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Military brat (U.S. subculture)

In the United States, a military brat (also known by various "brat" derivatives) is the child of a parent(s), adopted parent(s), or legal guardian(s) serving full-time in the United States Armed Forces, whether current or former. The term military brat can also refer to the subculture and lifestyle of such families.

The military brat lifestyle typically involves moving to new states or countries many times while growing up, as the child's military family is customarily transferred to new non-combat assignments; consequently, many military brats never have a home town. War-related family stresses are also a commonly occurring part of military brat life. There are also other aspects of military brat life that are significantly different in comparison to the civilian American population, often including living in foreign countries and/or diverse regions within the U.S., exposure to foreign languages and cultures, and immersion in military culture.

The military brats subculture has emerged over the last 200 years. The age of the phenomenon has meant military brats have also been described by a number of researchers as one of America's oldest and yet least well-known and largely invisible subcultures. They have also been described as a "modern nomadic subculture".

Military brat is known in U.S. military culture as a term of endearment and respect. The term may also connote a military brat's experience of mobile upbringing, and may refer to a sense of worldliness. Research has shown that many current and former military brats like the term; however, outside of the military world, the term military brat can sometimes be misunderstood by the non-military population, where the word brat is often a pejorative term.

Primary features of lifestyle and culture

Studies show that this group is shaped by several forces. A major influence is the fact of frequent moves, as the family follows the military member-parent (or in some cases, both parents who are military members) who is transferred from military base to military base, each move usually being hundreds or thousands of miles in distance. Other shaping forces include a culture of resilience and adaptivity, constant loss of friendship ties, a facility or knack for making new friends, never having a hometown, and extensive exposure to foreign cultures and languages while living overseas or to a wide range of regional cultural differences due to living in a variety of different American regions. Additional influences include living in a series of military bases serving as community centers, the pervasive military culture on those bases, the absence of a parent due to deployments, the threat of parental loss in war, stresses associated with the psychological aftermath of war (living with war-affected returning veteran parents) and the militarization of the family unit (children being treated to some degree like soldiers and being subjected to military regimentation, inculcation into a warrior code of honor and service, frequent exposure to patriotic ideas and symbols, experience of free medical care, and military discipline). Military brats receive Tricare until they reach the age of 23 or age 25 (if Tricare Young Adult is purchased).

While some non-military families may share some of these same attributes and experiences, military culture has a much higher incidence and concentration of these issues and experiences in military families as compared to civilian populations, and by tightly-knit military communities that perceive these experiences as normal. Studies show that growing up immersed in military culture can have long-lasting effects on children, both in positive and also some negative ways.

Life on base

Military bases are often small cities, sometimes with 10,000 or more people, and are self-contained worlds where military culture is primary and civilian culture is secondary. Military families do not always live on base, but often do. Military towns, the areas immediately surrounding a base, are also often highly influenced by military culture. While the general public uses the term base to refer any military installation, within the US military the term base primarily applies to Air Force or Navy installations while Army installations are called posts.

Military brats grow up moving from base to base as they follow their parent or parents to new assignments. Sometimes living on base, sometimes off, the base in both cases is often the center of military brat life, where shopping, recreation, schools and the military community form a string of temporary towns for military brats as they grow up.

Studies show that the culture on military bases is perceived by most current and former military brats as significantly different from civilian culture. It is widely experienced as being pervaded by military cultural norms and expectations, as well as the presence of military police or their other military security forces equivalents, armed guards, high security zones and some degree of surveillance. Some bases also contain unique features, such as air bases with numerous aircraft and attendant noise, or seaports with large numbers of naval vessels. Balancing this are extensive areas which are more relaxed in character, for on-base housing, shopping, dining, recreation, sports and entertainment, as well as base chapels which host diverse religious services. However, military regulations, laws and social codes of conduct are in force throughout the base, which can be very different from local, state or national laws, regulations and customs.

Military language also has differences from standard American English and is often peppered with military slang and military acronyms. There are many words and phrases that are unique to the military world and which make up a part of everyday conversation on bases. For example, time is measured in 24-hour rather than 12-hour segments as in the civilian world, and distances, primarily on stateside Army posts or on many U.S. bases of all services overseas, often described in meters and kilometers (or clicks in military slang) instead of yards or miles. Consequently, many military brats report feelings of cultural identity that have a military flavor and a feeling of difference from local civilian culture, even on bases in the United States. These feelings of difference can also be made more complex by virtue of having absorbed varying degrees of overseas cultures and also different regional American cultures while living in different places as a part of the military brat lifestyle.

Bases do form communities, but due to most of them experiencing frequent 100% turnover in just a few years, an adult military brat can never return and find old friends, neighbors or even former teachers, on bases where they grew up. Base schools usually have an even higher turnover rate, reaching 100% turnover in as little as two years. Due to revocation of base privileges upon reaching the age of 21 (or 23 if one attends college), access to bases to reminisce or reconnect with one's places of growing up can also be difficult.

Size of population
Although no exact figures are available, the U.S. Department of Defense estimates that approximately 15 million Americans are former or current military brats, including those who spent all or part of their childhood and/or adolescence in the lifestyle. This population includes an age range from less than 1 years old to over 90 years of age, since there have been military brats for generations. Many military brats spent all of their growing up years in the active lifestyle, some for only part, although military family issues, dynamics and influences may continue nevertheless. Also, not all military brats grow up moving all the time, although many do.

Studies
Military brats have been studied extensively, both from the perspective of social psychology and as a distinct and unique American subculture, although less so in terms of long-term impact of the lifestyle. There are also some gaps in studies of more recent (post-Cold War-era) military brats. Collectively these studies paint a fairly consistent picture of how the lifestyle tends to influence the population (on average) in various aspects of life. These studies look at overall patterns and individual experiences may vary widely:

Positive patterns in overall study results
Some strong positives that have been identified in studies of military brat populations are a high occurrence of very resilient personalities, exceptional social skills, a high level of multicultural or international awareness, proficiency in foreign languages, and a statistically very strong affinity for careers that entail service to others. Studies show that ex-military kids end up pursuing service-related careers in very high numbers: military service, teaching, counseling, police, nursing and foreign service work being highly represented in military brat career statistics (in comparison to statistics on non-military brat patterns of employment choices). Mary Edwards Wertsch also identified a pattern (for those military brats who do not choose military service) of work that is more independent (self-employment / avoidance of direct subservience to authority figures) and along those lines also favoring creative and artistic professions that offer more independence. She also reported that for those military brats who did choose military service there was a tendency to go through a phase of bucking or testing authority during military service, or a pattern of resenting authority, represented in her study population. However, military brats who become soldiers also tend to do well overall in the profession.

As adults, military brats can share many of the same positive and negative traits identified in other populations that experienced very mobile childhoods. Having had the opportunity to live around the world, military brats can have a breadth of experiences unmatched by most teenagers. Regardless of race, religion, nationality, or gender, brats might identify more with other highly mobile children than with non-mobile ones. Military brats also graduate from college at a higher rate than the civilian population and divorce at a lower rate.

Negative patterns in overall study results
On the negative side, studies show that some former military brats struggle to develop and maintain deep, lasting relationships, and can feel like outsiders to U.S. civilian culture. The transitory lifestyle can hinder potential for constructing concrete relationships with people and developing emotional attachments to specific places, as can the stresses of having a parent deployed to a war zone and also the psychological aftermath of war in dealing with returning veteran parents. In some cases there is also the loss of a parent in combat, or a drastic change in a parent due to a combat related disability. A military brat may personally know another child or teenager, or even a few other peers, whose parents have become war casualties (wounded or killed). A significant minority of ex-military brats may exhibit symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder, avoidant personality disorder, separation anxiety disorder, etc.

Mobile lifestyle preferences
Although neither a clearly negative or positive trait, studies also show that many adult military brats report difficulty settling down in one geographic location and also report a desire to move (relocate) every few years; many adult military brats call this "the itch". However, some adult military brats report the opposite tendency and relate refusing any and all pressures from spouses or employers to ever move again.

Perfectionist tendencies
Many former military brats report struggling at some point in their lives with issues related to perfectionism and learning how to let go in areas of personal performance (perhaps due to the demanding nature of military culture). Paradoxically, a majority of those very same military brats who report having struggled with perfectionism and performance control issues also describe themselves as being successful in their lives, indicating a resilience that also surfaces in overcoming or learning to manage those issues in the long run.

Adaptability and outsider feelings
Overall a majority of military brats report having developed a kind of extra-adaptability and assimilate into new situations quickly and well, as they have done with each move to a new military base, town or country. Yet paradoxically, long-term feelings of being an outsider in relation to civilian (non-military) culture are common to a majority of military brats.

Military culture
A significant percentage of military brats report difficulty in forming strong relations with people or places, but very often do form strong connections with (or in some cases aversion to) the notion of a military base and the communities in which they find themselves. This is because the knowledge, experience, values, ideas, attitudes, skills, tastes, and techniques that are associated with the military can sometimes differ from civilian culture. Military bases are miniature, self-contained, government-subsidized towns that promote conformity. Military families shop at some of the same stores, whose discounted merchandise is regulated to prevent unfair competition, so they can often end up with the same clothes and products. Male brats were, at one time, likely to get the same "military haircut" at the base barbershop, but this has changed over time. To a child growing up on a military base, in a homogeneous culture, the individuality of civilian life was once thought to be completely foreign. However, as the individual children have attended civilian schools near base and socialized with their peers, this perceived difference may have reduced to varying degrees.

Values and patriotism

Patriotism may come to mean different things for different ex-military brats, but nevertheless figures strongly in the upbringing, language and thinking of many who grew up in military families. The comfort, or sense of restriction, (or both) that can be found on military bases is not limited to the physical trappings, but can be fortified via some of the consistent rituals common to them. When moving around the world, these rituals can help brats feel at home in their new community. Even though the faces and geography change, the "base" can remain recognizable because the rituals are often uniform. The underlying principle of these rituals is consistent: to promote patriotism.

It has been claimed by Samuel Britten on the basis of anecdotal evidence that life on military bases is associated with comparatively greater patriotic sentiments. For example, honoring the American flag is expected. At the end of the business day, on a military installation, the bugle call "To the Color" is played while the flag is lowered. While no longer universal, formerly anybody outside, even if participating in sports or driving a car, was expected to stop their activity and stand at attention. Uniformed personnel salute and non-uniformed people place their hand over their heart.

During and prior to the early 1990s, the Pledge of Allegiance was recited every morning, and patriotic and militaristic songs may have been sung at Department of Defense Dependents Schools (DoDDS) overseas and Department of Defense Domestic Dependent Elementary and Secondary Schools (DDESS) within the United States. Patriotic ideals often form the basis for church sermons. Protestant and Catholic worship services may include militaristic hymns. Prior to movies at base theaters, patrons and staff stand for the National Anthem and often another patriotic song, such as "God Bless the USA".

As of 2023, policy for schools in the Americas run by the Department of Defense Education Activity states that: "The Pledge of Allegiance or National Anthem will be incorporated into the morning announcements. Participation is not mandatory, but all students are expected to show respect."

The military family knows that the service person may be killed in the line of duty, but may accept that risk because they understand the values of duty, honor, and country. The mission is one in which the brat shares by extension through his military parent.

Military law requires commanding officers and those in authority to demonstrate virtue, honor, patriotism, and subordination in all that they do. In the 1990s, the army officially adopted what have come to be known as "The 7 Army Values", which are summarized with the acronym "LDRSHIP". LDRSHIP stands for Loyalty, Duty, Respect, Selfless Service, Honor, Integrity, and Personal Courage. While this acronym is relatively new, the ideas it represents have been at the heart of military service for generations. Similarly, the motto "Duty, honor, country" is the standard of the U.S. military. Military brats are raised in a culture that stresses LDRSHIP, Duty, Honor, and Country. Their strict (outward) adherence to military values is what separates most from their civilian peers. Children of military personnel often mirror the values, ideals, and attitudes of their parents more than children of civilians. Marine General Peter Pace, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said in a 2006 interview, "There's no way, in my mind, that you can be successful in the military and have a family unless that family does, in fact, appreciate your service to the country." Pace also wrote in an April 2006 letter honoring the Month of the Military Child: "You [military children] are American patriots and role models for us all."

Discipline
The stereotypical military family might have had a "duty roster" on the refrigerator, parent-conducted room inspections, and children who say "yes sir/ma'am" to adults. Eighty percent of Cold War-era brats described their father as "authoritarian" or desiring to exercise complete control over their lives. They described their military parent as rigid in discipline, inflexible, intolerant of dissent, disapproving of non-conforming behavior, insensitive to their emotions, and not accepting of personal privacy. A Cold War era military psychologist, publishing in the American Journal of Psychology, reviewed the parents of patients who came to his clinic, and concluded that 93% of patients came from military families that were overly authoritarian.

Disciplinary expectations extend beyond the military family. Family members know that their actions and behavior can have a direct impact on the military service member's career. The consequences of misbehavior for a military brat are generally greater than for civilian children. A military person's career and social identity can be dashed in seconds by a willful or careless child. For example, when a military brat gets in trouble, the authorities may call the parent's Commanding Officer or the Base Commander before, or instead of, calling the brat's parents. If the commanding officer or base commander is contacted, the brat's behavior may become a part of the military member's record, and adversely affect his or her ability to be promoted or the duty assignments (particularly overseas) that lead to advancement.

Research into military brats has consistently shown them to be better behaved than their civilian counterparts. Sociologist Phoebe Price posed three possible hypotheses as to why brats are better behaved: firstly, military parents have a lower threshold for misbehavior in their children; secondly, the mobility of teenagers might make them less likely to attract attention to themselves, as many want to fit in and are less secure with their surroundings; and thirdly, normative constraints are greater, with brats knowing that their behavior is under scrutiny and can affect the military member's career.

Teenage years are typically a period when people establish independence by taking some risks away from their parents. When the teenager lives in a "fish-bowl community," a small self-contained community such as a base, challenging boundaries may be more difficult. Brats know that misbehavior or rebellious activity will be reported to their parents. Brats are sometimes under constant pressure to conform to what military culture expects; this means they are sometimes seen as being more mature in their youth than their peers. If they grow up overseas or on military bases, they might have limited opportunities to see a wide range of role models in different professions.

Strict discipline can have the opposite effect: brats may rebel or behave in adolescent manners well beyond what is normally considered acceptable. Others develop psychological problems due to the intense stress of always being on their best behavior.

Military classism
Military life is strictly segregated by rank; the facilities provided for officers and enlisted personnel differ dramatically. The officers' housing will generally be more accessible to base activities, larger in size, and better landscaped. On larger bases, the officers' housing may be broken down into different categories, with senior officers receiving larger and more opulent housing; sometimes, the highest-ranking officers live in a row of large houses often referred to as "Colonels'/Captains' Row" or "Generals'/Admirals' Row," as the case may be.

The Officer Clubs are more elegant than the Enlisted Clubs. Officers have cleaner, more elaborate recreational facilities than their enlisted counterparts. Historically, base chapels and movie theaters would have designated seating for officers and their families. For a part of the 20th century, some bases had two Boy Scout and two Girl Scout troops—one for officer children and one for enlisted children.

These differences are not merely external, but a core aspect of military life. Children of enlisted personnel often believe that children of officers receive specialized treatment because non-officers are afraid to upset the officers. The physical separation and differences between available activities make it very difficult. Most military brats on a personal level do not let this affect their social interactions, and in most cases it is frowned upon to treat others by their parent's pay grade or rank.

The separation by rank has the intended purpose of maintaining military discipline among service members. According to the U.S. Uniform Code of Military Justice, it can be illegal for an officer to fraternize with an enlisted person because it would erode the military hierarchy. This is often conveyed to the children of military personnel. Two brats whose parents have a subordinate-supervisory relationship can cause problems for both their parents.

To a lesser degree, military classism also includes the branch of service to which the military parent belongs. If asked to name "the best branch of service," military brats will almost invariably name the one to which their parent belonged. They will be able to articulate many reasons why "their" branch of the service is the best. These biases are maintained well past the time they cease to be military dependents. When brats grow up, these boundaries are replaced by a shared identity based upon that of being a military brat.

While a class hierarchy is reflected in stratified housing structures, military classism differs from traditional class structures in some significant ways – namely, schooling and access to quality healthcare. Children of military personnel attend the same base schools regardless of rank, creating peer cultures that are usually not class-based, and providing equal access to educational resources. Similarly, all military personnel receive the same quality of healthcare by the same providers.

Anti-racism
In 1948, nearly 20 years before the civil rights movement swept through the non-military segments of U.S. society, President Truman signed Executive Order 9981 integrating the military and mandating equality of treatment and opportunity. It outlawed segregation in the military and made it illegal, per military law, to make a racist remark. Fifteen years later, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara issued Department of Defense Directive 5120.36. "Every military commander," the Directive mandates, "has the responsibility to oppose discriminatory practices affecting his men and their dependents and to foster equal opportunity for them, not only in areas under his immediate control, but also in nearby communities where they may gather in off-duty hours." The directive was issued in 1963, but it was not until 1967 that the first non-military installation was declared off-limits to military personnel due to its discriminatory practices. While these directives did not eliminate all racism in the military, they continue to affect the culture in which children of military personnel grow up.

When families go overseas, minority students rarely experience overt racism from their expatriate neighbors. This is also true on military bases within the U.S.; as the diverse and more integrated military base community is isolated from the off-base community, and seen as the primary community, outside communities being secondary, military dependents are less likely to resort to racist notions. The bonds of the military community are normally seen by military dependents as being stronger bonds than the differences of race.

Effect of mobile lifestyle on friendships

Because military brats are constantly making new friends to replace the ones that they have lost,  they are often more outgoing and independent. On the other hand, the experience of being a constant stranger can lead them to feel estranged everywhere, even if later in life they settle down in one place. According to the largest study conducted on nearly 700 TCKs, eighty percent claim that they can relate to anyone, regardless of differences such as race, ethnicity, religion, or nationality.

A typical military school can experience up to 50% turnover every year (25% graduate while a third of the remaining 75% of students move); social groups that existed one year cease to exist as new groups emerge. The brat learns to adapt quickly to fit into this ever-changing environment. Highly mobile children are more likely to reach out to a new student, because they know what it is like to be the new student.

Recent studies show that, although brats move on average every 3 years, they do not grow accustomed to moving. The constantly changing environment and openness to others has a price. Rather than develop problem-solving skills, there is a temptation to simply leave a problem without resolving it. If a person does not like somebody or gets into a fight, they know that in a few years somebody will move and the problem will disappear. On the other hand, when brats marry it is generally for life; over two thirds of brats over 40 are married to their first spouse. Studies show that many brats become very adaptable as a result of the mobile lifestyle, but there is also a higher than average incidence, among a minority of military brats, of avoidant personality disorder and separation anxiety disorder.

School life

Moving during the summer months can be challenging. Courses students have taken at their old schools may not fulfill the graduation requirements at their new school. Moving during the winter holidays or mid-year, however, has traditionally been viewed as the worst time to move. The student is forced to join classes that have already begun. Social groups become even more difficult to break into, and activities that the student enjoyed may be barred to him or her. For example, an athlete may not be able to join his or her sport because they missed tryouts and the season had already begun. A student who excelled at their old DoDDS or DDESS school suddenly feels inadequate at the larger school. Recent studies, however, show that mobility during the school year may be less traumatic than summertime moves.

DoDDS schools overseas and DDESS schools in the United States tend to be smaller than many public schools. Students and teachers often interact in a more social manner with one another. When returning to civilian schools, the lack of camaraderie with the faculty can be an unexpected obstacle for many highly mobile families.

Military brats have lower delinquency rates, higher achievement scores on standardized tests, and higher median IQs than their civilian counterparts. They are more likely to have a college degree (60% v 24%) and possess an advanced degree (29.1% v 5%). While these rates are higher than the general U.S. population, they are lower than those of other non-brat third culture kids (84–90% college degree and 40% graduate degree). United States military brats are the most mobile of the "third culture kids", moving on average every three years. Brats move frequently between bases in the United States and typically spend at least three years abroad.

Range of international experience and influences

Sociologist Morten Ender conducted the largest scientific study to date exclusively on career military brats (those who had at least one parent in the military from birth through high school). He interviewed and sent questionnaires to over 600 brats who belonged to various brat organizations and responded to his newspaper and internet ads. His study revealed that 97% lived in at least one foreign country, 63% in two, 31% in three. They averaged eight moves before graduating from high school and spent an average of seven years in foreign countries. Over 80% now speak at least one language other than English, and 14% speak three or more. Ann Cottrell's work with third culture kids, however, shows slightly lower results, but her results did not specify career brats. Sociologist Henry Watanabe showed that military and civilian teenagers share the same concerns and desires, but that growing up in a mobile community offers opportunities and experiences generally unavailable to geographically stable families. A sociological study of overseas American military communities in Cold War Germany also showed some transformational effects on those communities due to foreign exposure.

Abuse and alcoholism
Two of the common themes in Wertsch's book are abuse and alcoholism. These are echoed in other literature of the Cold War, such as Pat Conroy's The Great Santini. In the 1980s and 1990s the U.S. military focused on the issues of abuse and alcoholism. The impact on the military's efforts remains inconclusive. Some studies report higher rates of abuse in military families, while others report lower rates.

The studies that conclude abuse is a bigger problem in military families than civilian families attribute this to the long hours, frequent disruptions in lifestyles, and high degree of stress. They point out that military families may be more reluctant to report issues of abuse because of the potential impact on the service member's career. Other studies, however, argue that military families have a smaller problem than civilian families because military culture offers more accessible help for victims of abuse. Military families have health care, housing, and family support programs often unavailable to lower income civilian families. Abusive family members are more likely to be ordered (by their commanding officer or base commander) to obtain treatment, thus reducing reoccurrences of abuse.

Current military brats
In 2010, the U.S. Defense Department reported that there were currently 2 million American children and teenagers who have had at least one parent deployed in a war zone in the then-current Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts. Over 900,000 have had a parent deployed multiple times.

Most of the research into military brats has been conducted on the long-term effects on adults who grew up during the Cold War and also during the Vietnam and Korean wars. As the Cold War came to an end, the role of the United States Armed Forces changed. The U.S. military realized that there was distinct correlation between the quality of life and retention and operational effectiveness. To this end, the military started to change the living standards that most Cold War brats grew up with. The demographics of the military changed. The modern military has a larger proportion of married military members. Since base housing is designed for fewer families, more families are forced to live off-base.

Military personnel are now being supplemented by more civilians filling essential roles, and the introduction of large megabases that intermesh different service branches and their individual cultures has also affected the demographics. Finally, during the post-Cold War period, the United States has been involved in three extended military engagements (two in Iraq and one in Afghanistan). The long-term effects of these changes are unknown, but research has been conducted on short-term effects on post-Cold War-era brats.

War in the 21st century

Today's military brat faces some additional challenges. For example, it is estimated that approximately 50,000 military families have both parents serving in the armed forces; this creates the possibility that both parents may be deployed at the same time. Another significant difference is the speed of communication. With the advent of the Internet it is possible for family members to communicate with servicemen in combat zones. This allows brats to remain in closer contact with their military parent(s), but it also increases tension as more details reach the military families. Round-the-clock news agencies, such as CNN and Fox News, spread news faster than the military bureaucracy can process the details. This means that military families know that servicemen have died before official word reaches the family. Military psychiatrist Colonel Stephen Cozza says that a "sense of fear" accompanies news of the death of a service member until confirmation that the service member was not a loved one.

Wertsch has pointed out, however, that during the Vietnam War, televised news war coverage was also very intense and constant, and that similar issues of military family fear being intensified by television coverage were also present for military brats and spouses of that era with a family member in the war.

Despite these facts, studies show only a slight increase in immediate stressors among military brats whose parents serve in a combat zone, although no studies on the longer-term effects have ever been done. Boys and younger children do show the most risk when a parent is deployed, but rarely does this require clinical intervention. However, studies show that when a military member is deployed to a combat zone, the family cohesion is more disrupted than when service members are deployed to non-combat zones.

Military members can be deployed for days, months, or even years without their family. When a parent is stationed without their family, the children experience the same emotions as children of divorced parents. In addition to the effects of the divorce, military brats have additional concerns. When a military member is sent away, the family does not always know where they are going or when (or if) the service member will return. Studies show that there are three phases to deployment, and each phase has different impacts on the family. Military spouses reported the following when their spouse was deployed:

 * Predeployment — Marital stress/conflict, distancing from spouse, anger, resentment, sadness/depression, negative child behavior.
 * Deployment — Marital problems, isolation, loneliness, anger, resentment, sadness/depression, reduced communications, stress, less social support, assuming the role of single parent, child care difficulties, sleep disturbances, physical symptoms, home and car repairs, difficulty accessing military services, negative child behavior.
 * Postdeployment/Reunion — Redefining responsibilities, marital stress, communication problems, anxiety, anger, resentment, parent-child attachment issues

While separation produces stress, according to the US military it strengthens the children by forcing them to take on additional responsibilities when a parent is absent, encouraging independence.

A Pentagon study released in June 2009 reported that children of combat troops show more fear, anxiety and behavioral problems. According to the study, spouses report that when the service member is sent to a combat zone, that their children start to experienced increased anxiety. One in four parents say their children respond poor or very poorly, and a third experienced academic problems. Another study done by the University of California Los Angeles indicated that a year after the parent returns, 30% of children "exhibited clinical levels of anxiety." The Pentagon Study found the effects most pronounced in children between the ages of 5-13, while the UCLA study found contrary evidence that the issues were the strongest in children under the age of 8.

"Suddenly military" brats ("Reserve brats" or "National Guard brats")
"Suddenly military" (reservist and National Guard) families face additional challenges, related to isolation from other military-family peers, and isolation within their home-town communities, not faced by traditional military families.

With the increased demands on the U.S. military, reservists have been called to active duty. The children of these reservists, who are suddenly called to extended active duty, are technically military brats, but they may not identify with or share all of the characteristics of traditional brats (although in certain specific areas, such as war-related issues, they may share a great deal ). In an effort to help integrate "suddenly military" brats, groups like "Operation: Military Kids" and "Our Military Kids" came into existence. Operation: Military Kids is a program designed to help "suddenly military" children understand the military culture to which they now belong, and Our Military Kids provides monetary grants that support tutoring, sports and other extracurricular activities of National Guard and Reserve children, whose parents sometimes incur a lapse in income upon being called to active duty.

National Guard families are not as familiar with military culture. They are physically separated from other military families, meaning they may get less emotional support during wartime, and may not be as emotionally prepared for active-duty deployment. Both the formal and informal support structures available for the regular military families are not as readily available to reservist families. Operation: Military Kids teaches "suddenly military" brats about military culture and expectations.

Children of reservist soldiers also do not share the highly mobile aspect of "regular service" military brat life. They may, however, still develop feelings of difference or isolation in relation to non-military children or teenagers in their home towns, due to war-deployment related stresses and war-aftermath issues that their non-military peers may not be able to fully understand. Consequently, it may be harder for teachers and health care professionals to identify and address war-deployment-related child, adolescent or family problems, unless they are specifically screened for. Although the family may not be as fully immersed in military culture, individual reservist parents may still effect varying degrees of militarization of the family social environment and the child's upbringing. Some children born to no-longer active duty veterans may also experience a number of these issues.

Death of a parent in combat
The effect of having a parent killed during military operations has not been specifically studied. Limited studies on children who have lost a parent show that 10–15% experience depression and a few develop childhood traumatic grief (the inability to recall any positive memories of the deceased parent). Military psychiatrist Stephen Cozza speculates, based upon his experience, that the long-term effects of having a parent killed during war would be more traumatic and difficult to deal with than typical causes of parental death.

Peacetime military deaths
Training and preparing for war also involves significant dangers, as do other military duties. Consequently, many military brats live with the reality of risk to one or both parents even when there is no active war. Peacetime military accidents claim lives every year at a significantly higher rate than accidents for the civilian population; some service professions such as military pilots, paratroopers and other airborne soldiers, aircraft carrier flight deck workers, Coast Guard sea rescue, ordnance or munitions workers, Naval firefighters, as well as those training or drilling in live ammunition exercises, all experience higher annual death rates. Such casualties are difficult, if not impossible, to keep hidden from children or teenagers in small base communities.

Military Child Month

The U.S. Department of Defense has designated April as "Month of the Military Child" with special programs, public educational and support activities coordinated during this time each year. The Department of Defense also uses the term military brat in some of its research and literature about military children.

Community for former military brats
As adults, military brats sometimes try to reunite with their brat heritage.

The 2002 book Military Brats and Other Global Nomads: Growing Up in Organization Families writes of several reasons why some military brats, as adults, seek out brat organizations. Military brats can feel a "sense of euphoria" when they discover that other brats share the same feelings and emotions. According to the book, brats share a bond with one another through common experiences that transcends race, religion, and nationality. Another common theme behind their joining brat organizations is to stay connected or reconnect with their old friends. With all the focus on veterans, the children are left to grow up in sometimes harsh, usually very strict environments with no recognition and no help. With enormous differences between military children and civilian children, one might think that there would be inquiry into the effects, yet few can be found readily available. Mary Edwards Werstch writes about her experiences, as well as the experiences of those she has interviewed, in her book Brats: Growing up inside the Fortress. Pat Conroy also sheds light on the difficult circumstances of growing up in his book (later a movie), The Great Santini.

Origin of military brat
Military spouses and their children have been following armies for thousands of years, perhaps for as long as there has been organized warfare. The term Little Traveller, used to describe the travelling child of a soldier (following his or her father's army from place to place), also appears in literature as early as 1811. Google Books shows the first appearance of military brat in print in 1929, and of army brat in 1938.

In Johnson's Dictionary of 1755, brat is defined as either "a child, so called in contempt" or "the progeny; the offspring". Examples are quoted from Spenser's The Faerie Queene, published in 1590; Coriolanus and The Winter's Tale by Shakespeare (1564-1616); and two unidentified works by Swift (1667–1745).

The claim that "brat" (in the military sense) has been used for a century or more and that it stands for "British Regiment Attached Traveller" is folk etymology, a backronym. There are no appearances of this phrase dating back that far, and English acronyms were almost non-existent before the mid-20th century.

Modern perception
Noted military brat researcher Mary Edwards Wertsch polled 85 ex-military children as to whether or not they liked the term military brat, and only five respondents (5.9% of the study group) objected to the term.

The term is now widely used by researchers and academicians and so is no longer merely a slang term, but a name clearly attached to a recognized and well-studied segment of U.S. culture: "Most of the professional research on growing up in military families has contributed to the perpetuation of the 'brat' label," sociologist and noted expert on the study of military brats Morten Ender wrote. "It is no wonder that the label endures and is as popular as ever."

Linguistic reclamation is the appropriation of a pejorative epithet by its target, to turn an insult into a positive term and deny others the ability to define it; non-military personnel may find the term brat insulting if they do not understand the context. Sociologist Karen Williams used it reluctantly in her research, with the disclaimer, "to follow the wishes of the participants. It is a term that they use and feel comfortable with."

There is evidence that professional military culture has also reclaimed ownership of the term. Admiral Dennis C. Blair, former Commander in Chief, U.S. Pacific Command, and former U.S. Director of National Intelligence, said, "There's a standard term for the military child: 'Brat.' While it sounds pejorative, it's actually a term of great affection." This trend is also visible among notable and influential civilians: Senator Ben Nelson, a member of the United States Senate Committee on Armed Services, wrote, "when the word 'brat' is used to describe someone it is not meant as a compliment, but when it is preceded by another word and becomes "military brat" it becomes a term of endearment." Congresswoman Carol Shea-Porter said, "I married what is affectionately known as an Army brat." Senator John Cornyn identifies himself as a military brat, and also identified Judge Janice Brown as one, during her confirmation hearing before the United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary. Military culture has created numerous positive backronyms for "brat", such as "Born, Raised And Transferred" or "Brave, Resilient, Adaptable, and Trustworthy." While some may not like the origins of the term, most are comfortable with it.

In late 2014, two civilian children's book authors advocated the use of the acronym CHAMPs (Child Heroes Attached to Military Personnel) as a replacement for brat. The adult military brat community soundly rejected the proposal.

Coining of the term third culture kid and early research
In the 1970s, sociologist Ruth Hill Useem coined the term third culture kids (TCKs) for a child who follows their parents "into another culture." Useem used the term third culture kids because TCKs integrate aspects of their birth culture (the first culture) and the new culture (the second culture), creating a unique "third culture". Globally, offspring of military households comprise about 30% of all TCKs, but they are almost exclusively from the United States.

Start of Department of Defense research
Systematic research on individuals in such environments has been conducted since the 1980s. Responding to social and psychological issues recorded in military families and communities, the U.S. Armed Forces sponsored research on the long-term impact of growing up as a military dependent. Outside of the U.S. there is no significant literature on the effects of growing up as a military dependent. Since the Department of Defense does not track or monitor former brats, any study on adult brats is based upon self-identification. Thus, even though the studies are performed using scientific sampling methods, they may contain bias because of the difficulty in conducting epidemiological studies across broad-based population samples. Some researchers used referrals, the Internet, and newspaper articles to identify military brats.

Mary Edwards Wertsch: Identification of military brat cultural identity
In 1991, Mary Edwards Wertsch "launched the movement for military brat cultural identity" with her book Military Brats: Legacies of Childhood inside the Fortress. In researching her book, Wertsch identified common themes from interviews of over 80 offspring of military households. While this book does not purport to be a scientific study, subsequent research has validated many of her findings. In the introduction to the book, former military brat Pat Conroy, the author of The Prince of Tides and The Great Santini, wrote,

"Her book speaks in a language that is clear and stinging and instantly recognizable to me [as a brat], yet it's a language I was not even aware I spoke. She isolates the military brats of America as a new indigenous subculture with our own customs, rites of passage, forms of communication, and folkways . ... With this book, Mary [Wertsch] astonished me and introduced me to a secret family I did not know I had."

Brats: Our Journey Home
In 2005 military brat and filmmaker Donna Musil released the first documentary ever made exclusively about military brats, Brats: Our Journey Home. To date, the documentary has won six film awards. Musil furthers the premise that military brats form a distinct American subculture with a commonly held sense of identity that is actually a distinct American ethnicity. The documentary also draws on many studies interviews of researchers, counselors and psychologists, along with interviews of numerous former military brats.

Perceived invisibility of culture and experiences
Musil's documentary also highlights the feeling among many military brats that the culture and lives of military brats are largely invisible to most Americans. Some sparse and superficial aspects of military brat life may be known, but a fuller sense of awareness of one of America's largest (and oldest) subcultures is largely non-existent. The documentary starts with country music singer and military brat Kris Kristofferson calling military brats "an invisible tribe" comprising 5% of the American population.

The documentary closes with another quote from former military brat and author Pat Conroy, who writes,

"We spent our entire childhoods in the service of our country, and no one even knew we were there."

title: Military brat (U.S. subculture)


text:
Navy Medical Service Corps

The United States Navy Medical Service Corps is a staff corps of the U.S. Navy, consisting of officers engaged in medical support duties. It includes healthcare scientists and researchers, comprising around 60% of its personnel, and healthcare administrators, comprising the remaining 40%. Many of the latter are former enlisted hospital corpsmen, the Medical Service Corps Inservice Procurement Program (MSC-IPP) being one of several routes from enlisted service to commissioned status. The Medical Service Corps has around 2,600 serving commissioned officers.

Mission of the Medical Service Corps
The Medical Service Corps actively supports the Navy and Marine Corps team and Navy Medicine’s readiness and health benefits missions with a community of active duty and reserve component professionals.

Organization
The Navy Medical Service Corps was created on 4 August 1947 by act of the United States Congress. Originally it had four specialist sections: Supply and Administration, Optometry, Allied Sciences, and Pharmacy. Currently the Navy Medical Service Corps has three sections: Healthcare Administration, Healthcare Sciences, and Clinical Care Providers.

Healthcare Sciences are subdivided into the following fields of specialty:
 * Aerospace Experimental Psychology
 * Aerospace Physiology
 * Biochemistry
 * Entomology
 * Environmental Health
 * Industrial Hygiene
 * Medical Technology
 * Microbiology
 * Research Physiology
 * Radiation Health
 * Research Psychology

Clinical Care Providers are subdivided into the following fields of specialty:
 * Audiology
 * Clinical Psychology
 * Dietitian/Food Management
 * Occupational Therapy
 * Optometry
 * Pharmacy
 * Physical Therapy
 * Physician Assistant
 * Podiatry
 * Social Work

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Navy Medical Service Corps


text:
Now and on Earth

Now and On Earth is a 1942 novel by Jim Thompson. It was his first published novel.

Plot
Set in San Diego during World War II, it is a semi-autobiographical novel of the author's life working in an airplane manufacturing plant during the war years and the frustrations he endured there and in his personal life at the time. The main character is named James Dillon, a pen name under which Thompson previously published short stories.

title: Now and on Earth


text:
Niccolò Gattilusio

Niccolò Gattilusio (died 1462) was the sixth and last Gattilusio lord of Lesbos, from 1458 to 1462. He was a younger son of Dorino I Gattilusio and Orietta Doria.

He deposed his elder brother Domenico Gattilusio, threw him in prison, and had him strangled. The Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II used this crime as his pretext to invade Lesbos. According to Franz Babinger, Mehmed's true motivation was that Niccolò had sheltered Catalan pirates in return for a considerable share of their loot; these pirates were preying on the nearby Anatolian coast, kidnapping their inhabitants and selling them as slaves.

In 1462, Mehmed marched from Constantinople at the head of a detachment of Janissaries across Anatolia to Assos (near the modern Behram Köy), where on 1 September he was met by a fleet containing the balance of his forces, after which he crossed over to Lesbos. First his troops laid waste to the countryside, hoping this would intimidate Niccolò into surrendering; but Niccolò trusted to the fortifications of his city of Mytilini and its garrison of 5,000, and announced he would go down fighting. Sultan Mehmed proceeded to conquer Mytilini: after four days of skirmishing, Mehmed ordered the city bombarded with the six giant cannons he brought with him. The damage these cannons caused could not be repaired, and when the Janissaries penetrated the city, Niccolò was forced to admit his defeat. He surrendered Mytilini and the rest of the island.

Niccolò was carried off to Constantinople as a captive, along with most of his family. There he converted to Islam and was briefly released. His sister Maria Gattilusio (widow of Alexander, the brother of Emperor David of Trebizond), who was said to be lovely, entered the imperial harem. Her son Alexios became a page and as some sources relate, a favorite of the sultan, but seems to have been beheaded not long afterwards.

Then Mehmed II discovered that a favorite page of his, who had fled from him some time before, had become Christian and was included among the retinue of Niccolò. This final indignity seems to have hastened Niccolò's death sentence. He was strangled to death with a bowstring in Constantinople.

title: Niccolò Gattilusio


text:
Euday L. Bowman

Euday Louis Bowman (November 9, 1886 – May 26, 1949) was an American pianist and composer of ragtime and blues who represented the style of Texas Ragtime. He is chiefly remembered as the composer of the highly popular "Twelfth Street Rag", a ragtime composition from 1914 out of a series of rags that Bowman wrote during or after a period in which he worked as a pianist in bordellos of Kansas City. These pieces, including "Sixth Street Rag", "Tenth Street Rag", "Eleventh Street Rag" and "Twelfth Street Rag," were named after streets of Fort Worth's redlight district.

Biography
Euday Bowman was the paternal descendant of an early 18th-century German immigrant named Baumann. Three of Bowman's relatives fought in the American Revolution, including two cousins and one direct ancestor. Though several books list Bowman's birth year according to a tradition as 1887, official records show his birthdate as November 9, 1886. He was born and lived in what was then a village in Tarrant County, TX. The area, originally named Bowman Springs (according to some sources Bowman Spring) after his grandfather, Isaac Gatewood Bowman (1820-1907), was renamed Webb around 1895. The origin of the Webb name is unknown. It is now a suburb in the southeast area of Arlington. Bowman's parents divorced when he was young and his mother moved the family to Fort Worth. Both his mother and sister were piano teachers.

A contemporary of Bowman, the ragtime pianist and composer Brun Campbell, published erroneous remarks about Bowman that were subsequently spread in other published narratives. Contrary to Campbell's claims, Bowman did not lose a leg and did not die without heirs. In fact, when Brun wrote that, 24 claimants were involved in a lawsuit establishing the legitimate heirs. Although many sources indicate Bowman lost a leg when he tried to hop a train, that event happened to his cousin and resulted in a lawsuit ultimately decided by the Texas Supreme Court.

In his teens and early twenties, Bowman traveled around as pianist, and was also an arranger for popular orchestras. He lived together with his sister, Miss Mary M. Bowman, who wrote a part of Twelfth Street Rag. Bowman sold the copyright to the song for just $100. Many years later he regained the copyright, having lost out on the royalties earned by the publisher through the many successful interpretations of that rag by artists like Louis Armstrong (1927), Bennie Moten (1927), Duke Ellington (1931), and Pee Wee Hunt (1948). Other works of his include Petticoat Lane Rag, Colorado Blues, Kansas City Blues, Fort Worth Blues, Tipperary Blues, Shamrock Rag, White Lily Dreams, and Old Glory On Its Way.

Claim of Royalties
Euday had no children, so the royalties went to his sister. Upon her death one year later, Ed G. Max was appointed temporary administrator for her estate. His siblings, Charlotte Goldman and husband and Harry Loyd Max, filed their opposition to Mary Bowman's will, and alleged that they, with Ed G. Max, their brother, were nephews and niece of Mary M. Bowman and were all and the only heirs to her estate. An intervention was filed by Forrest Campbell and twenty-one others, asserting they were cousins of Mary M. Bowman, and children of deceased cousins of Mary M. Bowman, and were the only heirs of deceased Mary M. Bowman. The cousins ultimately prevailed.

Euday Bowman's work is not public domain. Royalties remained distributed among hundreds of descendants of the cousins until 2013, when two descendants bought out the others via private auction.

title: Euday L. Bowman


text:
Talk:Ełk

History of Lyck
The current town of Elk was for centuries known as Lyck, which was build in the Old Prussian Land of Sudauen (Latin Sudovia), later called East Prussia and part of Germany.

In the middle ages Lyck (1398 recorded as Zur Lycke) was a home town of German crusaders, who built a little castle, which still exists.

The German Writer Siegfried Lenz was born in Lyck.

In 1945 the town was conquered and is now called Elk.

The inhabitants of Lyck, who fled throughout WWI did not return“after the war“ but after the defeat of russian troops at Tannenberg and masuria in 1914/15.

The town was not “occupied by english and italien troops untill the treaty of Versailles", but these troops supervised the plebiscite in July 1920 as o condition of the Treaty of Versailles. (62.180.160.90 (talk) 08:42, 2 February 2008 (UTC))

Links

 * (Kreis) County of Lyck http://www.ggstanko.de/Kreis_Lyck/kreis_lyck.html
 * http://www.kreis-lyck.de/

almost all family names are of Lithuanian origin
unfortunately they are now polonized after 150 years of cruel polonisation and occupation — Preceding unsigned comment added by 90.219.121.57 (talk) 21:02, 21 August 2011 (UTC)

Infoserwis.elk.pl
Infoserwis.elk.pl is a private webpage, some kind of Yellow pages. It' s operated by a company called "ELNET" FUH (J. Zambrzycki) It's not the official town's webpage and for sure not a reliable source for the town's history. I removed it. HerkusMonte (talk) 14:50, 27 January 2012 (UTC)

"In 1896", what?
"In 1896 a Polish newspaper called "Gazeta Ludowa" representing the Polish national movement in Masury area" -- what, was established or existed or was being printed? W. B. Wilson (talk) 16:31, 28 January 2012 (UTC)

Malecki
Malecki didn't "flee" Poland - he didn't have anything to flee from. He moved to Ducal Prussia for economic reasons, most likely because he failed to secure a printing monopoly in Krakow. At best he "fled" economic competition, but the previous wording in the article misleadingly suggests that it was for religious reasons. It wasn't. He didn't even convert to Lutheranism until AFTER moving (same source).

Yes, that one source in German seems to use an inappropriate word. But we can find other sources which state he "moved" not "fled". Volunteer Marek 09:21, 10 December 2012 (UTC)

 * Oh, the source uses an "inappropriate" word, really? We have different sources using different terms. Please try to present such discrepancies in a neutral way and don't falsify what the sources actually say. HerkusMonte (talk) 07:17, 13 December 2012 (UTC)

 * I'm not falsifying anything, so drop the rhetoric. The point is that the original wording clearly misrepresented the situation. Moving for economic reasons is very different from "fleeing", especially when the text is at pains to imply that this "fleeing" was done for religious reasons. Volunteer Marek 14:04, 13 December 2012 (UTC)

Mazurska Partia Ludowa
- "Mazurska Partia Ludowa" is the actual name of this party, translated into English as "Mazurian People's Party". It's standard practice to either give the party's name in its original language or to provide the original language version of the name. For example: Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands, or Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands or Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands. Why exactly is the actual name of this party being removed? Volunteer Marek 00:35, 12 December 2012 (UTC)
 * I agree that is how it should be done in the primary article. In an article about a town like Ełk, the CDU leader Angela Merkel, or local politicians like Adam Puza does not need the translation.Rsloch (talk) 10:39, 13 December 2012 (UTC)
 * But text this isn't about a particular politician, it's about the party itself. Including actual name is a no brainer. Why exclude it? Volunteer Marek 14:05, 13 December 2012 (UTC)
 * No the article is about a town. The Mazurian People's Party should have a translation, other pages no. Imagine how silly it would get if we had to put actual party name by the first mention of it in every article.Rsloch (talk) 14:42, 13 December 2012 (UTC)
 * Of course the article is about the town but that particular text is about the party itself, not about some person who happens to be associated with the party. The actual name "Mazurska Partia Ludowa" is used in English language sources. Please stop trying to remove this name from the article. Volunteer Marek 16:08, 13 December 2012 (UTC)
 * Polish name in the article about the party suffices. No reason to add it here. Your comparison with Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands misses the point. We shouldn't have the German for, say, interwar parties (like Zentrum or Volkspartei) here either. Estlandia (Miacek) (dialogue) 14:54, 13 December 2012 (UTC)
 * Miacek, once again you are showing up to an article you have never edited before merely because I happen to be having a discussion on its talk page. I've asked you before to stop following me around. Let me repeat that. Stop. Stalking. My. Edits. Volunteer Marek 16:08, 13 December 2012 (UTC)
 * I actually have made a minor edit to the article before. I don't think the fact that I have not made major edits disqualifies me from expressing my opinion here, as - so it seems - the same problenms are re-surfacing on a number of articles. Please estimate my talk page comments based on the merit of the arguments within them, not personal biases.Estlandia (Miacek) (dialogue) 16:28, 13 December 2012 (UTC)
 * That "minor edit made before" was made three days ago, after discussion on this talk page had already started. Don't insult my intelligence. AGF has its limits. Volunteer Marek 16:48, 13 December 2012 (UTC)
 * You started the discussion at hand on Dec. 12. Estlandia (Miacek) (dialogue) 17:11, 13 December 2012 (UTC)
 * Sigh. Ok, look. I made the first comment above about Malecki at Dec 10, 9:21. The dispute between myself and Herkus started when he reverted me on Dec 10, 8:10. Then you came running to make your "minor edit" to justify your presence here  at 16:33 on Dec 10. And it's not like this is an isolated incident which could be ascribed to a coincidence. You've been stalking my edits for awhile now. Indeed, when I asked you about it last time, you didn't even bother denying it . So stop playing games. Volunteer Marek 17:16, 13 December 2012 (UTC)

Improper Italicization
There is also no reason to italicize former German names of now-Polish localities in the areas given to postwar Poland by the Potsdam Conference. In English, italics usually denote foreign (non-English) words for things or concepts, but not place names. Prior to 1945, Ełk was officially Lyck, not Lyck, and the German name should not be italicized. Sca (talk) 22:13, 25 September 2013 (UTC)

 * I'm not so sure. Look at Munich. Italicization seems to be the standard convention, at least on Wikipedia.  Volunteer Marek   00:27, 26 September 2013 (UTC)
 * Well, the naming convention is quite clear on this.ÄDA - DÄP VA (talk) 05:20, 26 September 2013 (UTC)
 * Would you check with the template talk site and raise any issues there, please, before removing templates used on hundreds of pages? ÄDA - DÄP VA (talk) 05:11, 26 September 2013 (UTC)

External links modified
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 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20080216083647/http://www.zs1.elk.edu.pl/ to http://www.zs1.elk.edu.pl/
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Information on ethnicity is misleading
The text states:

"In year 1832, the county of Ełk (including the town) had 32663 inhabitants, including (by mother tongue): 29246 (~90%) Polish, 3413 (~10%) German and 4 Lithuanian."

The categorization implies that some 90% of inhabitants were Poles, i.e. identified as Poles. This is not true. Some 90% of the population spoke Masurian in 1832, but identified not as catholic Poles, but as protestant Prussians. Also the Masurian language should not be used interchangibly with Polish. Poles can hardly understand Masurian. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 193.5.181.42 (talk) 14:18, 21 July 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Ełk


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Vi Daley

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was DELETE. But I'm going to leave the redirect that's already there. dbenbenn | talk 15:16, 4 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Vi Daley
Another 6-word substub reading: "Vi Daley is a Chicago Alderman." Is this Alderman-cruft, or a valuable contribution to Wikipedia and its readers? Are all Chicago Aldermen inherently notable and encyclopedic, such that simple elementary school styled sentences are acceptable as articles until expanded? Better yet, would this sort of "contribution" be tolerated if this were an article about a member of a municipal legislative body in a small town outside of U.S. soil?  GRider\talk 17:58, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Right on, Rider. This is totally and utterly useless.  Delete.  Please. - Lucky 6.9 18:15, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * I agree that aldermen are not in and of themselves notable. There's just way too many of them. Apply the professor test, I'd say. This one, unless significantly substantiated, should go. Delete Radiant! 18:41, Feb 17, 2005 (UTC)
 * Neutral. Personally, I don't think politicians at this level are inherently notable. However, I believe quite a few have survived VFD (mostly from Canada, if I remember correctly). I would really like to see VFD become more consistent, and less fickle. Niteowlneils 19:13, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * If possible, can you please cite examples? GRider\talk 19:22, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Pretty tough, since VFD:Old only has articles that were deleted. Haven't yet found any such articles that have survived Vfd, but I did find a surprising number of bluelinks at Toronto City Council. Niteowlneils 22:13, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Finally found an example: Talk:Peter_Hume. Also, note the number of bluelinks for mayoral election losers, as well as blue and redlinks for people who sought city-level offices at Ottawa municipal election, 2003. Niteowlneils 22:28, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Thank you. Obviously these articles are much more sophisticated than 6-word substubs, but I will review them further as soon as I have a moment to spare.  GRider\talk 22:57, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Comment: The Canadian politicians I've seen in the last few days have been Members of Parliament--roughly equivalent to the legislators in the U.S. House of Representatives.  There seems to be a building consensus that politicians at the national level are sufficiently notable for Wikipedia.  On the otherhand, municipal politicians are more of a mixed lot.  I would suggest that Mayors of all but the smallest communities should get the nod.  As for aldermen, city councillors, and the like—I'd say that they need to be notable for some particular reason (in addition to just holding office) to be worth mention.
 * Above left by User:TenOfAllTrades.
 * If my memory is serving me correctly, this was at least 3-4 months ago. Niteowlneils 22:13, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, non-notable. --Carnildo 20:48, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Comment: Please read Votes for deletion/Bernie Hansen. Uncle G 00:38, 2005 Feb 18 (UTC)
 * Reply: If the Vi Daley substub was even a fraction of one percent as good as the Bernie Hansen article, believe me, it would not be nominated here for discussion.  But thank you none the less for the link. GRider\talk 00:47, 18 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Well, can we at least agree that, if we had a good article on Vi Daley, it should be kept? This particular article has no content, and I'm indifferent to it. But if somebody adds even a small bit of detail, keep. Meelar (talk) 02:34, Feb 18, 2005 (UTC)
 * No, only if said article establishes notability beyond him being a Chicago alderman. Radiant! 17:07, Feb 18, 2005 (UTC)
 * I agree with Meelar. I think Chicago aldermen (and their equivalents in other major cities) are inherently notable, but I also think substubs like this are useless. -- Jmabel | Talk 03:35, Feb 19, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete unless expanded beyond stub status before February 22. —RaD Man (talk) 11:22, 19 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. See criteria for inclusion of biographies. --Pjacobi 00:54, 2005 Feb 21 (UTC)
 * Merge These should all be merged on to one Chicago Alderman page — Linnwood 07:19, 21 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Remember this is VfD and not the Crusades. Hyacinth 00:23, 24 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, as per my other votes on Chicago aldermen. Megan1967 08:01, 25 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * I decided to be bold and I redirected this to Chicago aldermen, as the other substubs generally have been. -R. fiend 18:06, 3 Mar 2005 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
EPICS

The Experimental Physics and Industrial Control System (EPICS) is a set of software tools and applications used to develop and implement distributed control systems to operate devices such as particle accelerators, telescopes and other large scientific facilities. The tools are designed to help develop systems which often feature large numbers of networked computers delivering control and feedback. They also provide SCADA capabilities.

History
EPICS was initially developed as the Ground Test Accelerator Controls System (GTACS) at Los Alamos National Laboratory (LANL) in 1988 by Bob Dalesio, Jeff Hill, et al. In 1989, Marty Kraimer from Argonne National Laboratory (ANL) came to work alongside the GTA controls team for 6 months, bringing his experience from his work on the Advanced Photon Source (APS) Control System to the project. The resulting software was renamed EPICS and was presented at the International Conference on Accelerator and Large Experimental Physics Control Systems (ICALEPCS) in 1991.

EPICS was originally available under a commercial license, with enhanced versions sold by Tate & Kinetic Systems. Licenses for collaborators were free, but required a legal agreement with LANL and APS. An EPICS community was established and development grew as more facilities joined in with the collaboration. In February 2004, EPICS became freely distributable after its release under the EPICS Open License.

It is now used and developed by over 50 large science institutions worldwide, as well as by several commercial companies.

Architecture
EPICS uses client–server and publish–subscribe techniques to communicate between computers. Servers, the “input/output controllers” (IOCs), collect experiment and control data in real time, using the measurement instruments attached to them. This information is then provided to clients, using the high-bandwidth Channel Access (CA) or the recently added pvAccess networking protocols that are designed to suit real-time applications such as scientific experiments.

IOCs hold and interact with a database of "records", which represent either devices or aspects of the devices to be controlled. IOCs can be hosted by stock-standard servers or PCs or by VME, MicroTCA, and other standard embedded system processors. For "hard real-time" applications the RTEMS or VxWorks operating systems are normally used, whereas "soft real-time" applications typically run on Linux or Microsoft Windows.

Data held in the records are represented by unique identifiers known as Process Variables (PVs). These PVs are accessible over the network channels provided by the CA/pvAccess protocol.

Many record types are available for various types of input and output (e.g., analog or binary) and to provide functional behaviour such as calculations. It is also possible to create custom record types. Each record consists of a set of fields, which hold the record's static and dynamic data and specify behaviour when various functions are requested locally or remotely. Most record types are listed in the EPICS record reference manual.

Graphical user interface packages are available, allowing users to view and interact with PV data through typical display widgets such as dials and text boxes. Examples include EDM (Extensible Display Manager), MEDM (Motif/EDM), and CSS.

Any software that implements the CA/pvAccess protocol can read and write PV values. Extension packages are available to provide support for MATLAB, LabVIEW, Perl, Python, Tcl, ActiveX, etc. These can be used to write scripts to interact with EPICS-controlled equipment.

Commercial Users

 * BiRa Systems
 * Ciemat
 * CosyLab
 * GLResearch
 * idt
 * Mobiis
 * Nusano, Inc
 * Observatory Sciences
 * Osprey Distributed Control Systems
 * Varian Medical Systems
 * Pyramid Technical Consultants

title: EPICS


text:
User:Vmv

This is the modest cottage of Vmv, a wikipedia contributor. You used to see the word vlad_mv on the mat below the door. As of March 24, 2005, I replaced it with the more fashionable Vlad M V.

Jukebox
Check out what I'm listening to while working at Wikipedia. You can also see the archives.

Turned Off. Last time I was hear, I was listening to Come's Don't Ask, Don't Tell & Garbage's Version 2.0, then Astor Piazzolla (The Rough Dancer and the Cyclical Night) & Massive Attack (Mezzanine).

Oven
My wikistress level rarely goes up: most of the time, it keeps green.

Wikipedia is addictive - I drink and smoke, so I should know. I usually keep my contributions at a level where they won't interfere too much with the rest of my life. As far as I know, I was never deliberately hostile towards any fellow contributor. If you think differently, leave me a note at my talk page. Please keep in mind I'm not a native English speaker, maybe I never intended to sound rude.

Refrigerator door
My next contributions will probably address one of these issues:

Contributions
So far, I have contributed mainly to the following areas in Wikipedia:

Ideas & Concerns

 * Inclusionists & Deletionists: Even though Wikipedia is not paper, it is not a general knowledge base either. The fact that something can be verified to exist does not make it encyclopedic. Failure to understand this has flooded VfD with vanity articles, "the street I live in"-articles, "the kiosk I buy my newspaper in"-articles, "the grocery store where I go shopping"-articles, and so on. Of course, issues get much more complicated when people disagree whether a whole class of things is inherently notable. Disagreement of this nature has brought about the school issue on VfD: Wikipedians have so far failed to reach a consensus whether the fact the an object belongs to the class of "schools" (like one would easily say, for instance, of an object that belongs to the class of "nation presidents") makes it inhenrently notable, hence worthy of an individual article. Lately, this has been the core of the deletionist X inclusionist controvery in Wikipedia.
 * My position: I do not believe all schools are inherently notable, but I do not believe this make me a deletionist either. I'll refrain from nominating schools for VfD as long as there is no clearly established policy stating which schools should be considered notable, and which not. Nevertheless, I will continue to use my own commonsense to vote.

 * Stubs: I prefer to write few but long articles, rather than posting a large number of stubs. This is my way of doing things, and not a policy I use to judge other people's work.

Bathroom Thoughts

 * Thou shalt be judged by thy favourite books, records & films. See me contributions and my jukebox to judge me.
 * Drink it up, wine is wine. Do you really believe a glass does good to your health, but the whole bottle harms it?
 * Never Microsoft - but if it should be Microsoft, never XP.
 * Never McDonald's - but if it should be McDonald's, starve.

Phonebook

 * Dead-end pages
 * Images for deletion
 * Queer Wikipedians
 * Orphaned pages
 * Template messages
 * Utilities
 * VfD
 * Village pump

Door bell
You can ring my bell! Leave a note at my talk page or send me an email.

title: User:Vmv


text:
The Broadside Tapes 1

The Broadside Tapes 1, alternatively known as Broadside Ballads, Vol. 14, was a compilation of demo recordings done by Phil Ochs for Broadside magazine in the early-to-late 1960s. Of the sixteen songs that appeared, ranging from the humorous ("The Ballad of Alferd Packer") to the depressing ("The Passing of My Life"), all were new to listeners. It also included a song about the Profumo affair ("Christine Keeler") and it closed with a live cover of The Beatles' "I Should Have Known Better" (retitled "I Shoulda Known Better") featuring Eric Andersen on harmony vocals and harmonica.

Track listing
All songs by Phil Ochs unless otherwise noted.
 * 1) "The Ballad of Alferd Packer" – 2:11
 * 2) "If I Knew" – 2:18
 * 3) "The Ballad of John Henry Faulk" – 3:08
 * 4) "Spaceman" – 2:09
 * 5) "On My Way" – 1:40
 * 6) "Hazard, Kentucky" – 2:09
 * 7) "The Passing of My Life" – 2:21
 * 8) "That's The Way It's Gonna Be" (Phil Ochs, Bob Gibson) – 2:35
 * 9) "Rivers of the Blood" – 1:59
 * 10) "Remember Me" – 2:22
 * 11) "Talkin' Pay TV" – 2:33
 * 12) "Christine Keeler" – 1:30
 * 13) "Spanish Civil War Song" – 2:11
 * 14) "Another Country" – 2:21
 * 15) "Time Was" – 1:38
 * 16) "I Shoulda Known Better" (John Lennon, Paul McCartney) – 3:32

Personnel

 * Phil Ochs - guitar, vocals
 * Eric Andersen - harmonica, vocals on "I Shoulda Known Better"
 * Paul Kaplan - producer

title: The Broadside Tapes 1


text:
Talk:Youtiao

Vandalism? Explain.
How do you cite when your primary sources are from social media? I'm referring to the other Malaysian local names largely unknown to the public which have been erased after being marked as vandalism. The other marked stuff I can get by. Later when I do my writing online somewhere else you guys dont cite my writing yea. Adamrmr (talk) 15:02, 30 December 2022 (UTC)

Was it a bot who marked my entry as vandalism? I'm only a casual Wikipedia editor so does anybody care to elaborate what and why it happened? Adamrmr (talk) 16:40, 31 December 2022 (UTC)

 * Thanks for trying to improve this article with your edits. My personal opinion is that you did not do any vandalism, though the information you added was indeed uncited. To your first point, social media generally does not qualify as valid references, see the page Reliable sources (and specifically the section WP:UGC) for more information. There is also a section on the attestation of terms over at Wiktionary that might be relevant. As for your edits getting reverted, that was done by the IP user 211.107.142.12, not by a bot. It also does not seem that your edits were automatically flagged as vandalism as far as I can tell. I don't know exactly why that user reverted your edits, which they called vandalism, but you could try asking them at their talk page. If you have any other questions or concerns, you should of course feel free to express them. Best, ChromeGames (talk · contribs) 21:16, 31 December 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Youtiao


text:
User talk:EvilOverlordX

Welcome!

Hello,, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! Please sign your name on talk pages using four tildes (~~); this will automatically produce your name and the date. If you need help, check out Where to ask a question, ask me on my talk page, or place  on your talk page and someone will show up shortly to answer your questions. Again, welcome!
 * The five pillars of Wikipedia
 * How to edit a page
 * Help pages
 * Tutorial
 * How to write a great article
 * Manual of Style

I like your login name. The X at the end should mean you are the tenth in the dinasty with that name, right? :) Oleg Alexandrov 18:00, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Thanks :). Actually, it's more along the lines of an unknown (kind of like the movie 'The X from Outer Space'), or a generic evil overlord. EvilOverlordX 22:39, Feb 17, 2005 (UTC)

ArbCom elections are now open!
MediaWiki message delivery (talk) 12:57, 23 November 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:EvilOverlordX


text:
Sadie Plant

Sadie Plant (born Sarah Jane Plant; 16 March 1964) is a British philosopher, cultural theorist, and author.

Education
She earned her PhD in Philosophy from the University of Manchester in 1989 and subsequently taught at the University of Birmingham's Department of Cultural Studies (formerly the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies) before going on to found the Cybernetic Culture Research Unit with colleague Nick Land at the University of Warwick, where she was a faculty member. Her original research was related to the Situationist International before turning to the social and political potential of cyber-technology. Her writing in the 1990s would prove influential in the development of cyberfeminism.

Career
Sadie Plant left the University of Warwick in 1997 to write full-time. She published a cultural history of drug use and control, and a report on the social effects of mobile phones, as well as articles in publications as varied as the Financial Times, Wired, Blueprint, and Dazed and Confused. She published the book Zeros + Ones in 1997, in which she reveals how women's role in programming has been overlooked. She was interviewed as one of the 'People to Watch' in the Winter 2000–2001 issue of Time.

Publications

 * The Most Radical Gesture: The Situationist International in a Postmodern Age (1992, Routledge) ISBN 0-415-06222-5
 * Zeroes + Ones : Digital Women and the New Technoculture (1997, Doubleday) ISBN 0-385-48260-4
 * Writing on Drugs (1999, Faber and Faber) ISBN 0-571-19616-0

General references

 * The Independent
 * The Independent
 * http://www.faber.co.uk/author/sadie-plant/
 * http://www2.tate.org.uk/intermediaart/entry15419.shtm
 * http://www.v2.nl/archive/people/sadie-plant
 * https://web.archive.org/web/20120308043525/http://www.rigb.org/contentControl?action=displayContent&id=00000001211
 * http://future-nonstop.org/c/bb37122bc11c3dd0787d5205d9debc41
 * http://www.ephemerajournal.org/sites/default/files/3-1plantandland.pdf

title: Sadie Plant


text:
Peter Pan syndrome

Peter Pan Syndrome is a pop psychology term used to describe an adult who is socially immature. It refers to “never-growing” adults who have reached an adult age, but cannot face their adult sensations and responsibilities. The term is a metaphor based on the concept of not growing up and being trapped in childhood. Individuals with Peter Pan Syndrome display behaviours associated with immaturity and a reluctance to grow up. They have difficulties in social and professional relationships because of their irresponsible behaviours and narcissistic properties. While it has often only been associated with males in the past, it can affect anyone, regardless of sex or gender.

The term has been used informally by both laypeople and some psychology professionals since the 1983 publication of The Peter Pan Syndrome: Men Who Have Never Grown Up, by Dr. Dan Kiley. While Peter Pan Syndrome is not recognised by the World Health Organization and is not listed in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5), it has a significant overlap with narcissistic personality disorder (NPD). Individuals with NPD exhibit a similar pattern of selfishness; however, they also tend to hold a much higher degree of self-importance and entitlement.

History
The concept gained popularity through psychoanalyst Dr. Dan Kiley in his book The Peter Pan Syndrome: Men Who Have Never Grown Up first published in 1983. His book became an international best seller and led to a wave of copycat pop-psychology books. Dr. Kiley got the idea for "The Peter Pan Syndrome" after noticing that, like the famous character in the J. M. Barrie play, many of the troubled teenage boys he treated had problems growing up and accepting adult responsibilities. This trouble continued into adulthood.

In his 1997 book, Men Who Never Grow Up, Kiley lists seven key markers of Peter Pan Syndrome:

 * 1) Emotional paralysis: People may have dulled emotions or express their feelings in inappropriate ways.
 * 2) Slowness: They may be apathetic, procrastinate tasks, and frequently late.
 * 3) Social challenges: They may feel anxious and have difficulty forming and maintaining meaningful relationships, both romantic and platonic. Their fear of commitment and reluctance to take on adult responsibilities can hinder their ability to connect with others on a deeper level.
 * 4) Avoidance of responsibility: Individuals with Peter Pan syndrome may resist or avoid taking on adult roles and responsibilities, such as pursuing a career, managing finances, or maintaining a stable long-term relationship. They may prefer to live in the moment and avoid making commitments that require long-term planning or sacrifice. They may avoid taking accountability for their mistakes and may blame others.
 * 5) Female relationships: According to Kiley, people can have difficulty with maternal relationships and treat future romantic partners as “mother figures.”
 * 6) Male relationships: They may feel distant from their father and have trouble with male authority figures.
 * 7) Sexual relationships: They may be afraid of rejection from romantic partners and desire a partner who is dependent on them.

Critics have highlighted that these criteria are outdated, reflect patriarchal ideas of gender and sexuality, and are therefore not often used in a modern view of Peter Pan Syndrome. While earlier texts limit the diagnosis of the syndrome to only males, these characteristics can affect anyone, regardless of sex or gender.

Characteristics
Peter Pan Syndrome is a psychological term for individuals who find it difficult to grow up. They have challenges maintaining adult relationships and managing adult responsibilities and may exhibit traits such as avoiding responsibilities, resisting commitment, seeking constant fun and excitement, and displaying a lack of ambition or direction in life. They may prefer to engage in activities associated with childhood rather than taking on the responsibilities and challenges of adulthood.

The causes for this behaviour likely vary for each individual and underlying mechanisms remain unexplained; however, the issue seems to be rooted in childhood experiences, such as neglect or overprotective parenting.

Since Peter Pan Syndrome is not a clinical diagnosis, experts have not determined an official list of symptoms. However, in recent publications the following characteristics are mentioned commonly.

Signs in relationships
Individuals might have difficulties maintaining healthy romantic relationships. This includes struggling to express their emotions, listen to their partner, and play an equal role in the relationship. Individuals may place an unfair burden on their partner, avoiding every-day adult responsibilities and decision-making.

While Peter Pan Syndrome is characterised with issues maintaining long-term relationships, individuals also experience a strong fear of loneliness and rely heavily on their parents and family.

Work-related signs
People with Peter Pan Syndrome tend to struggle with job and career goals. This is because of difficulties with responsibilities and commitment. They may make little real effort to find a job and have a pattern of job loss due to lack of effort, tardiness, or skipping work or leaving jobs frequently when they feel bored, challenged, or stressed, trying to avoid criticism.

Signs in attitude, mood, and behaviour
Individuals show a pattern of unreliability and narcissistic tendencies characterised by preoccupation with self-image and prioritisation of personal needs and desires. They have no interest in personal growth and often blame others for their mistakes, avoiding negative evaluation.

They are easily irritated, having difficulties controlling impulsive behaviour, especially when facing stressful situations. To escape difficult feelings or responsibilities they might turn to substance abuse.

Similarities with Narcissistic Personality Disorder (NPD)
Peter Pan Syndrome and Narcissistic Personality Disorder (NPD) are two distinct psychological concepts, but there is some overlap in certain traits and behaviours. Both Peter Pan Syndrome and NPD involve difficulties in forming and maintaining mature, adult relationships due to struggles with commitment and empathy. Additionally, both involve a self-centred focus, though in Peter Pan Syndrome, this may stem more from a desire to maintain personal freedom and avoid responsibility, whereas in NPD, it arises from a need for admiration and validation. Individuals with either condition may struggle with accepting criticism or feedback that challenges their self-image or worldview.

While individuals with the Peter Pan Syndrome often exhibit narcissistic traits, NPD is especially characterised by devaluation and manipulation of others, which are not usually traits of the Peter Pan Syndrome.

Treatment and management
Since Peter Pan Syndrome is not a clinical diagnosis, there is no set guidelines of how to manage the behavior and feelings of the individual. It is likely that the patients are not aware of how this is affecting them and others.

Treatment for Peter Pan Syndrome depends on the underlying causes. Therapy would be an essential component in addressing this phenomenon, as it offers a safe space for individuals to explore their past experiences and emotional patterns. By delving into childhood experiences, therapists can help patients gain insight into how these factors have influenced their development and contributed to their avoidance of adult responsibilities. Therapy might assist individuals in developing coping strategies, and ultimately fostering a healthier sense of self and autonomy.

title: Peter Pan syndrome


text:
Monocrystalline whisker

A monocrystalline whisker is a filament of material that is structured as a single, defect-free crystal. Some typical whisker materials are graphite, alumina, iron, silicon carbide and silicon. Single-crystal whiskers of these (and some other) materials are known for having very high tensile strength (on the order of 10–20 GPa). Whiskers are used in some composites, but large-scale fabrication of defect-free whiskers is very difficult.

Prior to the discovery of carbon nanotubes, single-crystal whiskers had the highest tensile strength of any materials known, and were featured regularly in science fiction as materials for fabrication of space elevators, arcologies, and other large structures. Despite showing great promise for a range of applications, their usage has been hindered by concerns over their effects on health when inhaled.

title: Monocrystalline whisker


text: User talk:68.42.133.223

title: User talk:68.42.133.223


text:
Dogger Bank

Dogger Bank (Dutch: Doggersbank, German: Doggerbank, Danish: Doggerbanke) is a large sandbank in a shallow area of the North Sea about 100 km off the east coast of England.

During the last ice age, the bank was part of a large landmass connecting mainland Europe and the British Isles, now known as Doggerland. It has long been known by fishermen to be a productive fishing bank; it was named after the doggers, medieval Dutch fishing boats especially used for catching cod.

At the beginning of the 21st century, the area was identified as a potential site for a UK round 3 wind farm, being developed as Dogger Bank Wind Farm.

Name
The name Dogger Bank was first recorded in the mid-17th century. It is probably derived from the word "dogger" used for a two-masted boat of the type that trawled for fish in the area in medieval times. The area has similar names in Dutch, German, and Danish.

It gives its name to the Dogger sea area used in the BBC Radio 4 Shipping Forecast.

Geography
The bank extends over about 17600 km2, and is about 160 by in extent. The water depth ranges from 15 to 36 m, about 20 m shallower than the surrounding sea.

Geology
Geologically, the feature is most likely a moraine, formed during the Pleistocene. At differing times during the last glacial period it was either joined to the mainland or an island. The bank was part of a large landmass, now known as Doggerland, which connected Britain to the European mainland until it was flooded some time after the end of the last glacial period.

Fishing trawlers working the area have dredged up large amounts of moorpeat, remains of mammoth and rhinoceros, and occasionally Palaeolithic hunting artefacts.

The 1931 Dogger Bank earthquake took place below the bank, measuring 6.1 on the Richter scale and was the largest earthquake ever recorded in the United Kingdom. Its hypocentre was 23 km beneath the bank, and the quake was felt in countries all around the North Sea, causing damage across eastern England.

South of Dogger Bank is the Cleaver Bank.

Naval battles and incidents

 * Battle of Dogger Bank (1696), during the Nine Years' War a French fleet under the command of Jean Bart was victorious over the ships of a Dutch force of five ships and the convoy it was escorting.
 * Battle of Dogger Bank (1781), during the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War, a Royal Navy squadron fought a Dutch squadron on 5 August 1781.
 * Dogger Bank incident, during the Russo-Japanese War, Russian naval ships opened fire on British fishing boats in the area of Dogger Bank on 21 October 1904, mistaking them for Japanese torpedo boats.
 * Battle of Dogger Bank (1915) and Battle of Dogger Bank (1916), during the First World War, saw battles between the Royal Navy and the German High Seas Fleet.

Several shipwrecks lie on the bank. In 1966, the German submarine U-Hai, a German Type XXIII submarine, sank during a gale. 19 of 20 men died, one of the worst peacetime naval disasters in German history.

Ecology
The bank is an important fishing area, with cod and herring being caught in large numbers. Dogger Bank has been identified as an oceanic environment that exhibits high primary productivity throughout the year in the form of phytoplankton. As such, it was proposed to designate the area a Marine Nature Reserve. Under European Union legislation, the protected area has been divided between several countries, including the UK.

Trawling and protected areas
In September 2020, Greenpeace dropped several granite boulders from their ship Esperanza on the Dogger Bank area. Concerns had been raised when a supertrawler had been seen off the Yorkshire coast. The action undertaken by Greenpeace had support from some of those in the fishing trade. The large granite rocks are harmless to marine life and surface fishing, but they get entangled in the weighted nets of bottom trawlers, obstructing the practice. A Greenpeace spokesperson said "how can you continue to allow bottom trawlers to plough the seabed in a protected area? .... [it] is the equivalent to allowing bulldozers to plough through a protected forest."

Wind farm and wind power hub
The Dogger Bank was selected for offshore wind farms because it is far away from shore, avoiding complaints about the visual impact of wind turbines, yet the water is shallow enough for traditional fixed foundation wind turbine designs. Fixed-foundation wind turbines are economically limited to maximum water depths of 40 to 50 m; at greater water depths new floating wind turbine designs are required, which currently cost significantly more to build.

In January 2010, a licence to develop a wind farm on Dogger Bank was granted to Forewind Ltd, a consortium of developers. Originally projected to develop up to 9 gigawatts of power as part of a planned nine zone project of 32 gigawatts, the plan was later scaled down to a 7.2-gigawatt installation in agreement with the area's owner Crown Estates.

Construction was scheduled to start around 2014 at the earliest, but has been repeatedly postponed.

Dutch, German, and Danish electrical grid operators are cooperating in a project to build a North Sea Wind Power Hub complex on one or more artificial islands to be constructed on Dogger Bank as part of a European system for sustainable electricity. At the North Seas Energy Forum in Brussels on 23 March 2017, Energinet.dk will sign a contract to work with the German and Dutch branches of TenneT; thereafter a feasibility study will be produced.

title: Dogger Bank