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New England Law Boston

New England Law | Boston (formerly New England School of Law) is a private law school in Boston, Massachusetts. It was founded as Portia School of Law in 1908 and is located in downtown Boston near the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court.

According to New England Law's official 2018 ABA-required disclosures, the class of 2018 had a full-time employment rate of 83.4% with 4% pursuing an additional degree. Eight U.S. Supreme Court justices have visited, lectured, or taught in the summer-abroad programs at New England Law.

The Portia School of Law
The Portia School of Law started informally in 1908 when Arthur W. MacLean (1880–1943), a graduate of the Boston University School of Law and a professor at Suffolk University Law School, agreed to tutor two young women who were studying for the Massachusetts bar examination. At the time, few options were available to women seeking a legal education in New England. Soon afterwards, MacLean rented space at 88 Tremont Street, began admitting students, and took on a second faculty member. MacLean's wife, Bertha, named the school after the character Portia in Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice. In the play, Portia disguises herself as a young man and impersonates a judge; she also ruins Shylock, the moneylender. The Portia School of Law was the only law school in the country exclusively for women.

The school was incorporated in 1918. By this time it had 91 students. The following year, the Massachusetts legislature granted the school the power to confer the degree of Bachelor of Laws (LL.B), and the school was reincorporated as the Portia Law School. In 1920 the school awarded its first LL.B degrees to 39 women. The school was one of the few that offered part-time enrollment, enabling working-class women to pursue their studies while supporting themselves.

In 1920, the school outgrew its space on Tremont Street and moved to a townhouse at 45 Mt. Vernon Street on Beacon Hill. The Portia Law School was granted the authority to confer the degree of Master of Laws (LL.M.) in 1926; five graduates were awarded the LL.M. the following year.

The Portia Law School was integrated from its earliest days. Blanche E. Braxton, who graduated in 1921, became the first African-American woman admitted to the Massachusetts bar in 1923. Another Portia graduate, Dorothy Crockett, became the first African-American woman admitted to the Rhode Island bar in 1932. The former site of the Portia Law School at 45 Mount Vernon Street is a stop on the Boston Women's Heritage Trail.

Admission of male students
The school began admitting male students out of financial necessity in the 1920s. In 1930, the school's first two male graduates received the LL.M. degree. From 1940 to 1950, the men's program was referred to as the Calvin Coolidge Law School.

As the school entered the 1950s it saw its student body shift from a student body that had a majority female population to a predominantly male student body. 1963 saw Portia Law School begin the process of applying for American Bar Association accreditation, and some of the steps the school took included restructuring its board of governors and launching the school's first law review. In 1969, the school changed its name to New England School of Law to coincide with its accreditation granted by the ABA.

As New England Law neared its 75th anniversary, new programs were started, the first was the creation of Law Day in 1970 and then the opening of its clinical law services office in 1971. The clinical law services program is performed by the law students providing representation to those who did not have the economic means to seek paid legal assistance. In 1980, New England moved into its current location; which is located in the Boston Theater District neighborhood. George H. W. Bush was the keynote speaker at the 75th anniversary of New England Law.

In the 1980s, the school started a program that arranged for students to study abroad and work with former Soviet Bloc nations to develop their own legal systems. New England Law also became a co-founder of the Consortium for Innovative Legal Education; which allows students to study abroad at countries throughout the world. In 1996, New England Law students worked with Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunals by providing legal research and analysis for war crimes in Rwanda and the former nation of Yugoslavia. New England Law received membership from the Association of American Law Schools in 1998. In 2002, New England Law expanded its campus by buying adjacent buildings around the schools current location. Also, in 2008, New England School of Law began a new campaign to rebrand itself as "New England Law | Boston", with the purpose to put an emphasis on its location.

In December 2020, long-time president John F. O'Brien stepped down and former United States Senator from Massachusetts and U.S. Ambassador to New Zealand, Scott P. Brown, was named the new president and dean of the school. Brown resigned in August 2021, citing a difference of vision from that of the board of directors.

In January 2022, The Board of Trustees of New England Law | Boston selected long-time professor, Lisa R. Freudenheim, to lead the law school as its next dean.

Campus
The law school's main academic building is a five-story building on Stuart Street in the Boston Theater District, which includes classrooms, faculty offices, law review offices, and the school's library. Other offices are in a nearby building in the Bay Village on Church Street. Tufts University utilizes New England Law's Bookstore.

A valuable resource-sharing partnership has been forged between New England Law library and the library associated with Tufts medical, dental and veterinary schools. Current students, faculty and staff of each institution have on-site access to each other's collections.

Academics
New England Law offers full-time and part-time (both day and evening) Juris Doctor programs, with an application deadline of May 1. In 2021, the entering class had Law School Admission Test (LSAT) scores in the range of 149 to 157 (25th–75th percentile). New England Law has approximately 600 students.

New England Law has seven concentrations, including in immigration law and intellectual property law and offers an LL.M. in American Law. New England Law also offers a program where a student may spend a period of time up to two academic semesters at a law school associated with the Consortium for Innovative Legal Education, Inc. (CILE). The schools taking part in the program include California Western School of Law, South Texas College of Law, and Mitchell Hamline School of Law.

Accreditation and rankings
New England Law is American Bar Association (ABA) accredited and is a member of the Association of American Law Schools. It is also a founding member of the Consortium for Innovative Legal Education.

New England Law is ranked No. 147-193 among law schools and No. 55-70 among part-time law schools by U.S. News.

According to the Princeton Review, New England Law is ranked the 3rd best law school with the greatest resources for women based on two criteria: student surveys and the percentage of the student body that are women.

Cost and student debt
The total cost of attendance (indicating the cost of tuition, fees, and living expenses) at New England Law for the 2021–2022 academic year is $52,288 for full-time students and $39,216 for evening and part-time students.

Employment outcomes
According to New England Law's official 2018 ABA-required disclosures, the class of 2018 had an employment rate of 83% with 4% pursuing an additional degree.

Centers
The Center for Law and Social Responsibility, CLSR, works mostly pro bono and public service activities. It is run and supported by students, faculty and alumni. The CLSR serves as a socially responsible organization that works with numerous projects that are representative of its members, as well as issues that public service lawyers are currently working with. The CLSR also works to support classroom projects, scholarship, and other activities that convey current social problems.

The Center for International Law and Policy, CILP, is utilized by both students and faculty for research, analysis and produce resource material on numerous topics. Students also have the chance to practice international law in overseas externships. Most students work assist in prosecutions related to war crimes, because of the schools relationships with international criminal courts and tribunals. CILP also hosts the annual international law conference, by creating more awareness in global legal work, for issues such as Chinese unification and Taiwanese independence, competition laws, responses to rogue regimes, the Rwandan genocide, and the development of new countries out of the former Yugoslavia.

New England Law's Center for Business Law offers academic credit in conjunction with legal externship positions through one of the CBL's three institutes, which individually focus on corporate governance and ethics, intellectual property, and tax law. Typical placements include Liberty Mutual, RNK Telecommunication, Natural Microsystems, Inc., the Boston Stock Exchange, and the National Association of Securities Dealers.

Clinics
New England Law offers more than a dozen clinics each semester in a wide range of areas including public interest, tax law, administrative law, criminal law, family law, health law, immigration law, land use law, and mediation. Students are eligible to participate in clinics in the first semester of their second year of law school.

Notable alumni
New England Law's notable alumni include:

 * Blanche E. Braxton, first African American woman to be admitted to the Massachusetts bar;
 * Susan J. Crawford, the first woman to be appointed to the United States Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces, former Inspector General of the Department of Defense, and former Convening Authority of the Guantanamo Military Commissions
 * Thomas J. Curry, former comptroller at the United States Office of the Comptroller of the Currency;
 * Ken Croken, member of the Iowa House of Representatives from district 97
 * Brian Darling, director of United States Senate relations for The Heritage Foundation;
 * Joseph R. Driscoll, Norfolk member of the Massachusetts House of Representatives;
 * Mitchell Garabedian, lawyer best known for representing victims during the Catholic priest sexual abuse scandal;
 * Virgil Hawkins, activist best known for Florida ex Rel. Hawkins v. Board of Control Supreme Court case
 * Glenn Kirschner, prosecutor and television commentator;
 * Joseph Mondello, United States Ambassador to Trinidad and Tobago from 2018 to 2021
 * Wendy Murphy, attorney, professor, and author;
 * James E. O'Neil, Rhode Island Attorney General, 1987 to 1993
 * Joseph Petty, mayor of Worcester, Massachusetts;
 * Karyn Polito, Massachusetts lieutenant governor;
 * Mark John Richard Simpson, director of the United States Secret Service;
 * Lori St John, anti-death penalty activist;
 * Andrew Vachss, children's lawyer and author of the Burke novels;
 * Martha Ware, Massachusetts district court judge; and
 * Leonard P. Zakim, religious and civil rights leader in Boston

title: New England Law Boston


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On the Justice of Roosting Chickens

On the Justice of Roosting Chickens: Reflections on the Consequences of U.S. Imperial Arrogance and Criminality is a 2003 book written by Ward Churchill and published by AK Press. The "Roosting Chickens" of the title comes from a 1963 Malcolm X speech about the John F. Kennedy assassination, which the rights activist called "merely a case of 'chickens coming home to roost.'"

Churchill used the term "Roosting Chickens" in a short essay, Some People Push Back': On the Justice of Roosting Chickens", first published on September 12, 2001. In that article, Churchill claimed that the September 11 attacks against the United States were "acts of war" by the "Islamic East" in defense against the "crusades" waged by the "Christian West" (e.g., Arab–Israeli conflict and The First Gulf War) throughout the late 20th century.

Original essay
The original "Some People Push Back" essay was written one day after the September 11 attacks in 2001.

Topics
In Churchill's original essay, he argued that the September 11 attacks were a response to American imperialism, particularly in the Middle East:

"On the morning of September 11, 2001, a few more chickens – along with some half-million dead Iraqi children – came home to roost in a very big way at the twin towers of New York's World Trade Center. Well, actually, a few of them seem to have nestled in at the Pentagon as well. The Iraqi youngsters, all of them under 12, died as a predictable – in fact, widely predicted – result of the 1991 US 'surgical' bombing of their country's water purification and sewage facilities, as well as other 'infrastructural' targets upon which Iraq's civilian population depends for its very survival. If the nature of the bombing were not already bad enough – and it should be noted that this sort of 'aerial warfare' constitutes a Class I Crime Against humanity, entailing myriad gross violations of international law, as well as every conceivable standard of 'civilized' behavior – the death toll has been steadily ratcheted up by US-imposed sanctions for a full decade now. Enforced all the while by a massive military presence and periodic bombing raids, the embargo has greatly impaired the victims' ability to import the nutrients, medicines and other materials necessary to saving the lives of even their toddlers. All told, Iraq has a population of about 18 million. The 500,000 kids lost to date thus represent something on the order of 25 percent of their age group. Indisputably, the rest have suffered – are still suffering – a combination of physical debilitation and psychological trauma severe enough to prevent their ever fully recovering. In effect, an entire generation has been obliterated."

Conclusions
Since Churchill claims that it was the U.S. who started violence in the first place, he argues that it is not unimaginable that "some people push back". As a result of what he believes to be the nefarious effects of American foreign policy and global capitalism, Churchill argues that some of those targeted in the attack of the World Trade Center were not technically innocent civilians:

"As for those in the World Trade Center... Well, really, let's get a grip here, shall we? True enough, they were civilians of a sort. But innocent? Gimme a break. They formed a technocratic corps at the very heart of America's global financial empire—the 'mighty engine of profit' to which the military dimension of U.S. policy has always been enslaved—and they did so both willingly and knowingly. Recourse to 'ignorance'—a derivative, after all, of the word 'ignore'—counts as less than an excuse among this relatively well-educated elite. To the extent that any of them were unaware of the costs and consequences to others of what they were involved in—and in many cases excelling at—it was because of their absolute refusal to see. More likely, it was because they were too busy braying, incessantly and self-importantly, into their cell phones, arranging power lunches and stock transactions, each of which translated, conveniently out of sight, mind and smelling distance, into the starved and rotting flesh of infants. If there was a better, more effective, or in fact any other way of visiting some penalty befitting their participation upon the little Eichmanns inhabiting the sterile sanctuary of the twin towers, I'd really be interested in hearing about it."

Book
The essay was followed by the book On the Justice of Roosting Chickens in 2003.

After a foreword by Chellis Glendinning, the book is divided into three parts:
 * 1) "The Ghosts of 9-1-1", an expanded version of "Some People Push Back".
 * 2) "That "Most Peace-Loving of Nations", a long and detailed list of military interventions and covert actions conducted by the US government.
 * 3) "A Government of Laws"?, an equally long list of instances where Churchill alleges that the US has contravened international law, particularly United Nations resolutions.

Response
Neither piece was widely publicized at the time, though the 2003 book does indicate that the Nazi references in the earlier essay were already controversial. The Gustavus Myers Center for the Study of Bigotry and Human Rights gave Churchill's volume an honorable mention in December 2004.

Churchill's remarks about World Trade Center victims became the center of considerable attention and controversy in January 2005 when Hamilton College of Clinton, New York invited him to give a speech. As a result, the speech was cancelled, citing "credible threats of violence". Churchill's "little Eichmanns" drew ferverous condemnation from media pundits, who called for his resignation and deemed him unfit to teach. The University of Colorado Board of Regents publicly apologized for Churchill's writings about the September 11 attacks. Following this media controversy, Churchill was investigated for plagiarism, alleged to have committed academic misconduct, fired, and filed a lawsuit against CU. Churchill won the wrongful dismissal claim and was awarded $1 in damages by a jury that was vacated by the judge. Churchill's final appeal was denied on April 1, 2013 when the U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear the case.

title: On the Justice of Roosting Chickens


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User talk:Ggoul

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Communist Party USA and African Americans

The Communist Party USA, ideologically committed to foster a socialist revolution in the United States, played a significant role in defending the civil rights of African Americans during its most influential years of the 1930s and 1940s. In that period, the African-American population was still concentrated in the South, where it was largely disenfranchised, excluded from the political system, and oppressed under Jim Crow laws.

By 1940, nearly 1.5 million African Americans had migrated out of the South to northern and midwestern cities and become urbanized, but they were often met with discrimination, especially among working-class ethnic whites with whom they competed for jobs and housing. The labor struggle continued, and many unions discriminated against black people. Additional migration of another 5 million African Americans out of the South continued during and after World War II, with many going to West Coast cities, where the defense industry had expanded dramatically and offered jobs.

1919–1928: early years
When the Communist Party USA was founded in the United States, it had almost no black members. The Communist Party had attracted most of its members from European immigrants and the various foreign language federations formerly associated with the Socialist Party of America; those workers, many of whom were not fluent English-speakers, often had little contact with black Americans or competed with them for jobs and housing.

The Socialist Party had not attracted many African-American members during the years before the split when the Communist Party was founded. While its most prominent leaders, including Eugene V. Debs, were committed opponents of racial segregation, many in the Socialist Party were often lukewarm on the issue of racism. They considered discrimination against black workers to be an extreme form of capitalist worker exploitation. In addition, the party's allegiance with unions that discriminated against minority workers compromised its willingness to attack racism directly; it did not seek out African-American members, nor did it hold recruitment drives where they lived. Some African Americans disaffected by Socialist attitudes joined the Communist Party; others went to the African Blood Brotherhood (ABB), a socialist group with a large number of Jamaican émigrés in its leadership, whose political philosophy was essentially Marxist in nature.

The Communist Party at first repeated the economic position of the Socialist Party. Committed from the outset to bringing about world revolution, the party sympathized with anti-colonial and national liberation movements around the globe. Its view of the black worker struggle and on civil rights for blacks were based in the broader terms of anti-colonialism. From its early years in the U.S., the party recruited African-American members, with mixed results. Some African Americans preferred competing groups such as the ABB.

In its early days, the party had the greatest appeal among black workers with an internationalist bent. From 1920 it began to intensively recruit African Americans as members. The most prominent black Communist Party members at this time were largely immigrants from the West Indies, who viewed a black worker struggle as being part of the broader campaigns against capitalism and imperialism.

The party's first significant move to attract black support was its outreach to Cyril Briggs, founder of both the ABB and the magazine The Crusader. The party had begun to promote The Crusader from early 1921. At the 1922 Fourth Congress of the Comintern, Claude McKay, a Jamaican poet, and Otto Huiswoud, born in Suriname, persuaded the Comintern to set up a multinational Negro Commission that sought to unite all movements of blacks fighting colonialism. Harry Haywood, an American communist drawn out of the ranks of the ABB, also played a leading role. McKay persuaded the founders of the Brotherhood to affiliate with the Communist Party in the early 1920s. The African Blood Brotherhood claimed to have almost 3,500 members; relatively few of them, however, joined the party.

The Fourth Comintern Congress passed a set of "Theses on the Negro Question", which guided the party's stance on race issues, contextualizing the African-American struggle for civil rights as part a broader wave of wave of anti-colonial activity which was growing internationally, and stressing the need to link the black civil rights or liberation struggle to the fight against capitalism. The theses were influenced by the interventions of McKay and Huiswoud, who cited Lenin's views on nationalism, which distinguished between the nationalism of "oppressor nations" (which should be opposed) and that of "oppressed nations" (which should be supported), and drew parallels between national liberation movements and the fight against racial segregation in the United States. However, the theses were not received enthusiastically by the American party's leading faction, led by C. E. Ruthenberg, who wrote to the Comintern to argue that they were unhelpful in the United States. He also claimed that the ABB was fomenting scabbing by encouraging blacks to leave the South, and the party's central committee passed a resolution stipulating that neither Briggs nor Huiswold should be involved in the party's work on race issues. However, there was support for the Comintern line within the party: Robert Minor, who had been appointed to lead the party's Negro Committee, wrote a series of articles in the party magazine The Liberator which were consistent with the analysis contained in the theses.

The Comintern directed the American party in 1924 to redouble its efforts to organize African Americans. The party's earliest efforts focused on struggles in the Chicago area where it was initially headquartered, carrying out solidarity work for a strike by black female garment workers, and organizing the Negro Tenants Protective League in the city in order to stage rent strikes against exploitative landlords. The party subsequently created the American Negro Labor Congress (ANLC) in 1925. That organization was also a failure: although the black press greeted the organisation enthusiastically, the labor movement generally ignored it, aside from a few party-controlled unions that had few black members. The Congress' efforts were also stymied by the party's chaotic organization in the mid-1920s.

The ANLC, for its part, became isolated from other leading black organizations. It attacked the NAACP and related organizations as "middle-class accommodationists" controlled by white philanthropists. The ANLC and the Party had a more complex relationship with Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA); while the party approved of Garvey's fostering of "race consciousness", it was strongly opposed to his support for a separate black nation. When the party made efforts to recruit members from the UNIA, Garvey expelled the party members and sympathizers in its ranks.

1928–1935: Third Period and national self-determination
The 6th Congress of the Comintern held in 1928 changed the party's policy drastically; it adopted theses proposed by Haywood and Charles Nasanov, who claimed that blacks in the United States were a separate national group and that black farmers in the South were an incipient revolutionary force, due to their being oppressed by economic underdevelopment and segregation. Despite this theory dividing the American party, including African American communists – notable opponents included Haywood's brother, Otto Hall, who felt it ignored class differences in the black community and was not appropriate for American conditions, and James W. Ford, who believed that the theoretical debate about whether blacks constituted a distinct nation was a distraction from building black membership – the Comintern ordered the party to press the demand for a separate nation for blacks within a swath of counties with a majority-black population extending from eastern Virginia and the Carolinas through central Georgia, Alabama, the delta regions of Mississippi and Louisiana and the coastal areas of Texas. The party leadership was deeply divided into rival factions, with each eager to show its fealty to the Comintern's understanding of conditions in the United States. It promoted the nationalist policy.

Other left organizations ridiculed this policy, and it did not receive wide support from African Americans, either in the urban north or in the South. They had more immediate, pressing problems and the CPUSA had little foothold. While the party continued to give lip service to the goal of national self-determination for blacks, particularly in its theoretical writings, it largely ignored that demand in its practical work.

The party sent organizers to the Deep South for the first time in the late 1920s. The party focused its efforts, for the most part, on very concrete issues: organization of miners, steelworkers and tenant farmers, dealing with utility shutoffs, evictions, jobs, and unemployment benefits; trying to raise awareness of and prevent lynchings, and challenging the pervasive system of Jim Crow. It hoped to appeal to both white and black workers, starting in Birmingham the most industrialized city in Alabama. Black workers were attracted to the party, but whites stayed away.

The party also worked in rural areas to organize sharecroppers and tenant farmers, who worked under an oppressive system. In Camp Hill, Alabama in 1931 white vigilantes responded by murdering one leader, and local authorities charged and prosecuted black farmers for murder who had tried to fight off the mob. Attorneys with the International Labor Defense succeeded in having the charges dropped against all of the defendants. The Share Croppers' Union, formed after these events, continued organizing. After leading a strike in 1934 that won higher prices for cotton pickers despite intense hostility from local authorities and businesses, its membership increased to nearly 8,000.

The CPUSA's influence went beyond its black members, who did not exceed several hundred. In Alabama and other parts of the nation, the International Labor Defense, which focused on civil rights issues, had up to 2,000 members. The Sharecroppers' Union had up to 12,000 members in Alabama. Other related organizations were the International Workers Order, the League of Young Southerners, and the Southern Negro Youth Congress. Through these organizations, the CPUSA could be seen to "touch the lives easily of 20,000 people."

Scottsboro Boys and International Labor Defense
The party's most widely reported work in the South was its defense, through the International Labor Defense (ILD), of the "Scottsboro Boys", nine black men arrested in 1931 in Scottsboro, Alabama after a fight with some white men also riding the rails. They were convicted and sentenced to death for allegedly raping two white women on the same train. None of the defendants had shared the same boxcar as either of the women they were charged with raping.

The International Labor Defense was the first to offer its assistance. William L. Patterson, a black attorney who had left a successful practice to join the Communist Party, returned from training in the Soviet Union to run the ILD. After fierce disputes with the NAACP, with the ILD seeking to mount a broad-based political campaign to free the nine while the NAACP followed a more legalistic strategy, the ILD took control of the defendants' appeals. The ILD attracted national press attention to the case, and highlighted the racial injustices in the region.

The ILD overturned the men's convictions on appeal to the United States Supreme Court, which held in Powell v. Alabama, that the State's failure to provide the defendants with counsel in a capital case violated their rights under the Fourteenth Amendment. The ILD's battles with the NAACP continued when the cases returned to Alabama for retrial. The NAACP blamed the ILD for the lead defendant's being convicted and sentenced to death in the retrial. The NAACP later agreed to join with the ILD in defending the nine after other black organizations and a number of NAACP branches attacked it for that position, so the tensions never disappeared.

The ILD retained control of the second round of appeals. It won reversals of these convictions in Norris v. Alabama,, on the ground that the exclusion of blacks from the jury pool had violated the defendants' constitutional rights. In a third retrial, all of the defendants were convicted.

The Scottsboro defense was one of the ILD's many cases in the South at that time: it also defended Angelo Herndon, a Communist Party activist sentenced to death by the State of Georgia for treason due to his advocacy of national self-determination for blacks in the Southern United States. The ILD also demanded retribution from state governments for the families of lynching victims, for their failure to protect blacks. It pushed for due process for criminal defendants. For a period of time in the early and mid-1930s, the ILD was the most active defender of blacks' civil rights in the South; it was the most popular party organization among African Americans.

The League of Struggle for Negro Rights, founded in 1930 as the successor to the ANLC, was particularly active in organizing support for the Scottsboro defendants. It also campaigned for a separate black nation in the South and against police brutality and Jim Crow laws. In addition, it advocated a more general policy of opposition to international fascism and support for the Soviet Union.

Organizing in the North
The party was also active in campaigning on issues concerning black Americans outside of the South. The CPUSA made a point of campaigning against racial segregation, both in the independent unions they were organizing during the Third Period and in the American Federation of Labor unions they were attacking. The party also made a concerted effort to weed out all forms of racism within its own membership, conducting a well-publicized trial of a Finnish member of a foreign-language federation in Harlem, who had acted insensitively toward blacks. The CPUSA organized among African Americans in the North on their local issues; it was, for example, either the first or one of the most active organizations in campaigning against evictions of tenants, for unemployment benefits, and against police brutality. In Chicago, they formed neighborhood Unemployed Councils. These were leaders against evictions, so that it was not uncommon for a mother receiving an eviction notice to call to her children, "Run quick and find the Reds!" In other instances during this period, the Communist Party joined in existing campaigns, such as the economic boycott, under the slogan of "Don't Buy Where You Can't Work," launched against Jewish and Italian businesses in Harlem that refused to hire African-American workers.

The party's relations with other groups in the black community was volatile during this period. At the outset of the Third Period, the rigid communist orthodoxy dictated by the Comintern required the party to attack other, more moderate organizations which also opposed racial discrimination. During the late 1920s, the CPUSA denounced the NAACP and the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters as "class enemies" or "class collaborators". Although local leaders worked to modify this hard line in practice, factional infighting and changes dictated from abroad often undid what progress had been made, both in practical work and in relations with other groups. For example, the national party repudiated much of the work done in Harlem in opposing evictions because the party leader most associated with that work had been expelled, along with Jay Lovestone. The latter ha sided with Bukharin in his conflict with Joseph Stalin, an issue that few residents of Harlem cared about.

1935–1939: popular front
In 1935, the Comintern abandoned the militancy of the Third Period in favor of a Popular Front, which sought to unite socialist and non-socialist organizations of similar politics around the common cause of anti-fascism. This confirmed its policy. The party had mended its relations, at least temporarily, with groups such as the NAACP and had developed relations with church groups, particularly in the North. The party had also started edging toward support of the New Deal by moderating its attacks on the Roosevelt administration, which had promoted programs alleviating the most severe economic problems.

As a sign of its new approach, the CPUSA folded up the League of Struggle for Negro Rights and joined with other non-communist groups to create a new organization, the National Negro Congress. A. Philip Randolph, a longtime member of the Socialist Party, served as its head. The NNC functioned as an umbrella organization, bringing together black fraternal, church and civic groups. It supported the efforts of the CIO to organize in the steel, automobile, tobacco and meat packinghouse industries. The NAACP kept its distance from the NNC, whose leaders accused the organization of ignoring the interests of working-class blacks.

The CPUSA dropped its support for a separate black state within the United States. As part of its new platform that "Communism is twentieth century Americanism", it campaigned for the end of racial discrimination. When black residents of Harlem rioted in 1935 after false reports that a youth arrested for shoplifting had been killed by the police, Communist Party activists joined with Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia and NAACP leader Walter White to try to avert further violence.

On the other hand, the party continued to emphasize issues pertaining to black workers. It also denounced lynching and similar violent acts directed at blacks. Communists joined with labor and civil rights groups to form the Southern Conference for Human Welfare, which campaigned for civil rights and socialism. A New York City school teacher and party member, Abel Meeropol, wrote the song "Strange Fruit" to dramatize the horrors of lynching in the South, which had reached a peak around the turn of the century.

The party tailored its campaign for unity against fascism to appeal to the black community, as in the case of its opposition to the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935. Black members went to Spain to fight in the Spanish Civil War; the Lincoln Brigade was the first military force of Americans to include blacks and whites integrated on an equal basis and black officers commanding white troops.

Organizing black workers
The Communist Party made the fight against racism within the labor movement and Jim Crow outside it one of its consistent principles from the early 1920s forward. While maintaining a position against white supremacy, the Party made special efforts to organize black miners in the strikes its National Miners Union led in western Pennsylvania in 1928 at the same time as leading strikes of (nearly exclusively) white textile workers in the Carolinas and Georgia in 1929 and coal miners in Harlan County, Kentucky in 1931. Local authorities used this issue and the Party's support for "godless communism" and the Soviet Union to drive a wedge between the strike leadership and white workers.

The Party made more progress in organizing African-American workers in the New Deal era, particularly through unions associated with it, such as Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers Union, which organized black miners in Alabama, the Packinghouse Workers Organizing Committee, which created interracial coalitions in the meatpacking plants in Chicago and elsewhere, and the Food and Tobacco Workers, who established integrated unions with interracial leadership in North Carolina and Kentucky. Those unions established deep roots among the black workers in those industries, who remained supportive of the left leadership of their unions even as the party itself became increasingly unpopular in the late 1940s and the 1950s.

In the United Auto Workers, in which the CPUSA once vied for leadership, both the party and its opponents led by Walter Reuther campaigned for the demands of black workers and against "hate strikes" and race riots led by white workers opposed to working with African-Americans, but disagreed as to how the union should respond.

Party activists and organizers also played a significant role in organizing black workers in other unions, such as the Steel Workers Organizing Committee, in which the CPUSA had a role, but not leadership. The party did not, however, make any consistent progress in recruiting black members through its union organizing efforts. In the SWOC, for example, the Party's organizers suppressed their identity as communists and much of their politics in order to avoid political differences with Philip Murray, who headed the organizing the campaign, and the Congress of Industrial Organizations, which was financing it. Those organizers rarely were able, in any case, to stay in an area long enough to allow them to cultivate the relationships that would have allowed them to bring individual workers into the party.

In other industries from which blacks were excluded or made up a small part of the workforce, CPUSA-led unions had a mixed record. The Transport Workers Union of America, which denounced segregation but took only halting efforts to oppose it during its early years, formed coalitions with Adam Clayton Powell Jr., the NAACP and the Negro National Congress in the early 1940s to eliminate occupational segregation and to require ambitious affirmative action goals in New York City public transit. The TWU also fought against employment discrimination in public transit in Philadelphia in 1944, during which time the federal government ordered the private transit company to desegregate its workforce, provoking a wildcat strike of many of the union's newly organized members that was ended only when the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration sent troops to guard the system and arrested the strike's ringleaders.

On the other hand, the record of other left unions was not as positive. The International Longshore and Warehouse Union, with its power over the workplace exercised through its hiring hall, eliminated formal barriers to black employment, although a degree of informal segregation returned through the institution of casual employment. The United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (or UE) ignored party directives to confront the issue in its industry, calculating that any challenge to the principle of seniority by pursuing affirmative action remedies for black workers would prove immensely unpopular among white workers.

Communists and black culture
During the Popular Front era the party attracted support from a number of the brightest lights in African-American literature, including Langston Hughes, Richard Wright, Ralph Ellison, Chester Himes, some of whom joined the party, only to break with it in later years. Paul Robeson, a vocal defender of the Soviet Union, apparently never joined the party, but was loyal to at least a few of its members including Benjamin J. Davis Jr. who was jailed under The Smith Act.

The Communist Party also took up benign issues. The party's newspaper, The Daily Worker, started agitating for integration of major league baseball in the mid-1930s. The party also made a point of integrating its dances and other social events and continued to ostracize and expel members accused of "white chauvinism".

1939–1945: World War II
The signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact damaged the party significantly in the black community. A. Philip Randolph resigned from the Negro National Congress in protest and black newspapers throughout the North condemned the party for its rapid volte face. The CPUSA attacked its opponents as warmongers. When Adolf Hitler's forces invaded the Soviet Union, the party switched to an all-out support for the war effort. It denounced Randolph's proposed March on Washington against employment discrimination in war industries, arguing that it might harm production. But the CPUSA still demanded that defense contractors integrate and took steps to combat "hate strikes" and white-led race riots in Detroit.

1946–1959: post–World War II era
In 1946, the NNC and the ILD merged to form the Civil Rights Congress. The CRC continued its activities during the height of postwar attacks on the Communist Party, denouncing discrimination in the judicial system, segregated housing, and other forms of discrimination that blacks faced in both the North and the South.

The party had hopes of remaining in the mainstream of American politics in the postwar era. Benjamin J. Davis Jr. ran for and won a seat on the City Council in New York City in 1945, advertising his membership in the Communist Party and drawing on both black and white support. That era did not last. New York City changed the rules for electing members of the City Council after Davis' election. Davis lost the next race in 1949 by a landslide to an anti-communist candidate. He was under indictment for advocating the overthrow of the United States government, and this did not help his candidacy.

The CRC became increasingly isolated in this new climate as former allies refused to have anything to do with it. Represented by William Patterson and Paul Robeson, it attempted to file a petition entitled "We Charge Genocide" with the United Nations in 1949 that condemned the treatment of black citizens in the United States. Patterson was convicted a year later of violating the Smith Act; in 1954 the Attorney General Herbert Brownell Jr. declared the CRC to be a subversive organization. The CRC received especially hostile attention from state authorities in the South, where it and related organizations were often raided or banned. The CRC dissolved in 1956, just as the civil rights movement in the South was about to become a mass movement.

At the same time the internal turmoil brought on by the Cold War, the Smith Act prosecutions, and the ouster of Earl Browder, led to an internal battle. The Party expelled a number of members who were accused of displaying "white chauvinism". In the grim days of 1949 and 1950, as the CP was about to be driven out of the CIO and much of the U.S. labor movement, many CPUSA leaders began to view their work among the white working class as a failure and the black working class as the "vanguard of the revolution".

The Party directed those unions with CPUSA leadership to take a stance against continued use of seniority systems in those workplaces in which seniority made it more difficult for black workers to break out of segregated job classifications. It advocated "superseniority" for black workers, an early version of the type of measures that came to be known as "affirmative action" twenty years later. Many left-led unions, such as the UE, simply ignored the Party's directive.

1960–1970s: New Left and afterwards
The Communist Party continued, even after splits and defections left it much smaller, into the 1960s. It made efforts to reestablish itself among students through the W. E. B. Du Bois Clubs, named after one of the original founders of the NAACP, who joined the CPUSA in 1961. Other youth organizations, such as the Che-Lumumba Club in Los Angeles, flourished for a time, then disappeared.

The parties’ fortunes appeared to revive for a while in the late 1960s, when party members such as Angela Davis became associated with the most militant wing of the Black Power movement. The party did not, however, reap any long-term benefits from this brief period of renewed exposure: it did not establish any lasting relations with the Black Panther Party, which was largely destroyed by the early 1970s, and did not recruit any significant number of members from those organizations or win them to its politics.

The party maintained some standing in the black community through its former allies, including Coleman Young of Detroit and Gus Newport in Berkeley, California, who were elected to office in the 1970s.

Archives and articles

 * Glenn, Susan. "We Charge Genocide." Mapping American Movements Through the 20th Century, University of Washington.
 * Research files on African-Americans and communism 1919–1993, (Bulk 1919–1939). Created by Mark Solomon. Tamiment Library/Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives. 4.25 linear feet (4 boxes). Call Phrase: Tamiment 218. online guide to the archive retrieved April 10, 2005.

Books

 * Foster, William Z., Benjamin J. Davis, Jr., Eugene Dennis, Alexander Bittelman, James E. Jackson, James S. Allen, Et Al. The Communist Position On The Negro Question. NY: New Century, 1947. 61 pages. 1st edition.
 * Foster, William Z., History of the Communist Party of the United States. International Publishers: New York, 1952.
 * Haywood, Harry, Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist. Liberator Press: Chicago, 1978. ISBN 0-930720-53-9.
 * Honey, Michael K., Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers, ISBN 0-252-06305-8.
 * Hudson, Hosea and Painter, Nell Irvin, The Narrative of Hosea Hudson, His Life As a Negro Communist in the South, ISBN 0-674-60110-6.
 * Kelley, Robin D. G., Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression, University of North Carolina Press, 1990. ISBN 0-8078-4288-5.
 * Kornweibel, Theodore, Jr. Seeing Red: Federal Campaigns Against Black Militancy, 1919–1925 (Blacks in the Diaspora), ISBN 0-253-21354-1.
 * Korstad, Robert Rodgers, Civil Rights Unionism: Tobacco Workers & the Struggle for Democracy in the Mid-Twentieth-Century South, ISBN 0-8078-5454-9.
 * Maxwell, William. New Negro, Old Left: African-American Writing and Communism between the Wars, ISBN 0-231-11425-7.
 * Meier, August and Rudwick, Elliott, Black Detroit and the Rise of the UAW, ISBN 0-19-502895-3.
 * Mullen, Bill and Smethurst, James Edward, Left of the Color Line: Race, Radicalism, and Twentieth-Century Literature of the United States, ISBN 0-8078-2799-1.
 * Naison, Mark, Communists in Harlem during the Depression, ISBN 0-252-07271-5.
 * Robinson, Cedric J., Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition, ISBN 0-8078-4829-8.
 * Solomon, Mark, The Cry Was Unity: Communists and African Americans, 1917–36, ISBN 1-57806-095-8.


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Talk:Jigawatt

in the 1980s nuclear houses offered 1.1 jigawatts of power. However you needed 1.21 jigawatts of power to power the flux capacitor. This flux capacitor figured out the magnetic waves that surround the earth and its current radio frequencies. When frequencies are sent out, there is a past and present to them. So in the 1980s, about the only source you could get 1.21 gigawatts of power from was a lightning bolt or a very controlled power source, with much resistance to bring down amps. Lightning was a source of 1.21 jigawatts in the 1980s. Of course, this could be a fictional discussion. --Cyberman 05:23, 2 Feb 2005 (UTC)

BBC 2017 documentary on a trip to Alpah Centuri uses both gigawatts and jigawatts as a unit of electrical power. The professor seems to indicate that a jigawatt is an order of magnitude higher than a gigawatt but it is unclear why.

Fictional measurement?
This could probably be removed. 'Jiga' is an acceptable pronunciation of the Giga prefix, though the introduction of gigabytes as a common term meant that it's often seen as being either mispronounced, or fictional. --Tarison 04:56, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)

 * The film's writers Robert Zemeckis and Bob Gale intended for the power to be gigawatts, but heard it pronounced as "jigawatt" and as such spelt and said it that way in the script, not learning the real pronounciation until after the film had been shot.
 * Should that not be ''real spelling? The JPS 03:44, 4 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * Agree, the unit is neither fictional nor mispronounced. See also SI prefixes. -- Coneslayer 23:12, 2005 Mar 18 (UTC)

 * I move to merge and redirect, without the claim of fictionality or mispronunciation. I have already added some information from this article to Flux capacitor. Eric119 02:35, 19 Mar 2005 (UTC)

This is not quite true. Pronouncing it with a J sound is the very old method of speaking this word. As time passed, people started pronouncing it differently, with both g's sounding like a G. Older engineers, professors, and instructors would still pronounce it with the J-sound for decades. This is what I was taught (the J) when I attended college to receive my Electronics Engineering Degree.

Dictionary.com: gigawatt n. [gig-uh-wot, jig-]

Webster.com: gigawatt noun giga·watt \ ˈji-gə-ˌwät, ˈgi- \

Pronouncing it either way is correct. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 174.255.5.206 (talk) 20:30, 17 March 2018 (UTC)

This is necessary!
Do we really need a separate article to discuss how a movie pronounced a single word? This kind of information is best stated in Back to the Future or flux capacitor article. <-- #fakenews (At any rate it is misleading to call it a fictional unit, because they certainly were actually trying to use a real one.) Eric119 05:19, 7 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Yes we do. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 80.193.75.188 (talk) 14:47, 13 February 2013 (UTC)

Lol

This redirect isn't helping
In principle I agree with the fact that Jigawatt probably doesn't need its own entry. However, when the word I'm looking up isn't even in the entry that it redirects to, I come away thoroughly confused. To make it clearer: Jigawatt isn't even mentioned in that article this redirects to. That means that someone who doesn't know what a Jigawatt is will only find out that it (apparently) has to do with a time machine from an 80s movie. This is not optimal --Kamagurka (talk) 20:09, 29 March 2010 (UTC)

title: Talk:Jigawatt


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/AIM W3rm

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was DELETE. jni 14:43, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)

AIM W3rm
Nonexistent and implausible worm. No Google hits. --Goobergunch|? 05:23, 2 Feb 2005 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.
 * delete (speedy?) this nonsense Mozzerati 22:36, 2005 Feb 2 (UTC)
 * Delete. Xezbeth  06:39, Feb 3, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. non-sense RJFJR 19:08, Feb 6, 2005 (UTC)
 * Speedy delete and allow for organic deletion. GRider\talk 22:15, 7 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep It happened to me. none 7 Feb 2005


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Category:LPGA Tour events

LPGA Tour golf tournaments.

title: Category:LPGA Tour events


text:
Timiskaming North

Timiskaming North was a Canadian electoral district represented in the House of Commons of Canada for ten years, from 1925 to 1935. It was located in the northeastern part of the province of Ontario. It was created in 1924 from parts of Timiskaming and Algoma West ridings.

It consisted of the northern portion of Timiskaming District and much of the Algoma District

The electoral district was abolished in 1933 when it was redistributed between Timiskaming and Cochrane ridings.

Members of Parliament
This riding has elected the following members of Parliament:

Election history

 * Conservative
 * John Raymond O'Neill
 * align="right"| 6,053
 * Liberal
 * Joseph-Arthur Bradette
 * align="right"| 5,560
 * Liberal
 * Charles Vincent Gallagher
 * align="right"| 3,255
 * }

 * Liberal
 * Joseph-Arthur Bradette
 * align="right"| 8,707
 * Conservative
 * John Raymond O'Neill
 * align="right"| 7,553
 * }

 * Liberal
 * Joseph-Arthur Bradette
 * align="right"| 9,586
 * Conservative
 * David Alexandre Chenier
 * align="right"|7,022
 * }

title: Timiskaming North


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Talk:On the Justice of Roosting Chickens

This page was voted on for deletion at Votes for deletion/On the Justice of Roosting Chickens. The consensus was to keep it. dbenbenn | talk 23:16, 8 Feb 2005 (UTC)

violation of NPOV

POV
This is a rather rambling essay, not encyclopedic material.Zantastik 05:38, 2 Feb 2005 (UTC)

A new start
Now it's totally new. -- Toytoy 08:17, Feb 4, 2005 (UTC)
 * Since there was a copyvio notice, you should have created the new version in the /Temp subpage. I have re-added the VfD notice since there is still a vote going on, although I imagine that the votes against the old version will not be applied to the newer one (but again, this could have been avoided by using /Temp). -- Curps 19:54, 4 Feb 2005 (UTC)

OK, thanks for your noticing. -- Toytoy 04:36, Feb 5, 2005 (UTC)

The scopes
If you agree, I plan to limit the "Consequences" section as brief as possible. The attacks against him is not only based on this book, they are based on Ward Churchill's political and moral ideas. Therefore, we may put details of his book on this page, and people's attacks of his ideas on his biography page. We may avoid unneed content overlapping.

By the way, I don't have the book. If any of you have a copy of that book, please write about other important topics. Thanks! -- Toytoy 06:21, Feb 5, 2005 (UTC)

"Scholar"
I wouldn't call Churchill a scholar but rather a polemicist. Эйрон Кинни (t) 01:57, 30 May 2006 (UTC)
 * This is a polemic, but he has done scholarly work, of varying quality. --Tothebarricades 21:20, 19 August 2006 (UTC)

Consequences
Shouldn't the statement "In an extraordinary step, ..." be attributed? Who decides that this is an extraordinary step?

Fair use rationale for Image:On the Justice of Roosting Chickens.jpg
Image:On the Justice of Roosting Chickens.jpg is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

Please go to the image description page and edit it to include a fair use rationale. Using one of the templates at Fair use rationale guideline is an easy way to insure that your image is in compliance with Wikipedia policy, but remember that you must complete the template. Do not simply insert a blank template on an image page.

If there is other fair use media, consider checking that you have specified the fair use rationale on the other images used on this page. Note that any fair use images uploaded after 4 May, 2006, and lacking such an explanation will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. If you have any questions please ask them at the Media copyright questions page. Thank you.

BetacommandBot 00:45, 2 July 2007 (UTC)

Requested move

 * The following discussion is an archived discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. No further edits should be made to this section.

The result of the move request was: page moved. Propaniac (talk) 17:25, 9 June 2010 (UTC)

On the Justice of Roosting Chickens: Reflections on the Consequences of U.S. Imperial Arrogance and Criminality → — Per WP:NCB: "Usually, a Wikipedia article on a book does not include its subtitle in the Wikipedia page name.". 84.92.117.93 (talk) 22:08, 31 May 2010 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on this talk page. No further edits should be made to this section.


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Promite

Promite is a dark brown, salty food paste derived from yeast extract. It is primarily used as a spread on sandwiches and toast similar to Vegemite and Marmite. Promite was invented in the 1950s by Henry Lewis & Company and marketed under the Masterfoods brand. Henry Lewis & Company later became MasterFoods Australia and New Zealand, before being bought out by Mars, Incorporated, a privately owned U.S. company, in 1967. Promite has continued to be manufactured and primarily sold in Australia.

Like Vegemite, it is made from leftover brewer's yeast and vegetable extract, however Promite achieves a sweeter taste through the addition of sugar.

Ingredients
According to Mars Customer care, "In 2013, we removed vitamins Thiamin (B1), Riboflavin (B2) and Niacin (B3), as well as two flavour enhancers, and found this to benefit some consumers sensitive to those vitamins, without impacting taste or texture". However, some vitamins remain from the raw ingredients, approximately:

title: Promite


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File:Busch Stadium, Exterior.jpg

Exterior view of Busch Stadium.

This image was created by Alexander Smith on 12 March 2004.

title: File:Busch Stadium, Exterior.jpg


text:
University of San Antonio

The University of San Antonio was a Methodist institution of higher education located in San Antonio, Texas. It was founded as San Antonio Female College by Dr. John E. Harrison Sr. in 1894. The name was changed to Westmoorland College in 1918 and to the University of San Antonio in 1937. In 1942, the campus was combined with Trinity University, which adopted the alumni of the University of San Antonio. Trinity, in turn, built a new campus and left the old University of San Antonio campus in 1952.

Note: This university was not related to the later University of Texas at San Antonio (UTSA).

title: University of San Antonio


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Timiskaming South

Timiskaming South was a Canadian electoral district represented in the House of Commons of Canada from 1925 to 1935. It was located in the northeastern part of the province of Ontario. It was created in 1924 from parts of Nipissing and Timiskaming ridings.

It consisted of the southern portion of Timiskaming District, along with portions of Nipissing District and Sudbury District.

The electoral district was abolished in 1933 when it was redistributed between Nipissing and Timiskaming ridings.

Members of Parliament
This riding has elected the following members of Parliament:

Election history

 * Conservative
 * Ernest Frederick Armstrong
 * align="right"|5,362

 * Labour
 * Malcolm Lang
 * align="right"| 4,558

 * Labour
 * Harold Milton Tremaine Welch
 * align="right"|1,882
 * }

 * Labour
 * Malcolm Lang
 * align="right"| 7,309
 * Conservative
 * Ernest Frederick Armstrong
 * align="right"|6,411
 * }

 * Conservative
 * Wesley Ashton Gordon
 * align="right"| 8,729
 * Liberal–Labour
 * Malcolm Lang
 * align="right"| 7,195
 * }

 * Conservative
 * Hon. Wesley Ashton Gordon
 * align="right"| acclaimed
 * }

title: Timiskaming South


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Celtiberian script

The Celtiberian script is a Paleohispanic script that was the main writing system of the Celtiberian language, an extinct Continental Celtic language, which was also occasionally written using the Latin alphabet. This script is a direct adaptation of the northeastern Iberian script, the most frequently used of the Iberian scripts.

Origins
All the Paleohispanic scripts, with the exception of the Greco-Iberian alphabet, share a common distinctive typological characteristic: they represent syllabic values for the stop consonants, and monophonemic values for the rest of consonants and vowels. They are thus to be classed as neither alphabets nor syllabaries; rather, they are mixed scripts normally identified as semi-syllabaries. There is no agreement about how the Paleohispanic semi-syllabaries originated; some researchers conclude that they derive only from the Phoenician alphabet, while others believe the Greek alphabet was also involved.

Typology and variants
The basic Celtiberian signary contains 26 signs rather than the 28 signs of the original model; the Celtiberians omitted one of the two rhotic and one of the three nasals of the northeastern Iberian script. The remaining 26 signs comprised 5 vowels, 15 syllabic signs and 6 consonants (one lateral, two sibilants, one rhotic and two nasals). The sign equivalent to Iberian s is transcribed as z in Celtiberian, because it is assumed that it sometimes expresses the fricative result of an ancient dental stop (d), while the Iberian sign ś is transcribed as s. As for the use of the nasal signs, there are two variants of the Celtiberian script: In the eastern variant, the excluded nasal sign was the Iberian sign ḿ, while in the western variant, the excluded nasal sign was the Iberian sign m. This is interpreted as evidence of a double origin of the Celtiberian script. Like one variant of the northeastern Iberian script, the western variant of Celtiberian shows evidence of having allowed the voiced stops g and d to be differentiated from their respective voiceless counterparts, k and t, by adding a stroke to the voiceless signs. This is known as the ‘dual system’ in Paleohispanic scripts, which otherwise do not distinguish between pairs of voiceless and voiced stops (p:b, t:d and k:g).

Location of findings
The Celtiberian inscriptions have been found mainly in the Ebro valley and near the sources of the Tagus and Douro rivers, where Roman and Greek sources place the Celtiberian people. The Celtiberian inscriptions were made on different types of objects (silver and bronze coins, ceramic receptacles, bronze plaques and tesseras, amphores, stones, spindle-whorls, etc.). There are just under two hundred surviving inscriptions, one of which is exceptionally long: the third Botorrita bronze plaque (Zaragoza) with more than three thousand signs containing a census of nearly 250 people. Almost always the direction of the writing is left to right. The fact that nearly all the Celtiberian inscriptions were found out of archaeological context does not allow a precise chronology to be established, but it seems that the earliest inscriptions in the Celtiberian script date from the 2nd century BCE while the latest ones date from the 1st century BCE.

title: Celtiberian script


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Muppet Treasure Island

Muppet Treasure Island is a 1996 American musical swashbuckler comedy film directed by Brian Henson and the fifth theatrical film featuring the Muppets. Adapted from the 1883 novel Treasure Island by Robert Louis Stevenson, similarly to its predecessor The Muppet Christmas Carol (1992), the key roles were played by live-action actors, with the Muppets in supporting roles. The film stars Muppet performers Dave Goelz, Steve Whitmire, Jerry Nelson, Kevin Clash, Bill Barretta, and Frank Oz in various roles, as well as Tim Curry as Long John Silver and introduces Kevin Bishop as Jim Hawkins.

The film was released in the United States on February 16, 1996, by Buena Vista Pictures Distribution. It grossed $47 million worldwide. It also received generally positive reviews from critics. It is the second Muppets film to be produced by Walt Disney Pictures, whose parent company would later acquire the Muppets in 2004.

Plot
Jim Hawkins is a young orphan who lives in an inn in England with his best friends Gonzo and Rizzo. Jim listens to Billy Bones' tales about the pirate Captain Bernie Flint, who buried his treasure trove on a remote island and executed his crew so only he would own the island's map. One night, Bones' crewmate Blind Pew arrives, giving Bones the black spot. Just before dying of a heart attack, Bones gives Jim the treasure map and begs him to go after the treasure and keep it safe from pirate hands, especially a one-legged man. Just then, an army of pirates attack the inn, thus destroying it, but Jim, Gonzo, and Rizzo escape with the map.

The trio takes the map to the half-wit Squire Trelawney (Fozzie Bear), who arranges a voyage to find the treasure. The boys are enlisted aboard the Hispaniola as cabin boys, accompanied by Trelawney, Dr. Livesey (Bunsen Honeydew), and Beaker. The ship is commanded by Captain Abraham Smollett (Kermit the Frog) and his overly strict first mate, Mr. Samuel Arrow (Sam Eagle). The boys meet the cook Long John Silver, the one-legged man whom Bones warned them of, but Jim and Silver become good friends. The ship sets sail, but Smollett is suspicious of the crew, believing them to be of shady character. After Gonzo and Rizzo are kidnapped and tortured by three of the crew who have turned out to be pirates, he has the treasure map locked up for safe keeping.

It is revealed that Silver and the secret pirates in the crew had been part of Flint's crew and want the treasure for themselves. Silver fools Mr. Arrow into leaving the ship to test out a rowboat, says he drowned, and has his minions steal the map during Arrow's memorial service. Jim, Gonzo, and Rizzo discover Silver's treachery and inform Smollett. Arriving at Treasure Island, Smollett orders the entire crew save the officers to go ashore, planning to keep himself and non-pirate crew aboard the ship and abandon the pirates on the island. However, his plan falls through when it is discovered that Silver has kidnapped Jim to have leverage against the captain. On the island, Silver invites Jim to join them in the treasure hunt using his late father's compass. When Jim refuses, Silver forcibly takes the compass from him. Smollett, Gonzo, and Rizzo land on the island in an effort to rescue Jim. However, unbeknownst to them, Silver had hidden a squad of pirates aboard the Hispaniola before leaving, and they capture the ship in Smollett's absence. On the island, Smollett and the rest of the landing party are captured by the native tribe of pigs, where Smollett reunites with his jilted lover Benjamina "Mina" Gunn (Miss Piggy), the tribe's queen.

The pirates find that the cave in which Flint hid the treasure is empty, leading to a brief mutiny against Silver. Silver reveals that, even though he is a pirate, he cares for Jim and allows him to escape. After reprimanding the crew from using a page from the Bible to deliver a death sentence, Silver and his crew capture Smollett and Mina. Smollett is hung from a cliff to fall to his death, joined soon by Mina after she reveals where the treasure is hidden to save his life only to spit out a kiss from Silver. Jim rescues his friends and with an alive Mr. Arrow, who portrays his own ghost to scare the pirates aboard the ship, the group regains control of the Hispaniola and rescues Smollett and Mina.

The group engages the remaining pirates in a sword fight on the beach with Sweetums defecting to Smollett's side until only Silver is left standing, but he surrenders when he finds himself outnumbered. While the pirates are imprisoned, Silver discovers he still has Mr. Arrow's keys and tries to escape with the treasure during the night. Jim confronts him and threatens to give his position away, while Silver draws his pistol. In a tearful standoff, neither can bring themselves to follow their threats and Jim allows Silver to leave as long as they never cross paths again, much to their disappointment. Silver rows away, but not before returning Jim's compass to him and complimenting his kind heart. However, Mr. Arrow informs Jim and Smollett that the boat Silver used was not seaworthy, and Silver is later stranded on Treasure Island.

The crew of the Hispaniola sails away into the sunset, but not before some scuba-diving rat tourists Rizzo brought to the ship earlier recover the treasure from the sea.

In a mid-credits scene, one of the island's talking sculptures regales Silver with corny jokes, while Silver can only roll his eyes in annoyance.

Cast

 * Kevin Bishop as Jim Hawkins, a friendly orphan boy who, for most of his life, has worked at the Admiral Benbow Inn under the strict rule of Mrs. Bluveridge, but has always dreamed of daring adventures. He is very naïve, which proves to be somewhat of a problem for him, as he forms a friendship with Long John Silver, who is ultimately revealed to be a pirate.
 * Tim Curry as Long John Silver, a duplicitous but smooth-talking pirate, posing as a chef, who mentors Jim until he is overheard by Gonzo, Rizzo and Jim as he reveals his plans to take over the Hispaniola. During his siege on Treasure Island, it is suggested that Silver and Benjamina Gunn share a romantic history. Despite his evil nature, he cares about Jim.
 * Billy Connolly as Billy Bones, an ex-pirate, previously a member of Captain Flint's crew who witnessed the burial of gold on Treasure Island and informs Jim that he still has the map to the treasure before he suffers a fatal heart attack.
 * Jennifer Saunders as Mrs. Sarah Bluveridge, an intimidating, feisty woman who owns the Admiral Benbow Inn where Jim and his friends work. She has an uncanny ability to hear conversations from far away, which leads to various characters exclaiming, "How does she do that?" Though strict with the boys, she does show genuine love for Jim and his friends, helping them escape the pirates before fighting them off herself.

Production
Following the release of The Muppet Christmas Carol (1992), it was decided that the next Muppet film would be an adaptation of a classic story. Co-writer Kirk R. Thatcher stated: "There were a whole bunch of ideas out there and I was most keen [on] Treasure Island and a King Arthur story with medival [sic] dragons and knights, in the end we all agreed as a group that Treasure Island was a better story for the Muppets to take on." In the first draft, Gonzo and Rizzo were initially written to portray two characters named Jim and Hawkins, but Thatcher explained that "the studio was nervous that they couldn't hold the emotional heart of the movie, so eventually the human Jim Hawkins was written in, and we cast Gonzo and Rizzo alongside him." About a hundred actors auditioned the role of Jim Hawkins, but Kevin Bishop, who did the very first audition, received the part.

In May 1993, Brian Henson announced that the Muppets would appear in a loose film adaptation of Treasure Island. Filming was slated to begin in the fall in London with a tentative release date slated for spring 1994. While the film did not have a distributor at the time, Walt Disney Pictures had a first-look deal. Veteran Muppet performer Frank Oz was unavailable for most of the shooting due to scheduling conflicts with his directing career, so fellow Muppet performer Kevin Clash puppeteered his characters Miss Piggy, Fozzie Bear, Sam Eagle and Animal on set, while Oz dubbed the voices in post-production. Oz had already participated in a recorded read-through of the script; Clash used these recordings to help prompt his performances.

Music
The Muppet Treasure Island: Original Motion Picture Soundtrack scored by Hans Zimmer, as well as songs written by pop songwriters Barry Mann and Cynthia Weil. The film's ending includes the reggae number "Love Power" performed by Ziggy Marley and the Melody Makers, which was released as a single and promoted with a music video featuring Marley and some Muppets with dreadlocks.

Musical numbers

 * 1) "Shiver My Timbers" – The Pirates: written by Barry Mann and Cynthia Weil
 * 2) "Something Better" – Jim, Gonzo and Rizzo: written by Barry Mann and Cynthia Weil
 * 3) "Sailing for Adventure" – The Hispaniola crew: written by Barry Mann and Cynthia Weil
 * 4) "Cabin Fever" – The Hispaniola crew: written by Barry Mann and Cynthia Weil
 * 5) "A Professional Pirate" – Silver and the Pirates: written by Barry Mann and Cynthia Weil
 * 6) "Boom Shakalaka" – Island Natives: composed by Hans Zimmer
 * 7) "Love Led Us Here" – Smollett and Benjamina: written by Barry Mann and Cynthia Weil
 * 8) "Love Power" (end credits) – Ziggy Marley and the Melody Makers: written by Barry Mann and Cynthia Weil
 * 9) "Love Led Us Here" (end credits) – John Berry and Helen Darling

Release
To coincide with the film's theatrical release, a making-of documentary featuring the filmmakers and the Muppets aired on the Disney Channel on February 2, 1996. On February 14, 1996, Jim Henson Video released a direct-to-video Muppet Sing Alongs VHS entitled Muppet Treasure Island, which was hosted by Kermit the Frog and featured two musical numbers from the film. On January 31, 1999, the film made its network television premiere on ABC as part of The Wonderful World of Disney serving as counterprogramming to Fox's coverage of Super Bowl XXXIII.

Home media
Muppet Treasure Island was the second Muppet film co-produced and released by Walt Disney Pictures, following The Muppet Christmas Carol. It has been made available on home video formats. Walt Disney Home Video and Jim Henson Video first released the film on VHS on September 10, 1996. During its initial home video release, it had sold an estimated 5 million VHS copies. The film was re-released on a "Special Edition" DVD in Region 1 on August 8, 2000.

The first DVD re-release in the U.S. was on June 4, 2002, and was a fullscreen-only version. Other releases of these were in widescreen only format. The DVD release has 3 bonus features added like "Hidden Treasure Commentary", "The Tale of the Story Behind the Tail" and "Treasure Island Sing-Along" (but the menus were in widescreen format). Walt Disney Home Entertainment re-released the film on DVD on November 29, 2005, in conjunction with Kermit the Frog's 50th-anniversary celebration; this time the DVD contained both full-screen and widescreen presentations. The film made its debut on Blu-ray Disc on December 10, 2013 as part of a two-movie bundle with The Great Muppet Caper.

Box office
Muppet Treasure Island opened on February 16, 1996 in 2,070 venues and grossed $7.9 million over the weekend, ranking third at the US box office behind the second weekend of Broken Arrow and fellow newcomer Happy Gilmore. At the time, it held the record for having the biggest opening weekend gross for a Disney film in February. It ultimately grossed $34.3 million in the United States and Canada and $47.2 million worldwide.

Critical reception
On review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes, the film has an approval rating of 71% based on 28 reviews, with an average rating of 6.3/10. The website's critical consensus reads: "Though less Muppet-centric than the original trilogy, Muppet Treasure Island is an energetic, cheerful take on Robert Louis Stevenson's classic adventure, with typically solid gags." On Metacritic, the film has a score of 64 out of 100 based on 18 reviews, indicating “generally favorable reviews.” Audiences polled by CinemaScore gave the film an average rating of "A−" on an A+ to F scale.

Stephen Holden of The New York Times praised the playfulness of the Muppets as keeping "the story amusingly off-kilter. The mood is perfectly in keeping with the notion of the Muppets as contemporary children dressing up and improvising their own versions of classic tales." Ken Tucker, reviewing for Entertainment Weekly, gave the film a B+ noting that "the film is notably handsome in a dark, foreboding way. The Muppet action blends seamlessly with the human actors, and adults will be kept giggling with wittily anachronistic jokes about codependence, water-skiing, and Henry Kissinger."

Roger Ebert, reviewing for the Chicago Sun-Times, gave the film two-and-a-half stars out of four. While he was favorable to Tim Curry's performance, he summarized the film as being "less cleverly written, and for moi it's a near miss." Gene Siskel of the Chicago Tribune gave the film two stars out of four writing that the film was a "boring Muppet adventure that doesn't successfully meld the Muppets into a conventional buried-treasure story. I wanted the Muppets to play themselves rather than phony pirate-related characters."

Video game
A video game based on the film was released for Windows and Mac OS in 1996 by Activision.

Lawsuit
The Hormel Foods Corporation (the creators of Spam) sued Jim Henson Productions for using the name "Spa'am" for one of the film's tribal pig characters. The judge dismissed their suit on September 22, 1995 after a trial for failure to prove damages, noting, "one might think Hormel would welcome the association with a genuine source of pork." When Spa'am later appeared as a racing boss in Muppet RaceMania, he was credited as "Pig Chief".

title: Muppet Treasure Island


text:
Take the "A" Train

"Take the 'A' Train" is a jazz standard by Billy Strayhorn that was the signature tune of the Duke Ellington orchestra.

In 1976, the 1941 recording by Duke Ellington on Victor Records was inducted into the Grammy Hall of Fame.

History
The use of the Strayhorn composition as the signature tune was made necessary by a ruling in 1940 by the American Society of Composers, Authors and Publishers (ASCAP). When ASCAP raised its licensing fees for broadcast use, many ASCAP members, including Ellington, could no longer play their compositions over radio, as most music was played live on radio at the time. Ellington turned to Billy Strayhorn and son Mercer Ellington, who were registered with ASCAP's competitor BMI, to "write a whole new book for the band," Mercer recalled. A' Train" was one of many tunes written by Strayhorn, and was picked to replace "Sepia Panorama" as the band's signature song. Mercer recalled that he found the composition in a trash can after Strayhorn discarded a draft of it because it sounded too much like a Fletcher Henderson arrangement. The song was first recorded on January 15, 1941 as a standard transcription for radio broadcast. The first (and most famous) commercial recording was made on February 15, 1941.

"Take the 'A' Train" was composed in 1939, after Ellington offered Strayhorn a job in his organization and gave him money to travel from Pittsburgh to New York City. Ellington wrote directions for Strayhorn to get to his house by subway. The directions began with the words "Take the A Train", referring to the then-new that runs through New York City, going at that time from eastern Brooklyn, on the Fulton Street Line opened in 1936, up into Harlem and northern Manhattan, using the Eighth Avenue Line in Manhattan opened in 1932.

Strayhorn was a great fan of Fletcher Henderson's arrangements. "One day, I was thinking about his style, the way he wrote for trumpets, trombones and saxophones, and I thought I would try something like that", Strayhorn recalled in Stanley Dance's The World Of Duke Ellington.

Although Strayhorn said he wrote lyrics for it, the recorded first lyrics were composed by, or for, the Delta Rhythm Boys. The lyrics used by the Ellington band were added by Joya Sherrill, who was 20 at the time (1944). She made up the words at her home in Detroit, while the song played on the radio. Her father, a noted Detroit activist, set up a meeting with Ellington. Owing to Joya's remarkable poise and singing ability and her unique take on the song, Ellington hired her as a vocalist and adopted her lyrics. The vocalist who most often performed the song with the Ellington band was trumpeter Ray Nance, who enhanced the lyrics with numerous choruses of scat singing. Nance is also responsible for the trumpet solo on the first recording, which was so well suited for the song that it has often been duplicated note for note by others.

The song was performed by Ellington and the band in the 1943 film Reveille with Beverly with vocalist Betty Roché. The band is depicted performing in a railroad passenger car, not a subway car.

Based loosely on the chordal structure of "Exactly Like You", the song combines the propulsive swing of the 1940s-era Ellington band with the confident sophistication of Ellington and the black elite who inhabited Sugar Hill in Harlem. The tune is in AABA form, in the key of C, with each section being a lyric couplet. (The Ellington band's version begins in C and rises to the key of E♭ after the second chorus.)

Ella Fitzgerald sang and recorded this song many times from 1957 onwards; a live version with Fitzgerald scatting is on her 1961 Verve release Ella in Hollywood. The Midwestern rock band Chicago added their version in 1995 on their back-to-the-roots-disc, Night & Day Big Band. Jo Stafford recorded an intentionally inept interpretation of the song under the pseudonym Darlene Edwards.

The tune, in a version taken from Duke Ellington and his orchestra's 1941 album Hollywood, was included in the soundtrack of the 2008 video game Grand Theft Auto IV from the fictitious in-game jazz music radio station "JNR 108.5 (Jazz Nation Radio)".

The song was the theme song of the Voice of America Jazz Hour, heard worldwide on shortwave radio, for many years.

Awards and honors
In 1999, National Public Radio included this song in the "NPR 100", in which NPR's music editors sought to compile the one hundred most important American musical works of the 20th century.

Other recordings

 * Duke Ellington – Hollywood (1941)
 * Bob Wills and His Texas Playboys – The Tiffany Transcriptions (1947)
 * Duke Ellington – Uptown (1952), vocal version with Betty Roché
 * Clifford Brown with Max Roach – Study in Brown (1955)
 * Ella Fitzgerald – Ella Fitzgerald Sings the Duke Ellington Song Book (1957)
 * Anita O'Day – Anita O'Day Sings the Winners (1958)
 * Billy Strayhorn – The Peaceful Side of Billy Strayhorn
 * Charles Mingus – Pre-Bird (1961)
 * Sun Ra – Piano Recital (1977)
 * Joe Henderson – Lush Life (1991)
 * Dave Grusin – Homage to Duke (1993)
 * Herman Brood – Back on the Corner (1999)
 * Tina May – Tina May – Live in Paris (2000)
 * Nikki Yanofsky – Nikki (2010)
 * Lost Weekend – Harbor Lights and Cowboy Blues (2001)
 * James Moody – Moody 4B (2010)

title: Take the "A" Train


text:
Category:Castilian monarchs

 * Castilian monarchs of the Medieval  in Spain.

title: Category:Castilian monarchs


text:
Kuensel

Kuensel (ཀུན་གསལ།; lit. 'Clarity') is the national newspaper of the Kingdom of Bhutan. It was the only local newspaper available in Bhutan until 2006 when two more newspapers were launched. The government of Bhutan owns 51% of Kuensel while 49% is held by the public.

Kuensel is published in two language editions: Dzongkha (the national language) and English, everyday except Sunday with a total weekly circulation of more than 15,000 copies and an average weekly readership of 130,000.

The paper is distributed throughout the country by a string of sales agents appointed in all the dzongkhags, dungkhags and towns, while subscribers overseas are fed through mail service/e-mail. Subscribers also get a PDF version of the paper.

History
Kuensel was founded in 1965 and it used to be published by Mani printing press in Kalimpong as an internal government bulletin.

Kinley Dorji, who graduated from Columbia University, New York with a master's degree in journalism, served as editor of Kuensel, and later as both editor-in-chief and managing director, between 1986 and 2009.

Kuensel had a total circulation in 1988 of 12,500 and was published in Dzongkha, Nepali, and English.

In 1992, a royal edict de-linked Kuensel from the government and made it an autonomous corporation to allow for the professional growth of the media. It stopped receiving government subsidy in 1998. Today, the newspaper is subsidized by commercial printing and advertisements.

In 1996 the size of the paper was expanded from 12 to 16 pages in Dzongkha and English and to 20 pages in 1999. In February 2005 Kuensel began publishing a 12-page edition twice a week, on Wednesdays and Saturdays. In 2006 the Wednesday edition was increased to 14 pages and the Saturday edition to 18 pages with a colour pull-out lifestyle section called CityBytes.

Kuensel Corporation Limited., started an online version of the paper in 1999 (kuenselonline.com) the year internet first came to Bhutan. It has grown to become the most popular site on Bhutan with daily news updates on the happenings in the kingdom and an equally active discussion forum. In 2006, kuenselonline.com had an average of 3,000 visitors a day with more than 15,000 registered members.

Kuensel is published from the capital, Thimphu, and Kanglung, Trashigang, in eastern Bhutan where a press was set up in 2005. This has ensured that the paper is available in all districts on the day of publication.

Kuensel was the sole newspaper in Bhutan up until April 2006 when it was joined by the Bhutan Times (and by the Bhutan Observer in June 2006).

The setting up of a press in Kanglung in December 2005 has ensured that the paper is available in all the dzongkhags on the day of publication.

Ownership
In 2006 Kuensel Corporation ltd., divested 245,000 shares of a face value of Nu. 100 a share, constituting 49 percent of the paid up capital, to the public. 51 percent of the corporation is held by the government. In May 2007, Kuensel Corporation Limited., held its first annual general meeting with its shareholders. Two members from the public shareholders were elected to the five-member board of directors. The other three members are government appointees.

Personnel
The corporation has an editorial team headed by a chief editor, a dzongkha language editor, a news editor, a managing editor, a chief reporter and bureau correspondents in Trashigang, Phuentsholing, Zhemgang and Bumthang and reporters in Thimphu.

Most of the reporters have basic training with The Straits Times of Singapore and the Asian College of Journalism in Chennai, India. Some reporters have done internships with papers in the Philippines and with the mainstream newspapers in India. Two of the present staff have received international postgraduate degrees in journalism.

While radio has the widest reach in Bhutan and international cable television has become a staple in many Bhutanese homes, Kuensel is read by the literate population and decision-makers. It has continued to see a gradual increase in circulation over the years.

Online media
Kuensel Online became the first Online newspaper in Bhutan on April 18, 2001. The website and publishing system was initially developed by Neil Herdegen, who was employed as the Webmaster of The Nation (Thailand). Neil Herdegen visited Bhutan in 2001 and worked with the new Kuensel webmaster, Chencho Tshering, to develop and integrate a Content management system that allowed reporters to edit and publish stories online, enabling them to post stories from any remote location in the country. Kuensel Online also published an Internet forum which has attracted more than 100,000 members and has given Bhutanese people the opportunity to discuss important topics that have shaped Bhutanese society. The site is hosted and maintained by Neil Herdegen and Webexa. The site is the most visited site in the country of Bhutan, currently responsible for most of the internet traffic in Bhutan and uses a dedicated server located in a secure U.S. Data center.

title: Kuensel


text:
Protocol 1 (disambiguation)

Protocol 1, First Protocol, or Additional Protocol may refer to:

 * Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions
 * Protocol 1 to the European Convention on Human Rights
 * Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Human Rights, more commonly known as the Protocol of San Salvador

title: Protocol 1 (disambiguation)


text:
Corio, Victoria

Corio is a residential and industrial area, which forms one of the largest suburbs of Geelong, Victoria in Australia. It is located approximately 9 km north of the Geelong central business district. The area was formerly known as Cowie's Creek after James Cowie, an early land owner who was active in the local and state government.

History
Explorers Hume and Hovell reached Corio and reported that the local Aboriginals referred to the area as 'coraiyo', meaning either 'small marsupial' or 'sandy cliffs'.

Land in the area was first subdivided and sold in 1852 as "Cowie's Creek", named after an early local businessman, James Cowie. By the 1860s, Cowie's Creek was home to two hotels and a population of approximately 500 people.

A post office opened on 16 November 1864, and was renamed as Corio Post Office in 1913. It was situated on School Road, adjacent to the railway level crossing. In 1963, it was renamed Corio North Post Office, after the current Corio Post Office opened at the Corio Shopping Centre. The post office is located on the ground floor of the centre, having moved from its original first-floor location. Corio North Post Office was closed in 1977.

In 1914, the Geelong Grammar School moved from Geelong to its current location near Limeburners Lagoon, an arm of Corio Bay.

The Corio Village Shopping Centre complex was opened in 1973. It currently includes a K-Mart, Coles, Woolworths, Best & Less, McDonald's, Subway, Gloria Jean's Coffees, Optus, Telstra, Dodo Connect outlets, Cotton On, Millers, a Tattslotto agency, major banks, and a number of Australian Government agencies, which include Australia Post and a Centrelink office. Since a re-development in 2007/08, it has been known as the Corio Shopping Centre.

The Aldi supermarket chain built a store adjacent to Beckley Park in the mid-2000s. At the same time, a new retail development, including Harvey Norman, Muzz Buzz and Red Rooster, opened nearby, on the Princes Highway.

Industry
The most notable industry in Corio is the Geelong Oil Refinery, which opened in 1956 by Shell Australia. In February 2014 the refinery was sold to the Swiss-based oil company Vitol, which has branded its Australian operations as Viva Energy and floated it on the ASX, retaining a minority stake.

Transport
Cars are the predominant mode of transport in the Corio region. CDC Geelong provides bus transport between areas of Corio and the Geelong Central Business District, under contract from Public Transport Victoria. Taxis and ridesharing options are also available. Corio railway station is served by V/Line trains to Geelong and Melbourne. With the opening of the Geelong Bypass in 2009, Corio is now bypassed by through-traffic on the Princes Freeway.

Sport
Geelong SC was formed in 1958 and currently play in the National Premier Leagues Victoria 3. Their home ground is located at Stead Park.

The suburb has an Australian rules football team, founded in 1974, competing in the Geelong & District Football League. Also, linked with the Corio Sporting Club is a cricket club, a little league founded in 1977, and the netball club.

The Corio Athletic Club, founded in 1969, competes at Landy Field in South Geelong and the Corio Little Athletics Club, founded in 1967, competes at the Corio Athletics Stadium in Goldsworthy Road, which was opened in 1972 by Ron Clarke.

Demographics
According to the 2016 census of Population, there were 15,296 people in Corio.
 * 49.2% of these people were male and 50.8% were female.
 * The median age of these people was 35.
 * Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people made up 2.0% of the population.
 * 68.3% of people were born in Australia. The next most common countries of birth were England 3.1%, Afghanistan 1.9%, Myanmar 1.8%, Thailand 1.5% and Philippines 1.2%.
 * 74.6% of people spoke only English at home. Other languages spoken at home included Karen 3.1%, Hazaraghi 1.3%, Dari 1.1%, Croatian 1.0% and Vietnamese 0.9%.
 * The most common responses for religion were No Religion 34.4%, Catholic 21.6% and Anglican 10.6%.

Corio is a "working class" suburb, adjacent to and incorporating industrial estates - with 22.4% of its employed residents of age 15 years and over nominating 'Labourer' as their chosen occupation (compared to 9.5% in the whole of Australia). Numbers occupied as Technicians and Trades Workers, Machinery Operators, and Drivers are also higher than the national average. According to the 2006 census, the largest employer type was "Motor Vehicle" and "Motor Vehicle Part Manufacturing". As such, the 2016 closure of the Ford plant, a long-term employer, will reduce employment opportunities in the future. In the 2016 Census 3.5% of employed people worked in Supermarket and Grocery Stores. Other major industries of employment included Takeaway Food Services 3.3%, Hospitals (except Psychiatric Hospitals) 3.3%, Road Freight Transport 3.0% and Aged Care Residential Services 2.9%. In 2013, 2.3% of mortgages in Corio had become delinquent, up from 1.5% in September 2012, and is amongst the highest numbers of all suburbs in Victoria. Reports have attributed this rate to job cuts at Alcoa, Ford, and Target that year. Historically speaking, Ford Motor Company had its plant in full production by August 1926, producing 36,000 T-models over the next two years of work. During World War II, Ford manufactured military vehicles and all manner of craft & weaponry. It then concentrated its post-war goals on engine manufacturing for the Ford Falcon model (produced at Broadmeadows).

According to the 2016 Census, 5,855 residents age 15 years and over were in the labour force: Of these 49.7% were employed full time, 31.7% were employed part-time and 12.5% were unemployed.

The Corio median price for housing, given in The Age Domain Property review of September 2012, was $223,000; among the most affordable in the state - more costly than neighbouring Norlane at $205,000, but lower than Melton South at $240,000.

title: Corio, Victoria