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Knanaya

The K'nānāya, (from Syriac: K'nā'nāya (Canaanite)) also known as the Southists or Tekkumbhagar, are an endogamous ethnic group found among the Saint Thomas Christian community of Kerala, India. They are differentiated from another part of the community, known in this context as the Northists (Vaddakkumbhagar). There are about 300,000 Knanaya in India and elsewhere.

The origins of the Knanaya community is traced back to the arrival of the Syriac merchant Thomas of Cana (Knāi Thoma) who led a migration of Jewish-Christians (early Syriac Christians) from the Mesopotamian province of Sassanian Persia to the city of Kodungallur, India in the year AD 345. The communities arrival was recorded on the Thomas of Cana copper plates which were extant in Kerala until the 17th century. The ethnic division between the Knanaya and other St. Thomas Christians was observed during the Portuguese colonization of India in the 16th century and was noted throughout the European colonial era.

Today, the majority of Knanaya are members of the Syro-Malabar Church (Kottayam Archeparchy) and the Syrian Orthodox Church (Knanaya Archdiocese). Many Knanaya migrated away during the 20th and 21st centuries, largely westward, forming communities in non-Malayalam speaking areas, with a large expatriate community currently living in Houston, Texas, and Chicago, Illinois, in the United States.

Etymology

The term K'nānāya derives from the name K'nāi Thoma (anglicized as Thomas of Cana), an important figure in the Saint Thomas Christian tradition. The term is derived from Thomas' Syriac adjectival epithet K'nā'nāya in reference to the land of Canaan, meaning Canaanite. A translation of the epithet in reference to the community is found as “Parcialidad de Thome Cananeo” or “Thomas Canaanite Party” in Archbishop Franciso Ros' text ''MS. ADD. 9853'' in 1603. The earliest written record of the Syriac form used in reference to the community dates to the 1800s. Members of the Knanaya Community are also generally called Knāi or Knā, in reference to Thomas. Many Knanaya families, especially those of the Kaduthuruthy region maintain the surname Kinān, a derivative of Thomas' epithet. Woman of these families preserve gendered forms of the term, examples of this being Kināti Anna, Kināti Mariam, etc. Additionally in the town of Udayamperoor and surrounding regions, there still exists former plots of land where the Knanaya resided - evidenced by the names such as Kinanparambu and Kinankunnu.

The ultimate derivation of Thoma's epithet is not clear. It may refer to the land of Canaan or more specifically the town of Cana. Alternatively it may be a corruption of the Syriac term for merchant (Knāyil in Malayalam). Thomas is popularly known in the traditions of Kerala as Knāi Thoma and its derivatives Kinān and Kynāi. Scholar Dr. Jacob Kollaparambil argues that the "Cana" form is a corruption formalized by European scholars in the 18th century based on the Malayalam form Knāi found in the literature and common parlance of the people of Malabar. This may be a reference to the Christian community of Kynai, in Bét Aramayé in Persia, a historical center of Syriac Christianity.

The Knanaya are also known as Tekkumbhagar in Malayalam; this is generally translated into English as "Southist", or sometimes "Southerner" or "Suddhist". This is in reference to the historically significant geographical division between them and other Saint Thomas Christians, who are known as Vadakumbhagar or Northists in this context.

Other designations
Historically the Knanaya held the title of being the "protectors of seventeen castes", an authority given to them by the Cheraman Perumal according to folk tradition. This title which was reflective of the historical high socio-economic status of the Knanaya, is to this day exhibited during Knanaya marriage ceremonies when individuals taking part in the rituals ask permission before fulfilling their designated role. A prominent example of this is seen during the "Chandam Charthal" or grooms beautification ceremony, in which the barber petitions the assembly three times with the following request: "I ask the gentlemen here who have superiority over 17 castes, may I shave the bridegroom?".

The Knanaya were also known as Ancharapallikar or the "Owners of Five and a Half churches" a title reflective of the five churches owned by the Southist Community before the Synod of Diamper in 1599. The churches are listed as the following: Udayamperoor, Kaduthuruthy, Kottayam, Chunkom (Thodupuzha), and Kallissery. The "half church" is a reference to the half privilege and share the Knanaya held in other churches they co-owned with the Northist St. Thomas Christians, usually in areas where not many Knanaya lived.

An example of the "Ancharapallikal" of the Knanaya is exhibited in the works of Fr. Hyacinth Magistris in 1658. Magistris notes that by the 17th century the Knanaya had built a sixth church in Uzhavoor (St. Stephens Church). Besides their own churches, Magistris expresses that the Southists were also found in many Northist churches as well:

"...Those Christians of Thecumbagam, besides having their own churches in places such as Diamper, Kaduthuruthy, Kottayam, Thodupuza, Uzhavoor, Kallucheri, have also other churches in which they are the major or a great part like in Chembe, Piravom, Palai, Tripunithura, Cherpunkal, Kanjirappally, and other places." - Fr. Hyacinth Magistris (Letters to the Apostolic Commissary, November 6th, 16 58)

Origins and traditions
The earliest extensive written evidence for the division of the Christian community of India dates to the 16th century. The St. Thomas Christian tradition defines the division as being both geographical and ethnic, expressing that the Native St. Thomas Christians initially resided on the north side of the Chera Empire's capital city of Cranganore while the Middle Eastern migrant Knanaya arrived and settled on the south side, which subsequently led to the designations Northist and Southist. Celebrated St. Thomas Christian scholar Dr. Placid J. Podipara wrote the following about the division:

"'The Thomas Christians hail the Apostle St. Thomas as the founder of their Church...The first converts of St. Thomas were reinforced by local conversions and by Christian colonizations (migrations) from abroad. Connected with the IV century colonization is the origin of those called the Southists' - Dr. Placid J Podipara (1971)"

Directional divisions within communities are common in Kerala, including among Hindu groups. A similar north–south division is found among the Nairs, and it historically appears to have been in place in the early Brahmin settlements in the area. The Saint Thomas Christians may have taken this trait from the Brahmins.

Thomas of Cana's arrival
The historical rationale for the division between the majority St. Thomas Christians and minority Knanaya traces the divide to the figure of Thomas of Cana, a Syrian merchant who led a group of 72 Jewish-Christian immigrant families, a bishop named Uraha Mar Yausef, and clergymen from Mesopotamia to settle in Cranganore, India in the fourth century (some sources place these events as late as the ninth century). This may reflect a historical migration of East Syrian Christians to India around this time, which established the region's relationship with the Church of the East.In the traditional accounts of this history, the Knanaya are the descendants of Thomas of Cana and his followers, while the Northists descend from the local Christian body which had been converted by Thomas the Apostle centuries earlier. The Oxford History of the Christian Church states the following about the division: "In time, Jewish Christians of the most exclusive communities descended from settlers who accompanied Knayil Thomma (Kanayi) became known as ‘Southists’ (Tekkumbha ̄gar)...They distinguished between themselves and ‘Northists’ (Vatakkumbha ̄gar). The ‘Northists’, on the other hand, claimed direct descent from the very oldest Christians of the country, those who had been won to Christ by the Apostle Thomas himself. They had already long inhabited northern parts of Kodungallur. They had been there even before various waves of newcomers had arrived from the Babylonian or Mesopotamian provinces of Sassanian Persia."

- Historian of South Asian Studies Dr. Robert E. Frykenberg (2008)

Elements of Thomas of Cana's arrival feature in ancient songs as well as the Thomas of Cana copper plates awarded to his followers by a local Hindu ruler. These plates granted Thomas' followers 72 social, economic, and religious rights from Cheraman Perumal, the Chera king. The plates were present in Kerala during the time of the Portuguese colonization in the early 17th century, but were lost during Portuguese rule. Archbishop Francis Ros notes in his 1604 account M.S. ADD 9853 that the plates were taken to Portugal by the Franciscan Order. The Knanaya invoke the plates as evidence of their descent from Thomas of Cana's mission.

Translations of the existing Kollam Syrian Plates of the ninth century made by the Syrian Christian priest Ittimani in 1601 as well as the French Indologist Abraham Anquetil Duperron in 1758 both note that the forth plate mentioned a brief of the arrival of Knai Thoma.It is believed that this was a notation of the previous rights bestowed upon the Christians by Cheraman Perumal. The contemporary fourth plate, however, does not mention this paragraph and is believed to be a later copy. Scholar of Early Christian history Istavan Percvel theorizes that at one time the Kollam Syrian plates and the Thomas of Cana plates were re-engraved together as a unified grant.

Jewish-Christian ancestry
Knanaya tradition states that the Syriac Christian migrants who arrived with Thomas of Cana were Jewish-Christians. Community scholars express the historicity of this tradition by noting that Jewish-Christian tribes in Mesopotamia were a major component of the early Church of the East. Dr. Jacob Kollaparambil notes specifically that the Jewish-Christians of southern Mesopotamia (modern day Iraq) were the most vehement in maintaining their Jewish ethnicity, even after conversion to Syriac Christianity. Kollaparambil expresses that the historic endogamous practice of the Knanaya is a continuation of the endogamous nature of the Jewish-Christians in Mesopatamia. Additionally, scholars express that both Jewish and Christian merchants of the region took part in the Arabian Sea trade with Kerala.

Community scholars also cite their culture as evidence of their Jewish-Christian heritage, particularly their folk songs first written on palm-leaf manuscripts in the 17th century. Many of the historical songs allude to the migrants being of Jewish descent such as the song Nallor Orosilam (The Good Jerusalem) which states the migrants prayed at the tomb of the Jewish Prophet Ezra before departing to India. A number of scholars such as Dr. P.M. Jussay, Dr. Nathan Katz, Dr. Shalva Weil, and Dr. Ophira Gamliel have noted that the Knanaya maintain striking cultural similarities to the Cochin Jews of India,suggesting historic cultural relations between the two communities.

Two-wives legend
Some colonial era authors also associated the division of Northist and Southist to the two wives of Thomas of Cana. These versions generally present the Southern wife as a Syriac woman and the Northern as a native St. Thomas Christian woman. Additionally they portray one wife as superior and the other inferior and their children as legitimate or illegitimate. In 1579, Fr. Antonio Monserratte, a missionary in Kerala wrote that the stories associated with the two-wives legend were the “lie of the land”. In 1611, Archbishop Francisco Ros, a Latin Catholic clergymen in Kerala, called the two-wives legend a "fable" and instead accounts the division to some Christians descending from the missionary work of St. Thomas the Apostle and others from Knai Thoma.

Syrian Christian scholars generally view the two-wives stories as odious, stating that they emerged due to ethnic and or socio-economic tension between the St. Thomas Christians and the Knanaya. Scholar Dr. Mathias Mundadan expresses the following about the two-wives legend:

“Other details of each version and the reciprocal imputations as legitimate and illegitimate children of Thomas Cana might have been invented to express the odium and hatred each community bore against the other”

- Sixteenth Century Traditions of St. Thomas Christians (Mundadan, 1970)

Medieval era
The Knanaya maintain two stone crosses exhibited at Kottayam Knanaya Valiyapally (St. Mary's Knanaya Church) inscribed in the Pahlavi and Syriac languages. Known as the Persian crosses, these crosses are dated between the eighth and tenth century. Translations of the crosses were made by the archeological director of India Arthur Coke Burnell in 1876 and Assyriologist C.P.T Winkworth in 1928. Winkworth produced the following citation presented at the International Congress of Orientalist (Oxford):

"'My Lord Christ, have mercy upon Afras son of Chahar-bukht, the Syrian who cut this'"

The first written evidence of a Knanaya individual dates to the year 1301, with the writings of Zacharias the deacon of St. Kuriakose Church, Cranganore. Historically the Knanaya had a township and three churches namely of Saint Thomas the Apostle, Saint Kuriakose, and Saint Mary in the southern portion of the Chera Empire's capital city of Cranganore. According to 16th and 17th century Portuguese records, the three churches were built by Thomas of Cana when the community arrived to India. Fr. Francisco Dionisio, a Catholic missionary in Kerala, noted in 1578 that the church of St. Thomas built by Knai Thoma in Kodungallur was still standing and was currently in the possession of the Portuguese:

"'After that came a Christian by name Quinai Thoma, native of Babylon, a merchant, who disembarked at Cranganor and began negotiating his merchandise. Being rich and known in the country, he became a friend of the King of Cranganor who gave him a plot of land of 500 square yards to build a Church in honour of St. Thomas, which is the one the Portuguese now have.' - Francisco Dionisio (1578), Amario Jesuitico, cod. 28, ff.34-38"

A few decades later, Francisco Ros, a Catholic bishop in Kerala, noted in 1604 that he had read in an old Chaldean (Syriac) text that there existed in Kodungallur three churches built by Knai Thoma:

"...'I found written at the end how the said book was made and written at Cranganore, where it says there were three churches, one of St. Thomas, another of Our Lady, and another of St. Cyriac' - Francisco Ros (1604), MS. ADD. 9853. British Museum Library"

Zacharias was the 14-year-old deacon of St. Kuriakose Church as well as the scribe and pupil of Mar Yaqob of India, a 14th-century East Syriac bishop of Cranganore. Zacharias is the author of the oldest surviving Syriac manuscript of India archived as Vatican Syrian Codex 22 which details the city of Cranganore, relations between the Church of the East and the St. Thomas Christians, the Patriarch Yahballaha III, and Mar Yaqob of Cranganore whom he describes in the following quote:

"'This holy book was written in the royal, renowned and famous city of Chingala (Cranganore) in Malabar in the time of the great captain and director of the holy catholic church of the East.. our blessed and holy Father Mar Yahd Alaha V and in the time of bishop Mar Jacob, Metropolitan and director of the holy see of the Apostle Mar Thoma, that is to say, our great captain and the director of the entire holy church of Christian India' - Deacon Zacharias (1301)"

In the year 1456 the Knanaya Community approached the Kingdom of Vadakkumkoor to rebuild Kaduthuruthy St. Mary's Valiya Palli (Great Church). In audience with the King of Vadakkumkoor, the Knanaya presented him ponpannam (gold/gifts given to monarchs). After receiving permission to reconstruct the church, masons were called who during this time extended the walls of Kaduthuruthy Church and added a gopuram (entrance tower). The historical Knanaya folk song "Alappan Adiyil" written on palm-leaf manuscript records the reconstruction of Kaduthuruthy Church and includes the colophon date 1456.

Early Portuguese era
The first known extensive written evidence for a division in the Saint Thomas Christian community dates to the 16th century, when Portuguese colonial officials took notice of it. A 1518 letter by the Jesuit missionary Alvaro Penteado mentions a conflict between the children of Thomas of Cana, hinting at a rift in the community in contemporary times. In 1525, Mar Jacob, a Chaldean bishop in India, recorded a battle the year before between the Kingdom of Cochin and the Zamorin of Calicut that destroyed Cranganore and many Knanaya homes and churches. Mar Jacob addresses his letter to the King of Portugal as a request of aid to help the Christians of India: "This, Lord, is the service, which I have done thee in these parts with the intention to move thee to help me to increase this people through this India in the faith of Jesus Christ Our Redeemer. The Moors have robbed and killed me many people and also burnt our houses and churches, by which we are much distressed and disgraced... - Mar Jacob Abuna (Rego in Documentacao India II, 1525)

The destruction of their entire township and the burning of their churches caused the Knanaya to disperse from the city to other settlements. The event is also noted in the Knanaya folk song "Innu Nee Njangale Kaivitto Marane" or "Have You Forgotten Us Today Oh Lord?".

After the battle, a portion of the community migrated to the interior of Kerala to the foothills of the Western Ghats and founded the settlement of Chunkom in Thodupuzha. Chunkom was developed into a customs house and by 1579 the community would build a church consecrated as St. Mary's Knanaya Church.The Knanaya of Chunkom grew prosperous and carried out commerce in the region in which they regularly traded with the Kingdom of Travancore and the Tamil Dynasty of Madurai. The local Brahmin chieftains grew indebted to the Knanaya and would offer slaves of the Hill Arrian castes to the community in order to settle their debts. The Knanaya converted them to Christianity and built them a separate church known as St. Augustines. Besides collecting duties, the Knanaya in Chunkom were also known to mold "famous pottery".

In the year 1550, the Portuguese commander Francesco Silveira de Menesis aided the King of Cochin's army in a victorious battle against the Kingdom of Vadakkumkur (Kaduthuruthy), subsequently killing its king Veera Manikatachen. After the death of their king, soldiers of the Kingdom of Vadakkumkur formed themselves into chaver (suicide) squads and sought revenge against the Syrian Christians in the region who they viewed as co-religionist of the Portuguese. The Knanaya Tharakan (minister) Kunchacko of the Kunnassery Family was a member of the Vadakkumkoor Royal Court and an advisor to the slain king. In order to save his people from the ire of the chaver squads, Kunchacko Tharakan gathered the Knanaya from their parish of Kaduthuruthy St. Mary's Valiya Palli (Great Church), as well as all other Syrian Christians he could find within the vicinity of Vadakkumkoor and fled to the region of Mulanthuruthy where he eventually built Mulanthuruthy Church. The Knanaya were later called back to Kaduthurthy by the descendants of Veera Manikatachan and left Mulanthuruthy Church in the care and protection of the Northist St. Thomas Christians who remained there.

During this same altercation with the Kingdom of Vadakkumkoor in 1550, a portion of the Knanaya from Kaduthuruthy were invited to the city of Kottayam by its chieftain in the Kingdom of Thekkumkur. The community was granted permission to build a church which they consecrated as Kottayam St. Mary's Knanaya Valiya Palli. These Knanaya had brought with them ancient relics from Kaduthuruthy Church known as the Persian Crosses which are till this day exhibited at Kottayam Valiya Palli.

In 1579, Fr. Antonio Monseratte, a missionary in Kerala wrote a report on the St. Thomas Christians. On the ethnic division of the Christians, Monseratte notes that all Christians claim descent from St. Thomas the Apostle while others descend from Mar Thoma the Syrian (Thomas of Cana):

"“My chief occupation has been with the Christians of Sierra, who commonly call themselve of St. Thomas. As regards the origin of these Christians, there are two opinions: one is that all are descended from the disciples of the Apostle St. Thomas: others say only from one Mar Thoma the Syrian. This word Mar is in Chaldean design of honour, and means the same as don and Saint in Spanish, and the Syrians use this word Mar in both meanings: for they call St. Thomas Mar Thoma and [they use it] for any honourable and noble person, Mar Jacob, Don Diego."

In 1602 Portuguese priest Fr. Antonio de Gouvea notes that the Thomas of Cana copper plate grant which had been kept safe at the Portuguese factory of Cochin was by this point lost due to the "carelessness" of the Portuguese themselves. De Gouvea states that the loss of the plates had angered the Knanaya who had no other written record of their history and rights to defend themselves from local kings who by this point were infringing on their position.

A 1603 letter by Portuguese official J. M. Campori further discusses the division of the community, which had by that point become intermittently violent; he states that the majority of Christians in Malabar are those baptized by St. Thomas the Apostle while a minority descend from Thomas of Cana.

In 1603-1604 Portuguese Archbishop Francis Ros notes the tradition that before the coming of Thomas of Cana and his party, there existed in Malabar the native St. Thomas Christians. When describing the division of the Christians he states the following:

"'So that, already long before the coming of Thomas Cananeo, there were St. Thomas Christians in this Malavar, who had come from Mailapur, the town of St. Thomas. And the chief families are four in number: Cotur, Catanal, Onamturte, Narimaten, which are known among all these Christians, who became multiplied and extended through the whole of this Malavar, also adding to themselves some of the gentios who would convert themselves. However, the descendants of Thomas Cananeo always remained above them without wishing to marry or to mix with these other Christians.' - Archbishop Francisco Ros (M.S. Add. 9853, 1604)"

Ros further notes that discord arose between the Knanaya and Northist St. Thomas Christians to the point where it became necessary to build separate churches in the regions of Carturte (Kaduthuruthy) and Cotete (Kottayam). He states that the descendants of Thomas of Cana are a minority that reside in the churches of Udiamperoor, Kaduthuruthy, Kottayam, and Turigore (Chunkom). Ros calls the Knanaya St. Thomas Christians as well but makes the distinction of calling them the "Thomas Cananeo Party":

"'Whence there arose between the St. Thomas Christians and the others great discord, and there were anciently among them great disputes : wherefore at Carturte and Cotete it was necessary to make different Churches, each party keeping aloof from the other. And those of the Thomas Caneneo party went in one Church, and the others in the other. And last year, 1603, the same was the cause of the quarrels between those of Udiamper and Candanada, each one holding out for his party. And it is wonderful to see the aversion which one party has for the other, without being able to forget their antiquities and the fables they have in this matter. The St. Thomas Christians descending from Thomas Caneneo are few. They are at Udiamper, and at the great Church of Carturte and at the great Church of Cotete, and at Turigure.' - Archbishop Francisco Ros (M.S. Add. 9853, 1604)"

In 1611, chronicler and historian of Portuguese India Diogo de Couto mentions the tradition that a contingent of families had accompanied Thomas of Cana and notes that these Christians are "without doubt Armenians by caste; and their sons too the same, because they had brought their wives". Couto attests that the descendants of Thomas of Cana and his party are a minority that reside in the Southist churches of Diamper (Udayamperoor), Kaduthuruthy, and Kottayam. Do Couto's account:

"'From the people who had come with him proceed the Christians of Diamper, Kottayam and Kaduthuruthy, who without doubt are Armenians by caste, and their sons too the same, because they had brought their wives; and afterwards those who descended from them married in the land, and in the course of time they all became Malabarians. The kingdoms in which these Christians of St. Thomas are found today are the following: In the kingdom of the Malabar, 26 leagues from the country of Madure; in the kingdom of Turubuli (Thodupuzha) its neighbor; in the kingdom Maota; in the kingdom of Batimena; in the kingdom of Travancor; in the kingdom of Diamper; in the kingdom of Pepper (Kaduthuruthy); in the kingdom of Tecancutes; in the kingdom of Parur; and finally in the kingdom of Kottayam.' - Historian Diogo Do Couto (Decadas da Asia. Decada XII, 1611)"

Other Portuguese authors who wrote of the Southist-Northist divide, generally referencing versions of the Thomas of Cana’s arrival, include Franciscan friar Paulo da Trinidade (1630–1636), and Bishop Giuseppe Maria Sebastiani (1657). Sebastiani notes that in demographics the Knanaya numbered no more than 5000 persons in the 17th century and out of the 85 parishes of the Malabar Christians are only found in Udiamperoor, Kottayam, Thodupuzha (Chunkom), and Kaduthuruthy.

Later Portuguese era
After the death of Mar Abraham in 1599 (the last East Syriac bishop of Kerala), the Portuguese began to aggressively impose their dominion over the church and community of the St. Thomas Christians. This was epitomized by the Synod of Diamper in 1599 which took place at Udiamperoor Knanaya Church. The synod led by the Portuguese Archbishop of Goa Aleixo de Menezes, brought forth many social and liturgical reforms which forcefully Latinized the East Syriac Rite followed by the St. Thomas Christians and formally brought all the Indian churches under the Archdiocese of Goa and the Roman Catholic Church.

In the 17th century, tensions began to broil between the St. Thomas Christians and the Portuguese over their hegemony of the community. The native Archdeacon and ecclesial head of the community Archdeacon Thomas, was often at odds with the Portuguese prelates. Tensions further grew with the arrival of the Syrian Bishop Mor Ahatallah in India in 1652 who claimed to have been ordained as the "Patriarch of the Whole of India and China" by the Syriac Orthodox Church. The St. Thomas Christians welcomed Mor Ahatallah and Archdeacon Thomas had hoped that this new Syrian bishop could free the community from the yoke of the Portuguese hierarchy. Knowing of his influence, the Portuguese had detained Mor Ahatallah at Cochin and arranged for a ship to take him to Goa. Archdeacon Thomas is then noted to have arrived at Cochin backed by the militia of the St. Thomas Christians and demanded the Syrian bishops release. The Portuguese officials responded to Thomas and his militia by stating that the ship carrying Ahatallah had already left to Goa. After this, Mor Ahatallah was never heard from again in India which started to incite anti-Portuguese sentiment among the community. Rumors had spread that the Portuguese had drowned Mor Ahatallah in the harbor at Cochin, this rumor became the breaking point in the relationship between the St. Thomas Christians and the Portuguese.

In mass rebellion against the Portuguese clergy and in particular Archbishop Francisco Garcia Mendes, the St. Thomas Christians met on 3 January 1653 at Our Lady of Mattenchery Church to convoke the Coonan Cross Oath. The oath expressed that the community would no longer obey Archbishop Garcia nor the Portuguese Jesuits but instead only recognize their native archdeacon as the governor of their church. After the oath, scholar Stephen Neill notes that the Knanaya priest Anjilimoottil Itty Thommen Kathanar of Kallissery played a major role in the eventual schism of the St. Thomas Christians from the Roman Catholic Church. Being a skilled Syriac writer, it is believed that Itty Thommen forged two letters supposedly from Mor Ahatallah one of which stated that in the absence of a bishop, twelve priests could lay hands on Archdeacon Thomas and consecrate him as their new patriarch, an old oriental Christian tradition. The two forged letters were read to mass crowds during church services and were received with much praise from the community. One of the letters was laid on the head of Archdeacon Thomas and twelve priests consecrated him as the first native bishop of Kerala. News of the event was spread throughout the churches of the St. Thomas Christians who accepted it with much joy in the fact that for the first time in their history a native bishop was consecrated.

During these events, nearly the entire Knanaya community had remained faithful to Archbishop Garcia, questioning the validity of Archdeacon Thomas' ordination as non-canonical, with only Itty Thommen and his parishioners at Kallissery Knanaya Church supporting the archdeacon. Other priests of the Knanaya became aware of Itty Thommens actions and called them into question. In October 1653, the Knanaya convened a meeting at Kottayam in-which it was decided that none of them should accept Archdeacon Thomas as their bishop, nor should any of their people meet with him. The community furthermore resolved that a young Knanaya who had been given minor orders from Archdeacon Thomas should not be recognized as a priest. Out of the five churches of the Knanaya, Kaduthuruthy, Chunkom, Kottayam, and Udiamperoor remained staunchly faithful to Archbishop Garcia, while only Kallissery Church led by Anjilimoottil Itty Thommen remained in rebellion.

Northist St. Thomas Christians also almost entirely defected from Archdeacon Thomas and instead supported Thomas' cousin and rival Parambil Chandy. Archbishop and successor of Fransico Garcia, Giuseppe Maria Sebastiani noted that the Knanaya greatly supported Parambil Chandy even though he was a Northist St. Thomas Christian. In early 1663, the Knanaya tax-collector Pachikara Punnoose Tharakan of Chunkom had met with Bishop Sebastiani and pledged the support of the Knanaya community to Parambil Chandy, stating that they would always remain obedient to him "even if all others abandoned him". In response, Parambil Chandy expressed that he would protect and preserve the Knanaya with his life, even more than his own community the Northist The event is noted in the following citation:

"On this last day a very serious man from Chunkom (Thodupuzha), a Chief man and head of the Christians of Thekumbagam alias of the South, intervened. And although these are found only in four or five places, nevertheless, they are the noblest, but very opposed to all the others without ever being married to them. These, however, have helped very much in the matter of giving a bishop to that Christianity. To them belonged almost all of those few people who did not follow the Intruder (Mar Thomas); and the first ones who, discovering the deceit, abandoned him. The said chief from Thodupuzha told me several times on the same day that in God he was hoping that soon the whole of Malabar (Church) would subject itself to the new bishop, all of them knowing that he is the rightful (bishop), their own national, and so virtuous; And as far as the Christians and the Churches of the Southists were concerned he promised and took on the obligation to hold them always obedient, even if all the others would abandon him, and that without any consideration of his being a non-Southist. To welcome this offer in his presence I warmly recommended him and his Christians and Churches to the Monsignor of Megara (Mar Alexander Parambil), who said that he was acknowledging their zeal and fervor, and that he would always protect, help and conserve them with his very life, much more than the others called Vadakumbhagam"

- Bishop Giuseppe Maria Sebastiani, 1663 (Published in Seconda Speditione All' Indie Orientale in 1672)

Parambil Chandy would be ordained as the Catholic bishop of the St. Thomas Christians in 1663 at Kaduthuruthy Knanaya Church. The St. Thomas Christians would from this point on be internally divide into Syrian Catholic and Syrian Orthodox factions with the majority of the community who sided with Parambil Chandy creating the basis for the Syro-Malabar Catholic Church (Eastern Catholic), while the minority who remained with Archdeaon Thomas creating the Malankara Church (Oriental Orthodox)

Later Colonial era
In the early 18th century (1720) the Syrian Jacobite Catanar from Kaduthuruthy Fr. Mathew Veticutel wrote a short history of the Malabar Church in Syriac, which is archived today as MS 1213 at Leyden Academy Library. In contrast to the previously documented notations from European sources in the 16th and 17th centuries, Fr. Mathew's work is the first published native account of the historical traditions of the various ancient Christian missions to India such as that of St. Thomas the Apostle, Thomas of Cana, and bishops Mar Sabor and Mar Proth. Fr. Veticutel expresses that the native St. Thomas Christians had long been without priests and presbyters. The Catholicos of the East had sent Thomas of Cana to investigate the condition of the Church in India. When Thomas returned and reported on the St. Thomas Christians, the Catholicos ordered Thomas, Uraha Mar Yoseph (Metropolitan of Edessa), presbyters and deacons, as well as men and woman from Jerusalem, Baghdad, and Nineveh to embark to India. When the migrants arrived in the year 345, they were met by the Native St. Thomas Christians and later approached the King of Malabar from whom they received land and privileges in the form of copper plates. A town and church was then constructed in Cranganore upon which 472 houses were built in which the migrants and native St. Thomas Christians inhabited two distinct sides.

In the late 18th century the Syrian Catholics were subject to a number of abuses by the Roman Catholic clergy in Kerala. The tension between the Native Clergy and Roman Church met a breaking point when the Latin hierarchy had imprisoned and starved to death Northist Cathanar (Syriac priest) Chacko of Edappalli in 1774, who was wrongfully accused of stealing a monstrance. After this, the Malabar General Church Assembly had joined in the venture of sending a delegation to Rome in order to meet the pope and have their grievances addressed as well as petition for the ordination of a native Syrian Catholic hierarch. The Northist cathanars Ousep Cariattil and Thomman Paremmakkal were tasked with undertaking the journey. The journey was also supported and funded by Poothathil Itti Kuruvilla of the Knanaya Community, a "tharakan' or tax-collector. Poothathil had donated 30,000 chakrams (Indian currency) to the delegation, whose journey to Rome began at his home in the village of Neendoor. From Neendoor the delegation took Poothathil's country boat to Colachel on the southern tip of India, after which point they left India. The delegation also took one boy of each ethnic community to be admitted to the Propaganda College of Rome, Chacko Malayil of the Knanaya community and Mathoo Palakkal of the Northist.

Modern era
In the late 19th century social changes in British India led to increased wealth and social power for the Saint Thomas Christians. This social change tended to advance internal divisions within the community, including the Southist–Northist division. Through this period the Knanaya promoted their own uniqueness and independent identity to push for further opportunities for their community. They sought the establishment of Knanaya-centred diocese' for both the Malankara and Catholic churches, which were founded in 1910 and 1911, respectively.

Like other Saint Thomas Christians, many Knanaya have migrated away from Kerala and India since the 20th century. The largest Knanaya diaspora community is located in Chicago. This community originated in the 1950s when a small number of Knanaya and other Kerala natives emigrated to the area as university students; they were followed by more substantial immigration after 1965. The immigrants met up periodically for social events, and in the 1970s organizations for Catholics, members of other Christian churches, and Hindus were formed. In the 1980s the various Indian Catholic particular churches sent chaplains to Chicago; in 1983 the Bishop of Kottayam sent a chaplain to minister specifically to the Knanaya Catholics.

Religion
The Syrian Christians of Kerala were historically organized as a province under the Church of the East following the East Syriac liturgical tradition. Following the Coonan Cross Oath of the 17th century, both the Knanaya and Northist groups were internally divided into Pazhayakoor (Catholic) and Puthenkoor (Jacobite) factions. The Puthenkoor faction became affiliated with the Syriac Orthodox Church, an Oriental Orthodox church based in Syria following the West Syriac liturgical tradition. The Pazhayakoor faction continued following the East Syriac liturgical tradition and would be elevated to the status of Sui Juris in 1887 by the Catholic Church. The now autonomous Eastern Catholic Church would become known as the Syro-Malabar Church. Beginning in the late 19th century, both Jacobite and Catholic Knanaya lobbied for their own dioceses within their respective denominations. In 1910, the Syriac Orthodox Church established the Malankara Syriac Knanaya Archdiocese, distinct Knanaya-oriented diocese centered in Chingavanam which reports directly to the Syriac Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch. The following year, the Catholic Church established a Knanaya Catholic Archeparchy in Kottayam, known as the Syro-Malabar Catholic Archeparchy of Kottayam.

Culture
The culture of the Knanaya community is an admixture of Syriac Christian, Jewish, and Indian tradition. Several comparative studies by Jewish scholars have noted that the Knanaya maintain distinct customs strikingly similar to those of the Cochin Jews of Kerala. These cultural correlations are mainly exhibited in folk songs and folk traditions which may reflect the Knanaya's claimed Judeo-Christian ancestry. Jewish scholars note also that this may suggest "historic cultural relations between the two communities". Scholar of Cochin Jewish culture and history P.M. Jussay notes the following about the cultural similarities: "'In the many splendoured wonder of Kerala's population, the critical observer is intrigued by the striking similarities that exist between two small communities - the Cochin Jews and the Knanite Christians. Neither of them is said to be of the soil; but having taken root and flourished for long in this fertile land, they have been indistinguishably integrated with its colours and contours. The similarities become significant when the Knanites claim a Jewish origin'"

A cultural difference between the Knanaya and other St. Thomas Christians was noted by Dr. Joseph Cariattil, the ecclesial head of the Syrian Catholics of Kerala. In his text "Noticias do Reyno do Malabar" (1782) he expressed the following cultural distinction between the two communities:

"“Among the said Christians of St. Thomas, a small portion consisting of 25 or 30 thousand men are called “Thequempavar”, who tho Christians of the same rite, nevertheless retain the family names of heathens, and do many ceremonies, which are not seen in their rubrics nor in the Roman, particularly in their weddings, etc. The other numerous portion is called “Badequanpavar.”"

Folk songs
Knanaya folk songs are considered ancient in origins and were first written down in the 17th century on palm leaf manuscripts recorded by Knanaya families. The texts of the palm leaves were compiled and published in 1910 by the Knanaya scholar P.U. Luke with the aide of Knanaya Catholic priest Fr. Mathew Vattakalm in the text Puratana Pattukal: Ancient Songs of the Syrian Christians of Malabar. The songs were written in Old Malayalam but contain diction and lexemes from Sanskrit, Syriac, and Tamil. Analytically, these ancient songs contain folklore about the faith, customs and practices of the community, narratives of historical events (such as the mission of St. Thomas the Apostle and the immigration of the Knanaya to India), biblical stories, songs of churches, and the lives of saints. Scholars have also found that the songs of the Knanaya are of a similar composure, linguistics, and characteristic to that of the Cochin Jews and that some songs even have almost the same lyrics with the exception of a few words or stanzas. According to the Cochin Jewish scholar P. M. Jussay, "these similarities are not accidental and cannot be easily explained".

Knanaya "Kuli Pattu" or Bath Song: "Ponnum methiyadimel melle melle avan natannu (With golden sandals he slowly walked) Velli methiyadimel melle melle aval natannu" (With silver sandals she slowly walked) Cochin Jewish procession song: "Ponnum methiyadimel melle natannan, Chiriyanandan, (With golden sandals Chiriyanandan (Joseph Rabban) slowly walked) Velli methiyadimel melle natannan, Chiriyanandan" (With silver sandals Chiriyanandan (Joseph Rabban) slowly walked)

Songs of Hindu bards
Historically a class of bards known as Panans would visit the homes of nobles castes in Kerala and sing songs of heroic figures as well as legendary events. After doing so the Panan would receive payment for their performance in the form of a material donation of items such as betel leaves and other types of charitable aid. Likewise, the Panans would visit the homes of the Knanaya and sing songs of the communities history and heritage. In particular, the Panans would sing of a story in the life of Thomas of Cana during the reign of Cheraman Perumal. The story is narrated from the perspective of the leader of the bards known as Tiruvaranka Panan. The contents of the story revolves around a mission bestowed to Tiruvaranka by Thomas of Cana in which he is to travel to Ezhathunadu (Sri Lanka) and implore four castes, namely carpenters, blacksmiths, goldsmiths, and molders, to return to Cranganore which they had left due to an infringement on their social traditions. The four castes are initially hesitant to return to Cranganore but are persuaded by Tiruvaranka when he shows them the golden staff of Thomas of Cana which he was granted to take on his journey as a sign of goodwill. After seeing the staff the four castes are content and in their satisfaction remove their own ornaments and smelt a golden crown for Thomas of Cana which they present to him upon their return to the Cranganore. Wearing the crown, Thomas and Tiruvarankan go to meet Cheraman Perumal who is pleased with the success of their mission and grants Thomas of Cana privileges. The remainder of the song sings of the seventy-two historical privileges bestowed upon Thomas.

Folk traditions
After the burning of Craganore in 1524 during a battle between the Zamorin of Calicut and the Kingdom of Cochin which the city was a part of, the homes and temples of both the Cochin Jews and Knanaya were destroyed. The Knanaya historically commemorated this loss by carrying around a handful of charred earth as a keepsake from their ancestral settlement. From this act originated the custom of including a pinch of ash from a bride's home in a knot at the end of her new dress when she went to live with her husband. On account of this, Northists sometimes derisively dub the Knanaya "Charam kettikal", or knot makers of ash. The Cochin Jews had a similar custom of keeping a handful of earth from the place their temples once stood. The burning of Craganore was a vital and drastic event for both the communities and figures heavily in their stories and songs

Both the Knanaya and Cochin Jews maintain folk traditions based on figures and stories of the Old Testament. Both groups particularly revere Joseph; the Knanaya perform a circle dance called "Poorva Yousepintae Vattakali" ("Round Dance of Old Joseph"), while the Cochin Jews also maintain songs glorifying Joseph. The Knanaya and Cochin Jews give local flavor to their Old Testament-based songs, stories and traditions. A Knanaya folk song about Tobias describes his wedding as including Kerala paraphernalia, while a Cochin Jewish folk song describes Ruth dressed and groomed like a Malayali girl or Cochin Jewish bride. For both the Knanaya and Cochin Jews, these flourishes make Bible stories relevant to their current experience.

Passover traditions
The tradition of Passover or Pesaha is practiced every Holy Thursday in the homes of the Knanaya. On the night of Holy Thursday, the Pesaha Appam or Pesaha bread is made with unleavened flour along with a sweet drink made of milk and jaggery known as Pesaha Pal (in some families banana is also a part of this custom). The first batch of Pesaha appam is decorated and blessed with palm leaves from Palm Sunday set in the shape of a cross, the Pesaha milk also shares this adornment. The first batch is said to be the most sacred and is only given to members of the family. In ritualistic practice, the family gathers in the home and the father or grandfather of the household blesses and prays over the bread and milk, often also reading a bible passage. He then cuts, portions and distributes the bread, banana, and milk to his family members, giving it to males of the household first. Traditionally after the celebration is over any waste product that was used in the ritual was burned away according to the rules of Leviticus and the sacred nature of the practice. It should also be noted that all utensils and vessels used in the process are either brand new or washed in a ceremonial manner. Pesaha is also regularly practiced in the homes of the larger St. Thomas Christian community but the scope of usage can vary based on the specific denomination and region. Distinctions also occur based on the type of bread and products used and specific rituals that take place. Additionally, if a family is in mourning following a death, Pesaha bread is not made at their home, but brought to them by their Syrian Christian neighbors.

Wedding traditions
The Knanaya maintain distinctive wedding traditions and wedding customs that have helped to sustain their identity and culture. These traditions are an amalgamation of Judeo-Christian, Syriac, and Indian customs, reflecting the Knanaya's claimed origins and the centuries that they have lived as a minority community in India. Historically, Knanaya marriage celebrations lasted several days, with many of the ceremonies centered around the home. In the present day, these ceremonies take place over three days and the wedding traditions can be divided into the categories of betrothal, groom, bride, reception, and miscellaneous. These ceremonies are also accompanied by numerous ancient songs characteristic of the Knanaya.

Othukalyanam or Betrothal customs include Kaipidutham, or "clasping of hands". This is an initial agreement and fixing of the marriage, which involves the future bride and groom as well as their paternal uncles. The uncles clasp the hands of the betrothed in the presence of the priest at church. This symbolizes the uncles' and extended families', support and investment in the relationship. Maternal uncles undertake a Maternal Uncles Agreement, at which they come together at the erection of the poles of the pandal, a canopy and temporary hall set up for the wedding. The uncles from each party exchange a kindy, or water bowl, for rinsing and hand washing. The dowry is also delivered by the bride's maternal uncle to the groom's uncle, and they kneel on a mat in front of a lighted lamp symbolizing Jesus and pray as though in front of an altar.

Bride and groom participate in ceremonies in their respective homes on the eve of the wedding. The groom's ceremony is "Antham Charthal" which is now most commonly known as Chandam Charthal. The name signifies the end or last day of the bachelor life of the boy as well as beautifying the boy. The village barber arrives at the pandal and requests permission to shave the groom three times. After receiving permission, the barber performs the ceremonial shaving (historically, this was his first shave), then takes him out to put oil on his head and bathe him, while the assembly sings ancient songs. The bride's ceremony is Mylanchi Ideel, or "henna ceremony". The bride's palms, feet, and nails are smeared with special green henna, by her paternal aunts. Similar ceremonies are found among various ethnic groups across the Middle East, North Africa, and India; the Knanaya give it a Biblical meaning referencing the original sin of Eve, stating that because Eve walked with her feet to the Tree of Knowledge and plucked its forbidden fruit with her palms, the feet and palms of the bride are smeared with henna to cleanse her of Eves original sin. The aunts then takes the bride to be bathed and changed into a new dress. Following these ceremonies the bride and groom return to the pandal for the Ichappad (sweet giving) ceremony, at which the bride and groom are fed white rice pudding with brown sugar by paternal relatives (starting with uncles, male cousins and brothers).

Prior to entering the church for the wedding, the bride and groom greet their parents and elders for Sthuthi ("Peace Blessing"), where they receive blessings from their family. This is believed to be a reference to Sarah receiving her father's blessings in the Book of Genesis. The bride and groom take their vows in the church by swearing on the Bible. They exchange rings and the groom ties a thali around the bride's neck. He also presents a silk saree called "manthrakodi" which she will wears during the reception. The thread for tying the thali is taken from the manthrakodi. At the end of the marriage ceremony, the priests and congregation sing the "Bar Mariam" ("Son of Mary"), a "paraliturgical" Syriac chant referencing events from Jesus' life. After the chant, the priests bless the newlyweds with holy water to conclude the ceremony.

The wedding reception features several traditions. After the wedding, the assembly holds a great procession to the reception place, including celebratory music and a distinct ritualistic cheer known as "Nada Villi". In the end, the bride and groom are carried by their uncles up to the door. In the reception pandal, the groom's mother leads the Nellum Neerum ("Welcome Blessing") to solemnly welcome the newlyweds. The groom's sister holds a lighted brass lamp and a bowl of water, paddy, and leaves from Palm Sunday, symbolizing purification and fertility. The mother traces the sign of the cross on the couples' foreheads with a wet piece of palm leaf. Special seats called manarcolam (marriage venue) are prepared for the couple by spreading sheets of wool and white linen, representing the hardships and blessings of married life. The bride's mother then gives the Vazhu Pidutham (Mother's blessing) while placing her hands crosswise on the couple's heads, and all the women present sing the wedding song "Vazhvenna Vazvhu". Following the mother's blessing, relatives present gifts in Kacha Thazhukal ("Gift Giving"). The first gift is a new dress given to the bride's family; family members then remove their gold jewelry and place them on the newlyweds. Afterward is the presentation of milk and fruit, which the couple drinks from the same cup.

After the reception is the Adachu Thura (Bridal Chamber Ceremony), where the bride's mother brings the groom special sweets and foods. The couple and their elders and friends enter the bridal chamber, where the bride's mother promises utensils and ornaments to the groom. They then exit the chamber and the bride and groom are anointed with oil and bathed. They put on new clothes and share a meal with the attendees. Special songs accompany each step. After that the bridegroom's family gifts the bride's family vazhipokala in order to enjoy their return journey back home. Another miscellaneous tradition is the Margam Kali ("The Way", referring to the way of Thomas the Apostle), a traditional St. Thomas Christian dance. The dance and accompanying songs retell the story of Thomas and his mission to India.

Food
The Knanaya make several special foods. Pidiyum Kozhiyum is a dumpling dish made from rice flour, that is traditionally made when sending pregnant women home for a delivery, and some other occasions. Venpachor is a white rice pudding prepared on the eve of a wedding for the ceremonies of Chandam Charthal and Mylanchi Ideel. Other bread-based foods and snacks favored by the Knanaya but consumed by the entire Kerala community are Achappam, Kuzhalappam, Avalosunda, and Churutt.

Knanaya historically ate on two plantain leaves, one placed over the other. According to folk tradition, this was a royal privilege granted to the community. Today, the Knanaya symbolize this by folding the left side of a plantain leaf underneath to make one leaf as two. Knanaya eating together would eat from the same plantain leaf as a sign of cordiality. Catholic and Orthodox Knanaya dining together would eat from the left and right side of the leaf to show that despite their different religious affiliations, they were still part of a united ethnic community.

Dress and ornaments
Knanaya women historically wore gold earrings with balls and small raised heads, one inch in diameter, known as Mekkamothiram or Kunukku, the same earrings are also worn by the Northist Saint Thomas Christians. Southist and Northist women alike wear a distinct type of sari known as the Chatta Mundu. This comprises the chatta, a white blouse embroidered with design, and the mundu dress. The mundu is a long white cloth worn from the waist down, and includes 15 to 21 pleats covering the back thigh in a fan shape representing a palm leaf.

Knanaya men historically wore white shawls as a headdress and wore a white cloth wrapped around the waist. Both are tied in a special way known as Njettum Valum Ittu Kettuka.

Dance
The Knanaya maintain a distinct round dance, the Margamkali, or "the way/path" of Thomas the Apostle. The Margamkali was traditionally a male dance exhibiting twelve players symbolizing the Twelve Apostles dancing in a circle around a lighted brass lamp representing Jesus. It is accompanied by ancient songs about Thomas the Apostle, based on the apocryphal third-century text Acts of Thomas. The song text consists of 450 lines, divided into 14 sections. These songs contain Syriac and Tamil diction, suggesting an origin before the emergence of the Malayalam language in Malabar between the 9th and 13th century.

In the 17th century, the Knanaya priest Anjilimoottil Itty Thommen Kathanar revised the text, which has influenced its current structure. In 1910, scholar P.U. Luke published the text for the first time in his collection of Ancient Songs. In 1924 the European priest and scholar Father Hosten was enamored by the Margamkali he saw danced by the Knanaya in Kottayam. He attempted to present the dance at the 1925 Vatican Mission Exhibition, but it was not performed due to mass disapproval by Northist Saint Thomas Christians. In the 1960s the Saint Thomas Christian scholar of folk culture Chummar Choondal led a sociological survey of the Margamkali. He noted that by that time, it was solely practiced and propagated by the Knanaya and could not be found among Northist communities. Furthermore, Choondal found that all of the Margam teachers and groups of the time period were Knanaya. With Choondal's aid, the Knanaya priests George Karukaparambil and Jacob Vellian spearheaded research on the Margamkali in the 1970s and '80s with the help of 33 Knanaya ashans (teachers). The team systematized the Margamkali and promoted it among schools and cultural organizations. In 1995, Mar Kuriakose Kunnasserry, the bishop of the Knanaya Diocese of Kottayam, established Hadusa (Syriac for dancing/rejoicing) as an All India Institute of Christian Performing Arts.

Funeral traditions
The Knanaya hold to a death bed tradition based on Old Testament teachings, wherein a dying man gives a final blessing to his children and grandchildren. The father places his hand on the heads of kneeling recipients while giving the invocation. Other funeral traditions include the Thazhukuka, in which friends and relatives embrace a grieving family at a funeral. The family stands in line at the church as the priest sprinkles holy water on them, and friends embrace them. After the burial, the family holds a ceremony at home where they drink from a single tender coconut to symbolize their unity following the death of their loved one.

Institutions
Though a minority community, the Knanaya have established several institutions throughout the state of Kerala such as schools, colleges, and hospitals listed in the following figures:
 * Colleges - 4
 * Higher Secondary Schools - 10
 * High Schools - 20
 * Upper Primary Schools - 18
 * Lower Primary Schools - 55
 * Nursery Schools - 80
 * School of Nursing - 2
 * College of Pharmacy - 1
 * Multi-Health Workers School - 1
 * Industrial Trade Schools - 1
 * Poly-technical schools - 1
 * Industrial Schools - 39
 * Hospitals - 6
 * Homes for the Aged - 6
 * Homes for the Mentally Retarded - 7
 * Homes for the Disabled - 4
 * Hostels - 18
 * Orphanages - 6
 * Publishers - 2

title: Knanaya


text: User talk:66.108.56.78

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:66.108.56.78


text:
Talk:Abyssinian Church

This could be merged with Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church. Based on a quick glance, the text in this article closely matches the same article in the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica (as may be seen [Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church here]) and so I have added the "1911" template to the Wikipedia article. -- Gyrofrog (talk) 06:03, 1 Mar 2005 (UTC)

I have already merged (and wikified and copyedited) the following paragraph to Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church:
 * There are many early rock-cut churches in Ethiopia, closely resembling the Coptic. After these, two main types of architecture are found -- one basilican, the other native.  The cathedral at Axum is basilican, though the early basilicas are nearly all in ruin; e.g., that at Adulis and that of Martula Mariam in Gojam, rebuilt in the 16th century on the ancient foundations. These examples show the influence of those architects who, in the 6th century, built the splendid basilicas at Sanaa and elsewhere in Arabia.  Of native churches there are two forms -- one square or oblong, found in Tigre; the other circular, found in Amhara and Shoa.  In both, the sanctuary is square and stands clear in the centre.  An outer court, circular or rectangular, surrounds the body of the church.  The square type may be due to basilican influence, the circular is a mere adaptation of the native hut: in both, the arrangements are  based on Jewish tradition.  Church and outer court are usually thatched, with wattled or mud-built walls adorned with rude frescoes.  The altar is a board on four wooden pillars having upon it a small slab (tabut) of alabaster, marble, or shittim wood, which forms its essential part.  At Martula Mariam, the wooden altar overlaid with gold had two slabs of solid gold, one 500, the other 800 ounces in weight.  The ark kept at Axum is described as two feet high, covered with gold and gems.  The liturgy was celebrated on it in the king's palace at Christmas, Epiphany, Easter and Feast of the Cross.

I have removed the above text from this article. -- Gyrofrog (talk) 18:06, 4 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Link suggestions
An automated Wikipedia link suggester has some possible wiki link suggestions for the Abyssinian_Church article, and they have been placed in a handy list for your convenience. — 203.134.197.133 23:15, 6 January 2006 (UTC)

 * Greetings, not sure what you were trying to do here. This article was merged and redirected to Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church months ago. Furthermore, the results you provided are red-linked, which tells me they are non-exisitent. Thanks, -- Gyrofrog (talk) 23:22, 6 January 2006 (UTC)

title: Talk:Abyssinian Church


text: Category:Saws

title: Category:Saws


text:
Talk:Requiem (Mozart)

Constanze
Please check the information about constanze: I believe more research has been done since Opus Ultimum and "Constanze Mozart..." and therefore this information is no longer quite correct. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 69.123.222.177 (talk • contribs) 03:23, 16 June 2007

Sections completed by Mozart-
In the Structure section, a corresponding list, describing which parts were written by Mozart, would be helpful. E.g. Introitus- all vocal and orchestral, completed by Mozart... Lacrimosa- FIrst eight bars completed by Mozart. etc.

What about the black legend?
Is there any reason why this article doesn't even contain a word about Count Franz von Walsegg?--Fidulario (talk) 23:43, 3 June 2020 (UTC)
 * Have you even read the lead? Maineartists (talk) 19:54, 21 May 2022 (UTC)

Amen fragment
Would we prefer to keep the Amen fragment as a link to Wikimedia Commons, or would it be better to have the Amen fragment as a Wikimedia score:

Persimmon and Hazelnut (talk) 23:58, 21 February 2023 (UTC)
 * Thank you for the LilyPond transcription. In principle, having this instead of an image at Commons would be preferable IMO, but I fear it would overwhelm the Lacrymosa section in the article, and the "n.b." hints in the score are orphaned, although I'm not sure they are needed. There are ways to reduce the size of LilyPond scores, and that may help. BTW, the instrument (voice) names in the LilyPond score are truncated;  or similar needs to be added. -- Michael Bednarek (talk) 02:56, 22 February 2023 (UTC)
 * Footnotes have been added and the indent has been resolved. I'll try to look into reducing the score size. Persimmon and Hazelnut (talk) 14:26, 22 February 2023 (UTC)
 * Lilypond's set-global-staff-size command doesn't seem to work; I have manually reduced the staff size, staff spacing, and lyrics size. Possibly the title and so on should be reduced as well.
 * I've added some missing courtesy accidentals from the text in the NMA (and, in the case of alto b. 11, just because it looks really confusing without those parenthesised naturals). Double sharp (talk) 07:16, 21 March 2023 (UTC)
 * I think I like that the reader can get a full-sized readable score by clicking on it, and I don't see how to make that happen with a Lilypond score rather than a Wikimedia link. The small notes are hard to read. So I'm going to leave this here on the discussion page as is; if anyone writes a section of the main page on the Amen fragment we can move it then. Persimmon and Hazelnut (talk) 12:39, 26 March 2023 (UTC)

Duration
On most Wikipedia articles for a piece of music, there is mention of the duration of the piece. While I recognize that there are different versions and editions of the Mozart Requiem, and of course different performers will interpret the tempos differently, I feel that we owe people preparing to see a performance some sense of the length of the piece. As a trial balloon, I added a sentence after the introductory sentence stating that most performances last just under an hour. Someone objected and removed the sentence for lack of authoritative citation. While I understand the objection, I think this is a cop-out. Just because the information is not pure does not mean it is not valuable. How can we serve audience members just trying to get a reasonable expectation? Ydhirsch (talk) 03:50, 8 May 2024 (UTC)
 * I objected to having some incited sentence in the lead. The lead is for a summary, and I don't think it's worth a sentence even when mentioned in the body. We have a parameter "duration" in the infobox. - I'd not object to a sentence in the body which should come with a reference, and state which version. If a completion derives material for an added Agnus Dei, for example, it will be longer than without. (I just say Puccini's Turandot playing strictly the music that Puccini had composed, for example - without any completion at the end.) I said so in the edit summary, and you could just have gone ahead and done that, without discussion, Ydhirsch. Go ahead, please. --Gerda Arendt (talk) 10:01, 8 May 2024 (UTC)
 * By how much can performance times vary? Is there any RS source that reports this? Thanks. Martinevans123 (talk) 12:46, 8 May 2024 (UTC)
 * What is an RS source? Ydhirsch (talk) 17:05, 8 May 2024 (UTC)
 * One of these: WP:RS. Thanks. Martinevans123 (talk) 17:08, 8 May 2024 (UTC)
 * The duration of a piece is indeed valid content for a lead. Whether this is a 20 minute piece for chamber orchestra or an 80 minute piece for full orchestra gives the reader an immediate sense of the scale and importance of a piece. Ydhirsch (talk) 17:08, 8 May 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Requiem (Mozart)


text:
User talk:TWaye

ŴĤÊRE YER HEADED?

Good question...

Greek literature a candidate at the European Union collaboration
You have supported Greek literature at the WP:IDRIVE some time ago. I have now renominated it at the new European Union collaboration. Please consider supporting it there if you are still interested! --Fenice 13:19, 7 January 2006 (UTC)

title: User talk:TWaye


text:
Samaritan Snare

"Samaritan Snare" is the seventeenth episode of the second season of the American science fiction television series Star Trek: The Next Generation, and the 43rd episode overall. It was first released on May 15, 1989, in broadcast syndication.

Set in the 24th century, the series follows the adventures of the Starfleet crew of the Federation starship Enterprise-D. In this episode, while Captain Jean-Luc Picard (Patrick Stewart) heads to a nearby Starbase to undergo surgery on his artificial heart, Commander William Riker (Jonathan Frakes) is in command of the Enterprise. The crew must deal with a Pakled starship, whose crew kidnaps Chief Engineer Geordi La Forge (LeVar Burton) and demands advanced technology in exchange for his safe return.

Plot
Captain Jean-Luc Picard (Patrick Stewart) refuses to have a medical operation on his artificial heart on board the Enterprise by Doctor Katherine Pulaski (Diana Muldaur) as he is concerned about his image with the crew. He instead heads to a nearby Starbase for the operation, travelling by shuttlecraft. Acting Ensign Wesley Crusher (Wil Wheaton) accompanies him, as he is due to undergo his Starfleet Academy entrance exams. Initially rebuffing Wesley's attempts to make conversation, Picard eventually softens and talks of his past, including why he needs an artificial heart.

Meanwhile, the Enterprise encounters the Mondor, a Pakled ship. The aliens request help to fix their vessel. Based on the Pakleds' rudimentary communication skills and apparent lack of understanding of the basic operations of their ship, Commander William Riker (Jonathan Frakes) judges them to be inept and harmless, and agrees to send Chief Engineer Geordi La Forge (LeVar Burton) to assist them. After boarding the Pakled ship, La Forge repairs the navigational system, when main power fails. On the Enterprise, Counselor Deanna Troi (Marina Sirtis), an empath, warns Riker that La Forge is in danger, but Riker dismisses her concerns. Upon finally completing the repairs, La Forge prepares to leave, but a Pakled incapacitates him with his own phaser, and raises the ship's shields. Lt. Commander Data (Brent Spiner) determines that the Pakleds have acquired advanced technology from other races, and the ship's malfunctions were a ruse. Riker demands they return La Forge, but the Pakleds refuse, and stun him again with his phaser. Riker and Lt. Worf (Michael Dorn) develop a ruse of their own, which they communicate to La Forge in code.

At the Starbase, complications arise during Picard's transplant, and the doctors realize that unless they can locate an expert with the necessary expertise, he will die. As Riker sets up the ruse, Worf receives a message from the Starbase that Picard is close to death. The Pakleds seek to attack the Enterprise, but La Forge persuades the Pakleds to delay firing until a specific range. In response, the Enterprise generates a spectacular but harmless pyrotechnic display, and La Forge simultaneously disables their weapon systems. The Pakleds, convinced they have been defeated, back down and allow La Forge's return and the Enterprise races to the Starbase. Picard is dismayed upon waking up to find that Pulaski has completed his procedure. While Pulaski assures him she will keep his secret, he returns to the Enterprise's bridge to applause, which he quickly silences.

Production
"Samaritan Snare" was written by Robert L. McCullough from an outside pitch. McCullough would go on to become a producer during the final few seasons of the series. Executive producer Maurice Hurley was pleased with the episode, because it highlighted La Forge and he enjoyed working with Burton. This was the second and final episode featuring Lycia Naff as Ensign Sonya Gomez, following her appearance in the previous episode, "Q Who". It was also the second appearance in Star Trek: The Next Generation for Christopher Collins (AKA Chris Latta, the voice of Cobra Commander and Starscream), who had played the Klingon Captain Kargan earlier in the second season in the episode "A Matter of Honor". He went on to make two appearances in Star Trek: Deep Space Nine, in the episodes "The Passenger" and "Blood Oath".

The production team had intended to build a set for the Captain's yacht from the Enterprise. However, the budget for the episode wouldn't stretch to building a new standing set and so the decision was made to use the existing shuttle set. A mistake was made in the changes to the script to accommodate the change, which resulted in Picard saying to Wesley that he was in shuttlebay two while standing in shuttlebay three as indicated by the large "3" seen on the floor on-screen. One of the elements mentioned in "Samaritan Snare" would be further explained in later episodes. The story of Picard's artificial heart was expanded upon in the episode "Tapestry" during the sixth season.

Pakleds
Initially, there was no clear idea of what the Pakleds should look like, other than that they should appear as harmless as possible. Director Les Landau described the aliens as "ugly and slow", and compared their motivation as "a need for things" which he said was a reflection of modern society.

With that in mind, portly actors were hired in order to give the impression of Tweedledum and Tweedledee from Lewis Carroll's Through the Looking-Glass. Makeup supervisor Michael Westmore then created a prosthetic design for the actors, intending to make them look "whimsical". Appliances were created for their cheeks, foreheads and the tip of the actor's noses. A further addition was the eyebrows, as Westmore wanted them to look permanently sad. The final step in the makeup process was the creation of sets of false upper teeth, which while Westmore suggested was not immediately noticeable upon watching the episode but he felt completed the overall look of the aliens. The design resulted in the aliens being described as Shar Peis by the crew.

The individual Pakleds in "Samaritan Snare" were named after the surnames of the person who pitched the episode and his best friend. Reginod and Grebnedlog are Doniger and Goldenberg spelled backwards. The Pakleds never featured again in The Next Generation, but were mentioned in "Brothers" as having rescued Lore following the events of "Datalore". Pakleds were seen in crowd scenes in Star Trek: The Next Generation. Pakleds also appear in the background of the Deep Space Nine episodes "Rules of Acquisition" and "Playing God", and they return as antagonists in the Star Trek: Lower Decks episode "No Small Parts" and later in "Kayshon, His Eyes Open", "The Spy Humongous", and "wej Duj", the last one revealing them to be pawns of a rogue Klingon officer.

Home media release
The first home media release of "Samaritan Snare" is on VHS cassette, appearing on October 12, 1994 in the United States and Canada. The episode was later included on the Star Trek: The Next Generation season two DVD box set, released on May 7, 2002. The most recent release was as part of the season two Blu-ray set on December 4, 2012.

Reception
Dennis Putman Bailey and David Bischoff disliked the first five minutes of "Samaritan Snare" so much that they were inspired to pitch their own story for The Next Generation. This eventually became the episode "Tin Man" in the third season. They said that the opening was "hokey", and also felt that several of the plot elements were "stupid" such as sending Picard to a Starbase where there were no doctors qualified to perform his surgery. They also criticised Troi's remark about La Forge being in danger, as she was completely ignored.

The episode has been given as an example of an idiot plot, with writer Dennis Russell Bailey commenting that "none of the plot could have happened if all of the characters hadn't suddenly became morons that week", ignoring the advice of expert officers and disregarding elementary security procedures.

Mark Jones and Lance Parkin, in their book Beyond the Final Frontier: An Unauthorised Review of Star Trek, said that "Samaritan Snare" was "uneventful". They said that the conversation between Picard and Wesley had potential for later development, but "went nowhere". They said that while Picard's operation created some drama, this element was lost when the Pakleds were on screen.

In 2010, Zack Handlen of The A.V. Club gave the episode a B−.

In 2012, Wired magazine said this was one of the best episodes of Star Trek: The Next Generation.

title: Samaritan Snare


text:
Bill Saunderson

William J. Saunderson (born c. 1934) is a former politician in Ontario, Canada. He was a Progressive Conservative member of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario from 1995 to 1999, and served as a cabinet minister in the government of Mike Harris.

Background
Saunderson was educated at the University of Trinity College in the University of Toronto, receiving a Bachelor of Arts degree and subsequently becoming a certified accountant. He continued his education as an adult, and received a PhD from the University of Ottawa in 1994. After graduation, he worked as an accountant with Clarkson and Gordon. He co-founded Spectre Investment Counsel Ltd. in 1971, and worked with the Ontario Pension Commission from 1972 to 1983. Saunderson also had financial ties to the cigarette industry, which became controversial after he entered political life.

Politics
Saunderson was active in political organization before running for office himself. He took part in fundraising activities for several municipal, provincial and federal campaigns for such figures as Brian Mulroney, Joe Clark, David Crombie and Art Eggleton, and was the financial comptroller for the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada's national election campaigns in 1984 and 1988.

He ran in the riding of Eglinton in the 1995 provincial election, and defeated Liberal incumbent Dianne Poole by about 4,500 votes.

On June 26, 1995, he was appointed as Minister of Economic Development, Trade and Tourism in the first cabinet of Mike Harris. In 1997, Saunderson announced that the government would be cutting its spending on Ontario's seven "centres of excellence" by 13%. In October 1997, Harris shuffled his cabinet and Saunderson was dropped from his cabinet post. Saunderson had indicated that he would not be running for re-election in the next campaign. After leaving cabinet, he was named to chair the Ontario International Trade Corporation.

Later life
In 1999, he was appointed to the board of directors of the Toronto Symphony Orchestra.

In 2000, Saunderson and his wife established a research chair at the University of Toronto to facilitate studies in brain injuries. In 1988 their daughter had been injured in a bicycling accident after being hit by a car.

In 2006, he supported Jane Pitfield in her bid to become mayor of Toronto.

title: Bill Saunderson


text: Category:Cleaning tools

title: Category:Cleaning tools


text:
Talk:Keg

Dye in drip trays?
Can someone please clarify the comment about using dye in drip trays? Reactor12 (talk) 09:41, 27 October 2009 (UTC) There are rumours (urban legends?) about drip tray contents being poured back into beer barrels by unscrupulous landlords, may be relevant? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 91.85.137.195 (talk) 11:51, 1 September 2010 (UTC) I don't know about putting it back in the barrel - that seems impossible - but when I worked as a barman back in ye olde days the owner used to make us pour the drip tray contents into glasses and have it ready to start the next punters pint. We hated to do it, but we got told off if we were caught throwing it out! — Preceding unsigned comment added by 82.68.45.254 (talk) 15:35, 15 June 2012 (UTC)

A keg was formerly something else?
Kegs are still used for many things besides beer. Pickled herring, wine, olives, industrial chemicals and many other things. I think the article too specifically focuses on beer kegs.Landroo (talk) 04:03, 9 October 2010 (UTC)

Deleted improbable "history" section.
In these two edits, Special:Contributions/214.13.163.133 inserted a "history of the keg" which suggests that it was invented by Texan bootleggers in the 1920s, and named as an acronym of the inventor's initials.

This is nonsense; the word "keg" has described a small barrel, including one used to store beer, since at least the 17th century if not earlier, and is derived from the Old Norse word for "barrel". The user (or at least IP) has been 7 times warned and once blocked for more than a dozen acts of vandalism in the space of a few months. Several of the vandalistic edits consisting of inserting false "historical facts."

Hence, I have deleted this edit. -- 202.63.39.58 (talk) 16:30, 25 June 2011 (UTC)

Initial description (<40L)
I can't see any real justification for the initial description qualifier "usually with a capacity of less than 40 L". This isn't supported by the rest of the article, which includes more plausible statements like "In European countries the most common keg size is 50 liters" and the most referred to size of US key is "half-barrel" which is 15.5 US gallon or 58.67 liters.

The citation on "less than 40 L" doesn't point directly to useful text. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 121.98.81.79 (talk) 08:47, 8 July 2011 (UTC)

Aluminium Kegs in the UK
The section "UK and Irish keg supply structure" refers to the increasing use of aluminium kegs. No citation that I can see. I was talking today to Liam Morrow at Morrow Brothers, a leading keg supply company in the UK (http://www.morrow-brothers.co.uk/) and he was telling me the exact opposite. He told me that aliminium kegs was a thing of the past, that production stopped around 15 years ago. Downsides were that they needed to be coated on the inside to be suitable as a beer container (so if the keg got dented this coating was supposed to be checked), plus metal thieves would steal them and melt them down! He says that most kegs made today are stainless steel, which has neither of these problems.

I'm the one who made the last comment in this section. I've gone ahead and removed the unsupported assertion that aluminium is being increasingly used to make beer kegs. At the same time I removed the assertion that aluminium kegs are more lightweight: if you have a stronger material you make it thinner, and I have not felt any obvious weight difference. My wording is intended to be neutral — Preceding unsigned comment added by 82.68.45.254 (talk) 15:47, 15 June 2012 (UTC)

Partial paragraph duplication at "There are two different types of tapping equipment that are available …"
Looks like some copy-pasta issues with the paragraph that starts off "There are two different types of tapping equipment that are available …".

Probably best to resolve it via a side-by-side diff of the two portions of the paragraph, but requires someone with more knowledge of the topic to resolve any factual discrepancies and output a single clean paragraph.

107.203.255.170 (talk) 20:28, 3 May 2021 (UTC) VirtualJMills

title: Talk:Keg


text:
Machacado con huevo

Machacado con huevo, Machaca con huevo, or Huevos con machaca is a dish consisting of shredded dry beef that is scrambled with eggs. Its name means "shredded with eggs" in Spanish. The shredded dry beef, carne seca or "machaca", is said to have originated in the town of Ciénega de Flores, about an hour's drive north of Monterrey, Mexico. The early settlers in the area air-cured beef so that it would be preserved.

The basic machacado con huevo is made with eggs and dried beef. Chopped tomatoes, onions and jalapeños or serrano chili peppers can be added, or salsa can be cooked into it, to create another version. This is a traditional dish in the northern Mexican state of Nuevo León that is usually eaten at breakfast, but was also eaten at other meals. In the US, this breakfast or brunch dish is popular in Texas.

History
According to one legend, the dish was invented in the 1920s by Fidencia Quiroga, who was known locally as "Tía Lencha" (Aunt Lencha). Although there is minimal evidence that the dish originated with her, there is little doubt that she popularized it when she began to serve it in her restaurant to construction workers building the nearby Monterrey-Nuevo Laredo highway in 1928. As a result of her association with machacado con huevo, a major manufacturer of the shredded dried beef that is used in it—Productos Alimenticios Tia Lencha SA—is named after her.

title: Machacado con huevo


text:
Talk:Fuchū, Hiroshima (town)

Shouldn't this be Fuchu, Hiroshima (town) to be consistent with Fuchu, Hiroshima (city)? Nik42 06:13, 1 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * No. there are Fuchu town and Fuchu city in Hiroshima pref.--Ã£ 05:57, 2005 Mar 3 (UTC)

 * Yes, I know. But what does that have to do with anything?  There's only one town called Fuchu, and only one city called Fuchu in Hiroshima prefecture. - Nik42 21:47, 15 Mar 2005 (UTC)

External links modified
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title: Talk:Fuchū, Hiroshima (town)


text:
Direct holding system

Direct Holding System e.g. The Direct Registration System (DRS) A direct holding system is an arrangement for registering ownership of securities (or similar interests) whereby every final investor in the security is registered with a single entity (for example, the issuer itself, a CSD, or a registry). In some countries, the use of a direct holding system is required by law.

The Direct Registration System (DRS) is an example of a direct holding system. DRS is a traditional system of securities clearance, settlement and ownership in which owners of securities have a direct relationship with the issuer. As implemented in the past, investors would either be recorded on the issuer's register or they would be in physical possession of bearer securities certificates.

Advantages
Directly registering a stock precludes it from being borrowed by short sellers. Additionally, it acts as an artificial source of 'illiquidity' for investors who wish to precommit to a long term position, as shares held in a DHS take longer to sell, and are often batched at market prices (ie sellers have little control over their exit price). This of course is also a disadvantage for many investors, who prefer the convenience and liquidity of a traditional broker.

Historic disadvantages
Within this system, transfers of securities had to be settled through the physical delivery of paper certificates and instruments of transfer. As a result, transactions were expensive in terms of labor and time. They were also risky, especially when transferred over long distances, since paper documents could be lost, stolen or counterfeited. Furthermore, while in transit, securities were not available for use or investment, causing what has been called "pipeline liquidity risk". These disadvantages have now been eliminated by the more modern and secure method of the electronic Direct Registration System (DRS) operated by stock transfer agents.

Indirect holding system
Because of these disadvantages, the "direct holding system" was replaced by the indirect holding system. Settlement by physical delivery of certificates worked adequately until the 1960s, when a sharp increase in trading volumes overwhelmed the system. The amount of paper that physically had to be moved around led to the famous "paperwork crisis" on Wall Street in the late 1960s. This provided the impetus for the introduction of the indirect or multi-tiered holding system.

Although the indirect or multi-tiered holding system has increased settlement speed, thus reducing the risk that the counter-party in the relevant transaction will fail before the transaction is settled, it effectively cuts off the issuer of shares from the shareholders. This is because either a central securities depository or a financial institution becomes the recorded shareholder on the books of the company and the real, or beneficial shareholder is known only to the financial institution holding the account. The result has been to drastically complicate communication between shareholders and their companies, and increase the cost of such communication.

Recent interest in DRS
Some internet communities, particularly subreddits involved in the so named GameStop short squeeze and subsequent wave of "meme investing", have advocated for the use of direct registration as a response to alleged fraudulent activity by brokers and hedge funds.

Electronic system in the US
In the 1990s, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) working with the securities industry, developed a new form of, "direct holding system" that would allow both the speedy settlement of securities transactions and communication between shareholders and their companies. This new system was a type of book-entry direct registration system (DRS) operated by a stock transfer agent. This concept would allow any retail investor who wants his or her securities to be registered directly on the books of the issuer, but does not necessarily want to receive a certificate, to register those securities in book-entry form directly on the books of the issuer. DRS is not widely adopted by retail investors. Most retail stock ownership is accomplished through a broker, which is the registered shareholder in the eyes of the issuer. The use of DRS allows individual investors the status of direct shareholders of the issuer (rather than simply customers of a broker). Despite recent calls for the normalization of direct registration, a modern and efficient DRS form of direct holding remains for out of reach for many investors.

Legal ramifications
In a system that used paper certificates for securities, the doctrine of lex loci rei sitae (the law of the place of location of the securities) was applied to determine the validity of certain rights in or transfers of securities. In the case of bearer securities, this is taken to be the law of the jurisdiction where the certificates actually are (e.g., in a pledge, where the recipient of the collateral takes possession of the securities certificate at the time of transfer). In the case of registered securities, the lex loci rei sitae is either the law of the issuer's jurisdiction or the law of the jurisdiction where the securities records of the issuer or its official recordholder are located at the time of transfer. In a system in which securities are mostly held indirectly through brokers and banks (as discussed above) or in which securities are evidenced mainly on accounts (referred to as "dematerialization") rather than by certificates, an alternative rule of "the law of the relevant intermediary" has come to be used. According to this rule, the law chosen in the account agreement with the financial institution that holds the account in which the securities are evidenced or the place where the office of the intermediary with which the account holder normally deals is the law used. This is the technique used in the Hague Convention on The Law Applicable to Certain Rights in Respect of Securities Held with an Intermediary, and also used in the Article 8, "Investment Securities" of the United States Uniform Commercial Code. The advantages of this rule for international financial transactions is that wherever securities are located or regardless of how many offices and branches a financial institution has, persons dealing in the securities can know the law that will govern a transaction such as a sale, a pledge or a loan of securities.

title: Direct holding system


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Disney's Toontown Online

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was REDIRECT. dbenbenn | talk 15:03, 16 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Disney's Toontown Online
This has been listed for speedy deletion for the past couple days, but we seem to keep on passing it over not knowing what to do with it. So I'm relisting it here. It's some kind of online computer game. No vote as of yet. Postdlf 06:15, 1 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Redirect to Toontown Online. Xezbeth 06:20, Mar 1, 2005 (UTC)
 * Merge and redirect. There seems to be a description of a "cheat" technique herein that someone with interest may want to merge into the primary article. If no one takes up the torch, then just merge. HyperZonktalk 16:54, Mar 1, 2005 (UTC)
 * Redirect to Toontown Online. Zzyzx11 18:42, 1 Mar 2005 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
House of Prince

House of Prince A/S, is a Danish cigarette manufacturer. As Denmark's only cigarette manufacturer, it was an independent subsidiary of Scandinavian Tobacco Company until its sale to British American Tobacco in 2008.

In 2005, House of Prince posted sales of DKK 12.66 billion ($2.15 billion).

History
The history of House of Prince dates to 1990 during reconstruction of Scandinavian Tobacco Company, and now houses all cigarette tobacco manufacturing of that company. The factory was built in 1951 and is located in Søborg, Denmark and produced approximately 60 million cigarettes daily.

The Prince cigarette was launched in 1957. The company produces about 12 million cigarettes by year. The factory closed in 2011.

The company supplies 95% of the Danish market and 37% of the Scandinavian market. The brand Prince has a market share of 34% of the Danish market and 42% of the Norwegian market.

In Latvia, the company founded a common Latvian-Danish company called SIA House of Prince Riga in December 1992 and acquired a stake in the state-owned Riga Tobacco Factory, becoming its sole owner in 2001. It was renamed Scandinavian Tobacco SIA in 2003 and SIA British American Tobacco Latvia in 2008. The factory, located on Miera iela in Riga, had been founded as a/s A. S. Maikapar in 1877 and built in 1912, but was nationalized by the Soviet occupation in 1940 and ultimately announced its closure in July 2009.

Subsidiary companies

 * House of Prince AB (Sweden)
 * Scandinavian Tobacco S.A. (Poland)
 * Scandinavian Tobacco Eesti AS (Estonia)
 * Scandinavian Tobacco SIA (Latvia)
 * UAB House of Prince Lithuania (Lithuania)
 * Scandinavian Tobacco S.R.O. (Czech Republic)
 * Scandinavian Tobacco Company Hellas S.A. (Greece)
 * Scandinavien Tobacco Hungary kft. (Hungary)

Cigarette brands by House of Prince

 * Ava
 * Asra
 * Bravo
 * Caines
 * Cecil
 * Cristal
 * Christian of Denmark
 * Corner - Now known as Pall Mall
 * Danton
 * Dark
 * Delight
 * Diplomat (Latvia)
 * Elita (Latvia)
 * Grom
 * Grot
 * Jūrmala (Latvia)
 * King's
 * LA - Los Angeles
 * Look
 * Meskie
 * Mistral
 * Nevada
 * Newmore
 * North State
 * Prince
 * Quattro
 * Queen's
 * Reven
 * Rockets
 * Rocky Mountains
 * Savoy
 * Scotsman
 * Slim Agenda
 * Slim Camelia
 * Viking
 * Walet
 * Wall Street

title: House of Prince


text:
Mighty Wurlitzer

Mighty Wurlitzer may refer to:
 * The Mighty Wurlitzer, a line of pipe organs made by Wurlitzer
 * Mighty Wurlitzer (media), a metaphor that CIA official Frank Wisner used to describe the Agency's influence on public opinion via various front organizations

title: Mighty Wurlitzer


text:
Archenemy

In literature, an archenemy (sometimes spelled as arch-enemy) or archnemesis is the main enemy of someone. In fiction, it is a character who is the protagonist's, commonly a hero's, most prominent and most-known enemy.

Etymology
The word archenemy sometimes spelled as arch-enemy originated around the mid-16th century, from the words arch- (from Greek ἄρχω archo meaning 'to lead') and enemy.

An archenemy may also be referred to as an archrival, archfoe, archvillain, or archnemesis. However, an archenemy may also be distinguished from a nemesis, with the latter being an enemy whom the hero cannot defeat (or who defeats the hero), even while not being a longstanding or consistent enemy to the hero.

title: Archenemy


text:
Category:Wrenches

Pertains to tools that operate on threaded fasteners or fixtures.

title: Category:Wrenches


text:
Pacific Coastal Airlines

Pacific Coastal Airlines is a Canadian regional airline that operates scheduled, charter and cargo services to destinations in British Columbia. Its head office is located in the South Terminal of Vancouver International Airport in Richmond, British Columbia. Its main base is Vancouver International Airport.

History

The original Pacific Coastal Airlines was established in 1956 as Cassidair Services, operating from its base at the airport in Cassidy, now Nanaimo Airport, south of Nanaimo. In early 1980, the airline was acquired by Jim Pattison Industries and absorbed into Airwest Airlines, also recently acquired by Pattison. At the time of the acquisition, Pacific Coastal was operating on the Nanaimo-Vancouver, Victoria–Nanaimo–Comox–Campbell River–Port Hardy, and Nanaimo-Qualicum Beach–Port Alberni routes. On November 1, 1980, Airwest and several other local airlines recently acquired by Pattison were merged into Air BC.

The current Pacific Coastal Airlines was established in 1987 by the merger of Powell Air and the Port Hardy division of Air BC. It acquired the shares and assets of Wilderness Seaplanes on April 1, 1998.

A new airline division, Wilderness Seaplanes, which started service on May 5, 2016, was established to take over the Pacific Coastal Airlines Seaplane Division and is based at Port Hardy and Bella Bella.

On November 24, 2017, WestJet and Pacific Coastal announced a code sharing agreement to operate Saab 340 aircraft under the WestJet Link brand commencing in June 2018. These aircraft are based at the WestJet hub at Calgary International Airport and serve destinations such as Lethbridge and Lloydminster with aircraft also being based at Vancouver International Airport with service to Cranbrook and Comox. On May 13, 2024, WestJet announced that its aircraft capacity purchase agreement with Pacific Coastal was completed, and would not be renewed. Consequently, the airline announced that WestJet Link would be shut down on October 26th of that year and all operations would be transferred to WestJet Encore by no later than the following day.

Destinations in British Columbia
As of January 2023, Pacific Coastal Airlines operates services to the following eighteen destinations in British Columbia:

 * Anahim Lake (Anahim Lake Airport)
 * Bella Bella (Bella Bella (Campbell Island) Airport)
 * Bella Coola (Bella Coola Airport)
 * Campbell River (Campbell River Airport)
 * Comox (Comox Airport)
 * Cranbrook (Canadian Rockies International Airport)
 * Kelowna (Kelowna International Airport)
 * Masset (Masset Airport)
 * Nanaimo (Nanaimo Airport)
 * Penticton (Penticton Regional Airport)
 * Port Hardy (Port Hardy Airport)
 * Powell River (Powell River Airport)
 * Prince George (Prince George Airport)
 * Tofino (Tofino-Long Beach Airport)
 * Trail (Trail Airport)
 * Vancouver (Vancouver International Airport) hub
 * Victoria (Victoria International Airport)
 * Williams Lake (Williams Lake Airport)

Fleet
As of January 2024, Pacific Coastal Airlines had twenty-three aircraft registered with Transport Canada, plus six registered to Wilderness Seaplanes:

Incidents and accidents

 * On August 3, 2008, a Grumman G-21 Goose aircraft with seven passengers and crew crashed during a flight from Port Hardy to Chamiss Bay. The aircraft was completely destroyed by a fire. There were only two survivors.
 * On November 16, 2008, a Grumman G-21 Goose aircraft with seven passengers and one pilot crashed on South Thormanby Island off British Columbia's Sunshine Coast, during a flight from Vancouver International Airport to Toba Inlet. The plane was flown into a hillside and exploded into a mass of burning wreckage according to the lone survivor, who was rescued by the Canadian Coast Guard.

title: Pacific Coastal Airlines