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Paris massacre of 1961

The Paris massacre of 1961 (also called the 17 October 1961 massacre in France) was the mass killing of Algerians who were living in Paris by the French National Police. It occurred on 17 October 1961, during the Algerian War (1954–62). Under orders from the head of the Parisian police, Maurice Papon, the National Police attacked a demonstration by 30,000 pro-National Liberation Front (FLN) Algerians. After 37 years of denial and censorship of the press, in 1998 the government finally acknowledged 40 deaths, while some historians estimate that between 200 and 300 Algerians died. Death was due to heavy-handed beating by the police, as well as mass drownings, as police officers threw demonstrators into the river Seine.

The massacre was intentional, as substantiated by historian Jean-Luc Einaudi, who won a trial against Papon in 1999. (Papon had been convicted in 1998 of crimes against humanity for his role under the Vichy collaborationist regime during World War II.) Official documentation and eyewitness accounts within the Paris police department suggest that Papon directed the massacre himself. Police records show that he called for officers in one station to be "subversive" in quelling the demonstrations, and assured them protection from prosecution if they participated.

Forty years after the massacre, on 17 October 2001, Bertrand Delanoë, the Socialist Mayor of Paris, put up a plaque in remembrance of the massacre on Pont Saint-Michel. How many demonstrators were killed is still unclear. In the absence of official estimates, the plaque commemorating the massacre reads, "In memory of the many Algerians killed during the bloody repression of the peaceful demonstration of 17 October 1961". On 18 February 2007 (the day after Papon's death) calls were made for a Paris Métro station under construction in Gennevilliers to be named "17 Octobre 1961" in commemoration of the massacre.

Background
The massacre took place in the context of the Algerian War (1954–62), which had become increasingly violent. After Charles de Gaulle's return to power during the May 1958 crisis and his sudden change of policy on Algerian independence, the OAS used all possible means to oppose the National Liberation Front (FLN), which took the war to the metropolis, where it was helped by activists such as the Jeanson network. The repression by French authorities, both in Algeria and in metropolitan France, was very harsh.

The French National Police
According to historian Jean-Luc Einaudi, a specialist on the massacre, some of the causes of the violent repression of the 17 October 1961 demonstration can best be understood in terms of the composition of the French police force itself, which still included many former members of the force in place during the Vichy regime that collaborated with the Gestapo to detain Jews, as for example in the Vel' d'Hiv Roundup of 16–17 July 1942.

The vast majority of police officers suspended after the Liberation of Paris in 1944 for extreme forms of collaborationism (including assistance to the Parti Populaire Français and similar groups) were later reintegrated into the police forces. In contrast, some of the policemen who had been part of the French Resistance had their career advancement blocked because of Cold War anti-communism, since the Resistance was partially communist and communist ministers had been expelled from the government in May 1947. Moreover, police officers who had been members of the Resistance might well have taken part in the various raids against Jews and other persecuted groups during the Vichy regime, as otherwise they would have been dismissed.

Papon's career as Head of Paris's police force in the 1960s and Minister of Finance under Valéry Giscard d'Estaing's presidency in the 1970s suggests that there was institutional racism in the French police until at least the 1960s. In fact, Papon was not charged and convicted until 1997–98 for his World War II crimes against humanity in being responsible for the deportation of 1,560 Jews, including children and the elderly, between 1942 and 1944.

Papon appointed head of Police Prefecture (March 1958)
Before his appointment as chief of the Paris police, Papon had been, since 1956, prefect of the Constantine department in Algeria, where he actively participated in the repression of and use of torture against the civilian population. On 13 March 1958, 7,000 policemen demonstrated in the courtyard of the police headquarters against delays in the "risque prime" accorded to them because of the war, although the FLN had not yet begun to target police officers. Encouraged by far-right deputy Jean-Marie Le Pen, 2,000 of them attempted to enter the Palais Bourbon, seat of the National Assembly, with shouts of "Sales Juifs! A la Seine! Mort aux fellaghas!" (Dirty Jews! Into the Seine (river)! Death to the (Algerian) rebels!). With Minister of Interior Maurice Bourgès-Maunoury's recommendation, Papon was named prefect the next day. Two years earlier, in Constantine, Algeria, he had assumed the role of "Inspecteur général pour l'administration en mission extraordinaire" (IGAME – General Inspector for the Administration on Extraordinary Mission). "Prohibited zones, detention centers (camps de regroupements), torture, executions without trial: this is the reality of the war he [Papon] was supervising out there." According to Einaudi, in the following years he applied these methods in Paris and the Seine department.

After the May 1958 crisis and the installation of the French Fifth Republic under 'Free France' leader Charles de Gaulle's leadership, Papon was kept on. He created the compagnies de district (district companies), police forces that specialized in repression, where new police recruits were trained. These companies were formed mainly from veterans of the First Indochina War (1947–54) and young Frenchmen coming back from Algeria.

August 1958 raids
On 25 August 1958, an FLN offensive in Paris killed three policemen on Boulevard de l'Hôpital in the 13th Arrondissement and another in front of the cartoucherie de Vincennes. Papon retaliated with massive raids on Algerian people in Paris and its suburbs. More than 5,000 Algerians were detained in the former Beaujon hospital, in the Japy gymnasium (11th Arrondissement) and in the Vél'd'Hiv. The Japy gymnasium and the Vél'd'Hiv had been used as detention centers under the Vichy regime. A former member of the FTP resistance, reporter Madeleine Rifaud wrote in L'Humanité:

"In the past two days, a racist concentration camp has been opened in Paris. They have not even had the good sense to choose a site which would not remind French patriots who are currently celebrating the anniversary of the Liberation of Paris of what took place there."

Creation of the CIV and the FPA militia (1959–1960)
According to Einaudi, "Already at this time, policemen [were] boasting about throwing Algerians in the Seine" river. Vincennes's "identification center" (CIV—Centre d'identification de Vincennes) was then created under the authority of the prefecture of police in January 1959. Algerians detained during police raids in the Paris region could be brought there for identity verifications but could also be put under house arrest by the prefect. "These raids were frequently the occasion of violence," Einaudi wrote.

The Auxiliary Police Force (FPA—Force de police auxiliaire) was created in 1959. This special constabulary force, under the authority of the Algerian Affairs Coordination Center of the Prefecture of Police (Centre de coordination des Affaires algériennes de la préfecture de police) and supervised by the military, was under Papon's control. Led by Captain Raymond Montaner and based at the Fort de Noisy, Romainville, it was composed entirely of Algerian Muslims recruited in Algeria or France. In autumn 1960, the FPA had 600 members. It first operated in the 13th Arrondissement, where it requisitioned café-hotels. Torture is rumoured to have been used, most notably at 9, rue Harvey and 208, rue du Château des Rentiers. Forced disappearances took place. The FPA then extended its action to the 18th Arrondissement, where three hotels were requisitioned in rue de la Goutte-d'Or. The FPA was also active in the suburbs, from the summer of 1961, in particular in Nanterre's bidonvilles. Some voices were opposed to these crimes denied by the police prefecture. Christian magazine Témoignage chrétien wrote: "It is not possible to stay silent when, in our Paris, men are resurrecting the methods of the Gestapo".

1961
The FLN decided to resume bombings against the French police at the end of August 1961; from the end of August to the beginning of October 1961, 11 policemen were killed and 17 injured in Paris and its suburbs. "These bombings had the effect of spreading fear throughout the ranks of the Paris police, but also for increasing the desire for revenge and hate against the whole of the community. During the whole of September, the Algerian population was severely repressed. In practice, this massive repression was based on physical appearance", according to Einaudi. There were daily raids against Algerians—and frequently any Maghrebi people (Moroccans or Tunisians), and even Spanish or Italian immigrants, who were taken for Algerians. Algerians were arrested at work or in the streets and thrown into the Seine with their hands tied in order to drown them, among other methods, as shown for example in a report by the priest Joseph Kerlan from the Mission de France.

According to Einaudi, "It was in this climate that, on 2 October, during the funerals of a policeman killed by the FLN, the police prefect [Papon] proclaimed, in the prefecture's courtyard: 'For one hit taken we shall give back ten!' This call was an encouragement to kill Algerians and was immediately understood as such. On the same day, visiting Montrouge's police station, the prefect of police declared to the police officers present: 'You also must be subversive in the war that sets you against others. You will be covered, I give you my word on that'".

Events
On 5 October 1961, the Prefecture of Police announced in a press statement the introduction of a curfew from 8.30 p.m. to 5.30 a.m. in Paris and its suburbs for "Algerian Muslim workers", "French Muslims" and "French Muslims of Algeria" (all three terms used by Papon, although the approximately 150,000 Algerians living at the time in Paris were officially considered French and possessed a French identity card). The French Federation of the FLN thus called upon the whole of the Algerian population in Paris, men, women and children, to demonstrate against the curfew, widely regarded as a racist administrative measure, on 17 October 1961. According to historian Jean-Luc Einaudi, Papon had 7,000 policemen, 1,400 CRS and gendarmes mobiles (riot police) to block this demonstration, to which the Prefecture of Police had not given its agreement (mandatory for legal demonstrations). The police forces thus blocked all access to the capital, metro stations, train stations, Paris' Portes, etc. Of a population of about 150,000 Algerians living in Paris, 30,000–40,000 of them managed to join the demonstration however. Police raids were carried out all over the city. 11,000 persons were arrested, and transported by RATP bus to the Parc des Expositions and other internment centers used under Vichy. Those detained included not only Algerians, but also Moroccan and Tunisian immigrants, who were then sent to the various police stations, to the courtyard of the police prefecture, the Palais des Sports of Porte de Versailles (15th Arrondissement), and the Stade Pierre de Coubertin, etc.

Despite these raids, 4,000 to 5,000 people succeeded in demonstrating peacefully on the Grands Boulevards from République to Opéra, without incident. Blocked at Opéra by police forces, the demonstrators backtracked. Reaching the Rex cinema (the site of the present Le Rex Club on the "Grands Boulevards"), the police opened fire on the crowd and charged, leading to several deaths. On the Neuilly bridge (separating Paris from the suburbs), the police detachments and FPA members also shot at the crowd, killing some. Algerians were thrown into and drowned in the Seine at points across the city and its suburbs, most notably at the Pont Saint-Michel in the centre of Paris and near the Prefecture of Police, very close to Notre Dame de Paris.

"During the night, a massacre took place in the courtyard of the police headquarters, killing tens of victims. In the Palais des Sports, then in the 'Parc des Expositions of Porte de Versailles', detained Algerians, many by now already injured, [became] systematic victims of a 'welcoming committee'. In these places, considerable violence took place and prisoners were tortured. Men would be dying there until the end of the week. Similar scenes took place in the Coubertin stadium… The raids, violence and drownings would continue over the following days. For several weeks, unidentified corpses were discovered along the river banks. The victims of the massacre can be estimated to at least 200 fatalities."

In 1961, the police prefecture spoke only of "2 persons shot dead". Following historian Jean-Luc Einaudi's testimony during the Papon trial in the late-1990s, left-wing police Minister Jean-Pierre Chevènement ordered the opening of parts of the archives. The resulting Mandelken Report, based on the investigation of these partial records, counted 32 dead. Einaudi then published an op-ed in Le Monde on 20 May 1998, contesting this official figure, criticizing both the methodology of the report and the consulted records. He called attention to the fact that many of the records had been destroyed. A report that Papon had prepared for Interior Minister Roger Frey, the prime minister, and the head of government, Charles de Gaulle, was not included in the consulted records. In addition, the Mandelken report ignored the massacre that had taken place in the courtyard of the Police prefecture, and Papon's name itself appeared nowhere in the report. Einaudi concluded his op-ed stating that: "on the night of 17 October 1961 there had been a massacre perpetrated by the police forces acting on the orders of Maurice Papon." Papon subsequently filed a lawsuit against him in February 1999, because of this sentence, alleging defamation of a public servant.

In the meanwhile, the state acknowledged in 1998 the massacre and spoke of 40 dead.

Responding to Papon's request, the court gave an ambiguous judgement. It stated that Einaudi had "defamed" Papon, but that Einaudi had acted on "good faith", and praised the "seriousness and quality" of Einaudi's research. Both Papon and Einaudi were thus vindicated by the court's judgement.

The French government commission in 1998 claimed only 48 people died. Historian Jean-Luc Einaudi (La Bataille de Paris, 1991) asserted that as many as 200 Algerians had been killed. The historian Jean-Paul Brunet found satisfactory evidence for the murder of 31 Algerians, while suggesting that a number of up to 50 actual victims was credible.

This contradicts David Assouline, who in 1997 was granted limited access to consult part of the police documents (which were supposed to be classified until 2012) by Minister of Culture Catherine Trautmann (PS). He found a list of 70 persons killed, while the texts confirmed Einaudi's comments that the magistrates who had been called on by the victims' families to consider these incidents had systematically acquitted the policemen. According to Le Monde in 1997, which quoted the director of the Paris Archives, the register listed 90 persons by the second half of October.

In a 2001 article in Esprit, Paul Thibaud discussed the controversy between Jean-Luc Einaudi, who spoke of 200 killed on 17 October, and 325 killed by the police during the autumn of 1961, and Jean-Paul Brunet, who gave an estimate of only 50 (and 160 dead, possible homicide victims, who passed through the IML medico-legal institute during the four months between September and December 1961). Although criticizing Einaudi on some points, Thibaud also underlined that Brunet had consulted only police archives and took the registers of the IML medico-legal institute at face value. Based on other sources, Thibaud pointed out (as did Brunet) that administrative dissimulation about the dead had taken place, and that the IML could not be relied upon as sole source. Thibaud concluded that Einaudi's work made it possible to give an estimate of 300 Algerian victims of murder (whether by police or others) between 1 September and 31 December 1961.

The events surrounding the massacre and its death toll were largely unknown for decades. There was almost no media coverage at the time. These events remained unknown in part because they were overshadowed in the French media by the Charonne Metro Station massacre on 8 February 1962 whose victims were not only Algerians, but also French members of the French Communist Party.

Reactions
On 26 October 1961, Georges Montaron, editor of Témoignage chrétien, Claude Bourdet, editor of France Observateur, Emmanuel d'Astier de la Vigerie, editor of Libération, Avril, editor of Télérama, parish priest Lochard, Jean-Marie Domenach, editor of Esprit magazine, Jean Schaeffert and André Souquière organized in the Maison de la Mutualité a meeting to "protest against police violence and the repression of the 17 October 1961 demonstration in Paris".

A few days later, some anonymous policemen published a text called A group of republican policemen declare... (Un groupe de policiers républicains déclarent...) on 31 October, stating:

"What happened on 17 October 1961 and in the following days against the peaceful demonstrators, on whom no weapons were found, morally forces us to bring our testimony and to alert public opinion (…) All culprits must be punished. The punishment must be extended to all responsible people, those who give orders, those who pretend to just let it happen, whatever their high office may be (…) Among the thousands of Algerians brought to the Parc des Expositions of the Porte de Versailles, tens were killed by blows from rifle butts and pickaxe handles (…) Others had their fingers chopped off by members of law enforcement, policemen and gendarmes, who cynically had renamed themselves 'welcoming committee'. On one end of the Neuilly bridge, groups of policemen on one side, CRS on the other, moved slowly towards each other. All the Algerians captured in this huge trap were knocked out and systematically thrown in the Seine. A good hundred people were subjected to this treatment (…) [In the Parisian police headquarters,] torturers threw their victims by tens in the Seine, which flows only a few meters from the courtyard, to keep them from being examined by forensic experts. Not without taking their watches and money. Mr Papon, the police prefect, and Mr. Legay, general director of the city police, were present during those dreadful scenes (…) These indisputable facts are only a small part of what happened these last days and what continues to happen. They are known among the city police. The crimes committed by the harkis, by the Brigades spéciales des districts, by the Brigades des aggressions et violences are no secret any more. The little information given by news outlets is nothing compared to the truth (…) We won't sign this text and sincerely regret it. We observe, not without sadness, that current circumstances do not allow us to do so (…)"

The authors remained anonymous until the late 1990s although Maurice Papon tried to discover them. In February 1999, its main author, Emile Portzer, former member of the National Front resistance organization during the war, testified in favor of historian Jean-Luc Einaudi during the trial that Papon had launched against him (later won by Einaudi). On 1 January 1962, Papon declared to the police forces under his orders:

"On 17 October you won … victory against Algerian terrorism … Your moral interests have been successfully defended, since the aim of the police prefecture's opponents to put in place an investigation committee have been defeated."

8 February 1962 Charonne massacre
On 8 February 1962, another demonstration against the OAS, which had been prohibited by the State, was repressed at Charonne Métro station (Charonne subway massacre). Nine members of the CGT trade union, most of them French Communist Party members, were killed by police forces, directed by Papon under the same government, with Roger Frey as Minister of the Interior, Michel Debré as Prime Minister and Charles de Gaulle as President, who did all they could to "hide the scale of the 17 October crime" (Jean-Luc Einaudi). The funerals on 13 February 1962 of the nine persons killed (among them, Fanny Dewerpe, mother of French historian Alain Dewerpe) were attended by hundreds of thousands of people. On 8 February 2007 the Place du 8 Février 1962, a square near the metro station, was dedicated by Bertrand Delanoë, the mayor of Paris, after sprays of flowers were deposited at the foot of a commemorative plaque installed inside the metro station where the killings occurred.

Reporting
According to James J. Napoli, coverage of the massacre by major British and American media sources, such as The Times, Time magazine and The New York Times, downplayed the severity of the massacre as well as the Paris government's responsibility for the events.

Access to archives and number of deaths
Following the massacre that occurred in 1961, the police archives were sealed to anyone looking to investigate until the 1990s when they were eventually reopened. This was following the publication of "La Bataille de Paris" by Jean-Luc Einaudi in which he approximated that the death toll was closer to 200. With the publication of this book, the massacre began to gain more acknowledgement which led to the reopening of the archives. However, Einaudi still was denied access for 30 months following the access that was granted to another historian Jean-Paul Brunet who estimated that the death toll was about 30.

The official death toll was initially three, before the French government acknowledged in 1998 that the massacre occurred and that "several dozen" people were killed.

Prosecutions
No one has been prosecuted for participation in the killings, because they fell under the general amnesty for crimes committed during the Algerian War.

Commemoration and official recognition
Forty years after the massacre, on 17 October 2001, the event was officially acknowledged by the city of Paris with the placement and unveiling of a memorial plaque to the victims of 1961 near the Pont Saint-Michel, in the immediate vicinity of the police prefecture (préfecture de police).

The establishment of an official memorial and thus also the commemorative plaque proposed by the political left and supported by the Socialist mayor of Paris, Bertrand Delanoë, were however by no means uncontroversial. This was also evident in the debates on a draft resolution for the commemorative plaque on 24 September 2001 in the Paris City Council (Conseil de Paris). The right-wing representatives opposed the proposed plaque, viewing it as a way of blaming the political authorities in 1961 and not to recognise the reciprocal violence between the FLN and the police. Furthermore, concerns were raised regarding the potentially increasing threat of civil unrest and terrorism. Although it was the extreme right that first fiercely opposed the decision, many centrist and left-wing politicians, including former Interior Minister Jean-Pierre Chevènement, also did so, the latter because it could harm national cohesion. The opposition groups that ultimately rejected the draft resolution were the DL, RPR, Tibéristes and UDF. The tribute to the victims of 17 October 1961, was furthermore criticised by police unions (Alliance, SGP-FO) who saw the action as an affront to the force and feared that bringing up the events could lead to an alienation between the national police (Police nationale) and the French people.

The unveiling ceremony of the plaque took place without the presence of an official representative of the Socialist government and the Élysée Palace, as well as in the absence of any local right-wing politician. Furthermore, a short distance from the Pont Saint-Michel another demonstration was organised to protest against the tribute, with political representatives, right-wing and far-right activists seeing the tribute as a "provocation".

The inscription on the plaque reads “à la mémoire des nombreux Algériens tués lors de la sanglante répression de la manifestation pacifique du 17 octobre 1961” (Engl.: “in memory of the many Algerians killed during the bloody repression of the peaceful demonstration on 17 October 1961”) and therefore remains very vague, addressing neither the agency of the perpetrators nor any kind of responsibility. The chosen text was also criticised by historian Olivier LeCour Grandmaison, president of the 17 October 1961 Association, declared to L'Humanité that

"'if a step forward had been taken with the decision of the city of Paris to put a commemorative plaque on the Pont Saint-Michel, [he] deplored that the text which was chosen for it invokes neither the idea of a crime against humanity nor the responsibility of the author of the crime, the state. Thus, in no case does this Parisian initiative exempt the highest national authorities from taking responsibility. In addition, if [former Socialist Prime minister] Lionel Jospin personally expressed himself last year [in 2000] by speaking of 'tragic events', neither the police's responsibility in the crime nor that of those politically responsible at the time have been clearly established, much less officially condemned.'"

After the ceremony, Bertrand Delanoë, stated that it was important to come to terms with what had happened and to move forward in unity. The mayor went on and said that the plaque was not directed against anyone but was rather intended to reassure the descendants of the victims that they were part of the Parisian community.

The local political controversies are also reflected in the fact that the commemorative plaque was eventually placed on the Île de la Cité (4th arrondissement) rather than on the left bank of the Seine, since the 5th arrondissement had a Gaullist mayor at the time.

Later that day, Jacques Floch, the Secretary of State for Defence with responsibility for veterans, justified Delanoë's gesture in front of the National Assembly and stated that the curfew in 1961 applied based on race, whereupon many RPR and Démocratie libérale deputies left the assembly, expressing their disapproval of the political recovery of the tragic event.

The events in 2001 clearly took place at the local level. No government official attended the unveiling of the plaque and Bertrand Delanoë, as an elected official of the city of Paris, clearly referred to the Parisian community. The fact that the recognition was carried out at the local level was later increasingly scrutinized, and some suggest that the Paris initiative was intended to diminish the requests for national recognition. But even without an any official government involvement, the installation of the plaque had an impact beyond Paris.

"“The image of the plaque resonates also in other cities around Paris as a corrective act of the great national narrative. Plaques and the renaming of streets, squares and public loci as ‘17 October 1961’ are memory initiatives that ensure the transition from state lie to the historical transformation of one of the traumatic situations embedded along the fractured lines between the colonial and the post-colonial. Plaques are akin to sites of memory, part of the process of healing traumas by keeping them alive in the present and represent the engagement of the post-colonial period towards correcting the distortions of silenced history.”"

On 17 October 2012, President François Hollande acknowledged the 1961 massacre of Algerians in Paris. His acknowledgement of the event was the first time a French president had acknowledged the massacre. This acknowledgement came two months before his address to Algerian Parliament. In his address to the Algerian Parliament, he further renounced and acknowledged the colonial past of France including the massacre that took place on the 17 October 1961. This address has been found to be very controversial due to how President Hollande framed French colonization and other content that was in the address. Some argue that despite President Hollande's acknowledgement of the event, it will hold little value in changing the view of France and their imperialistic history.

On 16 October 2021, President Emmanuel Macron condemned the massacre on the eve of its 60th anniversary, recognising officially that the French Republic had committed at this occasion "unforgivable crimes", without however issuing a formal apology for such "unforgivable crimes", in line with its stated policy consisting in recognising and acknowledging colonial crimes committed by the French Republic in the past, rather than formally apologising for them or asking for forgiveness. Macron later attended a memorial ceremony for the victims becoming the first French president to do so.

In June 2022, the newspaper Mediapart presented declassified archive documents from the de Gaulle presidency attesting that de Gaulle was quickly aware of the extent of the massacre and the criminal acts of the French police on 17 October and the following weeks. Certain documents presented de Gaulle's desire to punish the guilty and to refuse the establishment of impunity within the French police. According to historian Gilles Manceron, de Gaulle's desire for sanctions was prevented by his fears of fracturing his political majority.

On 28 March 2024, the French National Assembly approved a resolution presented by Greens MP Sabrina Sebaihi and Renaissance MP Julie Delpech condemning the massacre as a "bloody and murderous repression" that was made "under the authority of police prefect Maurice Papon". The measure, which passed with 67 affirmative votes and 11 others voting against, also called for the official commemoration of the massacre.

In popular culture

 * The massacre was referenced in “Bruno, Chief of Police,” a 2008 novel by Martin Walker.
 * The massacre was referenced in Caché, a 2005 film by Michael Haneke.
 * The 2005 French television drama-documentary Nuit noire, 17 octobre 1961 explores in detail the events of the massacre. It follows the lives of several people and also shows some of the divisions within the Paris police, with some openly arguing for more violence while others tried to uphold the rule of law.
 * Drowning by Bullets, a television documentary in the British Secret History series, first shown on 13 July 1992.
 * The massacre is the subject of Leïla Sebbar's 1999 novel The Seine was Red: Paris, October 1961 (La Seine était rouge (Paris, octobre 1961)).
 * The massacre is described in the opening verse of Irish punk rock band Stiff Little Fingers song 'When The Stars Fall From The Sky'.
 * French rapper Médine dedicates a song to the massacre on his album Table d'écoute.
 * It forms the core of Didier Daeninckx' 1984 thriller Meurtres pour mémoire, which is also the first attempt to mine the archives of the massacre through the form of a fictional enquiry. However, expatriate American novelist and journalist William Gardner Smith's 1963 novel The Stone Face is now recognized as the earliest known fictional treatment of the events. Although the death toll is listed in many places at 140 dead or missing, writer and social critic Kristin Ross points out otherwise while invoking Smith's and Daeninckx's work:

"African-American novelist William Gardner Smith put the figure at 'over two hundred' in his 1963 novel, The Stone Face. It is a mark of the success surrounding the official blackout of information about 17 October that Smith's novel, written by a foreigner in France and published in the United States (it could not be published in France), would stand as one of the few representations of the event available all the way up until the early 1990s–until the moment, that is, when a generation of young Beurs, as the children of North African immigrants call themselves, had reached an age at which they could begin to demand information about their parents' fate. Professional or academic historians have lagged well behind amateurs in the attempt to discover what occurred on 17 October; investigative journalists, militants, and fiction writers like Smith, or the much more widely read detective novelist, Didier Daeninckx, kept a trace of the event alive during the thirty years when it had entered a 'black hole' of memory."
 * In 2013, Rachid Ouramdane produced a work during which Dorothée Munyaneza read out the names of victims of the massacre.
 * In 2017, French comedian Jhon Rachid created a short film about the massacre, entitled Jour de Pluie (Rainy Day).
 * In 2021, The massacre was the subject in the short animated film "Les larmes de la Seine" written by Yanis Belaid.
 * The massacre and the French government's alleged cover-up are the subjects of Robert Goddard's 2022 novel, "This Is the Night They Come for You"

title: Paris massacre of 1961


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The Cars That Ate Paris

The Cars That Ate Paris is a 1974 Australian horror comedy film, produced by twin brothers Hal and Jim McElroy and directed by Peter Weir. It was his first feature film, and was also based on an original story he had written. Shot mostly in the rural town of Sofala, New South Wales, the film is set in the fictional town of Paris in which most of the inhabitants appear to be directly, or indirectly, involved in profiting from the results of car accidents. The film is considered part of the Australian New Wave genre.

Plot
The film begins with an urban couple driving through the countryside in what looks like a cinema advertisement. The scene comes to a halt with a fatal accident. The rural Australian town of Paris arranges fatal accidents to visitors driving through. Townspeople collect items from the luggage of the deceased passengers whilst survivors are taken to the local hospital where they are given lobotomies with power tools and kept as "veggies" for medical experiments by the earnest town surgeon. The young men of the town salvage and modify the wrecked vehicles into a variety of strange-looking cars destined for destruction.

Arthur Waldo (Terry Camilleri) and his older brother, George Waldo (Rick Scully), drive through Paris with their caravan where they meet with an accident that kills George. Arthur is spared and looked after by the Mayor of Paris, Len Kelly (John Meillon), who invites Arthur to stay in his home as one of his family; his two young daughters have been "adopted" after being orphaned in motor accidents in the town.

Arthur unsuccessfully attempts to leave Paris but due to a previous incident where he was exonerated of manslaughter for running over an elderly pedestrian, he has lost his confidence in driving and there does not seem to be any public transport. Mayor Len gives Arthur a job at the local hospital as a medical orderly. Beneath the idyllic rural paradise of Paris is a festering feud between the young men of the town who live for their modified vehicles that they terrorise the town with and the older generation. When one of the hoons damages the Mayor's property and breaks a statue of an Aboriginal Australian the older men of the town burn the guilty driver's car as he is held down.

The Mayor appoints Arthur the town parking inspector complete with brassard and Army bush jacket that further irritates the young men. The situation reaches its boiling point the night of the town's annual Pioneers Ball which is a fancy dress and costume party. What was planned to be a "car gymkhana" by the young men turns into an assault on the town where both sides attack each other killing several of the residents. Arthur regains his driving confidence when he repeatedly drives the Mayor's car into his former hospital orderly supervisor who is one of the hoons. The film closes with Arthur, and the town's other residents, leaving Paris in the night.

Cast

 * John Meillon as Mayor
 * Terry Camilleri as Arthur
 * Kevin Miles as the Doctor
 * Rick Scully as George
 * Max Gillies as Metcalf
 * Danny Adcock as Policeman
 * Bruce Spence as Charlie
 * Kevin Golsby as Insurance man
 * Chris Haywood as Darryl
 * Peter Armstrong as Gorman
 * Joe Burrow as Ganger
 * Deryck Barnes as Smedley
 * Edward Howell as Tringham
 * Max Phipps as Reverend Mulray
 * Melissa Jaffer as Beth
 * Tim Robertson as Les
 * Herbie Nelson as Man in house

Production
Peter Weir got the idea to make the film while driving through Europe where road signs on the main French roads diverted him into what he perceived as strange little villages. It originally started as a comedy to star Grahame Bond but later evolved. Piers Davies and Keith Gow also had input. He then took the movie to the McElroy brothers, who had previously worked in a large variety of positions on a number of films. Most of the budget came from the Australian Film Development Corporation with additional funds from Royce Smeal Film Productions in Sydney. Shooting began in October 1973, primarily on location in Sofala, New South Wales.

Release
The producers unsuccessfully attempted to negotiate an American release for the film with Roger Corman after it was shown with great success at the Cannes Film Festival. Shortly afterwards Corman recruited Paul Bartel to direct his Death Race 2000; Bartel had not seen The Cars That Ate Paris but he was aware that Corman had a print of the film.

The movie struggled to find an audience in Australia, changing distributors and using ad campaigns that pitched it alternately as a horror film and an art film. However it has become a cult film. By 1980, $112,500 had been returned to the producers. It received an American release in 1976 by New Line Cinema under the title The Cars That Eat People with added on narration and other changes.

In 1992, it was adapted as a musical theatre work by Chamber Made Opera.

Legendary director Stanley Kubrick included The Cars That Ate Paris on the list of his 93 favourite films.

Reception
, the film holds a 65% "Fresh" rating on Rotten Tomatoes out of 17 reviews.

title: The Cars That Ate Paris


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Ashes (Tristania album)

Ashes is the fourth full-length album by the Norwegian band Tristania. The album registers a change in the band's musical style, leaving out the choirs and initiating a heavier sound, with a focus on darker lyrics and the clean vocals of Vibeke Stene. This album is the only one Kjetil Ingebrethsen performed harsh vocals on.

Track listing
All music and lyrics by Tristania, except where noted.

 * The first Ashes edition only contained 7 songs.
 * Special Enhanced North American Edition includes the videoclip of "Equilibrium", both bonus tracks and an alternative cover with Vibeke on it.
 * Japanese Edition also includes both bonus tracks.
 * Kjartan Hermansen was Tristania's webmaster at that time.

Tristania

 * Vibeke Stene – vocals
 * Østen Bergøy – clean vocals
 * Kjetil Ingebrethsen – harsh vocals, aad. guitar, acoustic guitar
 * Anders Høyvik Hidle – guitars, additional vocals
 * Rune Østerhus – bass
 * Einar Moen – synth, programming, additional vocals
 * Kenneth Olsson – drums

Session Members

 * Hans Josef Groh – Cello on "The Wretched", "Shadowman", and "Endogenisis" (Recorded in Fagerborg Studio, Norway)

Production

 * Produced and mixed By Tristania & Borge Finstad
 * Recorded and engineered By Borge Finstad & Drajevolitch
 * Mastered by Morten Lund

title: Ashes (Tristania album)


text: Template:SVN

title: Template:SVN


text:
Talk:Carlos Castenada

Surely it's 'Casteneda' not 'Castenada'?

title: Talk:Carlos Castenada


text:
Paul Hervieu

Paul Hervieu (2 September 1857 – 25 October 1915) was a French novelist and playwright.

Early years
He was born Paul-Ernest Hervieu in Neuilly-sur-Seine, France. Hervieu was born into a wealthy upper-middle-class family. He studied law, but sought also had contact with writers like Leconte de Lisle, Paul Verlaine and Alphonse Daudet. After graduating in 1877, he first practiced in a law firm, in 1879 qualified for the diplomatic service, and was posted in the French Embassy in Mexico. But he preferred to remain in France, where he attended fashionable literary salons, and the acquaintance of artists and writers such as Marcel Proust, Paul Bourget, Henri Meilhac, Ludovic Halévy, Guy de Maupassant and Edgar Degas. On the recommendation of his friend Octave Mirbeau, he tried his hand as a journalist.

Career
Hervieu was called to the bar in 1877, and, after serving some time in the office of the president of the council, he qualified for the diplomatic service, but resigned on his nomination in 1881 to a secretaryship in the French legation in Mexico.

He contributed novels, tales and essays to the chief Parisian papers and reviews, and published a series of clever novels, including L'Inconnue (1887), Flirt (1890, illustrated by Madeleine Lemaire), L'Exorcisée (1891), Peints par eux-mêmes (1893), an ironic study written in the form of letters, and L'Armature (1895), dramatized in 1905 by Eugène Brieux.

Hervieu's plays are built upon a severely logical method, the mechanism of which is sometimes so evident as to destroy the necessary sense of illusion. The closing words of La Course du flambeau (1901) "Pour ma fille, j'ai tué ma mère" (For my daughter, I killed my mother), are an example of his selection of a plot representing an extreme theory. The riddle in L'Énigme (1901) (staged at Wyndham's Theatre, London, 1 March 1902, as Caesar's Wife) is, however, worked out with great art, and Le Dédale (1903), dealing with the obstacles to the remarriage of a divorced woman, is reckoned among the masterpieces of the modern French stage. He produced his last play, Le Destin est Maître, in 1914.

Honours
He was elected to the Académie française in 1900.

Death
Hervieu died at age 57 in Paris, France, and was interred in its Passy Cemetery. His lover Claude Ferval who died in 1943 is interred with him.

title: Paul Hervieu


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Wang Gungwu

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was keep. —Korath (Talk) 22:39, Mar 12, 2005 (UTC)

Wang Gungwu
The entire article is 'Wang Gungwu, historian, educator.', and that's it. Longhair 12:28, 27 Feb 2005 (UTC)

*Delete -- Longhair 12:28, 27 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Comment: Since the article has been somewhat improved, I withdraw my earlier vote to delete. -- Longhair | Talk 14:19, 2 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * The topic seems encyclopedic enough, judging from what I find with a Google search (biography; his "select publications since 2000" alone take up more than 4 pages (PDF); a library has been named after him), but the article is pointless in its present state. No vote yet. I hope somebody will improve the article. / Uppland 14:28, 27 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep, Expand -- important figure in Chinese diaspora studies. --BD2412 18:59, 27 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep and Expand, assuming someone will improve it as soon as possible. Zzyzx11 20:59, 27 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, article does not establish notability. Megan1967 22:42, 27 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep and Expand. My limited Google research indicates that he was a significant figure in Singaporean cultural life publishing the first collection of Singaporean poetry.
 * The above remark by User:Capitalistroadster.
 * Concur, keep. Radiant! 10:23, Feb 28, 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep. Miss Pippa 23:22, 28 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep, important academic from Singapore--nixie 04:15, 1 Mar 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep. The Recycling Troll 09:57, 1 Mar 2005 (UTC)
 * keep Yuckfoo 20:11, 1 Mar 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, article does not establish notability. Gamaliel 05:24, 2 Mar 2005 (UTC)
 * keep. many articles + once a vice president of HKU should do. -wshun 10:57, 4 Mar 2005 (UTC)
 * Most professors write many articles. Does he pass the average professor test? Gamaliel 17:16, 4 Mar 2005 (UTC)
 * I believe so. Maybe I should mention that a vice president of HKU is indeed the head of HKU, as the president of HKU is the governor, a figurehead only. wshun 04:51, 6 Mar 2005 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


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Hunting for Bambi

Hunting for Bambi is a series of hoax videos publicized in the summer of 2003 that center on a fictional competition to hunt semi-naked women with paintball guns in the deserts of Las Vegas. Created by Florida resident Michael Burdick, Hunting for Bambi drew significant controversy and media coverage, due both to its perceived misogyny and to Burdick's repeated public statements that it was not a hoax (he later retracted these statements when faced with the possibility of prosecution).

The premise of Hunting is that (male) hunters would pay $5,000–$10,000 for the privilege of hunting "Bambis" (women wearing nothing but a thong and tennis shoes), by picking them off with paintballs powerful enough to draw blood. The Bambis are paid $2,500 if they avoid getting hit and $1,000 even if they do get hit.

The videos, which were done in the style of a reality show, were entirely staged: both the hunts and the paintball hits were carefully planned, and the hunters were hired by Burdick.

title: Hunting for Bambi


text:
User:Jwgoerlich

J. Wolfgang Goerlich. Computer systems engineer. Long time reader, recent contributor.

title: User:Jwgoerlich


text: Template:NLD

title: Template:NLD


text:
Eugène Brieux

Eugène Brieux (19 January 1858 – 6 December 1932) was a French dramatist.

Biography
Brieux grew up as the son of a carpenter in modest circumstances in the Temple District of Paris (3rd Arrondissement). His schooling was limited to attending the "École communale" and "École primaire supérieure" ("École Turgot"), which he completed at the age of 13. Nonetheless, he was very interested in literature, read a lot and wrote his first play at the age of 15. For many years, in which he unsuccessfully offered his manuscripts to various theaters, he earned his living as a bank clerk. For the first time one of his plays, Bernard Palissy, was performed in 1879, at the theater in Cluny, but only once.

On the basis of this limited success, Brieux first decided to try his hand at journalism. After a few years as a reporter in Dieppe, he became editor-in-chief of Le Nouvelliste in Rouen. In Rouen he also staged some less important plays without losing sight of a career in Paris. He found encouragement when his play Ménage des Artistes was performed at the Théâtre Libre in 1890. But it was only two years later that he finally made his breakthrough with the play Blanchette, which was performed over a hundred times by the theater manager and actor André Antoine and also toured the provinces.

On that basis Brieux returned to Paris, where he wrote articles for Patrie, Gaulois and Le Figaro. Between 1893 and 1899 he also worked as a theater and music critic for La Vie Contemporaine. Above all, however, he now wrote play after play. At first his works emphasized the comic, but his so-called 'Sturm und Drang [‘Storm and Stress’] period' began with the play Les Trois Filles de M. Dupont in 1897. In plays such as Le Berceau (1898), La Robe Rouge (1900), Les Avariés (1901) and Maternité (1903), he critically examined social problems such as poverty, political corruption, divorce, venereal diseases, the death penalty and parenthood. Later dramas like Les Hannetons (1906) or Simone (1908), on the other hand, were again more optimistic.

By the outbreak of World War I, Brieux had written over forty plays and reached the peak of his fame. His drama Les Avariés (1903), translated in German as Die Schiffbrüchigen [the “shipwrecked”] [and English as Damaged Goods], which dealt with syphilis and its consequences and which was censored in various countries because of its medical details, was considered the most discussed play of the decade and the greatest contribution of theater to the good of mankind. In particular, sex reform groups propagated the educational play, in Germany, for example, by the German Society for Combating Venereal Diseases. It was seen by an audience of millions between 1910 and 1920 in Germany alone. In the United States, Upton Sinclair wrote a novelized version of the play in 1913. In 1918, Jacob and Luise Fleck filmed the play under the title Die Geissel der Menschheit [The Scourge of Humanity]; Edgar G. Ulmer adapted it in 1933 under the title Damaged Lives."

Brieux increasingly withdrew to the countryside. His villa in Agay, near Cannes, became a local tourist attraction, prompting him to move to an even more remote region in the Loire department, where he spent his time fishing and farming. He was made a Knight of the Legion of Honor and in 1908 campaigned for the Académie française, to succeed Ludovic Halévy. In 1909 his wish came true when he was admitted. He prevailed over Alfred Capus and Georges de Porto-Riche.

Brieux was the best known and most popular French playwright of his time. George Bernard Shaw called him "incomparably the greatest writer France has produced since Molière" and maintained that after the death of Henrik Ibsen there was no more important playwright west of Russia. For others he was "the Tolstoy of the Faubourg du Temple". After the First World War, however, interest in his plays, whose didactic impetus was no longer considered up-to-date, waned sharply.

Works
A one-act play, Bernard Palissy, written in collaboration with M. Gaston Salandri, was produced in 1879, but he had to wait eleven years before he obtained another hearing, his Ménage d'artistes being produced by André Antoine at the Théâtre Libre in 1890.

His plays are essentially didactic, being aimed at some weakness or iniquity of the social system. Blanchette (1892) pointed out the civic results of the education of girls of the working classes; Monsieur de Réboval (1892) was directed against pharisaism; L'Engrenage (1894) against corruption in politics; Les Bienfaiteurs (1896) against the frivolity of fashionable charity; and L'Évasion (1896) satirized an indiscriminate belief in the doctrine of heredity.

Les trois filles de M. Dupont  (1897) is a powerful, somewhat brutal, study of the miseries imposed on poor middle-class girls by the French system of dowry; Le Résultat des courses (1898) shows the evil results of betting among the Parisian workmen; La Robe rouge (1900) was directed against the injustices of the law; Les Remplaçantes (1901) against the practice of putting children out to nurse.

Les Avariés (1901), Damaged Lives in English, was banned by the censor, due to its medical details of syphilis, was read privately by the author at the Théâtre Antoine. It tells how a young lawyer infected with syphilis declines his physician's advice to take a long course of mercurial treatment and postpone his marriage. It was dedicated to Jean Alfred Fournier, Europe's foremost expert on syphilis.

Petite amie (1902) describes the life of a Parisian shop-girl. Later plays are La Couvée (1903, acted privately at Rouen in 1893), Maternité (1904), La Déserteuse (1904), in collaboration with M. Jean Sigaux, and Les Hannetons, a comedy in three acts (1906).

Brieux wrote four more plays in the ensuing decade. The first was ''La Foi, for which Camille Saint-Saëns wrote incidental music in 1909. It was presented in Monte Carlo on 10 April, and at Her Majesty's Theatre, London, on 20 September. This was followed by La Femme Seule (1913), Le Bourgeois aux champs (1914), and Les Américains chez nous (1920). He also wrote some travelogues: Voyages aux Indes et à Indo-Chine (1910) and Au Japon par Java, la Chine, la Corée (1914). He also wrote wartime pamphlets, paying special attention to the care of those blinded by their wounds.

Eugène Brieux died in 1932 and was interred in the Cimetière du Grand Jas in Cannes on the French Riviera.

Filmography

 * Damaged Goods, directed by Tom Ricketts (1914, based on the play Les Avariés)
 * Die Geißel der Menschheit, directed by Luise Kolm and Jacob Fleck (1918, based on the play Les Avariés)
 * Simone, directed by Camille de Morlhon (1918, based on the play Simone)
 * A Métely, directed by Mihály Fekete (1918, based on the play Les Avariés)
 * Damaged Goods, directed by Alexander Butler (1919, based on the play Les Avariés)
 * Blanchette, directed by René Hervil (1921, based on the play Blanchette)
 * The Cradle, directed by Paul Powell (1922, based on the play Le Berceau)
 * L'Avocat, directed by Gaston Ravel (1925, based on the play L'Avocat)
 * Simone, directed by Émile-Bernard Donatien (1926, based on the play Simone)
 * Damaged Lives, directed by Edgar G. Ulmer (1933, based on the play Les Avariés)
 * The Red Robe, directed by Jean de Marguenat (1933, based on the play La Robe rouge)
 * Blanchette, directed by Pierre Caron (1937, based on the play Blanchette)
 * Damaged Goods, directed by Phil Goldstone (1937, based on the play Les Avariés)
 * , directed by Robert Péguy (1943, based on the play L'Avocat)

title: Eugène Brieux


text: Category:British comics

title: Category:British comics


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Miguel Cotto vs. DeMarcus Corley

The Cotto vs. Corley fight was a bout held in Bayamón, Puerto Rico, on February 26, 2005. It was for Miguel Cotto's WBO world Jr. Welterweight title, and it pitted him against former world champion Demarcus Corley.

Background
Much expectation preceded the fight, which was sponsored in Puerto Rico by DirecTV. The then recently inaugurated Tren Urbano had to be specially enabled for this fight, as fans had overcrowded the parking area with their cars the last time Cotto had a fight in Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rican tourism department saw this event as a perfect occasion to demonstrate the new railway's conveniences to fans across the island. Cotto participated in a ceremonial trip from a station near José Miguel Agrelot coliseum in San Juan to the fight's venue, Bayamón's Rubén Rodríguez Coliseum.

Corley, meanwhile, arrived in Puerto Rico on Wednesday, February 23. According to El Vocero, the newspaper that interviewed the former world champion on arrival at Luis Muñoz Marín International Airport, Corley showed confidence and kept smiling, but predicted a unanimous decision win, which is somewhat uncommon among boxers, as they usually predict knockout wins.

Corley trained the last few days before the fight at the same gymnasium that Edwin Rosario used during Rosario's prime.

Fight
The fight was broadcast to the United States live on HBO Boxing's "Boxing After Dark" leg. Cotto wore trunks that had the flags of every Hispanic country.

About half a minute into the fight, Corley went down from a right cross to the head. He was rocked often the rest of the first round, but he was able to stay on his feet.

Cotto kept hitting Corley with stamina-reducing shots to the body and the head in round two, but he lost a point, when, without any previous warnings, referee Ismael Quinones Falu deducted it from the scorecards after Corley complained that Cotto had hurt him on the crotch area. It was a somewhat unusual move by the referee: usually they give boxers a number of warnings before actually deducting a point for illegal fighting tactics.

In the third round, Corley hit Cotto flush with a right hand to the chin, and Cotto, who was arguably having the worst round of his career, almost fell. Corley mounted an attack, pinning Cotto against the ropes for most of the round. Cotto was then suddenly struck by a low blow himself, and he went to the floor. The referee gave him time to recover, but did not take any points away from Corley. Towards the end of the round, both fighters engaged in an exchange of powerful lefts, with Cotto's barely missing Corley's body, but Corley's getting Cotto on the head and sending him to the ropes again.

Having recuperated in between rounds, Cotto picked up the fight's momentum again in round four, using his jab, and then connecting with various combinations towards the end of the round.

By round five, Cotto sported a cut inside his nose and he also had a swollen eye. Corley looked like he had taken tremendous punishment as well; he looked tired and his face looked like it had a few small cuts too.

Cotto, who, by the way, weighed 157 pounds (71 kg) on HBO's weight balance on the day of the fight compared to Corley's 140 pounds (63.5 kg), pinned Corley against the ropes. A combination of punches to the body and head sent Corley down for a second time. Corley got up and tried to weather the storm by fighting back, but he was taking a lot of punishment as he decided to go down to one knee in order to take a rest. The third knockdown, however, would become the subject of a small controversy, as, instead of counting on Corley, Quinones Falu decided to stop the fight at that moment, giving Cotto the victory by a fifth-round technical knockout. After the stoppage, Corley reacted with a menacing look towards the referee, but no action was taken by him against Quinones Falu.

HBO's instant replays showed that none of the punches that Cotto threw before Corley decided to take a knee had actually landed. Nevertheless, since Corley's third visit to the canvas happened after Corley took a conscious decision to fall in order to take the extra rest, boxing rules dictated that it had to be counted as a knockdown.

Soon after the fight was stopped, HBO analyzers were quick to signal the result as a "hometown stoppage", especially Larry Merchant. But their claims were quickly countered by Corley himself, who admitted to going down for the third time as a strategy to avoid further punishment from Cotto and maybe buy himself more fight time.

After the fight, both fighters agreed that they should have a rematch.

title: Miguel Cotto vs. DeMarcus Corley


text: Talk:Rendezvous with Rama

title: Talk:Rendezvous with Rama


text:
André Antoine

André Antoine (31 January 1858 – 23 October 1943) was a French actor, theatre manager, film director, author, and critic who is considered the father of modern mise en scène in France.

Biography
André Antoine was a clerk at the Paris Gas Utility and worked in the Archer Theatre when he asked to produce a dramatization of a novel by Émile Zola. The amateur group refused it, so he decided to create his own theatre to realize his vision of the proper development of dramatic art.

Antoine founded the Théâtre Libre in Paris in 1887. This was a théâtre d'essai, a workshop theatre, where plays were produced whether they would perform at the box office or not. It was also a stage for new writing whose subject matter or form had been rejected in other theatres. Over a seven-year period, until 1894, the Théâtre Libre staged some 111 plays. His work had enormous influence on the French stage, as well as on similar companies elsewhere in Europe, such as the Independent Theatre Society in London and the Freie Bühne in Germany.

Antoine opposed the traditional teachings of the Paris Conservatory, and focused on a more naturalistic style of acting and staging. In particular, Théâtre Libre productions were inspired by the Meiningen Ensemble of Germany. They performed works by Zola, Becque, Brieux, and plays by contemporary German, Scandinavian, and Russian naturalists. In 1894, Antoine was forced to relinquish the theater due to financial failure, but he went on to form Théâtre Antoine, which followed the traditions established by Théâtre Libre until its demise 10 years later.

The work of the Theatre Libre was said to embrace both Realism and Naturalism. In theatre, Realism is generally thought to be a 19th-century movement which uses dramatic and stylistic conventions to bring authenticity and 'real life' to performances and drama texts while Naturalism is commonly seen as an extension to this where an attempt is made to create a perfect illusion of reality. Naturalism is often said to be driven by Darwinism and its view of humans as behavioral creatures shaped by heredity and environment. Antoine believed that our environment determines our character and he would often start rehearsals by creating the set, settings or environment which would then allow his actors to explore their characters and their behaviors with greater authenticity. Often he would only hire untrained actors (a practice still common with young film makers) since he believed that the professional actors of his time could not realistically portray real people.

Antoine's Theatre Libre dedicated itself more specifically to the Quart d'heure or short, simple, free, episodic, one act play performances. he concentrated on script development but advocated naturalistic, behavioral acting dependent on the interaction of actors and helping actors to find their psychological motivations. Discussions on matters of interpretation and setting were a normal part of rehearsals with actors. Antoine believed each play had its unique mood or atmosphere and he hardly ever reused sets and settings. He also literally believed in the notion of removing the fourth wall. With some plays he would rehearse in the space with four walls around the action, natural set and actors and then decide which fourth wall to remove and thus deciding which side or perspective to place the audience on. Plays performed at the Théâtre Libre were often "thin on plot, dense in social and psychological implication" (Chothia, Andre Antoine). Productions rejected formal acting styles that were prevalent at the time and they built the "fourth wall". Despite being proponents of naturalism, they still adhered to some ideas of "playing for the audience" – there is no evidence that Antoine ever set any chairs facing away from the audience, and the actors still had to make sure that their voices could be heard to the back of the house—so, in a way, their "naturalism" was really just a higher level of illusion than theatre had been up to that point.

In 1894, Antoine gave up the direction of his own theatre, and became connected with the Gymnase, and two years later, with the Odéon theatres. Heavily indebted, he left the Odéon in 1914 and turned to the cinema. Meanwhile, he stayed a short period in Istanbul in order to found The Istanbul City Theater. Once World War I started he returned to Paris. Between 1915 and 1922, he directed several films under auspices of the Société cinématographique des auteurs et gens de lettres ("Film Society of Authors and Men of Letters") of Pierre Decourcelle, adapting literary or dramatic works, such as La Terre ("Earth"), Les Frères corses ("The Corsican Brothers") and Quatre-vingt-treize ("Ninety-three"). He applied the principles of naturalism to film, giving importance to the scenery, natural elements that actually determine the behavior of the protagonists, and by using non-professional actors who were not tied up in the old forms of theater. For Jean Tulard, his literary reputation and is involved in "giving the film its sense of nobility". Influencing film makers like Mercanton, Capellans Hervil and he is "the true father of neorealism".

Antoine concluded his career as a theatre and film critic beginning in 1919. For twenty years, his commentary was published by L'Information, and more sporadically in Le Journal, Comœdia, and Le Monde illustré. Two volumes of memoirs were published in 1928, and appeared in the journal Théâtre from 1932 to 1933.

Writings

 * Mes souvenirs sur le Théâtre-Libre, 1921
 * Mes souvenirs sur le Théâtre Antoine, 1928

Films
(Works as film director)
 * Les Frères corses (The Corsican Brothers) (1917)
 * Le Coupable (1917)
 * Les Travailleurs de la mer (1917)
 * Quatre-vingt-treize (1920)
 * Mademoiselle de la Seiglière (1920)
 * L'Hirondelle et la Mésange (1920) (forgotten for 60 years, première in 1982)
 * La Terre (1921)
 * L'Arlésienne (1922)

title: André Antoine


text: Template:Campaignbox Gunboat War

title: Template:Campaignbox Gunboat War


text:
Dafydd ab Owain Gwynedd

Dafydd ab Owain Gwynedd (c. 1145 – 1203) was king of Gwynedd from 1170 to 1195. For a time he ruled jointly with his brothers Maelgwn ab Owain Gwynedd and Rhodri ab Owain Gwynedd.

Dafydd was the son of Owain Gwynedd and Cristin ferch Goronwy ab Owain (married c. 1145). Since Owain and Cristin were first cousins, the marriage was not accepted by the church, which regarded Dafydd as illegitimate. Dafydd first appeared on the scene in 1157 when King Henry II of England invaded Gwynedd. Dafydd was involved in the skirmish near Basingwerk in which King Henry was nearly killed. In 1165, he was recorded as having settled in the Vale of Clwyd and as having attacked Tegeingl, gaining much plunder.

Upon the death of Owain Gwynedd in 1170, his sons fell into dispute over lordship of Gwynedd. Together, Dafydd and Rhodri attacked and killed their brother Hywel ab Owain Gwynedd that same year. Dafydd drove out Maelgwn in 1173, sending him fleeing to Ireland. Other brothers, Iorwerth Drwyndwn and Cynan ab Owain Gwynedd, were killed in 1174, removing two more contenders for the throne. The same year Dafydd captured and imprisoned his brothers Maelgwn (who had returned from Ireland) and Rhodri. He was now sole ruler of Gwynedd and that same year he married Emma (or Emme) of Anjou, the half-sister of King Henry II of England, in summer 1174. Emma was an illegitimate daughter of Geoffrey Plantagenet, Count of Anjou. They had four children:

 * Owain;
 * Einion;
 * Gwenllian;
 * Gwenhwyfar.

In 1175, Rhodri escaped and attacked his brother, seizing all Gwynedd west of the River Conwy. Dafydd was able to keep the eastern part, and in 1177, King Henry gave him the manors of Ellesmere and Hales in England. He had a castle at Rhuddlan where Gerald of Wales spent a night in 1188 on his journey round Wales with Baldwin of Forde (Archbishop Baldwin):

"'Having crossed the river Conwy, or rather an arm of the sea, under Deganwy, leaving the Cistercian monastery of Conwy on the western bank of the river to our right hand, we arrived at Ruthlan, a noble castle on the river Cloyd, belonging to David, the eldest son of Owen, where, at the earnest invitation of David himself, we were handsomely entertained that night'."

In 1194, Dafydd faced a new threat from his nephew, Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, who defeated him at the battle of Aberconwy with the aid of his cousins, the sons of Cynan ab Owain Gwynedd, drove him from most of his possessions and imprisoned him in 1197. He was released a year later thanks to the efforts of Hubert Walter, Archbishop of Canterbury. Dafydd retired to the Kingdom of England, where he died in May 1203. Emma died in or after 1214, when she disappears from the Pipe Rolls.

title: Dafydd ab Owain Gwynedd


text:
Country Fire Authority

The Country Fire Authority (CFA) is a volunteer fire service responsible for fire suppression, rescues, and response to other accidents and hazards across most of the state Victoria, Australia. CFA comprises over 1,200 brigades organised in 21 districts, and shares responsibility for fire services with Fire Rescue Victoria (FRV), which employs full-time paid firefighters in major urban areas; and Forest Fire Management Victoria (FFMV), which manages fire prevention and suppression on Victoria's public lands. CFA operations and equipment are partly funded by the Victorian Government through its Fire Services Levy, and supplemented by individual brigades' fundraising for vehicles and equipment.

CFA was established in 1944 to reform rural fire management in Victoria after a succession of devastating bushfires. Major bushfire responses conducted by CFA have included those in the Dandenong Ranges in 1962 and 1967, the 1965 Gippsland bushfires, as well as 1983 Ash Wednesday bushfires, 2009 Black Saturday bushfires and 2019–20 south-east Australian bushfires. CFA brigades have also supported responses at fire events interstate and internationally, especially with the Rural Fire Service and Country Fire Service in neighbouring states of New South Wales and South Australia respectively.

CFA's volunteer brigades are supported by professional administrative and operational staff led by the chief executive officer and Chief Officer respectively, under the management of the CFA Board appointed by the Minister for Police and Emergency Services. CFA previously employed a number of paid firefighters in "integrated" brigades in built-up areas within its jurisdiction; in 2020, these were transferred to the newly formed FRV during highly controversial reforms and in many cases share facilities with CFA volunteers. Forestry plantation companies with operations above a certain size are also required by law to form CFA Forest Industry Brigades.

History
The Country Fire Brigades Board (CFBB) was founded by the Fire Brigades Act in 1890 at the same time as the Metropolitan Fire Brigade Board (MFB). The CFBB was given power and responsibility over all fire brigades based more than 10 miles from Melbourne, but largely represented urban brigades in cities and larger towns like Ballarat, Geelong and Bendigo.

The CFBB already had a well-established command structure under Superintendent Lieut-Colonel Theophilus Smith Marshall, but the organisation was divided into two very deeply divided and disparate camps – Urban Brigades and Rural Bush Fire Brigades. The CFBB mostly trained for and responded to structural fires in urban areas.

But for the remainder of rural Victoria, Bush Fire Brigades, mostly made up of local landowners received little or no financial assistance from the State Government and tended to operate independently from their urban counterparts.

Following on the calamitous bushfires of 1926, the Forests Commission Victoria (FCV), having obtained the co-operation of the CFBB and the Lands and Police Departments, undertook an extensive campaign to encourage the formation and coordination of rural fire-fighting units. The Fire Brigades Act was amended in 1928. Delegations to all country districts were arranged and by 1931, 220 units had been organised in country centres throughout the State, and by 1937 the effective strength of the movement had increased to 320 brigades.

A Bush Fire Brigades Association emerged in about 1914 to represent clusters of ruggedly independent rural landowners and neighbours who formed makeshift brigades that responded quickly to grass and scrub fires in their local farming communities. The Association of Bush Fire Brigades was formalised in 1926 with the support of the FCV. Bush Fire Brigades operated under very different culture, had little formal structure, training or equipment compared to their urban counterparts but these firefighters were passionate, committed and effective volunteers.

But still no state government financial assistance was provided. However, for those close to State forest, National Parks and Crown Land the FCV donated some equipment.

Prior to 1934 all bush fire brigades operated without legal authority or protection. If private property were entered and back fires lit or water taken for the purpose of extinguishing fires, members were potentially open to charges of trespass and damages. Late in 1933 the Bush Fire Brigades Act was passed which provided statutory powers and authority to approved officials of registered brigades. This was a major step forward and conferred considerable powers to the brigade captain. This helped to cement autonomy and gave security for small brigades.

Considered in terms of loss of property and life, the Black Friday bushfires on 13 January 1939 were one of the worst disasters to have occurred in Australia and certainly the worst bushfires up to that time. The 1939 bushfires killed 71 people and burnt 2 million hectares, 69 sawmills, and obliterated several towns. The subsequent Royal Commission conducted by Judge Leonard Stretton has been described as one of the most significant inquiries in the history of Victorian public administration. One of Stretton's key recommendations was to create a single fire service for country Victoria.

The war years then intervened from September 1939, and arguably the legislative reforms recommended by Judge Stretton moved to the back burner.

Then later in the summer of 1943/44 there were more deadly bushfires where 51 people were killed, 700 injured, and 650 buildings were destroyed. In particular, the loss of 13 lives a Yallourn fires on February 14, 1944 and the impact on the State's electricity supplies when the critical brown coal fields caught alight brought these bushfires into sharp focus. There was justifiable public outcry at the lack of government action after the similar events five years earlier in 1939. Premier Albert Dunstan and Forests Minister Albert Lind, who had both delayed legislative changes in Parliament, decided there was no alternative but to ask Judge Stretton to chair a second Royal Commission.

Stretton's report returned to his earlier themes and once again highlighted the lack of cohesive firefighting ability outside the Melbourne Metropolitan Fire Brigade area.

After nearly 6 months of debate in State Parliament, legislation to establish the Country Fire Authority (CFA) was finally passed in two stages on 22 November and 6 December 1944. The Chairman and Board members were appointed on 19 December 1944. On 19 December, the State Premier Albert Dunstan announced that Mr Alexander Mercer King of Ballarat was to be appointed Chairman of the CFA Board for the first year, along with 12 members. The Board of the new authority met for the first time shortly after on 3 January 1945. On 2 April 1945, the Country Fire Authority Act came into force, and the previous entities ceased to exist.

The Board then divided Victoria into 24 Fire Control Regions and appointed 17 Regional Officers, but the organisation had very rocky first beginnings. All the existing urban and rural brigades were invited to join the new CFA... most did... some reluctantly... but nobody seemed particularly happy with the new arrangements. Some of the rural brigades were so incensed they proposed an alliance with the Commission rather than ceding autonomy to the newly formed CFA.

Maybe to appease the rival factions, the new CFA Board initially appointed two Chief Officers, with Alexander McPherson representing the urban brigades and Charles Alfred Daw for the rural brigades. McPherson retired at the end of June 1950, leaving Daw as the sole Chief Officer of the CFA.

By the time of the creation of the CFA in 1944 the Forests Commission had, to some extent, been supporting 768 Bush Fire Brigades with 35,000 volunteer members and £100,000 worth of equipment, which then transferred over to the new organisation.

The CFA then took responsibility for fire suppression on "Country Victoria" leaving the Forests Commission to focus on the public land estate such as State forest and National Parks which amounted for the remaining one third of the State.

The legislation also required that each country municipality appoint a ”Proper Officer” empowered to permit lighting of fires during the proclaimed summer period and to order removal of fire hazards.

A major revision of both the Forests Act and Country Fire Authority Act in 1958 clearly enshrined the role of the two agencies and the Chief Fire Officers into complementary legislation.

The CFA operates under the Country Fire Authority Act of 1958, as amended, and its regulations. The Act has been amended many times since its initial establishment, most recently in September 2015.

Funding
Since July 2013, fire services in Victoria have been funded by a fire service property levy on council rates. The CFA budgeted income for 2013–14 was $473m, of which $448m was provided by state government contributions, and $25m was internally generated (fees and charges, interest, donations, and sales of goods and services).

Additional government funding can be provided for specific staffing or training improvements, major works, or during long-duration incidents. The CFA also receives some funding from the provision of goods and services to external bodies, including Fire Equipment Maintenance (FEM). Individual brigades receive further funds from local councils, from their own fundraising activities and through donations from the community. Brigades may invest money to serve as an interest-earning vehicle, providing financial security against fiscal downturns. Some fire brigades hold large amounts of community funds to cover costs not met by CFA. These costs might include, but are not limited exclusively to, additional firefighting equipment, maintenance, improving or replacing facilities (including fire stations) and brigade-owned vehicles. Groups and brigades have also worked together with district support staff to provide financial or practical support to brigades and groups in need.

CFA structure
The Country Fire Authority is established under the Country Fire Authority Act 1958 (most recently amended in September 2015). The Authority is controlled by a board, and falls under the portfolio of Victorian Legislative Assembly Member, The Honourable Lisa Neville, the Minister for Emergency Services since 29 November 2018.

At 1 October 2018, CFA personnel included 34,597 volunteer firefighters, 1358 career firefighters, and 1466 administrative, instructional and supporting paid staff.

The Authority is controlled by a 9-member board, which includes a chairperson and deputy chairperson.

CFA's current CEO is Natalie MacDonald.

CFA's current Chief Officer is Jason Heffernan.

Regions and districts
The CFA field of operations in Victoria covers an area of more than 150,000 square kilometres and a population of 3.3 million people. It divides its operations into 5 regions, which are then subdivided into 21 districts. Each District comprises Groups of Fire Brigades. The CFA regions are:
 * Loddon Mallee Region (North West)—districts 2, 14, 18 & 20
 * Grampians Region (West)—districts 15, 16 & 17
 * Barwon South-West Region (South West)—districts 4, 5, 6 & 7
 * Hume Region (North East)—districts 12, 13, 22, 23 & 24
 * Gippsland Region (South East)—districts 8, 9, 10, 11 & 27.

Fire brigades and resources
CFA resources include 1,220 brigades, of which 941 are rural volunteer brigades, 204 urban volunteer brigades, 37 integrated brigades (stations staffed by career firefighters and volunteer firefighters), 23 forest industry brigades, and 17 coast guard brigades. CFA operates more than 4,000 vehicles, including 1,970 4WD tankers, 264 pumpers, 5 hydraulic platform trucks, 4 aerial pumpers, 28 rescue tenders, 16 hazmat vehicles plus numerous other vehicles including communications vans, lighting trucks, command and transport vehicles. This fleet is supplemented by more than 1,400 brigade-owned vehicles. Brigade-owned vehicles are paid for by local communities, sometimes with the assistance of government grants.

The state government also lease a large fleet of firefighting aircraft to assist brigades throughout the busy Summer fire season. The fleet comprises rotary and fixed wing aircraft, from small single-engined planes up to Very Large Aerial Tankers, based on commercial passenger jets. These aircraft are shared with other fire and emergency agencies such as DELWP.

The CFA has 1,200 base radios, 5,800 vehicle radios, 3,000 hand held radios, 35,000 EAS pagers, 58 satellite terminals and 10,700 pre-conference telephone interceptors.

Coast guard brigades
In 2005, the CFA signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Australian Volunteer Coast Guard to establish CFA coast guard brigades. Under the MoU, all Victorian coast guard vessels will have CFA radios installed, EAS (Emergency Alerting System) pagers as used by the CFA as well as basic firefighting tools including a small pump and hoses. Additionally all coast guard members are to receive basic CFA firefighting training and some land-based brigades will receive marine firefighting training.

Communications
In Victoria, the Emergency Services Telecommunications Authority (ESTA) provides dispatch and call-taking services for Police, Ambulance, State Emergency Service and both rural and metropolitan fire services. ESTA operates over three sites, located in Melbourne CBD, East Burwood, and Mount Helen, in Ballarat.

Many ESTA practices and protocols are standardised across all emergency services, allowing all agencies to utilise the same computer network. This enables complete and instantaneous information sharing between emergency services. ESTA is also responsible for Victoria's State Emergency Service call-taking and dispatch for non-life-threatening storm damage or flooding via 132 500.

When a caller dials 000 for emergency response within Victoria, an operator will connect them to the relevant ESTA facility, where call-takers collect information from the caller for entry into the Computer Aided Dispatch (CAD) system. Using this information, a dispatcher will respond the appropriate emergency resources. Services are often already being notified by the dispatcher while the call-taker is still obtaining further information or giving advice, such as guiding the caller through CPR (Cardiopulmonary resuscitation).

When ESTA is notified of an incident, they send an emergency message via pager to firefighters. While this is usually the result of a call to 000, brigades or appliances may also be dispatched by other agencies such as Victoria Police or Ambulance Victoria, or at the request of an Incident Controller on scene. Brigades are dispatched based on various factors including the time of day, location and type of fire or incident. Although each fire brigade has a primary response area, support brigades are often dispatched to ensure a prompt response. Specialist vehicles may also be dispatched, especially for incidents such as for road accident rescue or large structural fires where the response is anticipated.

Fire districts
Victoria is divided into nine fire districts:
 * Mallee
 * Wimmera
 * South West
 * Northern Country
 * North Central
 * Central
 * North East
 * East Gippsland
 * West and South Gippsland.

The CFA announces fire danger ratings, total fire ban declarations and fire restrictions, which apply to all municipalities within a fire district:
 * The Fire Danger Ratings are forecast for four days.
 * A Total Fire Ban is declared for each district by CFA on days when fires are likely to spread rapidly and could be difficult to control, and means that no fires can be lit for the declared district for that day—irrespective of the Fire Restriction status for a given municipality.
 * Fire Restrictions come into force when entered into the Government Gazette.

Operational Ranks
CFA provides separate rank structures to cater for volunteer firefighters and career staff. Not all CFA positions are listed.

Fire Services Reform
On 19 May 2017, Premier Daniel Andrews and Minister for Emergency Services James Merlino proposed changes to the Victorian fire services. These changes include rationalisation and realignment of fire district boundaries as well as changes to the structure of fire fighting services within the State of Victoria.

These came into effect on 1 July 2020. CFA Staff from the rank of Assistant Chief Fire Officer and below moved from CFA to Fire Rescue Victoria. They would be seconded back to CFA in order to fulfil operational roles as Commanders and ACFOs. All CFA Brigades are now 100% volunteer.

Training
"CFA's regional training campuses allow firefighters to experience operational scenarios, including live fires, in a safe, controlled and realistic environment. This is essential in developing and maintaining skills needed to fulfil the mission of protecting lives and property in Victorian communities."

The CFA operates seven Regional Training Campuses:
 * Bangholme
 * Wangaratta
 * Longerenong
 * Penshurst
 * Huntly
 * West Sale
 * Sunraysia
 * Central Highlands

In May 2017, CFA announced the construction of a new training facility near the town of Ballan, about 70 kilometres West of Melbourne. The new Ballan training grounds will be utilised predominantly by CFA's volunteer firefighters,

CFA's volunteer firefighters must complete Wildfire "General Firefighter" course, prior to being deemed competent to respond to fire and emergency calls. Progression to Officer occurs following election by fellow Volunteer Fire Brigade members every 2 years.

Major incidents
The CFA has been involved in a number of major fires over the years where lives have been lost, including:

 * The Ash Wednesday bushfires in 1983
 * The Linton Bushfire in 1998
 * The Eastern Victorian alpine bushfires in 2003
 * The Eastern Victoria Great Divide bushfires in 2007
 * The Black Saturday bushfires in 2009
 * The Black Summer bushfires in 2020

CFA deployments have also assisted during interstate fires such as the 2001–2002 Black Christmas bushfires in Sydney and the 2003 Canberra bushfires. In late 2015 and early 2022, CFA firefighters were deployed to the South Australian fires, in support of CFS and SAFS crews. During February and March 2016, hundreds of CFA volunteer firefighters and some career firefighters were deployed across Bass Strait, where they assisted Tasmanian firefighters working on the North West Tasmanian fires. Many CFA firefighting, communications and specialist vehicles were ferried over as well. More recently (2022) CFA volunteer firefighters have been deployed to the basin areas along the Murray River, reaching into NSW during flooding events.

Activities
The CFA is involved in responding to non-fire incidents, in addition to firefighting operations. CFA has a leading role in prevention, preparedness, response and recovery of fires and other incidents. The CFA is responsible for combatting all fires on private land in Victoria outside of the Metropolitan Fire District, including Structure Fires and Bushfires. The CFA has a shared responsibility for rescues with the Victorian State Emergency Service and the FRV. In addition to response activities, CFA members also run prevention programs such as Fire Ready Victoria and Fire Safe Kids. Fire Safe Kids is an education program for Pre-Primary and Primary School students which teaches Fire Safety and the Role of Firefighters in the Community.

CFA is responsible, along with other Victorian emergency services, for some specialist response functions, including:
 * Confined Space Rescue
 * Trench Rescue
 * High Angle Rescue
 * Low Angle Rescue
 * Road Accident Rescue
 * Industrial Rescue
 * Urban Search and Rescue (USAR)
 * Rural Search and Rescue (RSAR)
 * Technical Large Animal Rescue (TLAR)
 * Aviation Response
 * Marine Response
 * Hazardous Materials Response
 * Chemical, Biological, Radiological (CBR) Response
 * LPG Response
 * Emergency Medical Response (EMR)
 * Thanks to a $46.7 million contribution by the State Labor Government, the EMR program has been expanded to all Integrated CFA Fire Stations. Paid firefighters are EMR trained to respond to medical emergencies, improving the chance of the patient's survival. The EMR program sees paid firefighters and paramedics dispatched at the same time to assist in life-threatening medical emergencies." Three Volunteer Brigades, namely Berwick, Edithvale and Whittlesea, are also "EMR Qualified" and may be called upon to assist Ambulance Victoria.

Representative Bodies
Volunteer Fire Brigades Victoria (VFBV) was established under the Country Fire Authority Act 1958 to represent Volunteer Fire Brigades, working with CFA and the Victorian Government to ensure ongoing commitment to the Volunteer Charter. The Victorian Branch of the United Firefighters Union of Australia (UFU) was established on 22 January 1911 and represents paid firefighters throughout Victoria. Volunteer firefighters may join the UFU as associate members. In November 2016, a third representative body came into being. The Victorian Volunteer Firefighters Association (VVFA) was established 4 October 2016, and represents individual volunteer firefighters, a move stemming from recognition that VFBV focus on brigades as a whole, rather than on individual volunteer members. Most CFA Volunteer Brigades are members of VFBV. A small minority have chosen to stay as non-members of VFBV.

Championships
VFBV organise, promote and conduct the Urban and Rural State Fire Brigade Championships. In this series of exciting sporting events, Volunteer brigades compete in challenges based on past and (modified) current firefighting practices. In 2019, the Rural State Championships will be held at Bendigo, on 6 and 7 April. The 2019 State Junior Championships will be held at Kerang, on 23 and 24 February. The upcoming State Urban Championships are going to be in Bendigo from 9 to 11 March 2019.

Related links

 * Emergency Management Commissioner
 * Fire Services in Victoria
 * Inspector-General for Emergency Management
 * Healesville Fire Brigade
 * Bayswater Fire Brigade
 * Mornington Fire Brigade

title: Country Fire Authority


text: Category:DC Thomson comics titles

title: Category:DC Thomson comics titles


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Radial stress

Radial stress is stress toward or away from the central axis of a component.

Pressure vessels
The walls of pressure vessels generally undergo triaxial loading. For cylindrical pressure vessels, the normal loads on a wall element are longitudinal stress, circumferential (hoop) stress and radial stress.

The radial stress for a thick-walled cylinder is equal and opposite to the gauge pressure on the inside surface, and zero on the outside surface. The circumferential stress and longitudinal stresses are usually much larger for pressure vessels, and so for thin-walled instances, radial stress is usually neglected.

Formula
The radial stress for a thick walled pipe at a point $$r$$ from the central axis is given by
 * $$ \sigma_r(r) = \frac{p_i r_i^2 - p_o r_o^2}{r_o^2 - r_i^2}+\frac{r_i^2 r_o^2 (p_o - p_i)}{r^2 (r_o^2 - r_i^2)}\ $$

where $$ r_i $$ is the inner radius, $$ r_o $$ is the outer radius, $$ p_i $$ is the inner absolute pressure and $$ p_o $$ is the outer absolute pressure. Maximum radial stress occurs when $$r = r_i$$ (at the inside surface) and is equal to gauge pressure, or $$p_i - p_o$$.

title: Radial stress