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Race and genetics

Researchers have investigated the relationship between race and genetics as part of efforts to understand how biology may or may not contribute to human racial categorization. Today, the consensus among scientists is that race is a social construct, and that using it as a proxy for genetic differences among populations is misleading.

Many constructions of race are associated with phenotypical traits and geographic ancestry, and scholars like Carl Linnaeus have proposed scientific models for the organization of race since at least the 18th century. Following the discovery of Mendelian genetics and the mapping of the human genome, questions about the biology of race have often been framed in terms of genetics. A wide range of research methods have been employed to examine patterns of human variation and their relations to ancestry and racial groups, including studies of individual traits, studies of large populations and genetic clusters, and studies of genetic risk factors for disease.

Research into race and genetics has also been criticized as emerging from, or contributing to, scientific racism. Genetic studies of traits and populations have been used to justify social inequalities associated with race, despite the fact that patterns of human variation have been shown to be mostly clinal, with human genetic code being approximately 99.6%-99.9% identical between individuals and without clear boundaries between groups.

Some researchers have argued that race can act as a proxy for genetic ancestry because individuals of the same racial category may share a common ancestry, but this view has fallen increasingly out of favor among experts. The mainstream view is that it is necessary to distinguish between biology and the social, political, cultural, and economic factors that contribute to conceptions of race.

Phenotype may have a tangential connection to DNA, but it is still only a rough proxy that would omit various other genetic information. Today, in a somewhat similar way that "gender" is differentiated from the more clear "biological sex", scientists state that potentially "race" / phenotype can be differentiated from the more clear "ancestry". However, this system has also still come under scrutiny as it may fall into the same problems – which would be large, vague groupings with little genetic value.

The concept of race
The concept of "race" as a classification system of humans based on visible physical characteristics emerged over the last five centuries, influenced by European colonialism. However, there is widespread evidence of what would be described in modern terms as racial consciousness throughout the entirety of recorded history. For example, in Ancient Egypt there were four broad racial divisions of human beings: Egyptians, Asiatics, Libyans, and Nubians. There was also Aristotle of Ancient Greece, who once wrote: "The peoples of Asia... lack spirit, so that they are in continuous subjection and slavery." The concept has manifested in different forms based on social conditions of a particular group, often used to justify unequal treatment. Early influential attempts to classify humans into discrete races include 4 races in Carl Linnaeus's Systema Naturae (Homo europaeus, asiaticus, americanus, and afer) and 5 races in Johann Friedrich Blumenbach's On the Natural Variety of Mankind. Notably, over the next centuries, scholars argued for anywhere from 3 to more than 60 race categories. Race concepts have changed within a society over time; for example, in the United States social and legal designations of "White" have been inconsistently applied to Native Americans, Arab Americans, and Asian Americans, among other groups (See main article: Definitions of whiteness in the United States). Race categories also vary worldwide; for example, the same person might be perceived as belonging to a different category in the United States versus Brazil. Because of the arbitrariness inherent in the concept of race, it is difficult to relate it to biology in a straightforward way.

Race and human genetic variation
There is broad consensus across the biological and social sciences that race is a social construct, not an accurate representation of human genetic variation. As more progress has been made on sequencing the human genome, it has been found that any two humans will share an average of 99.35% of their DNA based on the approximately 3.1 billion haploid base pairs. However, this number should be understood as an average, any two specific individuals can have their genomes differ by more or less than 0.65%. Additionally, this average is an estimate, subject to change as additional sequences are discovered and populations sampled. In 2010, the genome of Craig Venter was found to differ by an estimated 1.59% from a reference genome created by the National Center for Biotechnology Information.

We nonetheless see wide individual variation in phenotype, which arises from both genetic differences and complex gene-environment interactions. The vast majority of this genetic variation occurs within groups; very little genetic variation differentiates between groups. Crucially, the between-group genetic differences that do exist do not map onto socially recognized categories of race. Furthermore, although human populations show some genetic clustering across geographic space, human genetic variation is "clinal", or continuous. This, in addition to the fact that different traits vary on different clines, makes it impossible to draw discrete genetic boundaries around human groups. Finally, insights from ancient DNA are revealing that no human population is "pure" – all populations represent a long history of migration and mixing.

Sources of human genetic variation
Genetic variation arises from mutations, from natural selection, migration between populations (gene flow) and from the reshuffling of genes through sexual reproduction. Mutations lead to a change in the DNA structure, as the order of the bases are rearranged. Resultantly, different polypeptide proteins are coded. Some mutations may be positive and can help the individual survive more effectively in their environment. Mutation is counteracted by natural selection and by genetic drift; note too the founder effect, when a small number of initial founders establish a population which hence starts with a correspondingly small degree of genetic variation. Epigenetic inheritance involves heritable changes in phenotype (appearance) or gene expression caused by mechanisms other than changes in the DNA sequence.

Human phenotypes are highly polygenic (dependent on interaction by many genes) and are influenced by environment as well as by genetics.

Nucleotide diversity is based on single mutations, single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). The nucleotide diversity between humans is about 0.1 percent (one difference per one thousand nucleotides between two humans chosen at random). This amounts to approximately three million SNPs (since the human genome has about three billion nucleotides). There are an estimated ten million SNPs in the human population.

Research has shown that non-SNP (structural) variation accounts for more human genetic variation than single nucleotide diversity. Structural variation includes copy-number variation and results from deletions, inversions, insertions and duplications. It is estimated that approximately 0.4 to 0.6 percent of the genomes of unrelated people differ.

Genetic basis for race
Much scientific research has been organized around the question of whether or not there is genetic basis for race. In Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza's book (circa 1994) "The History and Geography of Human Genes" he writes, "From a scientific point of view, the concept of race has failed to obtain any consensus; none is likely, given the gradual variation in existence. It may be objected that the racial stereotypes have a consistency that allows even the layman to classify individuals. However, the major stereotypes, all based on skin color, hair color and form, and facial traits, reflect superficial differences that are not confirmed by deeper analysis with more reliable genetic traits and whose origin dates from recent evolution mostly under the effect of climate and perhaps sexual selection".

In 2018 geneticist David Reich reaffirmed the conclusion that the traditional views which assert a biological basis for race are wrong:

"Today, many people assume that humans can be grouped biologically into 'primeval' groups, corresponding to our notion of 'races'... But this long-held view about 'race' has just in the last years been proven wrong."

In 1956, some scientists proposed that race may be similar to dog breeds within dogs. However, this theory has since been discarded, with one of the main reasons being that purebred dogs have been specifically bred artificially, whereas human races developed organically. Furthermore, the genetic variation between purebred dog breeds is far greater than that of human populations. Dog-breed intervariation is roughly 27.5%, whereas human populations inter-variation is only at 10-15.6%. Including non purebreds would substantially decrease the 27.5% genetic variance, however. Mammal taxonomy is rarely defined by genetic variance alone.

Research methods
Scientists investigating human variation have used a series of methods to characterize how different populations vary.

Early studies of traits, proteins, and genes
Early racial classification attempts measured surface traits, particularly skin color, hair color and texture, eye color, and head size and shape. (Measurements of the latter through craniometry were repeatedly discredited in the late 19th and mid-20th centuries due to a lack of correlation of phenotypic traits with racial categorization. ) In actuality, biological adaptation plays the biggest role in these bodily features and skin type. A relative handful of genes accounts for the inherited factors shaping a person's appearance. Humans have an estimated 19,000–20,000 human protein-coding genes. Richard Sturm and David Duffy describe 11 genes that affect skin pigmentation and explain most variations in human skin color, the most significant of which are MC1R, ASIP, OCA2, and TYR. There is evidence that as many as 16 different genes could be responsible for eye color in humans; however, the main two genes associated with eye color variation are OCA2 and HERC2, and both are localized in chromosome 15.

Analysis of blood proteins and between-group genetics
Before the discovery of DNA, scientists used blood proteins (the human blood group systems) to study human genetic variation. Research by Ludwik and Hanka Herschfeld during World War I found that the incidence of blood groups A and B differed by region; for example, among Europeans 15 percent were group B and 40 percent group A. Eastern Europeans and Russians had a higher incidence of group B; people from India had the greatest incidence. The Herschfelds concluded that humans comprised two "biochemical races", originating separately. It was hypothesized that these two races later mixed, resulting in the patterns of groups A and B. This was one of the first theories of racial differences to include the idea that human variation did not correlate with genetic variation. It was expected that groups with similar proportions of blood groups would be more closely related, but instead it was often found that groups separated by great distances (such as those from Madagascar and Russia), had similar incidences. It was later discovered that the ABO blood group system is not just common to humans, but shared with other primates, and likely predates all human groups.

In 1972, Richard Lewontin performed a FST statistical analysis using 17 markers (including blood-group proteins). He found that the majority of genetic differences between humans (85.4 percent) were found within a population, 8.3 percent were found between populations within a race and 6.3 percent were found to differentiate races (Caucasian, African, Mongoloid, South Asian Aborigines, Amerinds, Oceanians, and Australian Aborigines in his study). Since then, other analyses have found FST values of 6–10 percent between continental human groups, 5–15 percent between different populations on the same continent and 75–85 percent within populations. This view has been affirmed by the American Anthropological Association and the American Association of Physical Anthropologists since.

Critiques of blood protein analysis
While acknowledging Lewontin's observation that humans are genetically homogeneous, A. W. F. Edwards in his 2003 paper "Human Genetic Diversity: Lewontin's Fallacy" argued that information distinguishing populations from each other is hidden in the correlation structure of allele frequencies, making it possible to classify individuals using mathematical techniques. Edwards argued that even if the probability of misclassifying an individual based on a single genetic marker is as high as 30 percent (as Lewontin reported in 1972), the misclassification probability nears zero if enough genetic markers are studied simultaneously. Edwards saw Lewontin's argument as based on a political stance, denying biological differences to argue for social equality. Edwards' paper is reprinted, commented upon by experts such as Noah Rosenberg, and given further context in an interview with philosopher of science Rasmus Grønfeldt Winther in a recent anthology.

As referred to before, Edwards criticises Lewontin's paper as he took 17 different traits and analysed them independently, without looking at them in conjunction with any other protein. Thus, it would have been fairly convenient for Lewontin to come up with the conclusion that racial naturalism is not tenable, according to his argument. Sesardic also strengthened Edwards' view, as he used an illustration referring to squares and triangles, and showed that if you look at one trait in isolation, then it will most likely be a bad predicator of which group the individual belongs to. In contrast, in a 2014 paper, reprinted in the 2018 Edwards Cambridge University Press volume, Rasmus Grønfeldt Winther argues that "Lewontin's Fallacy" is effectively a misnomer, as there really are two different sets of methods and questions at play in studying the genomic population structure of our species: "variance partitioning" and "clustering analysis." According to Winther, they are "two sides of the same mathematics coin" and neither "necessarily implies anything about the reality of human groups."

Current studies of population genetics
Researchers currently use genetic testing, which may involve hundreds (or thousands) of genetic markers or the entire genome.

Structure
Several methods to examine and quantify genetic subgroups exist, including cluster and principal components analysis. Genetic markers from individuals are examined to find a population's genetic structure. While subgroups overlap when examining variants of one marker only, when a number of markers are examined different subgroups have different average genetic structure. An individual may be described as belonging to several subgroups. These subgroups may be more or less distinct, depending on how much overlap there is with other subgroups.

In cluster analysis, the number of clusters to search for K is determined in advance; how distinct the clusters are varies.

The results obtained from cluster analyses depend on several factors:
 * A large number of genetic markers studied facilitates finding distinct clusters.
 * Some genetic markers vary more than others, so fewer are required to find distinct clusters. Ancestry-informative markers exhibit substantially different frequencies between populations from different geographical regions. Using AIMs, scientists can determine a person's ancestral continent of origin based solely on their DNA. AIMs can also be used to determine someone's admixture proportions.
 * The more individuals studied, the easier it becomes to detect distinct clusters (statistical noise is reduced).
 * Low genetic variation makes it more difficult to find distinct clusters. Greater geographic distance generally increases genetic variation, making identifying clusters easier.
 * A similar cluster structure is seen with different genetic markers when the number of genetic markers included is sufficiently large. The clustering structure obtained with different statistical techniques is similar. A similar cluster structure is found in the original sample with a subsample of the original sample.

Recent studies have been published using an increasing number of genetic markers.

Focus on study of structure has been criticized for giving the general public a misleading impression of human genetic variation, obscuring the general finding that genetic variants which are limited to one region tend to be rare within that region, variants that are common within a region tend to be shared across the globe, and most differences between individuals, whether they come from the same region or different regions, are due to global variants.

Distance
Genetic distance is genetic divergence between species or populations of a species. It may compare the genetic similarity of related species, such as humans and chimpanzees. Within a species, genetic distance measures divergence between subgroups. Genetic distance significantly correlates to geographic distance between populations, a phenomenon sometimes known as "isolation by distance". Genetic distance may be the result of physical boundaries restricting gene flow such as islands, deserts, mountains or forests. Genetic distance is measured by the fixation index (FST). FST is the correlation of randomly chosen alleles in a subgroup to a larger population. It is often expressed as a proportion of genetic diversity. This comparison of genetic variability within (and between) populations is used in population genetics. The values range from 0 to 1; zero indicates the two populations are freely interbreeding, and one would indicate that two populations are separate.

Many studies place the average FST distance between human races at about 0.125. Henry Harpending argued that this value implies on a world scale a "kinship between two individuals of the same human population is equivalent to kinship between grandparent and grandchild or between half siblings". In fact, the formulas derived in Harpending's paper in the "Kinship in a subdivided population" section imply that two unrelated individuals of the same race have a higher coefficient of kinship (0.125) than an individual and their mixed race half-sibling (0.109).

Critiques of FST
While acknowledging that FST remains useful, a number of scientists have written about other approaches to characterizing human genetic variation. Long & Kittles (2009) stated that FST failed to identify important variation and that when the analysis includes only humans, FST = 0.119, but adding chimpanzees increases it only to FST = 0.183. Mountain & Risch (2004) argued that an FST estimate of 0.10–0.15 does not rule out a genetic basis for phenotypic differences between groups and that a low FST estimate implies little about the degree to which genes contribute to between-group differences. Pearse & Crandall 2004 wrote that FST figures cannot distinguish between a situation of high migration between populations with a long divergence time, and one of a relatively recent shared history but no ongoing gene flow. In their 2015 article, Keith Hunley, Graciela Cabana, and Jeffrey Long (who had previously criticized Lewontin's statistical methodology with Rick Kittles ) recalculate the apportionment of human diversity using a more complex model than Lewontin and his successors. They conclude: "In sum, we concur with Lewontin's conclusion that Western-based racial classifications have no taxonomic significance, and we hope that this research, which takes into account our current understanding of the structure of human diversity, places his seminal finding on firmer evolutionary footing."

Anthropologists (such as C. Loring Brace), philosopher Jonathan Kaplan and geneticist Joseph Graves have argued that while it is possible to find biological and genetic variation roughly corresponding to race, this is true for almost all geographically distinct populations: the cluster structure of genetic data is dependent on the initial hypotheses of the researcher and the populations sampled. When one samples continental groups, the clusters become continental; with other sampling patterns, the clusters would be different. Weiss and Fullerton note that if one sampled only Icelanders, Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form; all other populations would be composed of genetic admixtures of Maori, Icelandic and Mayan material. Kaplan therefore concludes that, while differences in particular allele frequencies can be used to identify populations that loosely correspond to the racial categories common in Western social discourse, the differences are of no more biological significance than the differences found between any human populations (e.g., the Spanish and Portuguese).

Historical and geographical analyses
Current-population genetic structure does not imply that differing clusters or components indicate only one ancestral home per group; for example, a genetic cluster in the US comprises Hispanics with European, Native American and African ancestry.

Geographic analyses attempt to identify places of origin, their relative importance and possible causes of genetic variation in an area. The results can be presented as maps showing genetic variation. Cavalli-Sforza and colleagues argue that if genetic variations are investigated, they often correspond to population migrations due to new sources of food, improved transportation or shifts in political power. For example, in Europe the most significant direction of genetic variation corresponds to the spread of agriculture from the Middle East to Europe between 10,000 and 6,000 years ago. Such geographic analysis works best in the absence of recent large-scale, rapid migrations.

Historic analyses use differences in genetic variation (measured by genetic distance) as a molecular clock indicating the evolutionary relation of species or groups, and can be used to create evolutionary trees reconstructing population separations.

Results of genetic-ancestry research are supported if they agree with research results from other fields, such as linguistics or archeology. Cavalli-Sforza and colleagues have argued that there is a correspondence between language families found in linguistic research and the population tree they found in their 1994 study. There are generally shorter genetic distances between populations using languages from the same language family. Exceptions to this rule are also found, for example Sami, who are genetically associated with populations speaking languages from other language families. The Sami speak a Uralic language, but are genetically primarily European. This is argued to have resulted from migration (and interbreeding) with Europeans while retaining their original language. Agreement also exists between research dates in archeology and those calculated using genetic distance.

Self-identification studies
Jorde and Wooding found that while clusters from genetic markers were correlated with some traditional concepts of race, the correlations were imperfect and imprecise due to the continuous and overlapping nature of genetic variation, noting that ancestry, which can be accurately determined, is not equivalent to the concept of race.

A 2005 study by Tang and colleagues used 326 genetic markers to determine genetic clusters. The 3,636 subjects, from the United States and Taiwan, self-identified as belonging to white, African American, East Asian or Hispanic ethnic groups. The study found "nearly perfect correspondence between genetic cluster and SIRE for major ethnic groups living in the United States, with a discrepancy rate of only 0.14 percent". Paschou et al. found "essentially perfect" agreement between 51 self-identified populations of origin and the population's genetic structure, using 650,000 genetic markers. Selecting for informative genetic markers allowed a reduction to less than 650, while retaining near-total accuracy.

Correspondence between genetic clusters in a population (such as the current US population) and self-identified race or ethnic groups does not mean that such a cluster (or group) corresponds to only one ethnic group. African Americans have an estimated 20–25-percent European genetic admixture; Hispanics have European, Native American and African ancestry. In Brazil there has been extensive admixture between Europeans, Amerindians and Africans. As a result, skin color differences within the population are not gradual, and there are relatively weak associations between self-reported race and African ancestry. Ethnoracial self- classification in Brazilians is certainly not random with respect to genome individual ancestry, but the strength of the association between the phenotype and median proportion of African ancestry varies largely across population.

Critique of genetic-distance studies and clusters
Genetic distances generally increase continually with geographic distance, which makes a dividing line arbitrary. Any two neighboring settlements will exhibit some genetic difference from each other, which could be defined as a race. Therefore, attempts to classify races impose an artificial discontinuity on a naturally occurring phenomenon. This explains why studies on population genetic structure yield varying results, depending on methodology.

Rosenberg and colleagues (2005) have argued, based on cluster analysis of the 52 populations in the Human Genetic Diversity Panel, that populations do not always vary continuously and a population's genetic structure is consistent if enough genetic markers (and subjects) are included. "Examination of the relationship between genetic and geographic distance supports a view in which the clusters arise not as an artifact of the sampling scheme, but from small discontinuous jumps in genetic distance for most population pairs on opposite sides of geographic barriers, in comparison with genetic distance for pairs on the same side. Thus, analysis of the 993-locus dataset corroborates our earlier results: if enough markers are used with a sufficiently large worldwide sample, individuals can be partitioned into genetic clusters that match major geographic subdivisions of the globe, with some individuals from intermediate geographic locations having mixed membership in the clusters that correspond to neighboring regions."

They also wrote, regarding a model with five clusters corresponding to Africa, Eurasia (Europe, Middle East, and Central/South Asia), East Asia, Oceania, and the Americas:

"For population pairs from the same cluster, as geographic distance increases, genetic distance increases in a linear manner, consistent with a clinal population structure. However, for pairs from different clusters, genetic distance is generally larger than that between intracluster pairs that have the same geographic distance. For example, genetic distances for population pairs with one population in Eurasia and the other in East Asia are greater than those for pairs at equivalent geographic distance within Eurasia or within East Asia. Loosely speaking, it is these small discontinuous jumps in genetic distance—across oceans, the Himalayas, and the Sahara—that provide the basis for the ability of STRUCTURE to identify clusters that correspond to geographic regions."

This applies to populations in their ancestral homes when migrations and gene flow were slow; large, rapid migrations exhibit different characteristics. Tang and colleagues (2004) wrote, "we detected only modest genetic differentiation between different current geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly correlated with self-identified race/ethnicity—as opposed to current residence—is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. population".

Cluster analysis has been criticized because the number of clusters to search for is decided in advance, with different values possible (although with varying degrees of probability). Principal component analysis does not decide in advance how many components for which to search.

The 2002 study by Rosenberg et al. exemplifies why meanings of these clusterings can be disputable, though the study shows that at the K=5 cluster analysis, genetic clusterings roughly map onto each of the five major geographical regions. Similar results were gathered in further studies in 2005.

Critique of ancestry-informative markers
Ancestry-informative markers (AIMs) are a genealogy tracing technology that has come under much criticism due to its reliance on reference populations. In a 2015 article, Troy Duster outlines how contemporary technology allows the tracing of ancestral lineage but along only the lines of one maternal and one paternal line. That is, of 64 total great-great-great-great-grandparents, only one from each parent is identified, implying the other 62 ancestors are ignored in tracing efforts. Furthermore, the 'reference populations' used as markers for membership of a particular group are designated arbitrarily and contemporarily. In other words, using populations who currently reside in given places as references for certain races and ethnic groups is unreliable due to the demographic changes which have occurred over many centuries in those places. Furthermore, ancestry-informative markers being widely shared among the whole human population, it is their frequency which is tested, not their mere absence/presence. A threshold of relative frequency has, therefore, to be set. According to Duster, the criteria for setting such thresholds are a trade secret of the companies marketing the tests. Thus, we cannot say anything conclusive on whether they are appropriate. Results of AIMs are extremely sensitive to where this bar is set. Given that many genetic traits are found to be very similar amid many different populations, the designated threshold frequencies are very important. This can also lead to mistakes, given that many populations may share the same patterns, if not exactly the same genes. "This means that someone from Bulgaria whose ancestors go back to the fifteenth century could (and sometime does) map as partly 'Native American. This happens because AIMs rely on a '100% purity' assumption of reference populations. That is, they assume that a pattern of traits would ideally be a necessary and sufficient condition for assigning an individual to an ancestral reference populations.

Race, genetics, and medicine
There are certain statistical differences between racial groups in susceptibility to certain diseases. Genes change in response to local diseases; for example, people who are Duffy-negative tend to have a higher resistance to malaria. The Duffy negative phenotype is highly frequent in central Africa and the frequency decreases with distance away from Central Africa, with higher frequencies in global populations with high degrees of recent African immigration. This suggests that the Duffy negative genotype evolved in Sub-Saharan Africa and was subsequently positively selected for in the Malaria endemic zone. A number of genetic conditions prevalent in malaria-endemic areas may provide genetic resistance to malaria, including sickle cell disease, thalassaemias and glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase. Cystic fibrosis is the most common life-limiting autosomal recessive disease among people of European ancestry; a hypothesized heterozygote advantage, providing resistance to diseases earlier common in Europe, has been challenged. Scientists Michael Yudell, Dorothy Roberts, Rob DeSalle, and Sarah Tishkoff argue that using these associations in the practice of medicine has led doctors to overlook or misidentify disease: "For example, hemoglobinopathies can be misdiagnosed because of the identification of sickle-cell as a 'Black' disease and thalassemia as a 'Mediterranean' disease. Cystic fibrosis is underdiagnosed in populations of African ancestry, because it is thought of as a 'White' disease."

Information about a person's population of origin may aid in diagnosis, and adverse drug responses may vary by group. Because of the correlation between self-identified race and genetic clusters, medical treatments influenced by genetics have varying rates of success between self-defined racial groups. For this reason, some physicians consider a patient's race in choosing the most effective treatment, and some drugs are marketed with race-specific instructions. Jorde and Wooding (2004) have argued that because of genetic variation within racial groups, when "it finally becomes feasible and available, individual genetic assessment of relevant genes will probably prove more useful than race in medical decision making". However, race continues to be a factor when examining groups (such as epidemiologic research). Some doctors and scientists such as geneticist Neil Risch argue that using self-identified race as a proxy for ancestry is necessary to be able to get a sufficiently broad sample of different ancestral populations, and in turn to be able to provide health care that is tailored to the needs of minority groups.

Usage in scientific journals
Some scientific journals have addressed previous methodological errors by requiring more rigorous scrutiny of population variables. Since 2000, Nature Genetics requires its authors to "explain why they make use of particular ethnic groups or populations, and how classification was achieved". Editors of Nature Genetics say that "[they] hope that this will raise awareness and inspire more rigorous designs of genetic and epidemiological studies".

A 2021 study that examined over 11,000 papers from 1949 to 2018 in The American Journal of Human Genetics, found that "race" was used in only 5% of papers published in the last decade, down from 22% in the first. Together with an increase in use of the terms "ethnicity," "ancestry," and location-based terms, it suggests that human geneticists have mostly abandoned the term "race."

Gene-environment interactions
Lorusso and Bacchini argue that self-identified race is of greater use in medicine as it correlates strongly with risk-related exposomes that are potentially heritable when they become embodied in the epigenome. They summarise evidence of the link between racial discrimination and health outcomes due to poorer food quality, access to healthcare, housing conditions, education, access to information, exposure to infectious agents and toxic substances, and material scarcity. They also cite evidence that this process can work positively – for example, the psychological advantage of perceiving oneself at the top of a social hierarchy is linked to improved health. However they caution that the effects of discrimination do not offer a complete explanation for differential rates of disease and risk factors between racial groups, and the employment of self-identified race has the potential to reinforce racial inequalities.

Objections to racial naturalism
Racial naturalism is the view that racial classifications are grounded in objective patterns of genetic similarities and differences. Proponents of this view have justified it using the scientific evidence described above. However, this view is controversial and philosophers of race have put forward four main objections to it.

Semantic objections, such as the discreteness objection, argue that the human populations picked out in population-genetic research are not races and do not correspond to what "race" means in the United States. "The discreteness objection does not require there to be no genetic admixture in the human species in order for there to be US 'racial groups' ... rather ... what the objection claims is that membership in US racial groups is different from membership in continental populations. ... Thus, strictly speaking, Blacks are not identical to Africans, Whites are not identical to Eurasians, Asians are not identical to East Asians and so forth." Therefore, it could be argued that scientific research is not really about race.

The next two objections, are metaphysical objections which argue that even if the semantic objections fail, human genetic clustering results do not support the biological reality of race. The 'very important objection' stipulates that races in the US definition fail to be important to biology, in the sense that continental populations do not form biological subspecies. The 'objectively real objection' states that "US racial groups are not biologically real because they are not objectively real in the sense of existing independently of human interest, belief, or some other mental state of humans." Racial naturalists, such as Quayshawn Spencer, have responded to each of these objections with counter-arguments. There are also methodological critics who reject racial naturalism because of concerns relating to the experimental design, execution, or interpretation of the relevant population-genetic research.

Another semantic objection is the visibility objection which refutes the claim that there are US racial groups in human population structures. Philosophers such as Joshua Glasgow and Naomi Zack believe that US racial groups cannot be defined by visible traits, such as skin colour and physical attributes: "The ancestral genetic tracking material has no effect on phenotypes, or biological traits of organisms, which would include the traits deemed racial, because the ancestral tracking genetic material plays no role in the production of proteins it is not the kind of material that 'codes' for protein production." Spencer contends that certain racial discourses require visible groups, but disagrees that this is a requirement in all US racial discourse.

A different objection states that US racial groups are not biologically real because they are not objectively real in the sense of existing independently of some mental state of humans. Proponents of this second metaphysical objection include Naomi Zack and Ron Sundstrom. Spencer argues that an entity can be both biologically real and socially constructed. Spencer states that in order to accurately capture real biological entities, social factors must also be considered.

It has been argued that knowledge of a person's race is limited in value, since people of the same race vary from one another. David J. Witherspoon and colleagues have argued that when individuals are assigned to population groups, two randomly chosen individuals from different populations can resemble each other more than a randomly chosen member of their own group. They found that many thousands of genetic markers had to be used for the answer to "How often is a pair of individuals from one population genetically more dissimilar than two individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be "Never". This assumed three population groups, separated by large geographic distances (European, African and East Asian). The global human population is more complex, and studying a large number of groups would require an increased number of markers for the same answer. They conclude that "caution should be used when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make inferences about individual phenotypes", and "The fact that, given enough genetic data, individuals can be correctly assigned to their populations of origin is compatible with the observation that most human genetic variation is found within populations, not between them. It is also compatible with our finding that, even when the most distinct populations are considered and hundreds of loci are used, individuals are frequently more similar to members of other populations than to members of their own population".

This is similar to the conclusion reached by anthropologist Norman Sauer in a 1992 article on the ability of forensic anthropologists to assign "race" to a skeleton, based on craniofacial features and limb morphology. Sauer said, "the successful assignment of race to a skeletal specimen is not a vindication of the race concept, but rather a prediction that an individual, while alive was assigned to a particular socially constructed 'racial' category. A specimen may display features that point to African ancestry. In this country that person is likely to have been labeled Black regardless of whether or not such a race actually exists in nature".

Criticism of race-based medicines
Troy Duster points out that genetics is often not the predominant determinant of disease susceptibilities, even though they might correlate with specific socially defined categories. This is because this research oftentimes lacks control for a multiplicity of socio-economic factors. He cites data collected by King and Rewers that indicates how dietary differences play a significant role in explaining variations of diabetes prevalence between populations.

Duster elaborates by putting forward the example of the Pima of Arizona, a population suffering from disproportionately high rates of diabetes. The reason for such, he argues, was not necessarily a result of the prevalence of the FABP2 gene, which is associated with insulin resistance. Rather he argues that scientists often discount the lifestyle implications under specific socio-historical contexts. For instance, near the end of the 19th century, the Pima economy was predominantly agriculture-based. However, as the European American population settles into traditionally Pima territory, the Pima lifestyles became heavily Westernised. Within three decades, the incidence of diabetes increased multiple folds. Governmental provision of free relatively high-fat food to alleviate the prevalence of poverty in the population is noted as an explanation of this phenomenon.

Lorusso and Bacchini argue against the assumption that "self-identified race is a good proxy for a specific genetic ancestry" on the basis that self-identified race is complex: it depends on a range of psychological, cultural and social factors, and is therefore "not a robust proxy for genetic ancestry". Furthermore, they explain that an individual's self-identified race is made up of further, collectively arbitrary factors: personal opinions about what race is and the extent to which it should be taken into consideration in everyday life. Furthermore, individuals who share a genetic ancestry may differ in their racial self-identification across historical or socioeconomic contexts. From this, Lorusso and Bacchini conclude that the accuracy in the prediction of genetic ancestry on the basis of self-identification is low, specifically in racially admixed populations born out of complex ancestral histories.

title: Race and genetics


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Jean-Marie Charles Abrial

Jean-Marie Charles Abrial (17 December 1879 – 19 December 1962) was a French Admiral and Naval Minister. He fought in both World wars, and was known mostly for his actions at Dunkirk in 1940.

Early years
Abrial started his career in 1896 at the École Navale, the French naval academy, taking his first post as an aspirant (midshipman) in 1898. During World War I, Abrial served in command of a high-seas patrol boat until 1917, when he joined the Naval Ministry's anti-submarine division. In 1920 he was promoted to Capitaine de frégate (Commander), first commanding the destroyer FRENCH DESTROYER Commandant Bory and eventually an entire flotilla of destroyers stationed in the Mediterranean Sea.

Promotions
After completing studies at the École Navale near the Atlantic-Coast port of Brest, he was promoted to Capitaine de vaisseau (Captain) in 1925, commanding the heavy cruiser FRENCH CRUISER Tourville in 1927–1929 and serving as commanding officer of the 1st Squadron at Toulon. In 1930 he was promoted to Rear Admiral and in 1936 to Vice Admiral, after which he commanded the Mediterranean squadron for three years. In 1939 he was charged with protecting French overseas trade as well as the north coast of France, and the following year General Maxime Weygand named him as Commander-in-Chief of the northern naval forces.

World War II
Abrial worked in cooperation with the British troops during the evacuation of Dunkirk in 1940, even though he had not been informed of it prior to the operation. The operation began on 26 May with the requisitioning of several private boats in attempts to organize assistance from the French Navy. On 29 May the evacuation began; Abrial was one of the last to be evacuated. After evacuation, Abrial was based in Cherbourg — where, as senior officer, he was forced to surrender the port to the Germans on 19 June. From July 1940 to July 1941, he served Philippe Pétain's Vichy regime as the governor general of Algeria. Vichy regime President Pierre Laval appointed him as Naval Minister and commander of naval forces, a position he held from 29 November 1942 until 25 March 1943.

Collaboration
On the downfall of the Vichy regime, Abrial was arrested and charged with collaboration, for which he lost his pension. After the Provisional Government of the French Republic re-established the Haute Cour de justice, that court condemned him for his Nazi collaboration and sentenced him to ten years of forced labor. In December 1947, however, he gained provisional release, and in 1954 he was granted amnesty.

Popular culture
In the 2004 BBC miniseries Dunkirk, Abrial was played by French actor André Oumansky.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Jean-Marie Charles Abrial


text: User talk:66.192.115.246

title: User talk:66.192.115.246


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Katharine Potts-Dupre

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was DELETE. jni 13:43, 15 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Katharine Potts-Dupre
Not notable. Fredrik | talk 01:58, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, not notable - 6 Google hits, possible vanity. Megan1967 03:37, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.
 * Delete. Vanity. JoaoRicardo 04:18, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete - vanity or maybe even slander. -- Cleduc 06:09, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Brim 06:25, Feb 9, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, Vanity K1Bond007 06:50, Feb 9, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete vanity. Andrew Lenahan - St ar bli nd 14:47, Feb 9, 2005 (UTC)
 * Speedy Delete as a user test and a favour to all concerned. Wyss 20:27, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)


text:
Talk:Artists and repertoire

Early comment (title added)
Perhaps this article should be moved to the Wictionary.

 * Nah. It just needs to be expanded. --b. Touch 03:20, 12 Feb 2005 (UTC)

 * How much can it realistically be expanded? IMHO, this is an industry term that either belongs in Wictionary, or merged into an article about the record industry. -- Frenchgeek 04:49, Mar 19, 2005 (UTC)

 * It should be expanded to discuss just what goes on in an A&R department, and name some notqable A&Rs. --b. Touch 06:14, 19 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * I think it could do with a list of A&R heads at major labels across the world, that would make it more encyclopaedic... - Duncan 16:12, 4th Mar 2006

plural?
"Artist" or "artists"? -- Shadowhillway 22:02, 23 September 2005 (UTC)

 * Good question. The article title doesn't even match the use in the lead section. David spector (talk)

True, it does need a litle more expansion, i came here as a last ditch attempt to finish an essay, but i did not get enough info to accomodate

Title an abbreviation?
I know that the abbreviation is commonly used in the industry, but should the article be under the actual name, Artist and repertoire? Or "Artist and repertoire representative" or "Artist and repertoire department"? With the abbrevs being the redirects? —Hanuman Das 02:35, 12 November 2006 (UTC)
 * No. Becaue the term is actually A&R. Artist and repertoire makes it sound like that is what they do, when in reality they produce, they define the direction of a record label, they are responsible for the direction a particular artist takes, and therefore they define the direction music is heading. Mattisse(talk) 03:15, 12 November 2006 (UTC)

Is this a spamlink ?
I have twice removed the external link for "Crazed Hits" which was added by user 84.175.244.16 (Talk) I think the link adds nothing to the article and is purely a spamlink? So I don't break the 3 revert rule can somebody else either remove the link, or tell me I am wrong? Thanks --Richhoncho (talk) 15:47, 8 March 2008 (UTC)

Crazed Hits has been featured as a lead story on HitsDailyDouble, which is probably the most renowned music industry website and publication in the world. The site is read by a ton of music industry people, with the majority being A&Rs, so I think it definitely belongs in the article and adds value to it. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Flashbaxx (talk) 21:56, 11 March 2008.

 * By the same virtue an article about a chef should include a link the The Caterer? I don't think so. --Richhoncho (talk) 00:24, 12 March 2008 (UTC)

If he/it is doing A&R work, and was featured in the most renowned A&R publication, then YES. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Flashbaxx (talk • contribs) 08:56, 12 March 2008 (UTC)

The link to Kings of A&R (which had been on this page previously), was removed when CrazedHits.com attempted to promote their aspiring blog through this entry. I don't really care what happens to the crazed hits link, but could the Kings of A&R link please be returned to this entry? There was no explanation for its removal. Thank you. Fingerguns (talk) 19:58, 16 March 2008 (UTC)

Done. But it was the other way around. Someone affiliated with Kings of A&R kept removing the Crazed Hits link. Both sites belong here, no need for the Kings of A&R people to remove the competition. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Flashbaxx (talk • contribs) 20:29, 16 March 2008 (UTC)

Competition?Fingerguns (talk) 21:05, 16 March 2008 (UTC)

I have no affiliation with any site, and I removed all of the links. Stop spamming the site, please.  Horologium  (talk) 23:05, 12 November 2008 (UTC)

I fail to see how those are spam links. Both sites, Crazed Hits and Kings of A&R, are leading A&R websites, read by music industry professionals from all over the world. These sites are not commercial, they are free to access and offer inside information into the world of A&R. Therefore, they offer additional information to the term "A&R" and should be listed either as external links or references. -- Flashbaxx — Preceding undated comment added 00:29, 13 November 2008 (UTC)

 * They are both blogs, not "leading A&R websites". A quick check of Technorati ratings indicates that Crazed Hits has a technorati rank of 512,788 (12 inbound links), and "Kings of A&R" is a relative giant at 228,152 (28 inbound links). Sorry, they don't make the grade.  Horologium  (talk) 23:46, 12 November 2008 (UTC)

That is utter nonsense. Since when does a technorati rank determine whether or not a website is the leading site of its kind? Plus, A&R is a niche market, so those sites obviously can't be as big as (i.e.) Perez Hilton. Both sites are the biggest of its kind, hence they belong here. If you can find a pure A&R website or "blog" that is bigger, and read by more music industry professionals, then I'm the first one to let this go.

Traffic ranks on compete.com : http://siteanalytics.compete.com/crazedhits.com+kingsofar.com -- Flashbaxx —Preceding undated comment was added at 00:06, 13 November 2008 (UTC).

Reference added
I added an actual reference for the article. This is a WP:General reference: it WP:Verifies most of the material in the article.

The other links (that we've been fighting over) are really external links, providing new and interesting information that goes beyond the material in this article. I don't know if they actually verify anything in the article, so I don't believe they are "references" in the way Wikipedia uses the term.

I don't believe these are "spam" links, and so should remain as external links.CharlesGillingham (talk) 00:41, 13 November 2008 (UTC)

 * I agree Charles. I work in the music industry, and those two sites are read by almost all of my colleagues. It's insane that some people on here consider them "spam" links. (Flashbaxx (talk) 02:37, 13 November 2008 (UTC))

 * Not unexpectedly Flashbaxx agrees. There are 2 links for Crazed Hits, one is for interviews with A&R people which I think is valid, the second one, which I object to is a direct link to a site that acts as a middleman to A&R, is purely there to sell the site and adds nothing whatsoever to the article and fails WP:SPAM on several counts. I also note that Flashbaxx is quick to remove any of his competitors that might like to add their spam links (I agree with Flashbaxx on this!). I also like the work Charles has added to the article, long over due for such an important part of the music industry, also the radio promotion article is a nice addition. --Richhoncho (talk) 21:46, 14 November 2008 (UTC)

I think you could drop the second link. At the very least, it's not a very useful link. CharlesGillingham (talk) 03:58, 15 November 2008 (UTC)

 * Furthermore, Charles, I note that Flashbaxx has, in the past, been removing the Kings of A&R Link in spite of protests to the contrary above, -and- each A&R representative listed also has a Crazed Hits link on their pages, and on some pages there are unverified claims made by Flashbaxx for Crazed Hits. What we have here is systemic spamming and and a failure of WP:COI. As a result of your comment I shall once again remove one of the Crazed Hits links. If I am reverted again by Flashbaxx I shall take the matter to arbitration. --Richhoncho (talk) 12:41, 15 November 2008 (UTC)

 * That's not true, not once did I remove the Kings of A&R link. In fact, in the discussion above, I said that both links should remain on the site. Flashbaxx (talk) 16:06, 15 November 2008 (UTC)

 * For your information here are 4 samples of when you have removed the Kings of A&R in favour of your site. [], ,,. There are more but I think I have proven my point, Furthermore you have removed other links with an edit summary which was basically "remove spamlink" for instance, ,[],[]. I have not bothered to look again at the changes you also made as an anonymous IP. Talking of anonymous IPs, I see you are not slow to put an ineffective block on anybody that disagrees with you. --Richhoncho (talk) 17:36, 15 November 2008 (UTC)

 * To add: There are a few A&R people who do have Crazed Hits links on their pages, but these links are all valid and add value to the articles, since they link to video interviews with those people. Providing and linking to a resource where someone may gather important insights into someone's career and thinking is hardly "systematic spamming". Flashbaxx (talk) 16:10, 15 November 2008 (UTC)

Request for better edit comments
I'm not sure I understand the motivation for this edit. I have several problems with it (1) Completeness: It deleted accurate information, for example, the old version described precisely how A&R executives oversee the recording process, the fact that they pick the single, and so on. (2) Emphasis: In a short article, why do we need the sentence about A&R in the UK fifty years ago? (3) The Krasilovsky reference is used to support a point that does not appear in their book. (4) I am leery of using websites like Taxi, Hit Quarters or Crazed Hits as references. These are companies who have a particular pitch to make. Can't we just cite mainstream books? (5) (And this is just English 101) The paragraphs don't have clear and distinguishable topics, and there are even sentences that are not on a topic (consider the second sentence). I'm sorry to be so blunt in my criticism. Just trying to make Wikipedia better. I need to know a little more about what the goal is here. CharlesGillingham (talk) 10:10, 31 January 2009 (UTC)

 * Hi Charles, good questions, but not answerable. I thought that A&R did work round the world as referred to only the "UK" i.e. find an act, find a song (originally), record and release, but I may be wrong, and I can't verify (the keyword), although in the case of John Hammond I understand it to be true, so I'd keep it as is without the UK reference. I agree with you regarding entries from pitch sites. Over all I think you have been doing a magnificent job with this article and agree with your sentiments. The real problem, as ever, is people who can't distinquish between facts, opinions and urban myth - happens all round WP. Actually, I think a little historical perspective of how the job has developed would be encyclopaedic. --Richhoncho (talk) 10:36, 31 January 2009 (UTC)

If no one shows up to defend this new version, I am planning on reverting it. CharlesGillingham (talk) 19:18, 6 February 2009 (UTC)

✅ Reverted, with additional sections, footnotes and references. CharlesGillingham (talk) 21:36, 8 February 2009 (UTC)

A proposed spam policy for this article
I would like to suggest a simple (but harsh) standard for external links in this article. If the website offers a service for which it charges unsigned musicians, then it is spam. In other words, if they are asking for a fee (rather than a percentage, or a kickback from the record company), then the link is advertising.

We can find all the sources we need for this article in published books. There is no reason to use additional sources that are connected to these kind of websites. CharlesGillingham (talk) 21:36, 8 February 2009 (UTC)

 * Not a harsh policy, totally in line with WP:EL and WP:SPAM. Where it might become a lttle less certain is where the there is a wikilink to such organizations, do you allow a link to the relevant article. Again I am happy to following your reasoning. --Richhoncho (talk) 22:20, 8 February 2009 (UTC)

title: Talk:Artists and repertoire


text:
User talk:LudaPotts

Welcome
--Slowking Man 01:59, Feb 9, 2005 (UTC)

Project
Hi, So, as I explained in class, your first Project is to create a slide-show presentation on any particular still-camera (not video) produced prior to 1950. Information you should include in your presentation includes:

 * Full name of camera
 * Creator of your selected model
 * Manufacturer
 * Type of film used
 * Picture of the specific model
 * Years of production
 * Important features
 * Specifications
 * Popularity
 * Intended market: Amature or Professional photographers
 * Original selling price
 * Value today
 * Current availability of film stock
 * Limitations of this particular model
 * Example of a current equivalent model

Please use multiple sources for your research, and as always, if you have questions.... ask. Weaponofmassinstruction 21:28, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:LudaPotts


text:
Phil Anderson (cyclist)

Philip Grant Anderson (born 20 March 1958) is a British-born Australian former professional racing cyclist who was the first non-European to wear the yellow jersey of the Tour de France.

Origins
Phil Anderson was born in London but moved to Melbourne, Australia, when he was young. He grew up in the suburb of Kew and graduated from Trinity Grammar School in 1975. He first raced with Hawthorn Cycling Club, where Allan Peiper, another future professional, was also a member. Peiper said: "Phil went to a private school and joined the club with his mate, Peter Darbyshire. My best friend was Tom Sawyer, later a six-day racer in Europe, and we were the two rough nuts, while Phil and Darbs were the two upper-class boys".

Amateur career
Anderson won the 1977 Dulux Tour of the North Island in New Zealand and the Australian team time-trial championship at Brisbane in 1978. In that year he also won the Commonwealth Games road race in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. He was 19.

He moved to France in 1979 to join the ACBB, a club at Boulogne-Billancourt in the suburbs of Paris with a reputation of placing riders in professional teams, particularly Peugeot. Whilst he was with the ACBB he lived and raced alongside Robert Millar and Mark Bell. That season he won the Tour de l'Essonne, the Tour de l'Hérault and the amateur version of the unofficial world time-trial championship, the Grand Prix des Nations, in Cannes.

Professional career
Anderson turned professional in 1980, for Peugeot, one of the oldest French teams. He won two races in his first season – the Prix de Wetteren and a stage in the Étoile des Espoirs, and came second in two others. He moved to Lokeren, Belgium, to ride criteriums.

 * It was a big change; I'd never lived out of home before, so that was a big difference, and then there's the length of the races; you know all of a sudden you're riding 200 km a day instead of back here you'd be racing 80 or 100 km a day; huge fields, you turn up at a race and you'd have 200 riders, 250 riders. It's difficult because I was on a French team, and I felt that the French riders got priority, and I had to go a bit deeper or had to be a little better than some of my colleagues on the team. But that hardened me, and put pressure on me, and I think became part of my make-up in the end.

He came fifth in the 1982 Tour de France, in which he held the white jersey of best young rider, and again fifth in 1985, the year he won the Tour de Suisse. That same season he finished second in the Super Prestige Pernod International, forerunner of the UCI points championship. His highlights were wearing the yellow jersey of the 1981 Tour de France and then again for nine days of 1982. He was the first rider from outside Europe to lead the race. Anderson described what it meant in 1981:

 * It happened in the Pyrenees. This was my first Tour de France. I didn't have aspirations of becoming the wearer of the yellow jersey or anything like that. I was given my instructions and I was supposed to look after a rider on my team, the team leader, a Frenchman, and I forgot my instructions and just sort of went into survival mode over a number of mountain passes, just staying up with some of the top riders, and before I knew it, my team director came up beside me in his car and told me, 'Listen, what happened to your leader, the guy that you've been instructed to watch today?' you know. And to help if he has any troubles, or just pace him back if he's having some troubles. And I said, 'Oh gee, that's right. Where is he?' And he said, 'he's five or ten minutes back, in the next group.' I said, 'No worries I'll wait up for him.' He said, 'No, no, stay up here, you're doing OK, just stay out of trouble and try and hang on as long as possible.'

 * So hang on I did, and whistled down the next mountain and got to the last climb and I stayed up with Bernard Hinault; there was one rider, a Belgian rider, Lucien Van Impe rode away, an excellent climber, he rode away and so we came in a couple of minutes later, but I had enough time from some good days previously, that I climbed into the yellow jersey, and I had no idea of what the sort of yellow jersey represented, because I mean there's so much history to it, and for me it was just like, 'Oh yes, great, I don't have to wash my old jersey tonight, you know, get a new one'. But really, you're sort of at the highest level of the sport.

His best year was 1985, when he won the Tour Méditerranéen, Critérium du Dauphiné Libéré and the Tour de Suisse, as well as finishing second in the Tour of Flanders and Gent–Wevelgem. He continued to ride the Tour until 1989, when he came 38th, but by then he had arthritis. In 1990 he joined the American team, – "Speculation has it that he took a big pay cut; maybe that is what turned into motivation which resulted in his comeback to the big league", said Peiper – and he won the Tour Méditerranéen and the Tour of Sicily and stages of the Tour de Suisse and Tour de France. He also won the Tour of Britain in 1991 and 1993.

Retirement and honours
Anderson retired to a farm he bought in Jamieson and has what he calls the life of a gentleman farmer. He was given the Medal of the Order of Australia (OAM) in the 1987 Australia Day Honours for service to cycling. In 2000, he received the Australian Sports Medal and in 2001 he received a Centenary Medal for service to society through cycling. He was inducted into the Sport Australia Hall of Fame in 2010. In 2015, he was an inaugural Cycling Australia Hall of Fame inductee.

Private life
Anderson has married twice, first to Anne, whom he married just after turning professional, and then Christi Valentine, who in 1999 wrote Anderson's biography, Phil Anderson: Cycling Legend. Anderson and Valentine married on 29 April 1994 and separated in 2005. Anderson has been in a relationship with Anne Newell since 2006.

Major results

 * 1978
 * 1st Gold medal blank.svg Road race, Commonwealth Games
 * 1st Stage 2 Red Zinger Bicycle Classic

 * 1980
 * 2nd Overall Étoile des Espoirs
 * 1st Stage 3
 * 3rd Overall Paris–Bourges
 * 10th Paris–Tours

 * 1981
 * 1st Jersey yellow.svg Overall Tour de l'Aude
 * 1st Stage 6 Paris–Nice
 * 6th Grand Prix de Cannes
 * 7th Amstel Gold Race
 * 7th Tour du Haut Var
 * 9th Overall Tour Méditerranéen
 * 9th Grand Prix de Monaco
 * 10th Overall Tour de France
 * Held Jersey yellow.svg after Stage 6

 * 1982
 * 4th Overall Tour de l'Aude
 * 5th Overall Tour de France
 * 1st Jersey white.svg Young rider classification
 * 1st Stage 2
 * Held Jersey yellow.svg after Stages 2–11
 * 5th Amstel Gold Race
 * 6th Rund um den Henninger Turm
 * 7th Overall Critérium du Dauphiné Libéré
 * 7th Gent–Wevelgem
 * 8th GP Ouest-France
 * 9th La Flèche Wallonne

 * 1983
 * 1st Jersey yellow.svg Overall Tour de l'Aude
 * 1st Stage 3
 * 1st Amstel Gold Race
 * 2nd Overall Tour de Romandie
 * 1st Stage 5a
 * 3rd Overall Paris–Bourges
 * 3rd Liège–Bastogne–Liège
 * 3rd Grand Prix de Wallonie
 * 6th Overall Critérium du Dauphiné Libéré
 * 1st Jersey green.svg Points classification
 * 1st Prologue & Stage 3
 * 6th Grand Prix de Monaco
 * 7th Super Prestige Pernod International
 * 8th Overall Tour Midi-Pyrénées
 * 8th Giro di Lombardia
 * 9th Road race, UCI Road World Championships
 * 9th Overall Tour de France
 * 9th Tour of Flanders
 * 10th Rund um den Henninger Turm

 * 1984
 * 1st Jersey yellow.svg Overall Setmana Catalana de Ciclisme
 * 1st Stage 4b (ITT)
 * 1st Züri-Metzgete
 * 1st Rund um den Henninger Turm
 * 2nd Liège–Bastogne–Liège
 * 3rd Super Prestige Pernod International
 * 4th Grand Prix of Aargau Canton
 * 5th Overall Tour de Suisse
 * 5th Paris–Tours
 * 7th Overall Critérium du Dauphiné Libéré
 * 1st Stage 6
 * 7th Paris–Brussels
 * 9th La Flèche Wallonne
 * 9th Kuurne–Brussels–Kuurne
 * 10th Overall Tour de France

 * 1985
 * 1st Jersey yellow.svg Overall Tour de Suisse
 * 1st Jersey green.svg Points classification
 * 1st Jersey polkadot.svg Mountains classification
 * 1st Stages 3, 5b (ITT) & 8
 * 1st Jersey yellow-bluebar.svg Overall Critérium du Dauphiné Libéré
 * 1st Jersey green.svg Points classification
 * 1st Stage 1b
 * 1st Jersey yellow.svg Overall Tour Méditerranéen
 * 1st Stage 4b
 * 1st Rund um den Henninger Turm
 * 1st E3 Prijs Vlaanderen
 * 2nd Overall Tour of Belgium
 * 1st Stages 2 & 3b (ITT)
 * 2nd Overall Setmana Catalana de Ciclisme
 * 1st Stages 2 & 3
 * 2nd Tour of Flanders
 * 2nd Gent–Wevelgem
 * 2nd Super Prestige Pernod International
 * 3rd Grand Prix Eddy Merckx
 * 4th Overall Paris–Nice
 * 1st Stage 4b (TTT)
 * 4th Brabantse Pijl
 * 4th Grand Prix of Aargau Canton
 * 5th Overall Tour de France
 * 5th Amstel Gold Race
 * 7th Liège–Bastogne–Liège

 * 1986
 * 1st Paris–Tours
 * 3rd Overall Coors Classic
 * 1st Stage 3
 * 3rd Giro di Lombardia
 * 5th Grand Prix d'Isbergues
 * 9th Overall Nissan Classic
 * 1st Stages 3b & 4

 * 1987
 * 1st Milano–Torino
 * 5th Kuurne–Brussels–Kuurne
 * 6th Amstel Gold Race
 * 7th Overall Giro d'Italia
 * 7th E3 Prijs Vlaanderen
 * 7th Grand Prix Impanis
 * 7th Druivenkoers Overijse
 * 8th Grand Prix Pino Cerami
 * 9th Rund um den Henninger Turm
 * 10th Gent–Wevelgem

 * 1988
 * 1st Jersey yellow.svg Overall Danmark Rundt
 * 1st Stage 3
 * Nissan Classic
 * 1st Stage 2 & 4
 * 2nd Tour of Flanders
 * 2nd Milano–Torino
 * 6th Züri-Metzgete
 * 7th Overall Tirreno–Adriatico
 * 1st Stage 1 (ITT)
 * 8th Kuurne–Brussels–Kuurne
 * 9th Liège–Bastogne–Liège
 * 10th Overall Tour de Luxembourg

 * 1989
 * 1st Jersey green.svg Overall Tour de Romandie
 * 1st Stage 1
 * 1st Stage 17 Giro d'Italia
 * 1st Stage 5b Nissan Classic
 * 3rd Liège–Bastogne–Liège
 * 4th Overall Three Days of De Panne
 * 7th Overall Kellogg's Tour
 * 1st Stage 2
 * 10th Trofeo Pantalica

 * 1990
 * Giro d'Italia
 * 1st Jersey blue.svg Intergiro classification
 * 1st Stage 4b
 * 1st Stage 5 Tour de Luxembourg
 * 2nd Paris–Tours
 * 4th Overall Three Days of De Panne
 * 10th Amstel Gold Race

 * 1991
 * 1st Jersey yellow.svg Overall Kellogg's Tour
 * 1st Jersey polkadot.svg Mountains classification
 * 1st Stages 1 & 3
 * 1st Jersey yellow.svg Overall Tour Méditerranéen
 * 1st Stages 5 & 6
 * 1st Jersey red.svg Overall Settimana Internazionale di Coppi e Bartali
 * 1st Stage 6
 * 1st Stage 10 Tour de France
 * 1st Stage 8 Tour de Suisse
 * 1st Stage 4 Tour DuPont
 * 2nd E3 Prijs Vlaanderen
 * 3rd US Pro Championship
 * 7th Milan–San Remo
 * 7th Züri-Metzgete
 * 10th UCI Road World Cup

 * 1992
 * 1st Jersey yellow.svg Overall Nissan Classic
 * 1st Stage 4
 * 1st Grand Prix d'Isbergues
 * 3rd Overall Settimana Internazionale di Coppi e Bartali
 * 3rd Paris–Brussels
 * 5th Overall Tour DuPont
 * 1st Stages 5, 8 & 9
 * 6th Paris–Tours
 * 10th Overall Kellogg's Tour

 * 1993
 * 1st Jersey yellow.svg Overall Kellogg's Tour
 * 1st Stage 1
 * 1st Jersey yellow.svg Overall Tour of Sweden
 * 1st Stage 4
 * 1st Grand Prix Impanis
 * 7th Overall Tour de Luxembourg

 * 1994
 * 1st Gold medal blank.svg Team time trial, Commonwealth Games
 * 3rd Trofeo Luis Puig
 * 3rd Monte Carlo–Alassio
 * 9th Overall Tour de Luxembourg

title: Phil Anderson (cyclist)


text:
Tangsa Naga

The Tangshang people or Tangsa , are of Tibeto-Burmese ethnic group of the Arunachal Pradesh and Assam. They also reside in Sagaing Region and parts of Kachin State of Myanmar. In Myanmar they were formerly known as Rangpang, Pangmi, and Haimi. They speak their own language Tangsa.

Tangsa is the largest ethnic group having an approximate population of 450,000. They are a scheduled group under the Indian Constitution and there are many sub-groups within Tangsa on both sides of the border.

Background
The Tangshang in Myanmar as well as the Tangsa in India regard themselves as a arunachali. They are well-built and of medium-stature. Today Tangsa people live in the Patkai mountains, on the border of India and Burma, and some live in the plains areas on the Indian side of the border. Many Tangsa tell of migrations from what is now Mongolia, through the South-West China Province of Yunan into Burma. Tangsa traditions suggest that they settled in the existing region from the beginning of the 13th century. It is believed that in their native place in China and Burma they were known as Muwa and Hawa respectively. The term Hawa (also pronounced Hewe or Hiwi) is used by many Tangsa to refer to the whole group of Tangsa. The term Tangsa is derived from tang ('high land') and sa ('son') and means 'people of the high land'.

Subgroups
There are many sub-groups of Tangsa, all of which speak distinctive linguistic varieties. Some of these varieties are very similar, and some are very different from each other. Each of these ethnic subgroups is known by a number of different names. There is the name the group gives to itself, for example Chamchang, and then a 'general name', used in communication with non-Tangsas. The general name for the Chamchang is Kimsing.

About 70 different ethnic groups have been identified. Within India, the most recently arrived Tangsa are known as Pangwa.

These are listed with the name used by the group itself first, followed by alternative spellings in brackets. M indicates the group is found only in Myanmar, I only in India and B in both India and Myanmar. This list is not complete:

 * Oni (Botey) B
 * Cyamcyang-Shecyü (Chamchang, Kimsing, Sankey) B
 * Cyampang (Champhang, Thamphang) B
 * Cyolim (Cholim, Tonglum) B
 * Cyuyo (Chuyo, Wangku) M
 * Jöngi (Dunghi) B
 * Gaqha M
 * Gaqya (Gahja) I
 * Gaqkat (Wakka) B
 * Gaqchan (Gashan) M
 * Gaqlon (Galun, Lonyung) B
 * Kochung M
 * Kotlum (Kawlum) M
 * Gaqyi M
 * HaqcyengB
 * Haqcyum M
 * Haqkhi (Hachi) M
 * Haqkhun B
 * Haqman M
 * Haqpo (Hatphaung, Apo) M
 * Hasa (Lulum as a village name, live close to Taka village) M
 * Haqsik (Awlay, Awlaw, Laju) M
 * Hokuq M
 * Havoi (Havi) I
 * Henching (Shangcheing, Shangchaing) M
 * Yoglei (Yogli, Yawklai) I
 * Kaisan M
 * Khalak or Khilak (Tangsa) B
 * Kumkaq M
 * Lakkai (Lati) B
 * Kuku (Makhawngnyon) M
 * Lama (Haqlang) B
 * Lochang (Lanching, Lanchien) B
 * Longchang I
 * Lungkhi (Lungkhi, Lungkhai) B
 * Lungri (Lungri) B
 * Lumnu M
 * Lungphi (Longphi) I
 * Meitei (Mitay) B
 * Miku M
 * Muklom (Moklum) I
 * Mossang (Tangsa) (Mawshang) B
 * Mungre (Mawrang, Morang) B
 * Nahen M
 * Ngaimong B
 * Nyinshao (Nyinshao) M
 * Nukte (Nocte) I
 * Pingku M
 * Ponthai I
 * Pongnyon (Macyam) M
 * Rancyi (Rangti, Ran-kyi, Rangsi, Rasi) M
 * Raqnu M
 * Rasa (Rasit) M
 * Rera (Ronrang) I
 * Ringkhu M
 * Sansik (Siknyo, Sheiknyo, Sikpo) M
 * Shangti (Shangri) B
 * Shangval (Shawvel, Shangwal) B
 * Shokra (Shograng) M
 * Toke (Tokay) M
 * Cyamkok (Thamkok) M
 * Tikhak I
 * Vancyo (Wancho) I
 * Yangnaw M
 * Asen (Yasa) M
 * Kon (Yawngkon) M
 * Yungkuk I

Notes: Gakat people also live in India, in the Wakka village circle of Tirap district, but are grouped with the Wancho rather than with Tangsa.

Culture
The Tangsa's habitation along the Myanmar border resulted in cultural influence from neighbouring groups across the border and the adoption of Burmese dress among many tribal members.

Traditionally, Tangsa men and women keep their hair long, often tying it into a bun and covering it with a piece of cloth, known in some Tangsa varieties as the Khu-pak/Khu-phop. Tangsa men traditionally used to wear a long and narrow piece of cloth called lamsam/lengti that covers the hip and pelvis region. However, nowadays they wear a broad cylindrical piece of cloth called lungi that is green in colour and is lined with yellow, red and white yarns, and accompanied with a sleeveless shirt. On the other hand, the costume of the womenfolk traditionally used to be a piece of cloth wrapped around the chest and a similar piece of cloth wrapped around the waist extending just below the knees. Nowadays, with the availability of yarn, their costume include an artistically woven petticoat, which acts as the lower garment, and a linen blouse.

Lifestyle
Traditionally Tangsa people practiced shifting cultivation (known as Jhwum in Assamese). Nowadays those Tangsa in the plains area of India practice wet rice cultivation. In the traditional agriculture, using simple manual tools, the Tangsa raise crops that include paddy, millet, maize and arum, and vegetables. Tangsa people make scanty use of milk and milk products, although milk tea is now served in many Tangsa houses. Traditional meals consist of a wide variety of recipes. But, staple foods are boiled or steamed rice, vegetables boiled with herbs and spices (stew) and boiled or roasted fish or meat. Snacks include boiled or roasted arum or topiaca. Traditional drinks include smoked tea (phalap) and rice beer (called ju, kham or che).

Owing to the climate and terrain, the Tangsa live in stilt houses, which are divided into many rooms. Like the Nocte, the Tangsa traditionally had separate dormitories for men, known in Longchang Tangsa as Looppong for the males and Likpya for the female.

Traditionally, the Tangsa believed in a joint family system, and property is equally divided between all family members. A tribal council, known as Khaphua (Longchang), Khaphong (Muklom) was administered by a Lungwang (chief), who sees to the daily affairs of the Tangsa group.

Religion
Nowadays Tangsa follow a variety of religions. Traditionally their beliefs were animistic. One example of the animistic beliefs still practised is the Wihu Kuh festival held in some parts of Assam on 5 January each year. This involves sacrifice of chickens, pigs or buffaloes and prayers and songs to the female earth spirit, Wihu.

This group believe in a supreme being that created all existence, locally known as Rangkhothak/Rangwa/Rangfrah, although belief in other deities and spirits is maintained as well. Many followers of Rangfrah celebrate an annual festival called Mol or Kuh-a-Mol (around April/May), which asks for a bumper crop. Animal sacrifice, in particular the sacrifice of wak ('pigs') and maan ('cows'), is practised. At funerals a similar ceremony is undertaken and a feast between villagers is held by the bereaved family. After dusk, man and women start dancing together rhythmically with the accompanying drums and gongs.

Some Tangsas, particularly the Tikhak and Yongkuk in India and many Donghi in Myanmar, have come under the influence of Theravada Buddhism, and have converted. There are Buddhist temples in many Tikhak and Yongkuk villages.

Most of the Tangsas, including most of the Pangwa Tangsas, and nearly all of the Tangshang in Myanmar, have accepted Christianity. Probably the most widespread Christian denomination in both Myanmar and India is Baptist. Tangsa Baptist Churches' Association with its headquarters at Nongtham under Kharsang sub-division is the largest Baptist Association working among the Tangsas with more than 100 churches affiliated to it[5], but there are also large numbers of Presbyterians in India, and perhaps smaller numbers of Catholics, Church of Christ and Congregationalists.

Out of a total of 20,962 Tangsa (proper) living in Arunachal Pradesh, 6,228 are Animist (29.71%) and 5,030 are Hindu (24.00%). Most of the remaining are Christian (44%), with a Buddhist minority of close to 3%. There are another 8,576 Tangsa residing in Arunachal, belonging to fringe Tangsa groups such as Mossang, Tikhak and Longchang. The Mossang, Rongrang, Morang, Yougli, Sanke, Longphi, Haisa, and Chamchang (Kimsing) ethnic groups are mostly Christian. Most of the Longchang and Langkai are Rangfrahites, while the Tikhaks are evenly divided into Christians and Buddhists. Taisen is majority Buddhist. The Moglum Tangsa are evenly divided between Rangfrah, Animists and Christians. The Namsang Tangsa are two-thirds Animist, with the remaining one-third Hindu.

Language
At present the ISO code for these speech varieties is ISO639-3:nst. The closest linguistic relatives to Tangsa are Tutsa and Nocte, and all of these, together with several other languages, make up the Konyak subgroup within a larger group sometimes called Bodo-Konyak-Jinghpaw.

Tangsa is not a single language, but a network of varieties some of which are mutually intelligible and some of which are not. For example, within the Pangwa group, Longri and Cholim (Tonglum) speakers understand each other easily, but speakers of these two groups may have more difficulty understanding and speaking Lochhang (Langching).

The following table shows some of the linguistic differences between Tangsa groups:

There seem to be three subgroups in India. The lexemes (words) for ‘drinking water’, other types of ‘water’ and ‘alcohol’ can be used as a diagnostic for three putative groups. The group shown in the middle of the table, the Tikhak subgroup (Tikhak and Yongkuk), is reasonably well established. They are people who came from Myanmar to India some hundreds of years ago and there are no Tikhak or Yongkuk speakers in Indi these days. They use kham for 'drinking water' and 'river water'.

To the left is a rather more linguistically diverse set of varieties termed Pangwa, consisting mostly of groups that have arrived in India more recently and usually have related villages in Myanmar; although some like Joglei and Rera are now found only in India. They use kham for drinking water but ju for river water.

To the right are several diverse varieties, which use kham for alcohol and ju for drinking water. Moklum and Hakhun are not mutually intelligible but do share hierarchical agreement marking (marking of object as well as subject), though realised in systematically different ways. Hakhun is very similar to Nocte, which is listed by the ISO as a different language (ISO639-3:njb)

Writing system
An alphabetic writing system was invented for Tangsa in 1990 by Lakhum Mossang (d. 11 July 2020). It has seen limited use among members of the Mossang community and received support from the government of Arunachal Pradesh. This script was added to the Unicode standard with the release of version 14.0 in 2021.

Online archiving
An on-line archive of Tangsa texts is available at the DoBeS website and Tangsa texts can be read and searched at the Tai and Tibeto-Burman Languages of Assam website.

title: Tangsa Naga


text:
Club Universidad de Chile

Club Universidad de Chile is a professional football club based in Santiago, Chile, that plays in the Primera División.

Founded on 24 May 1927, Universidad de Chile is one of the most successful and popular football clubs in Chile, having won the league title 18 times. In the last 10 years, the team has been crowned champion six times, including their undefeated run to the 2011 Copa Sudamericana title. The team has been associated with the colour blue throughout its history, blue is present on the logo, which was officially adopted in 1943. The club rivalries are with Colo-Colo and Universidad Católica, with whom they regularly contest the Santiago derbies known as Clásicos.

Despite not owning its stadium, the club usually rents and plays its home games at the Estadio Nacional Julio Martínez Prádanos, in the commune of Ñuñoa in Santiago.

Universidad de Chile was the champion of the Copa Sudamericana 2011. In this tournament, the club had an excellent performance: wasn't defeated, won all their matches in Chile and had the top scorer of the tournament's history (Eduardo Vargas). Universidad de Chile has reached semi-finals in the Copa Libertadores four times (years 1970, 1996, 2010 and 2012).

History
The club was founded on 24 May 1927, as Club Deportivo Universitario by the merger of Internado FC and Club Universitario de Deportes. Initially, the club was formed by students of the Universidad de Chile and was the sport brand of the university until 1980 when the university's rector and president of the club at the time (both of them appointed by the Pinochet dictatorship) decided to separate the club from the university and created the CORFUCH to manage the football team. This move was a part of the atomization of the Universidad de Chile made by the military dictatorship to strengthen the private universities that were founded during that time and also to reduce state power. This was seen as a major blow to the club, as it was left with nothing but a loyal fan base. From then on, the club started to decline in terms of results on the field and lack of support from various sectors of the economy when other major clubs in Chile were helped by main powers such as the government, the catholic church, and Codelco. Eventually, the team's poor performances led to a relegation to second division in 1988, and threats to dissolve the club were made by the university if the team did not manage to return to the first division within a year. In 1989, Universidad de Chile were able to earn the 2nd division's championship, thus bringing them back to the first division, where they have remained since then.

Bankruptcy and Azul Azul
In 2006, the club declared bankruptcy and received an imposed administration that was criticized by the supporters, as the new chairman immediately fired many club workers and tried to transform the club into a private company of public stocks, being opposed to the decision of the club members in a previous assembly. The team finished the year with the worst campaign in the club history and the almost-sure transformation into private company due to the ties between the appointed chairman and several businessmen.

During 2007, the imposed administration gave the club into concession to a private group (Azul Azul). In 2008, the new university's rector agreed to enter a contract with the now private club, in which he allowed the use of the university's name and symbols in exchange for a royalty and the right to appoint two out of the eleven directors of the board.

Home kit and away kit
The team's home kit from 1943 to 1958 consisted of a blue jersey, a white short and blue socks. In 1959, the home kit was changed to an all royal blue kit. In 1992 a darker tone of blue was used for the home kit and in 1996 a red stripe was added to the sleeves. The team's home kit saw its most drastic change in 2001–02 when red sleeves were included on the jersey; this kit retained the blue shorts and blue socks. In 2006, the team returned to the 1959 variation of its uniform and has not changed it since then. The current home kit features the classic red letter U on the front of the jersey.

From 1934 until 2001–02, Universidad de Chile's away kit consisted of a white jersey, shorts and socks, occasionally using blue shorts during the 1990s. In 2001–02, for the first time in the club's history a red kit was introduced; this kit consisted of a red jersey with dark blue sleeves, red shorts and red socks. In 2005, the club introduced a new all-red away kit, thereby dropping the blue sleeves in favor of red ones. The current away kit in a similar fashion to the home kit also features the red letter U on the front of the jersey. Universidad de Chile wore a kit that featured the regular royal blue jersey, white shorts and royal blue socks for a game against Chivas during the 2010 Copa Libertadores. At the end of 2010 the historical all-white combination made a return as the club's alternate kit.

The chuncho logo
The team's logo, a red and white chuncho (Austral pygmy owl), has its origins in the days of the Club Náutico Universitario which gave its emblem to the Club Universitario de Deportes (CUD), when was founded in 1927. The logo was taken from Germany by Pablo Ramírez Rodríguez, who turned into a Minister of Exchequer in 1945. The chuncho was chosen for its association with wisdom, mutual knowledge, harmony of the body and soul.

The team's logo is not usually found on the team's uniform, being favored in turn by a red letter U with a white trim. The chuncho logo was absent from the team's jersey starting in 1979, but made a return during the 1996–97 season. Since 2006–07, a small chuncho logo could be found on the jersey along with the red U.

Achievements
Universidad de Chile's first title was won in 1940, just 3 years after their professional debut. The team won six titles (1959, 1962, 1964, 1965, 1967, 1969) between 1959 and 1969 and they became known as the Blue Ballet in reference the beautiful style of football they played. Nine members of that squad were part of the Chilean national team that reached 3rd place in the 1962 FIFA World Cup, the best result ever achieved by Chile in a World Cup.

In 1995, Universidad de Chile won the cup once more, this time at home in front of almost 78,000 people in the Estadio Nacional. The team would then win back-to-back titles in 1999 and 2000.

More recently Universidad de Chile has won the Apertura in 2004, 2009, 2011 and 2014/2015, and Clausura in 2011 and 2016/2017. The 2011, the title was won at the hands of defending champions Universidad Católica, by a global score of 4–3, having lost the first leg of the final 2–0 and needing to win by a 3-goal margin, the team managed to win the second leg by a 4–1 score.

On the international stage Universidad de Chile have had a few of good runs in Copa Libertadores, reaching the semi-finals in 1970, 1996, 2010, and 2012.

On 14 December 2011, they defeated Liga De Quito from Ecuador 3–0 (4–0 on aggregate) to win the Copa Sudamericana, becoming the third Chilean team to win a South American tournament, behind Colo-Colo's 1991 Copa Libertadores and Universidad Catolica's 1994 Copa Interamericana. In the tournament, the club had an excellent performance (undefeated, and winning all their matches in Chile), and was nicknamed the "South America's FC Barcelona".

Also, the team was named the most successful chilean club of the 2010s, by winning a total of 9 titles in the whole decade. The achievement included 5 Primera División titles (2011 Apertura, 2011 Clausura, 2012 Apertura, 2014 Apertura and 2017 Clausura), 2 Copa Chile titles (2012–13 and 2015), the 2015 Supercopa and the 2011 Copa Sudamericana.

Records

 * Record Primera División victory — 9–1 v. Magallanes (1962)
 * Record Primera División defeat — 0–6 v. Colo-Colo (1938)
 * Record Copa Chile victory — 10-0 v. Chimbarongo FC (2023)
 * Most goals scored in Primera División — 184 Carlos Campos (1956–69)
 * Most Primera División appearances — 386 Leonel Sánchez (1953–69)
 * Most appearances overall — 539 Luis Musrri (1988–04)
 * Record Unbeaten Matches in Primera Division (National Record) — 33 (1999)
 * Record Straight Wins in Primera Division (National Record) — 16 (1963–64)
 * Record Best Start in Primera Division (National Record) 9 straight wins (2011)
 * Highest attendance in Primera Division (National Record) — 85,268 v. Universidad Catolica (29 December 1962)

Domestic

 * Primera División: 18
 * 1940, 1959, 1962, 1964, 1965, 1967, 1969, 1994, 1995, 1999, 2000, 2004-A, 2009-A, 2011-A, 2011-C, 2012-A, 2014-A, 2017-C
 * Torneo Metropolitano: 2
 * 1968, 1969
 * Segunda División: 1
 * 1989
 * Serie B: 2
 * 1936, 1937

Cups

 * Copa Chile: 5
 * 1979, 1998, 2000, 2012–13, 2015
 * Copa Francisco Candelori: 1
 * 1969
 * Supercopa de Chile: 1
 * 2015

Continental

 * Copa Sudamericana
 * Winners (1): 2011
 * Recopa Sudamericana
 * Runner-up (1): 2012

International

 * Suruga Bank Championship
 * Runner-up (1): 2012

Supporters and rivalries
Universidad de Chile is the second largest following club in the country, with appromiximately 21% of the total Chilean football fans according to research and surveys from 2018, published in September 2021 by Spanish newspaper agency AS.com.

Created on March 24, 1988 from the split and subsequent re-foundation of the Imperio Azul barra, it occupies the south gallery of the Estadio Nacional where the team plays its home games. Its name is inspired by the initial location (below) of the young members of the former barra. It is considered one of the biggest barras in football, in Chile it is known as "La Número Uno" (Number One), as well as having great recognition in Latin-America. They feud with other barra brava groups, most notably Garra Blanca of Colo-Colo and Los Cruzados of Universidad Católica.

Chilean Superclásico
Universidad de Chile's traditional rival is Colo-Colo, against which it plays the so-called Chilean Classic or Chilean Superclásico. Although the first confrontation between the two clubs dates back to 1935, the rivalry began to develop in the 1940s and 1950s, with the match played on 11 November 1959 being the climax of a series of disagreements between the two institutions. That match, valid for the definition of that year's title, ended with a 2-1 victory for Universidad de Chile, which was the first of a series of good results for the "Azules" over Colo-Colo. This, added to the dominance of Universidad de Chile in the national championship, only increased the rivalry. In recent years the rivalry between these teams has diminished, leaving Colo-Colo as superior to Universidad de Chile, and because of that, it has been considered as the "most unequal rivalry in the world."

Clásico Universitario
There is often a rivalry between the two clubs from academic roots, where the game between Universidad de Chile and Universidad Católica is known as "Clásico Universitario". It is the oldest confrontation between two clubs from academic roots, as the first confrontation goes back to the University Classic of 1909. Rivalry, both in sports and in academic issues, made these matches between the universities become more and more important, eventually reaching the national status of "Universities' Derby".

This clásico has been recognized by FIFA as the most traditional of Chile. They met for the first time on 13 June 1937 in matchday three of the first Serie B at the Estadio Militar. These two teams have played 21 head-to-head definitions against each other, Universidad Católica has won 14 and Universidad de Chile 7.

Primera Division top scorers

 * 🇨🇱 Víctor Alonso: 20 goals (1940)
 * 🇺🇾 Ubaldo Cruche: 17 goals (1945), 25 goals (1946)
 * 🇨🇱 Carlos Campos: 24 goals (1961), 34 goals (1962), 21 goals (1966)
 * 🇵🇾 Eladio Zárate: 25 goals (1971)
 * 🇵🇾 Richart Báez: 10 goals (Clausura 1997)
 * 🇨🇱 Pedro González: 23 goals (1998), 26 goals (2000)
 * 🇨🇱 Felipe Mora: 13 goals (Clausura 2017)

Copa Chile top scorers

 * 🇦🇷 Luis Alberto Ramos: 12 goals (1979)
 * 🇨🇱 Marcelo Salas: 12 goals (1994)

Copa Sudamericana top scorers

 * 🇨🇱 Eduardo Vargas: 11 goals (2011)

Chilean Footballer of the Year

 * 🇨🇱 Sergio Navarro: 1961
 * 🇨🇱 Pedro Araya: 1966
 * 🇨🇱 Alberto Quintano: 1967
 * 🇨🇱 Adolfo Nef: 1969
 * 🇨🇱 Héctor Hoffens: 1989
 * 🇨🇱 Patricio Mardones: 1994
 * 🇨🇱 Pedro González: 1999
 * 🇨🇱 Sergio Vargas: 2000
 * 🇨🇱 Eduardo Vargas: 2011
 * 🇨🇱 Charles Aránguiz: 2012

Primera División Footballer of the Year

 * 🇨🇱 Juan Rodríguez: 1969
 * 🇦🇷 Cristian Traverso: 1995
 * 🇨🇱 Pedro González: 1999
 * 🇨🇱 Sergio Vargas: 2000
 * 🇨🇱 Miguel Pinto: 2009
 * 🇨🇱 Eduardo Vargas: 2011
 * 🇨🇱 José Rojas: 2012

America's ideal team

 * 🇨🇱 Marcelo Salas: 1996
 * 🇨🇱 Miguel Pinto: 2009
 * 🇺🇾 Mauricio Victorino: 2010
 * 🇨🇱 Eduardo Vargas, Johnny Herrera & Marcos González: 2011
 * 🇦🇷 Matías Rodríguez & 🇨🇱 Charles Aránguiz: 2012

List of managers

 * Luis Tirado (1938-1941)
 * 🇦🇷 Alejandro Scopelli (1941-1945)
 * Luis Tirado (1946-1949)
 * 🇦🇷 Salvador Nocetti (1950)
 * 🇦🇷 Alejandro Scopelli (1950-1952)
 * Miguel Busquets (1952)
 * 🇭🇺 Jorge Orth (1953-1954)
 * Luis Álamos (1954)
 * Luis Tirado (1955)
 * Luis Álamos (1956-1966)
 * Washington Urrutia (1966)
 * 🇦🇷 Alejandro Scopelli (1967-1968)
 * Washington Urrutia (1968)
 * Ulises Ramos (1969-1974)
 * Braulio Musso (1974)
 * Hugo Tassara (1975)
 * Luis Ibarra (1975-1977)
 * Nelson Oyarzún (1978)
 * Ulises Ramos (1978)
 * Fernando Riera (1978-1980)
 * Manuel Rodríguez Vega (1981)
 * Ulises Ramos (1981)
 * Fernando Riera (1981-1982)
 * Luis Santibáñez (1983)
 * Ulises Ramos (1983-1984)
 * Hernán Carrasco (1984)
 * Luis Ibarra (1985)
 * Leonel Sánchez (1985-1986)
 * Fernando Riera (1987)
 * Leonel Sánchez (1987)
 * Alberto Quintano (1987)
 * Manuel Pellegrini (1988-1989)
 * Luis Ibarra (1989)
 * Manuel Rodríguez Vega (1990)
 * Pedro Morales (1990-1991)
 * Alberto Quintano (1991)
 * Arturo Salah (1992-1994)
 * Jorge Socias (1994-1995)
 * 🇦🇷 Miguel Ángel Russo (1996)
 * Roberto Hernández (1997-1998)
 * César Vaccia (1999-2001)
 * Víctor Hugo Castañeda (2002-2003)
 * Héctor Pinto (2004-2005)
 * Gustavo Huerta (2006)
 * 🇦🇷 Salvador Capitano (2007)
 * Jorge Socias (2007)
 * Arturo Salah (2007-2008)
 * Sergio Markarián (2009)
 * 🇦🇷 José Basualdo (2009)
 * Gerardo Pelusso (2010)
 * 🇦🇷 Jorge Sampaoli (2011-2012)
 * 🇦🇷 Darío Franco (2013)
 * Marco Antonio Figueroa (2013-2014)
 * Cristián Romero (2014)
 * Martín Lasarte (2014-2015)
 * 🇦🇷 Sebastian Beccacece (2016)
 * Víctor Hugo Castañeda & Luis Mussri (2016)
 * 🇦🇷 Ángel Guillermo Hoyos (2017-2018)
 * Esteban Valencia (2018)
 * 🇦🇷 Frank Darío Kudelka (2018-2019)
 * Alfredo Arias (2019)
 * 🇦🇷 Hernán Caputto (2019-2020)
 * Marcelo Jara (2020)
 * 🇻🇪 Rafael Dudamel (2020-2021)
 * Esteban Valencia (2021)
 * Cristián Romero (2021)
 * 🇨🇴 Santiago Escobar (2022)
 * Sebastián Miranda (2022)
 * Diego López (2022)
 * Sebastián Miranda (2022)
 * 🇦🇷 Mauricio Pellegrino (2023)
 * 🇦🇷 Gustavo Álvarez (2024-

Average home attendances of Universidad de Chile

 * 2016–17 Clausura: 33,466
 * 2016–17 Apertura: 30,041
 * 2015–16 Clausura: 19,641
 * 2015–16 Apertura: 12,901

title: Club Universidad de Chile


text:
Vossem, Belgium

Vossem is a village in the municipality of Tervuren, in Belgium, 15 km from Leuven, or Louvain. It is located in the valley of the Voer creek (small river, tributary to the Dijle). There is small nature reserve in Vossem, the Twaalf-Apostelenbos ("Forest of the twelve apostles"), a swamp.

Vossem was an independent village until 1977, when it became part of the municipality of Tervuren. Vossem is a part of the municipality of Tervuren that is comprised by the villages of Duisburg, Tervuren, Vossem and Moorsel. On 16 June 1673, the Treaty of Vossem was signed here between Louis XIV of France and Elector Frederick William of Brandenburg-Prussia.

title: Vossem, Belgium