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Nouvelle Droite

The Nouvelle Droite (New Right), sometimes shortened to the initialism ND, is a far-right political movement which emerged in France during the late 1960s. The Nouvelle Droite is the origin of the wider European New Right (ENR). Various scholars of political science have argued that it is a form of fascism or neo-fascism, although the movement eschews these terms.

The Nouvelle Droite began with the formation of Groupement de recherche et d'études pour la civilisation européenne (GRECE; Research and Study Group for European Civilization), a French group guided largely by the philosopher Alain de Benoist, in Nice in 1968. De Benoist and other early GRECE members had long been involved in far-right politics, and their new movement was influenced by older rightist currents of thought like the German conservative revolutionary movement. Although rejecting left-wing ideas of human equality, the Nouvelle Droite was also heavily influenced by the tactics of the New Left and some forms of Marxism. Particularly influential were the sociocultural ideas of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, with ND members describing themselves as the "Gramscians of the Right". The ND achieved a level of mainstream respectability in France during the 1970s, although their reputation and influence declined following sustained liberal and leftist anti-fascist opposition. Members of the Nouvelle Droite joined several political parties, becoming a particularly strong influence within the far-right French National Front, while ND ideas also influenced far-right groups elsewhere in Europe. In the 21st century, the ND has influenced multiple far-right groups, such as the Identitarian movement and forms of national-anarchism.

The ND opposes multiculturalism and the mixing of different cultures within a single society, opposes liberal democracy and capitalism, and promotes localised forms of what it terms "organic democracy", with the intent of rooting out elements of oligarchy. It pushes for an "archeofuturistic" or a type of non-reactionary "revolutionary conservative" method to the reinvigoration of the Pan-European identity and culture, while encouraging the preservation of certain regions where Europeans and their Caucasian descendants may reside. Concurrently, it attempts to sustain the protection of the variance of ethnicities and identities around the globe, defending the right of each group of people to keep their own lands and regions to occupy. To achieve its goals, the ND promotes what it calls "metapolitics", seeking to influence and shift European culture in ways sympathetic to its cause over a lengthy period of time rather than by actively campaigning for office through political parties.

History
Following the end of the Second World War and the collapse of the Vichy regime, the French extreme-right was driven underground. It resurfaced as a force able to contest elections in the mid-1950s, when some far-right activists successfully returned to the public arena through the Poujadist movement. In the following two decades, the country's extreme-right movement then rallied around the cause of the French Empire, opposing the decolonisation movements that were gaining strength in Indochina and Algeria. A number of far-right paramilitary groups were formed in this environment, including the Secret Army Organisation (Organisation armée secrète - OAS) and the Revolutionary Army (Armée Révolutionnaire - AR). Adopting another approach, a number of extreme-right intellectuals decided that they would try to make many of their ideas more socially respectable through the creation of the Research and Study Group for European Civilisation (GRECE). The acronym means "Greece" in French, and the organization has emphasized the pagan values of Ancient Greece.

1968–1974: Establishing GRECE
GRECE was founded in the southern French city of Nice in January 1968, shortly before the May 1968 events in France. It initially had forty members, among the most prominent of whom were Alain de Benoist, Pierre Vial, Jean-Claude Valla, Dominique Venner, Jacques Bruyas and Jean-Jacques Mourreau. The political scientist Tamir Bar-On has stated that "the intellectual evolution of both GRECE and leading ND intellectuals is definitely situated within the revolutionary Right milieu". GRECE has been described as a "logical alternative" for those "young French nationalist militants" to join, given the 1958 dissolution of the Jeune Nation group, the 1962 collapse of the OAS, and the defeat of the European Rally for Liberty in the 1967 legislative election. These young radicals were ultra-nationalists and anti-communists, and centred their beliefs around a defence of Western society, scientific racism, and eugenics. They were opposed to the migration of non-white peoples from former French colonies into France itself, and this led them to adopt anti-colonial and anti-imperialist perspectives.

De Benoist came to be regarded as the "undisputed leader" of the Nouvelle Droite, and its "most authoritative spokesman". He had previously been a member of the ultra-nationalist Fédération des Étudiants Nationalistes and involved with the racialist Europe-Action journal, both of which have been characterised as reflecting ND ideas in their "embryonic form". GRECE inherited a number of key themes from Europe-Action, among them "the anti-Christian stance, a marked elitism, the racial notion of a united Europe, the seeds of a change from biological to cultural definitions of "difference," and the sophisticated inversion of terms like racism and anti-racism". De Benoit was also influenced by the Conservative Revolutionary movement of interwar Germany—including thinkers like Ernst Jünger, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, and Oswald Spengler—and in the 1970s the ND helped to promote a revived interest in these conservative revolutionaries.

GRECE circulated an internal document in which it urged members not to employ "outdated language" that might associate the group with older fascist sectors of the far right. It also urged its members to socialise with some of France and Europe's most important decision-makers, so as to better set the ground for its goals. GRECE did not remain a homogeneous intellectual movement but contained different and sometimes conflicting perspectives. The ND learned from the unrest of 1968 as well as from the wider New Left movement of that decade, adopting the idea that the promotion of cultural ideas is a precondition for political change. De Benoist noted that the French left had not been elected into office since the end of the Second World War but that nevertheless leftist ideas had gained considerable traction in French society, particularly among intellectuals. He sought to change the values and assumptions of French society in a similar way, by shifting the prevailing ideology without the need for any electoral victories.

GRECE held a number of seminars and colloquia with varying degrees of success. It also began to issue a number of semi-academic publications through which it could promote its views. Its journal, Nouvelle École, initially circulated among the group's members although went into public circulation from 1969 onwards. A review, Éléments, was then made public in 1973. Over the course of 1975 and 1976 it issued bulletins promoting its message among medical, educational, and military circles. In 1976, GRECE launched its own publishing house, known as Copernic.

1975–79: Growth and opposition
The expression nouvelle droite was not originally a term of self-appellation. It first appeared in a series of articles on GRECE written by the journalist Gilbert Comte and published in Le Monde in March 1978 which were titled "Une nouvelle droite?". It was applied at a time when the appellation "nouvelle" was being given to a wide range of developments in French intellectual and cultural life, including the nouveaux philosophes, the nouveaux historiens, and nouveaux économistes, as well as nouvelle cuisine.

By the late 1970s, the ND had captured the political zeitgeist in France, reaching its mass media heyday. During these years, intellectuals affiliated with the movement published articles in the mainstream magazine Le Figaro, edited by Louis Pauwels. In 1978, De Benoist's Vu de droite won the prestigious Prix de l'essai from the Académie Française. The ND's growth raised concerns among many liberal and leftist intellectuals in France, who claimed that it was a racist, fascist, and Vichyite movement that sought to undermine liberal democracy, egalitarianism, and the legacy of the French Revolution of 1789. A campaign calling for the rejection of the ND was embraced by media outlets like Le Monde, Le Nouvel Observateur, L'Express, and La Croix, resulting in Le Figaro withdrawing its patronage of the movement. The ND claimed that it was facing a form of intellectual persecution akin to McCarthyism. Now deprived of a popular platform, the ND accelerated away from biological racism and toward the claim that different ethno-cultural groups should be kept separate in order to preserve their historical and cultural differences.

In 1974, a group called The Club was established by several GRECE members—notably Jean-Yves Le Gallou and Yvan Blot, along with Henry de Lesquen,—to serve as an elite think tank for ND ideas. The club was frustrated with GRECE's long-term metapolitical strategy and sought to hasten the speed of change, with its members joining political parties like the Rally for the Republic (RFR) and Union for French Democracy (UDF). By the late 1970s, the Club de l'Horloge had moved away from GRECE by both endorsing economic neoliberalism and embracing Roman Catholicism as a core aspect of France's national identity, something in contrast to GRECE's anti-Christian bent.

1980-99: Affiliation with Front national
In the early 1980s, a number of ND-affiliated intellectuals—among them Jean Haudry, Jean Varenne, Pierre Vial, Jean-Claude Bardet, and Pierre de Meuse—came out in support of the extreme-right National Front (FN) party, which was then growing in support under the leadership of Jean-Marie Le Pen. The FN were influenced by the ND in their platforms and slogans, adopting the ND's emphasis on ethno-cultural differentialism. The Club called for the RFR and UDF to enter into a political alliance with the FN to defeat the Socialist Party government of President François Mitterrand, although this did not happen.

In 1994, there were four ND-affiliated individuals on the FN politburo, making it the second most influential faction within the party. Within the FN, there were tensions between the ND-affiliated factions and other groups, most particularly the Catholic faction which rejected the ND's exultation of paganism. There were also tensions between the FN nouvelle droitistes and the wider ND, in particular with the wing influenced by De Benoist.

De Benoist openly criticised Le Pen's party, condemning its populism as being at odds with GRECE's emphasis on elitism, and expressing opposition to the FN's use of immigrants as scapegoats for France's problems. He may have been seeking to distinguish his GRECE with the FN, being aware that the two had much overlap.

In 1993, a group of 40 French intellectuals signed "The Appeal to Vigilance", which was published in Le Monde. This warned of "the resurgence of anti-democratic currents of far Right thought in French and European intellectual life" and called for a boycott against ND-affiliated intellectuals. In 1994, the appeal was again published, this time having been signed by 1500 European intellectuals.

Ideology
The ND has gone through several doctrinal renewals since its creation in 1968 and, according to political scientist Stéphane François, "it has never been a centralized and homogeneous school of dogmatic thought. The positions supported by New Right thinkers vary enormously, ranging from extreme right wing to variants of anarchism. Despite these, ... GRECE and ex-GRECE thinkers are united by common doctrinal references." Philosopher Pierre-André Taguieff has distinguished five ideological periods within the history of the ND: the rejection of the Judeo-Christian heritage and the ethnocentric "religion of human rights"; a critique of the liberal and socialist "egalitarian utopias" in the 1970s; a praise of the "Indo-European heritage" and paganism, perceived as the "true religion" of the Europeans; a critique of a market-driven and "economist" vision of the world and liberal utilitarianism; the advocacy of a radical ethnic differentialism, eventually evolving in the 1990s towards a cultural relativism inspired by Claude Lévi-Strauss and Robert Jaulin.

Some of the prominent names that have collaborated with GRECE include Arthur Koestler, Hans Eysenck, Konrad Lorenz, Mircea Eliade, Raymond Abellio, Thierry Maulnier, Anthony Burgess and Jean Parvulesco.

Relation with fascism
The majority of political scientists locate the ND on the extreme-right or far-right of the political spectrum. A number of liberal and leftist critics have described it as a new or sanitized form of neo-fascism or as an ideology of the extreme right that significantly draws from fascism. The political scientist and specialist of fascism Roger Griffin agrees, arguing that the ND exhibits what he regards as the two defining aspects of fascism: a populist ultra-nationalism and a call for national rebirth (palingenesis). McCulloch believes that the ND had a "distinctly fascist–revivalist character" in part because of its constant reference to earlier right-wing ideologues like the German Conservative Revolutionaries and French figures the likes of Robert Brasillach, Georges Valois, Pierre Drieu La Rochelle, and Thierry Maulnier. The Nouvelle Droite has also revered the Italian far right thinker Julius Evola, who remains a potent symbol in the movement. In 1981, the editorial team of the ND journal Éléments wrote that "[w]ithout sharing all his views and all his analysis, the writers of Éléments agree to recognize in [him] one of the most lucid and insightful observers of our times."

McCulloch saw parallels in the ND's desire for ethnically and culturally homogeneous European societies, its hostility to egalitarianism and universalist modernity, and its call for a cultural rebirth. The ND rejects the labels of "fascism" and "extreme right". De Benoist has himself been described as a neo-fascist, although he has rejected the label of "fascist", claiming that it has only been used by his critics "for the sole purpose of delegitimizing or discrediting" his ideas. The ND's members have argued that their critique of capitalism and liberal democracy are different from the criticisms articulated by Nazism and older forms of fascism and the far right.

Left-right wing spectrum
The Nouvelle Droite has distinguished itself from the mainstream right by embracing anti-capitalist, anti-American, pro-Third World, anti-nationalist, federalist, and environmentalist positions which were traditionally associated with left-wing politics. This blend of traditionally leftist and rightist ideas, which has long been recognised as a characteristic of fascism, has generated much ambiguity surrounding the ND's ideological position, and has led to confusion among political activists and even academics. The ND describes itself as situated beyond both left and right.

The political scientist Alberto Spektorowski espoused the view that the ND "has indeed seriously moved from its positions of old-style right-wing nationalism and racism to a new type of leftist regionalism and ethno-pluralism". Cultural critics have largely characterised the ND as a right-wing phenomenon, a categorisation endorsed by the political scientist Tamir Bar-On, who expresses the view that "ND thinkers have never fully transcended their original revolutionary right-wing roots." Bar-On interpreted the ND's use of leftist ideas as part of its "survival strategy", also noting that it was "a subtle attempt to resurrect some of the ideals of the revolutionary Right". McCulloch believed that the ND was "a deliberate attempt to paint certain ideological concepts in less compromised colours", while Griffin stated that the ND's claims to transcend the Left and Right was "an impressive piece of sleight of hand by the ND which disguises its extreme right-wing identity".

The Nouvelle Droite was deeply indebted to ideas drawn from the New Left movement. ND thinkers borrowed heavily from the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, and its proponents have described themselves as "Gramscians of the Right". Among the other Marxist thinkers whose work has been utilised by the ND have been Frankfurt School intellectuals Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer and Neo-Marxists like Louis Althusser and Herbert Marcuse. Other leftists have also been cited as influences by various ND figures, with former GRECE secretary-general Pierre Vial for instance praising Che Guevara, the Italian Red Brigades and the German Red Army Faction for their willingness to die fighting against capitalist liberal democracy. During the 1984 election to the European Parliament, De Benoist announced his intention to vote for the French Communist Party, deeming them to be the only credible anti-capitalist, anti-liberal, and anti-American political force then active in France. In 1997, he referred to The Greens as the only French political party that challenged the materialist and industrialist values of Western society.

De Benoist states that the Nouvelle Droite "has a certain number of characteristics of the Left and a certain number of characteristics of the Right." He has also expressed the view that the left-right political divide has "lost any operative value to analyze the field of ideological or political discourse", for "the new divides that have been emerging for the last few decades no longer coincide with the old left-right distinction".

Metapolitics and strategy
GRECE has promoted the project of slowly infusing society with its ideas and rhetoric in the hope of achieving cultural dominance, which would then allow for the assumption of political power. Vial stated that "Politics is not the affair of GRECE. It is to be placed on another, more fundamental level. GRECE intends to work on the meta-political level ... where a collective mentality and therefore a popular consensus is elaborated". De Benoist has called for the overthrow of liberal democracy through a long-term metapolitical strategy. Although it rejects liberal democracy, the Nouvelle Droite is not inherently anti-democratic, calling instead for a localised form of what it calls "organic democracy". De Benoist has maintained that the Nouvelle Droite has never endorsed a particular political party, and that its purpose has been as having "always adopted a position of observer, never of actor. It produces analyses and thought; it offers a theoretical corpus; it accomplishes intellectual and cultural work. Nothing else."

The Nouvelle Droite critiques both modernity and post-modernity. It opposes global capitalism and liberalism, and valorises regionalism, federalism, socialism and local forms of democracy. It rejects the principle of human equality, arguing that humans are not born free and equal and that society is inherently hierarchical. It stressed the need for elites, claiming that this would allow for harmonious social hierarchy in which all people are aware of their particular responsibilities and tasks.

Ethno-pluralism
The ND has criticised the liberal emphasis on the rights of individuals and instead foregrounded the rights of groups. The ND exhibits a hostility to multiculturalism and to cultural mixing. Multicultural societies are viewed by the ND as a form of "ethnocide". GRECE has stated that it is against immigration but that it would not expect settled ethno-cultural minorities in France to emigrate en masse. Instead it favours separation of the different ethno-cultural groups within France, with each emphasising its own cultural identity and not integrating and mixing with the others. It supports homogeneity within a society. GRECE called on Europe and the Third World to work together on establishing this global ethno-cultural segregation and combating any homogenizing identities. Critics have argued that the ND's attitude in this regard is akin to older fascist preoccupations with the ideas of cultural or racial purity. It shares this belief in diversity in isolation with the FN. Spektorowski suggests that the ND's views on cultural difference and segregation seek to relegate the Third World to an inferior position on the world stage, by advising agrarian societies to remain as they are and not industrialise while allowing Europe to retain its more technologically advanced position.

The ND does not espouse the view that Europe's technological superiority marks Europeans out as a superior race. De Benoit has stated that "the European race is not the absolute superior race. It is only the most apt to progress".

De Benoit long adhered to ethnic nationalist ideas although sought to develop a form of nationalism that deconstructed the nation-state. GRECE promoted the replacement of the French Republic with a "federal republic of French peoples" which would in turn form part of a wider ethnic federation of European peoples. According to the ND, the ethnic-region would not have need to establish draconian laws against immigrants who were ethnically different, but would have impenetrable cultural barriers to keep them out. Ideas about such a regionalised federal Europe are akin to those of earlier far right and fascist thinkers like Drieu La Rochelle, Dominique Venner and Jean Mabire. In his analysis of the ND's beliefs about their ideal future, Spektorowski states that any society established along the ND lines would resemble apartheid-era South Africa, would be a form of totalitarianism based on the politics of identity, and would be "a permanent nightmare for old immigrants and for political and ideological dissenters".

Opposing global capitalism and an unrestricted free market, GRECE promoted a communitarian form of capitalism. While celebrating and defending Western civilisation, GRECE condemned Westernisation. The ND was equally critical of both the Soviet Union and the United States. The ND exhibits an intense Anti-Americanism, rejecting what it perceives as the hyper-capitalist ethos of the United States. It claims that both Europe and the Third World are allies in a struggle against American cultural imperialism. Within the ND, there is no overt anti-Semitism. McCulloch argued that anti-Semitic conspiracy theories were nevertheless present in the ND-affiliated members of the FN. In the early 1990s, Georges Charbonneau announced that GRECE officially repudiated Holocaust denial. However, one of the organisation's founders, Jean-Claude Valla, has stated that he personally believes the claims of Holocaust deniers.

Paganism
The ND rejects the monotheistic legacy of the Judeo-Christian tradition. They claim that the Christian heritage of Europe has generated an egalitarian ethos which has since developed into such secular variants as liberalism, social democracy, and socialism. It condemns the monotheism of Christianity as exhibiting a totalitarian ethos which seeks to impose a Western ethos on the world's many different cultures. According to Vial, "totalitarianism was born 4000 years ago ... It was born the day monotheism appeared. The idea of monotheism implies the submission of the human being to the will of a single, eternal God". GRECE was avowedly pro-pagan, viewing pre-Christian Europe in positive terms as a healthy and diverse, polytheistic continent. The ND's opposition to Christianity has resulted in it rejecting the ideas of the Old Catholic Right and the neo-liberal Anglo–American Right. It nevertheless accepts that other cultural groups should be free to pursue monotheistic beliefs if they see fit, expressing the view that "Judaism is certainly right for the Jews, as Islam is for the Arabs, and we cannot accept the racist practice of imposing our cultural model on foreign peoples."

Currents
Under the GRECE umbrella have been found a variety of thinkers and activists, including "European imperialists, traditionalists influenced by Julius Evola and René Guénon, communitarians, post-modernists, Völkisch nostalgics, anti-Judeo-Christrian pagans". Taguieff has distinguished four different currents within the Nouvelle Droite: the traditionalists – influenced by integral traditionalism, the "revolutionary Traditionalism" of Evola, and often by anti-Catholicism –, the "modern", then "post-modern" neo-conservatives – inspired by the German Conservative Revolution –, the ethnic communitarianists – influenced by the "populist-racist" Völkisch movement –, and the positivist – who exalt science and modern technique in a form of scientism. Amidst this diversity, the ideological core of the ND remains "the defence of identity (of whatever kind) and a refusal of egalitarianism".

Beyond France
The Nouvelle Droite, and its German counterpart the Neue Rechte, have influenced the ideological and political structure of the European Identitarian Movement. Part of the alt-right also claims to have been inspired by De Benoist's writings.

By the end of the 1980s, publications espousing Nouvelle Droite ideas had appeared in various European countries, namely Belgium, Spain, Italy, and Germany. Works by Alain de Benoist and Guillaume Faye have been translated into various European languages, in English in particular by Arktos Media, described as the "uncontested global leader in the publication of English-language Nouvelle Droite literature."

Although mostly known in France, according to Minkenberg, the Nouvelle Droite borders to other European "New Right" movements, such as Neue Rechte in Germany, New Right in the United Kingdom, Nieuw Rechts in the Netherlands and Flanders, Forza Nuova in Italy, Imperium Europa in Malta, Nova Hrvatska Desnica in Croatia, Noua Dreapta in Romania and the New Right of Paul Weyrich and the Free Congress Foundation in the United States.

United States
After 2006, Faye has taken part in conventions organized by American white supremacist Jared Taylor, who have favourably reviewed his book in his magazine American Renaissance. Both of them believe that white people need to join in a worldwide fight for their racial, cultural, and demographic survival. His ideas have also been discussed by the American Alt Right website Counter-Currents, and the writings of Faye and de Benoist, especially their metapolitical stance, have influenced American far-right activist Richard B. Spencer.

The American New Right cannot, however, be ideologically confused with its European counterpart. The European New Right is similar to the Cultural Conservatism movement led by Paul Weyrich and the Free Congress Foundation, and to the related traditionalism of paleoconservatives such as Pat Buchanan and the Chronicles magazine of the Rockford Institute (Diamond, Himmelstein, Berlet and Lyons). However these subgroups of the New Right coalition in the United States are closely tied to Christianity, which the Nouvelle Droite rejects, describing itself as a pagan movement. Both Jonathan Marcus, Martin Lee and Alain de Benoist himself have highlighted these important differences with the US New Right coalition.

As Martin Lee explains, "By rejecting Christianity as an alien ideology that was forced upon the Indo-European peoples two millennia ago, French New Rightists distinguished themselves from the so-called New Right that emerged in the United States during the 1970s. Ideologically, [the European new Right group] GRECE had little in common with the American New Right, which [the European new Right ideologue] de Benoist dismissed as a puritanical, moralistic crusade that clung pathetically to Christianity as the be-all and end-all of Western civilization."

United Kingdom

The Nouvelle Droite also developed a presence in the United Kingdom, where the term "New Right" was more closely associated with the Thatcherite policies introduced under the Conservative Party administration of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Britain's far right first collaborated with the Nouvelle Droite in 1979, when a GRECE delegation met with the League of St. George in London. It was claimed that the meeting went well, although there was no further collaboration between the groups. The Nouvelle Droite's ideas were pursued in a more sustained way in Britain when far right activist Michael Walker launched the National Democrat magazine in 1981, renaming it The Scorpion in 1983. Walker had been a senior member of Britain's fascist National Front, and believed that the latter party had failed to achieve its goals because it had neither engaged with culture nor won over intellectuals to its cause. He felt that the Nouvelle Droite thinkers could aid the British far right by challenging two of its "sacred cows": biological racism and conspiracy theories. In his publication, Walker produced translations of some of De Benoit and Faye's writings. During the 1980s and into the early 1990s, Walker co-organised several conferences with a group called Islands of the North Atlantic (IONA), which was led by Richard Lawson; these conferences were attended by Nouvelle Droite figures like De Benoist. After Walker left Britain for Cologne, his role as promoter of the Nouvelle Droite in Britain was taken on by Lawson, who launched the meta-political magazine Perspectives in the early 1990s; this was re-launched as Radical Shift in 1997, but remained uninfluential. In the mid-1990s, some hard right Conservatives co-operated with members of the fascist British National Party (BNP) to establish the Bloomsbury Forum, a self-described "New Right" group based in Bloomsbury which modelled itself on GRECE. After Nick Griffin took over the BNP in 1999, he reformed it in a manner closely based on the French National Front and thus influenced by the Nouvelle Droite. In certain ways Griffin's BNP remained distinct from the Nouvelle Droite, however, for instance by not embracing the latter's wholesale rejection of Christianity. The terminology of the Nouvelle Droite, in particular that surrounding "ethno-pluralism", has also been adopted by the British National Anarchist Troy Southgate.

The Identitarian Movement UK launched in 2017 espouses the ideas of the Nouvelle Droite citing Guillaume Faye and Alain de Benoist as inspirations.

Reception
The Nouvelle Droite has been the subject of various studies since its emergence in the 1970s and had gained a wide range of enemies as well as some unexpected supporters. Although many liberals and socialists have claimed that the ND has not ideologically shifted away from earlier forms of the far right, and that it should be socially ostracised, the leftist journal Telos has praised the ND's ability to transcend the left-right paradigm. The ND has been equally criticized by sectors of both the left and the right, for instance having been condemned by both the Anglo-American right for its anti-capitalist and anti-American views, and by the French Catholic right for its anti-Christian views.

title: Nouvelle Droite


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Industrial Bank of Japan

The Industrial Bank of Japan, Limited (IBJ), based in Tokyo, Japan, was one of the largest banks in the world during the latter half of the 20th century.

It combined with Dai-Ichi Kangyo Bank and Fuji Bank in 2002 to form Mizuho Financial Group.

History
IBJ was founded as a public-sector bank under the Industrial Bank of Japan Act of 1902. At that time, Japan was in the throes of its industrial revolution, and there was a strong demand for long-term investment capital. IBJ raised funds by issuing bank debentures.

IBJ also acted as the trustee in corporate debenture issues - notably, the major Japanese railway company issue of 1906 in London, amount to the then-enormous sum of 1 million pounds sterling. These activities contributed to the building of the Japanese domestic securities market, and to the generating of a higher profile for Japanese borrowers in the international market.

This early experience of a sophisticated mix of corporate and investment banking with exposure to trust work is unique to IBJ amongst Japanese banks. In the original Act, there was the wording, “Trust business related to local government bond, corporate bonds, and equities”. This was the first time for the term “trust”, or “shintaku” (信託), to appear in the Japanese statute book.

The 1918 amendment to the IBJ Act permitted the underwriting and offering of equities. At that point, IBJ had the full capabilities for what is now termed investment banking. However, that was at what proved to be the peak of the demand created for Japanese products by the First World War and the consequent economic boom.

Thereafter, the next 30 years of Japanese history encompassed many adversities for society in general and for financial institutions in particular: the Great Kantō earthquake, the Showa Financial Panic, and finally, the Second World War and the postwar recovery.

IBJ became a private-sector bank in 1950 and took on legal form under the Long-Term Bank Act of 1952. However, the Act was framed within the terms of the US-led Occupation policy of compartmentalizing financial services. IBJ was forced to retreat from much of its former investment banking activities and return principally to long-term lending funding by issuing bank debentures.

During the high-growth period of the Japanese economy in the 1960s, IBJ was particularly active in financing steel production, shipping, shipbuilding, and automobile manufacturing. Following the first oil crisis, Japan moved to a pattern of lower growth as a mature economy, and IBJ expanded its customer base at home, and started the process of expansion overseas.

In Japan, the wholesaling of bank debentures to major financial institutions and the regional banks led to a network of strong relationships. This was all supported by the fact that, originally a public-sector bank, IBJ had no keiretsu affiliations: IBJ has always been independent of the large corporate groupings characteristic of Japan and was hence number 2 banker to each and all of the major keiretsu groupings. Internationally, IBJ was free to pursue its investment banking ambitions.

title: Industrial Bank of Japan


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Midwater trawling

Midwater trawling is trawling, or net fishing, at a depth that is higher in the water column than the bottom of the ocean. It is contrasted with bottom trawling. Midwater trawling is also known as pelagic trawling and bottom trawling as benthic trawling.

In midwater trawling, a cone-shaped net can be towed behind a single boat and spread by trawl doors, or it can be towed behind two boats (pair trawling) which act as the spreading device. Midwater trawling catches pelagic fish such as anchovies, shrimp, tuna and mackerel, whereas bottom trawling targets both bottom living fish (groundfish) and semi-pelagic fish such as: cod, squid, halibut and rockfish.

Whilst midwater trawling does not damage the seafloor (like bottom trawling), the method is not perfectly selective and results in relatively high levels of discards of unwanted catches.

title: Midwater trawling


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List of Latin place names in Britain

This list includes places in Great Britain (including neighbouring islands such as the Isle of Man), some of which were part of the Roman Empire, or were later given Latin place names in historical references.

Background
Until the Modern Era, Latin was the common language for scholarship and mapmaking. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, German scholars in particular have made significant contributions to the study of historical place names, or Ortsnamenkunde. These studies have, in turn, contributed to the study of genealogy. For genealogists and historians of pre-Modern Europe, knowing alternative names of places is vital to extracting information from both public and private records. Even specialists in this field point out, however, that the information can be easily taken out of context, since there is a great deal of repetition of place names throughout Europe; reliance purely on apparent connections should therefore be tempered with valid historical methodology.

Caveats and notes
Latin place names are not always exclusive to one place — for example, there were several Roman cities whose names began with Colonia and then a more descriptive term. During the Middle Ages, these were often shortened to just Colonia. One of these, Colonia Agrippinensis, retains the name today in the form of Cologne (from French, German Köln).

Early sources for Roman names show numerous variants and spellings of the Latin names.

The modern canonical name is listed first. In general, only the earliest source is shown for each name, although many of the names are recorded in more than one of the sources. Where the source differs in spelling, or has other alternatives, these are listed following the source. As an aid to searching, variants are spelled completely, and listed in most likely chronology.

title: List of Latin place names in Britain


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Talk:Royal Regiment of Wales

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A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
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 * Royal Regiment of Wales Crest.jpg

title: Talk:Royal Regiment of Wales


text:
Talk:Juvénal Habyarimana

Assassination
In the wiki article for Georges Rutaganda, a fellow Hutu, it says that he and his followers claimed responsibility for the assassination of Habyarimana to incite the genocide. Unfortunatly that article is poorly cited, as all of these Rwandan Genocide articles seem to be, so I can't say that the information is 100% accurate. NCErnst 22:43, 4 April 2007 (UTC)

habyarimana
What is a "liberal" hutu? I would probably prefer the term moderate. As for the airplane crash, Paul Kagame was recently found responsible by a French Court, true or not it should be added to the article.

this is an entire erupt of lies and missunderstandings. i believet that this article was written by people whoi intend to destroy and abuse the applications of all rwandans out there trying to survive the pain and loss of their loved ones —Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.85.1.1 (talk • contribs)

 * I've made some changes which I think makes the article closer to Wikipedia's NPOV policy. If you have objections to the article in its present state, please feel free to edit it yourself, or discuss your objections here. --Saforrest July 5, 2005 16:06 (UTC)

 * I just came to read about him and have little prior knowledge but the first couple of paragraphs seem very harsh (also poorly written) and there is no source given or if there is it is not internally cited. Joe 23:18, 30 January 2007 (UTC)

I have been studying Rwanda as a case study for ethnic conflict at university, and I thought I'd look at this page to see what Habyarimana looked like. I must say that some of the claims made in the article are misleading, and it seems to be quite biased in favour of President Habyarimana. While it is hard to remain neutral when recounting events and people such as these, I think the other, uglier side of the coin needs to be explored on Habyarimana. I will add things once I've gotten Uni out of the way, unless someone gets there before me. -Albi, 13-06-07

You may wish to edit this entry in List of Dictators. Wizzy… ☎   21:51, 6 December 2005 (UTC)

Where is the source to the "proof" that the RPF murdered Habyarimana ?
ibid

Chirac
I thought the plane was a gift of President Mitterand, not then-Prime Minister Chirac. Wouter Lievens 08:24, 3 October 2006 (UTC)

Dubious
"The wreckage and Habyarimana's body landed in the backyard of Habyarimana's home." Really? If true, that's a bizarre coincidence; I have a hard time believing it without a source. Snocrates 22:18, 11 December 2007 (UTC)'Italic text'' 'Italic text''

On the ICTR sources in the section on Habyarimana's Rule
It's come to my attention that WP:BLP discourages the use of court documents as primary sources. I added such sources some time ago without this knowledge and so I encourage anyone to verify the information in that section with any other WP friendly information they can find. I can work on this myself, as well. Enderandpeter (talk) 04:53, 17 October 2011 (UTC)

Bob Bob
Bob Bob is a name. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 216.15.37.70 (talk) 19:50, 2 June 2016 (UTC)

External links modified
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Discibe the role of habyarimana juvenal in the planning and excution of genocide against the tutsi 1994
41.186.78.125 (talk) 14:16, 22 October 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Juvénal Habyarimana


text:
User talk:Ghostofgauss

= e =

Thanks for your contributions to the e page, and welcome to Wikipedia. I have some suggestions to help you be a more valuable contributor.

It seems that you haven't quite worked out how the mathematical typesetting language works. I suggest that instead of practicing on a live article, such as the article about e, you try working in the Sandbox. You can also make your own private sandbox under this page, for example at User talk:Ghostofgauss/Sandbox. There is detailed information about the math markup at m:Help:Formula.

Also, this is an encylopedia, not a bulletin board, so it really isn't appropriate to mention that you saw a certain formula on a t-shirt. The formula itself may be appropriate, but the personal comments aren't.

I hope this is helpful.

-- Dominus 16:21, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Ghostofgauss


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Joünié

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was copyvio. -- AllyUnion (talk) 07:23, 21 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Joünié
Delete.This description of a lebanese city, Jounieh, is more of a tourist brochure than a real article (see for yourself). So I started a stub article Jounieh that would have a more encyclopedic content (in addition to a more suitable name) 500LL 16:26, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Unless you have evidence that this is a copyright violation, this looks more like a candidate for redirect than deletion. Be bold.  Rossami (talk) 18:39, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * After making a Google search, I found out that it is taken from this site. But this is not the only problem: It's content is not encyclopedy-like (read it for yourself), it's like taken from a touristic brochure.
 * Now marked as a copyvio. That is a deletable offense (but should be reported on Copyright problems, not here).  The fact that the original version was poorly written, however, is not usually considered a good argument for deletion.  More often that not, that's cause for  .   Thanks for finding the source.  Rossami (talk) 04:13, 11 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, tourist promo, copyright violation. Megan1967 08:08, 14 Feb 2005 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.

title: Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Joünié


text:
River Dee ferryboat disaster

The River Dee Ferry Boat Disaster occurred on 5 April 1876. Thirty two people drowned in the mouth of the River Dee, Aberdeenshire, Scotland when their ferry boat capsized. Overcrowding, fast flowing current and a poorly spliced wire rope were blamed.

Context
The city of Aberdeen lies at the mouth of the River Dee in North East Scotland. This is a tidal part of the river and can be subject to powerful currents. In 1876 the Royal Burgh of Torry was distinct from Aberdeen and was found on the south bank of the river. Aberdeen lay on the north bank. In 1891 Torry was incorporated into the city of Aberdeen.

The ferry route was a busy and profitable route between the Pocra Quay on the North and Torry on the south. It had operated for centuries. At the time of the accident, the big ferry boat was operated by a pulley system, attached by a rope to each river bank. This allowed it to be pulled across the river without the need for an engine, sails or rudder on the boat. Other boats continued to transport passengers across the route, particularly on busy days. The wire-boat was crossing the new channel of the River Dee where the current could be faster.

The wire ferry boat was built by William Hall, ship and boatbuilder with dimensions of 25 feet length, 8 feet 10 1/2 inches width and 2 feet 4 inches in depth. It was fitted with a large wheel and two friction rollers for the wire that was strung across the river and would carry eight tons. When tested with sixty men on board she was stable in the water, but there was no room for anyone to sit and was therefore toploaded. Oars and rowlocks were available on board.

The ferry was licensed by the city council to carry thirty two people, however this was an old agreement and had not been updated for the new, larger wire-boat.

The disaster
Wednesday 5 April was a Sacramental Fast in the city and the weather was also fine. This encouraged many people to visit the fair in Torry and the Bay of Nigg, therefore crossing the River Dee by ferry or by bridge further up river.

After several days of rain, the river was swollen and fast flowing. Snow melt may also have contributed. The previous day the wire-boat was not run for a time due to the fast current, and journeys were made by row boats instead.

The boat had already crossed the river a number of times on 5 April. On its final journey many people pushed to get on board at the north bank. Policemen had been drafted in by Alexander Kennedy, the tacksman and leaseholder of the ferry route because the day was expected to be busy. They were to help with the crowds, but their role did not include preventing overcrowding on the boat itself. This was agreed to be responsibility of the tacksman. There was no "tumult or breach of the peace" among the crowds.

There were normally two ferryman on the boat for each journey. On the fateful crossing, William Masson, the more experienced of the two, was concerned about the overcrowding and the speed of the current. He testified that he thought the wire-boat would be laid up for about an hour to allow the current to slow when the tide slackened. He also reported that he raised concerns with Kennedy about overcrowding, but Kennedy claimed not to have heard. Masson went to get his colleague a drink of water, and on his return the boat was already crossing the river. It was the only crossing that day that he did not go on the boat.

Seventy six people were on the ferry when it entered the river. It began to list as it moved mid-stream and into the faster current. Witnesses reported twice being asked to move around to counter the imbalance. The wire became slack from the Torry side. When this was pulled up the boat jerked and the wire snapped at a poorly made splice. This movement caused the capsize of the ferry. Some of the passengers were able to swim to safety. One woman and others were rescued by the woman's husband in his small yawl. He had launched because he was concerned about the state of the ferry and felt catastrophe was likely. Other small craft came to the aid of those in the water, but the larger ferry boats were too high on the beach to be launched quickly.

Thirty two people died in the tragedy. Most were from Aberdeen, and ranged in age from nine to fifty years old. Forty four people were rescued. A full list of missing and rescued people was published in the Aberdeen Journal on 12 April.

Inquiry
A public inquiry was held in Aberdeen by the Board of Trade. This was the first such inquiry held in Scotland and was chaired by Captain Harris of the Royal Navy. It was well attended by members of the public. Witnesses reported that the river was flowing very fast, and that the wire-boat was more at risk than those being rowed across the water. The matter of overcrowding was also felt to be significant, but the poorly spliced wire was perhaps ultimately to blame.

Aftermath
A fund was set up to support those affected. Funds were donated from subscriptions and from fundraising.

There had been plans for some time for a new bridge across to Torry but the final impetus was provided by the disaster and Queen Victoria Bridge was formally opened on 2 July 1881.

The bridge was partly funded by public subscription and partly by the Corporation of Aberdeen Council, and provides direct access from Torry into the heart of Aberdeen.

A plaque commemorating those who died in this disaster was erected on the bridge in 2005.

title: River Dee ferryboat disaster


text: User talk:142.227.153.130

title: User talk:142.227.153.130


text:
Talk:List of Polish Martyrdom sites

The use of the word "martyrdom" is not NPOV

 * Agreed. Let's move this page to the List of concentration camps for Poles which is now vacant. Actually, I don't know why this article exists. Probably, as a result of Wiki listomania and POV-pushing. If we start enumerating "Russian Martyrdom sites", it would take half of the Wikipedia volume... --Ghirlandajo 11:49, 8 August 2005 (UTC)

 * I'm really not sure how German camps in occupied Poland during World War II fits in with this. violet/riga (t) 21:00, 20 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Agreed, let's move it somewhere. On the other hand, except for Ghirlandajo's tag-spanking, the content of this article seems perfectly NPOV to me. Or is it only me?
 * Anyway, how about merging this article with a new article on World War II atrocities in Poland or something along those lines? Halibutt 13:01, 7 March 2006 (UTC)

 * Definitely needs to be moved. Martyrdom in English has a strong religious connotation, which is inappropriate in an article like this. Besides, a martyr is revered because usually they have an option of renouncing their faith in exchange for their life, but choose to die instead. Most Poles murdered during World War II obviously did not have such an option. Balcer 13:10, 7 March 2006 (UTC)

Indeed Polish and English term differ, we should merge it in World War II atrocities in Poland under both German and Soviet atrocities sections. --Molobo 16:36, 15 March 2006 (UTC)

Lysy, since you deleted "prod", pls explain what's the use of this redirect. --Irpen 19:51, 23 August 2006 (UTC)

title: Talk:List of Polish Martyrdom sites


text:
An Ideal for Living

An Ideal for Living is the first EP by the English post-punk band Joy Division. It was released on 3 June 1978 by the band's own label, Enigma, shortly after the group changed their name from Warsaw.

Background
All songs were recorded at Pennine Sound Studios in Oldham on 14 December 1977. The recording sessions were self-financed by the group, on a budget of £400. The release reflects the band's early punk influences, as opposed to the post-punk style they later developed. In an interview with Uncut magazine in 2001, drummer Stephen Morris stated that when making the EP, the band requested the engineer make the drums sound like "Speed of Life", the opening track on David Bowie's 1977 album Low. "Strangely enough he couldn't". Low featured a unique drum sound that became widely imitated following its release, although producer Tony Visconti refused to explain how he made it for many years.

Record cover
The cover has a black-and-white picture of a blond Hitler Youth member beating a drum, which was drawn by guitarist Bernard Sumner (called "Bernard Albrecht" on the poster sleeve) and the words "Joy! Division" printed in a blackletter font. The cover design, coupled with the nature of the band's name, fuelled controversy over whether the band had Nazi sympathies. The foldout of the EP contains pasted cutouts of both the band and the Warsaw Ghetto boy, with a lyrical excerpt from 'Leaders of Men'. When the EP was re-released on 12-inch vinyl, the original cover was replaced by artwork featuring scaffolding.

Release and reception
A 7" version of An Ideal for Living was released in June on the band's own Enigma label, which was sold out by September and was subsequently followed by a 12" version on 10 October on the band's own Anonymous Records label.

All four tracks were re-released on the 1988 singles compilation, Substance. A remastered version of the EP was reissued by Rhino Entertainment to coincide with Record Store Day 2014.

Legacy
In a retrospective review, David Cleary of AllMusic wrote that "[the] sound quality and production values on this release are extremely primitive", while describing the release as "a mildly interesting, if not great EP". He also noted that with the re-release of "Warsaw" and "Leaders of Men" on the rarities album Substance (the other two were originally only included on CD and cassette versions of the album), the need for diehard Joy Division fans to obtain this EP had notably decreased.

Trouser Press described the EP as "skillful but rather unexceptional" and noted the strong influence of Bowie's music on the band.

The EP's title subsequently inspired the Manic Street Preachers' single "A Design for Life".

Track listing
All songs written by Joy Division.
 * 1) "Warsaw" – 2:26
 * 2) "No Love Lost" – 3:42
 * 3) "Leaders of Men" – 2:34
 * 4) "Failures" – 3:44

title: An Ideal for Living


text:
Kant (crater)

Kant is a small lunar impact crater that is located to the northwest of the prominent crater Cyrillus and the comparably sized Ibn Rushd. To the northwest is Zöllner, and to the east is Mons Penck. This last feature forms a mountainous promontory reaching a height of about 4 km. The crater is named after the German philosopher Immanuel Kant.

This crater has a well-defined and somewhat uneven rim that is roughly circular in shape. The inner walls have a higher albedo than the surrounding surface, giving them a lighter appearance. Parts of the inner wall have slumped across the inner floor, producing an irregular surface. At the midpoint of the interior is a low central rise, with a craterlet at the summit, giving the appearance of terrestrial volcano, although the peak is probably not volcanic.

Satellite craters
By convention these features are identified on lunar maps by placing the letter on the side of the crater midpoint that is closest to Kant.

title: Kant (crater)