film in 2000, Lumumba, starring as Joseph Kasa-Vubu.

Kotto was also an educator in dramatic art for nearly 15 years in France and Quebec.

Federal political career
Kotto was elected to the House of Commons of Canada, representing the Bloc Québécois in the 2004 Canadian federal election. In that election, he defeated incumbent Liberal MP Yolande Thibeault and five other candidates. Upon winning the Saint-Lambert riding, Kotto became the first black Canadian Member of Parliament for the Bloc. He was re-elected two years later, winning a comfortable, but reduced, popular vote and a much larger plurality in the 2006 Canadian federal election. He defeated five other candidates to win his second term in office.

Kotto served as the Bloc's critic for Canadian heritage.

Provincial political career
On November 12, 2007, Kotto announced that he would be the candidate for the Parti Québécois in the provincial riding of Bourget in Montreal to fill a vacancy created by the resignation of former PQ house leader Diane Lemieux. It was his second attempt at provincial politics; he was defeated in his previous candidacy in Viau by former Liberal MNA William Cusano.

Kotto resigned his seat in House of Commons of Canada on March 5, 2008, in order to run in the provincial by-election. His vacancy was officially recognized by the Speaker on March 13, 2008.

On May 12, 2008, he won the Bourget by-election as a Parti Québécois candidate with 40% of the vote.

With the election of the Parti Québécois on September 4, 2012, Kotto became Minister of Culture and Communications.

Kotto was re-elected in the 2014 Quebec election with a smaller margin, but the Parti Québécois government of Pauline Marois was defeated and Kotto became a member of the Official Opposition caucus. He was defeated in the 2018 election.

Personal life
Kotto is the husband of former Longueuil mayor and Bloc Québécois caucus colleague Caroline St-Hilaire, and is the father of four children.

Selected filmography

 * How to Make Love to a Negro Without Getting Tired (Comment faire l'amour avec un nègre sans se fatiguer) - 1989
 * The Night of the Visitor (La nuit du visiteur) - 1990
 * Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea - 1995
 * Beaumarchais - 1996
 * Lumumba - 2000
 * On Your Head (Le Ciel sur la tête) - 2001
 * A Silent Love - 2004
 * Looking for Alexander (Mémoires affectives) - 2004
 * On the Verge of a Fever (Le Goût des jeunes filles) - 2004
 * How to Conquer America in One Night (Comment conquérir l'Amérique en une nuit) - 2004
 * Zim and Co. - 2005
 * A Sunday in Kigali (Un dimanche à Kigali) - 2006

Electoral record

 * No designation
 * Yannick Duguay
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Books

 * Kotto, Maka. Femme : libre exaltation poétique. Outremont, Québec: Lanctôt, 2002. 93 p.; 21 cm. (Series: J'aime la poésie 12e) ISBN 2-89485-213-4

title: Maka Kotto


text:
Portuguese sweet bread

Portuguese sweet bread (known as Hawaiian sweet bread in the Western US; see below) refers to an enriched sweet bread or yeasted cake originating from Portugal. Historically, these sweet breads were generally reserved for festive occasions such as Easter or Pentecost and were typically given as gifts. However, in contemporary times, many varieties are made and consumed year round. Outside of Portugal, Portuguese "sweet bread" translated as "pão doce" is often associated with Azorean "massa sovada" which are similar but traditionally prepared differently.

History
The pão doce is of Spanish origin derived from a Renaissance era sponge cake known as pão-de-ló. In French cuisine, it would later be known as génoise, after the city of Genoa, and in Italy pan di spagna (lit. 'Spanish bread'). The Portuguese would further develop this cake into what is now known today as pão doce.

Many traditional Portuguese sweet breads are defined by the associated region or by the convents, artisan bakers or religious confraternities (similar to a guild) that historically made them. Since many have deep historical and cultural significance to the area which they originate from, these breads are as well as other foods and ingredients are inventoried by the Portuguese governmental office Directorate-General for Agriculture and Rural Development (DGARD), which collaborates with a collective of independent confraternities known as the Portuguese Federation of Gastronomic Confraternities (FPCG) throughout Portugal.

There are currently ninety-three confraternities that specializes in various gastronomies varying from specific dishes or ingredients to a particular region of Portugal. As an example, the Confraria Gastronómica As Sainhas de Vagos was given the responsibility of defining pão doce from Vagos, while the similar pão doce das-24-horas from the same region is defined by the "Directorate-General for Regional Development" (DGRD), while massa sovada from the Azores is defined by the Federação Portuguesa das Confrarias Gastronómicas.

Variations

 * Arrufada (arrufada) originates from Coimbra which were once made by nuns of the Santa Clara convent. Historically, this bread was enriched with surplus egg yolks left over from wine clarification. The bread is also enriched with milk, butter, sugar and sometimes cinnamon. The nuns would later incorporate coconut as an exotic ingredient brought back from Asia during Portuguese exploration. It is also known as pão de Deus or estaladinho. It was typically given to the poor on All Saints Day, typically by children as a tradition called Pão-por-Deus (lit. 'bread for God').

 * Bola doce Mirandesa (lit. 'sweet Mirandesa ball') is an artisanal yeast cake from Miranda do Douro similar to folar. It is enriched with eggs, butter and olive oil, and flavored with cinnamon. The dough is rolled out into a thin sheet and sprinkled with sugar and cinnamon. Unlike a cinnamon roll, it is layered like a cake with 6 to 7 layers before being baked.

 * Bolo das Alhadas is an artisanal yeast cake from Figueira da Foz created by the baker Leonor das Alhadas. It is enriched with sugar, eggs, lemon, butter, and cinnamon.
 * Bolo de Ançã is a mildly sweet artisanal yeast cake enriched with eggs, butter, and scented with lemon zest. Halfway through baking, the bread is scored with a knife creating small pointed ridges on the top.

 * Bolo de Faca (lit. 'knife cake') is a large yeast cake from Algarve which incorporates margarine, lard, olive oil, eggs, walnuts (or almonds), lemon zest, cinnamon and fennel.

 * Bolo de S. Nicolau (lit. 'St. Nicholas Cake') from Santa Maria da Feira is a yeasted cake enriched with eggs, sugar, butter, and milk and flavored with cinnamon and port wine. The loaf is braided and sprinkled with chopped almonds.

 * Bolo Podre are mildly sweet, yeasted cakes from Castro Daire. It contains eggs, olive oil, butter, lard, and cinnamon. The dough takes 3 to 4 hours to rise, giving the name "rotten cake".

 * Bolo Lêvedo (lit. 'yeast cake') is a sweet sourdough muffin found in the Azores. It resembles a large English muffin but is much sweeter and chewier. This bread incorporates milk, eggs, and butter. Some recipes include lemon zest or cinnamon. This bread was traditionally grilled on a stone tile with a wood fire beneath it.

 * Bolo de Vesperas from the Azores is a yeasted cake using barley, lard, and butter prepared for Festa do Divino, a festival celebrating Pentecost. It is traditionally stamped with a symbols of the Cult of the Holy Ghost six times before baking, leaving dimples on the loaves after baking. Regular wheat flour can be used when barley flour is not available.
 * Bolo Rei (lit. 'king's cake') is a yeasted cake typically served on the Feast of the Three Kings, otherwise known as Epiphany. It is a ring-shaped bread that is mixed with candied fruits resembling gemstones on a golden crown, the nuts for myrrh, while the sweet aroma of cinnamon or port mimic the scent of frankincense, representing the gifts of the Three Magi to the baby Jesus. The recipe was imported to Portugal around 1869 by the French, known as gateau des roi. Like its French counterpart, charms are customarily incorporated into the dough as prizes for the finder, while a dried fava bean representing the baby Jesus, signified the person who would pay for the next cake. A bolo rainha (lit. 'queen's cake') is a modern, alternative yeasted cake that omits the candied fruits. Rather, it is filled generously with nuts such as pine nuts, hazelnuts, walnuts, or almonds, and sometimes raisins. Other modern versions include chocolate and walnuts.

 * Broa Mimosa do Boco from Vagos is a yeasted broa, a bread that include cornmeal in addition to wheat flour. This bread is enriched with eggs, brown sugar, flavored with cinnamon and lemon peel.

 * Esquecidos da Guarda (lit. 'the forgotten ones of Guarda') from the Central Region is a sweet bread that resembles a large cookie. It is simply made with just flour, eggs, sugar, salt and yeast.

 * Fogaça da Feira is from Santa Maria da Feira. This castle-shaped bread includes eggs, sugar, butter, lemons, and cinnamon. When the area was hit by a plague in 1505, the townspeople prayed to Saint Sebastian and made an offering by presenting in his honor this sweet bread. A festival is now celebrated every January 20th to commemorate the saint.

 * Folar is a popular Easter bread enriched with eggs, sugar, milk and butter and often scented with aniseed, fennel seed, or cinnamon. The folar may have been influenced by the Marranos, ethnic Sephardic Jews. A variation of the Purim dish bourekas, which was also known as huevos de Haman or foulares, was a hard-boiled egg wrapped in dough (like a foulard) representing Haman in a jail cell. However in Alentejo, they are sometimes shaped like animals. There are folares stuffed with meats, such as the ones from Chaves, Valpaços and Trás-os-Montes.
 * Folar da Páscoa vary by region, many contain hard boiled eggs, held in place by a cross of bread dough alluding to the festivites surrounding Easter. Godparents traditionally gave each of their godchildren one of these cakes.
 * Folar de Vale de Ílhavo are scented with cinnamon. The eggs are dyed by boiling the eggs with onion skin.
 * In Centro and Beiras, folares are sweet and commonly scented with cinnamon or fennel, which wraps a painted egg.
 * Folar de Vouzela is enriched with a fair amount of butter and egg. Once the dough is prepared, it is filled with additional butter and sugar then shaped into a horseshoe then sprinkled with more sugar. These folares were traditionally given to godparents by their godchildren.
 * Folar de Olhão of the Algarve region is layered akin to monkey bread and is made with a combination of orange juice, butter, and Aguardente, port, brandy, or rum and topped with a combination of butter, honey, orange peel, cinnamon, and brown sugar.

 * Massa Sovada (lit. 'kneaded dough') is typically round loaves that are enriched with butter, eggs, milk, and sugar from the Azores traditionally eaten at Easter and on the Feast of the Holy Spirit. It is sometimes flavored with fennel or lemon zest. Sweet potato is traditionally used to activate the yeast. Massa sovada is often paired with arroz doce. It is also prepared for weddings, christenings, and anniversaries.

 * Pão doce (lit. 'sweet bread') is a sweet bread from the Central Region that traditionally required additional steps. An initial dough made of flour, yeast, butter, and salt was prepared. After resting, it is mixed with egg whites, olive oil (or butter), and lemon zest (or cinnamon) then baked after resting for twenty-four hours. It has a crust characteristic of wood oven bread since loaves were often baked upside down in order to develop a crescent-shaped split or crack. Historically, because of its ingredients and laborious preparation, it was expensive and made only for festive occasions although it is now made throughout the year.
 * Pão doce das 24-horas from the Centro is a sweet bread enriched with eggs, olive oil and lard. The dough is rolled out and folded in half to create an elongated loaf.

 * Pão de Leite (lit. 'milk bread') is a non-traditional bread made with milk and is slightly sweet similar to Japanese milk bread. It is a favorite of children because it is fluffy and soft.

 * Regueifa (regueifa) is traditionally a large round loaf with a hole enriched with eggs and sugar, and flavored with cinnamon and port wine, once given away as a prize. As such, it is now made exclusively for weddings, with an associated wedding dance ritual.
 * Regueifa da Pascoa (lit. 'Easter 'brioche'') from Santa Maria da Feira is enriched with eggs, butter, and milk and flavored with cinnamon and port wine. The dough is braided and formed into a round loaf with a hole in the center.

 * Viriato is named after the Lusitanian leader, Viriathus. It is a sweet bread from Viseu filled with an egg custard mixed with shredded coconut, and shaped into a "V". It was created in the 1940s by Delfim de Sousa.

Outside of Portugal
Portuguese sweet breads are common in areas with a large Portuguese diaspora population, such as New England, northern New Jersey, southern Florida, California, Ontario, and Toronto. They are also found in other former colonies including Brazil, Macau, India, Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, São Tomé and Príncipe, and the island of Timor.

Bolos lêvedos are popular in the Cape Cod area with a large Portuguese population, including Rhode Island where they are sometimes known as "Portuguese muffins" or "pops". They are eaten for breakfast with butter and jam or used for sandwiches.

Hawaiian sweet bread
Massa sovada was brought to Hawaii by Portuguese immigrants from the Azores in the late 1800s and has since been adapted into Hawaiian cuisine. It was frequently called "stone bread" because of its habit of turning hard as a rock within one day of baking. Robert Taira of King's Hawaiian tweaked the recipe to manufacture a mass-produced shelf-stable product known as "Hawaiian rolls".

title: Portuguese sweet bread