text:
Chagas

Chagas may refer to:
 * Chagas disease
 * 9483 Chagas, a main-belt asteroid
 * a Portuguese-language family name, translating to wounds

People

 * Carlos Chagas (1879–1934), a Brazilian sanitary physician, scientist and bacteriologist
 * Carlos Chagas Filho (1910–2000), a Brazilian physician, biologist and scientist
 * Evandro Chagas (1905–1940), a Brazilian physician and biomedical scientist
 * Gabriel Chagas (born 1944), a Brazilian bridge player
 * Manuel Chagas (possibly living), a Portuguese Olympic fencer
 * Marco Chagas (born 1956), a Portuguese former professional racing cyclist
 * Marinho Chagas (born 1952), a Brazilian former football player
 * Walmor Chagas (born 1931), a Brazilian actor
 * with compound surnames
 * Fernando Chagas Carvalho Neto (born 1952), the Brazilian current Vice-President of Sport Club Internacional
 * Francisco Clodoaldo Chagas Ferreira (born 1978), a Brazilian football player
 * Pedro Chagas Freitas (living), a Portuguese writer, journalist, writing teacher and public speaker
 * Dyanfres Douglas Chagas Matos (born 1987), a Brazilian football player
 * António Chagas Rosa (born 1960), a Portuguese composer of contemporary classical music
 * Cristian Chagas Tarouco (born 1988), a Brazilian football player
 * João Pinheiro Chagas (1863–1925), a Portuguese journalist and politician
 * Rodrigo José Queiroz Chagas (born 1973), a Brazilian retired football player
 * Martin Andrade Weber Chagas Carvalho (born 1985), a Brazilian retired football player
 * with surname Das Chagas
 * António das Chagas (1631–1682), a Portuguese Franciscan and ascetical writer
 * Diogo das Chagas (c. 1584–c. 1661), a Franciscan friar and Azorean historian
 * Luís Gonçalves das Chagas, Baron of Candiota (c. 1815–1894), a Brazilian landowner, military leader and noble
 * Ouraci Francisco das Chagas (born 1941), a Brazilian retired football player
 * Ana Beatriz Francisco das Chagas (born 1971), a Brazilian volleyball player

Places

 * Carlos Chagas, Minas Gerais, a Brazilian municipality located in the northeast of the state of Minas Gerais

title: Chagas


text:
Barefoot doctor

Barefoot doctors were healthcare providers who underwent basic medical training and worked in rural villages in China. They included farmers, folk healers, rural healthcare providers, and recent middle or secondary school graduates who received minimal basic medical and paramedical education. Their purpose was to bring healthcare to rural areas where urban-trained doctors would not settle. They promoted basic hygiene, preventive healthcare, and family planning and treated common illnesses. The name comes from southern farmers, who would often work barefoot in the rice paddies, and simultaneously worked as medical practitioners.

In the 1930s, the Rural Reconstruction Movement had pioneered village health workers trained in basic health as part of a coordinated system, and there had been provincial experiments after 1949, but after Mao Zedong's healthcare speech in 1965 the concept was developed and institutionalized. China's health policy began to emphasize the importance of barefoot doctors after Mao Zedong's June 26 directive, and, in 1968, the barefoot doctors program became integrated into national policy. These programs were called "rural cooperative medical systems" (RCMS) and worked to include community participation with the rural provision of health services.

Barefoot doctors became a part of the Cultural Revolution, which also radically diminished the influence of the Ministry of Health, which was filled with Western-trained doctors. Still, barefoot doctors continued to introduce scientific medicine to rural areas by merging it with Chinese medicine. With the onset of market-oriented reforms after the Cultural Revolution, political support for barefoot doctors dissipated, and "health-care crises of peasants substantially increased after the system broke down in the 1980s." Despite the fact that the official barefoot doctor system came to an end, the legacy of the barefoot doctors inspired the 1978 World Health Organization conference on primary health care and the resulting Alma Ata Declaration.

Background
Leading up to the cultural revolution, China's healthcare system was multifaceted. By Rosenthal's (1982) account, after the Rural Reconstruction Movement in the 1930s, efforts in rural healthcare increased and rural healthcare experiments in 1950s Shanghai began to shape the barefoot doctor policies that were to come. As Gross (2018) describes, different medical practitioners filled different roles for rural citizens, who did not have access to the medical elite because those resided mainly in urban centers. In addition, according to Gross (2018), there was conflict between those who were loyal to Chinese medicine and those who accepted scientific medicine, which was slowly being introduced to China.

Rural healthcare began to change in 1949, when the People's Republic of China was established. The government began to focus more on healthcare, especially on preventative medicine and incorporating scientific medicine into Chinese medicine. Union clinics, owned by the state but run by the resident doctors, became one way of dealing with the lack of sufficient healthcare in rural areas. However, despite the new attention placed on centralized healthcare and public health, Zhang and Unschuld (2018) note that differences between urban and rural public health were still significant. Mao Zedong himself noted the disparity between the quality of urban and rural health care in what is now known as the June 26th directive, and this prompted the beginning of the barefoot doctor program. In his speech, Mao Zedong criticized the urban bias of the medical system of the time, and called for a system with greater focus on the wellbeing of the rural population. Rural healthcare in China was seen as very important because 80% - 90% of China's inhabitants resided in rural areas. This was the reason Mao felt it was important to emphasize rural healthcare. Barefoot doctors did exist prior to Mao's June 26 Directive, but they became much more common afterward. New and New (1975) state this was because China began to train many more barefoot doctors after the June 26th Directive and thus it is considered the beginning of the formalized barefoot doctor system. Specifically, New and New (1975) describe that Mao's goal was that for every 1000 Chinese citizens, one barefoot doctor would be trained. The concept was introduced as policy by the Red Flag journal and soon revolutionized urban healthcare. As Dong and Phillips (2008) and others describe, the union clinics of years past became commune clinics controlled by the cooperative medical service. Physicians became government employees and their clinics became the property of the government.

Selected individuals
The initial pool of barefoot doctors required no education or training as they were sourced from healthcare providers already working in rural areas as well as urban doctors. As Gross (2018) mentions, an important part of Mao's plan was the movement of sending doctors, to serve in the countryside. Mao pushed for medical school graduates to be sent to work in rural areas, where he felt they could help the rural inhabitants while, as Gross (2018) and Fang (2012) explain, also redistributing talent from urban to rural areas. They would live in an area for half a year to a year and continue the education of the barefoot doctors. According to Fang's (2012) research on Hangzhou Prefecture, many of the urban doctors sent to rural areas were quite unhappy about their fate. In fact, being sent to rural areas was often seen as a punishment because of the lower wages and challenges of rural living. Hesketh and Wei (1997), on the other hand, mention that although some were unhappy, other urban doctors were grateful for the lessons they learned while living as peasants.

However, more medical practitioners were necessary, and the state turned to both rural residents and urban ones. These barefoot doctors were usually chosen by members of the commune where the barefoot doctor would then serve. Often "young farmers" were selected to train become barefoot doctors. Other barefoot doctors originally worked as folk doctors and retrained to become barefoot doctors after the Cultural Revolution. Some trainees were also recent graduates of middle school. Barefoot doctors were often fairly young, which Fang (2012) attributes to the fact that the state wanted them to be able to support rural healthcare for the foreseeable future. Fang (2012) also describes that physically weak or disabled people often trained to become barefoot doctors, as the job was much less hard on the body than agricultural labor.

The nature of the barefoot doctor system also allowed women to enter a profession that had previously been dominated by men. Fang (2012) explains that, due to tradition, many females felt uncomfortable being examined by male doctors, and, as a result, silently had a host of diseases, especially gynecological ones. However, the barefoot doctor system required that each village have a female doctor. With this push, women's health improved significantly, although Fang (2012) mentions that health disparities were still present.

Education and training
The barefoot doctors usually graduated from secondary school and then received three to six months of training at a county or community hospital. As Hesketh and Wei (1997) indicate, this training was often provided by medical professionals who had been sent away from their urban homes to work in rural areas. Training was not standardized across the nation, as different areas had different needs. In general, preventative care, vaccinations, and disease identification were skills taught to barefoot doctors-in-training. Thus, duration and curriculum of the training was adjusted to fit the specific needs a region's barefoot doctor was meant to fill. Through this training system, Hesketh and Wei's (1997) count indicates that about one million barefoot doctors were prepared to serve in the countryside. Training was focused on epidemic disease prevention, curing simple ailments that were common in the specific area. Barefoot doctors were also trained to use scientific medicines and techniques. Because of this, Fang's (2012) research shows that barefoot doctors were often the first to introduce scientific medicine to rural villagers. Through this introduction, scientific medicine existed side by side with Chinese medicine in the rural areas. According to Wang (1975) and Gross (2018), this coexistence created a productive and innovative new system that brought together the positive aspects of each because Chinese medicine was much cheaper and required less equipment than scientific medicine. Thus costs were kept down but quality of care was still high because Chinese medicine practitioners had to receive scientific medicine training and scientific medicine practitioners had to receive Chinese medicine training as part of the barefoot doctor program. Literacy inhibited some from becoming barefoot doctors. The training system required students to be literate, and thus illiterate folk doctors were unable to retrain as barefoot doctors. However, for those that were literate, the barefoot doctor training provided a level of education most rural villagers never attained.

Scope of practice
Barefoot doctors acted as a primary healthcare provider at the grass-roots level. They were given a set of medicines, both scientific and Chinese, that they would dispense. Often they grew their own herbs in the backyard. Alternatively, practitioners went on herb-collection trips twice a year, which served to replenish the medicinal herb supply in rural areas. Gross (2018) describes that herbs provided an inexpensive, easily accessible method for rural healthcare in contrast to the expensive tools used by scientific medicine. As Rosenthal (1982) mentions Mao had called for, they tried to integrate both scientific and Chinese medicine, like acupuncture and moxibustion. According to Ots (2015) and Fang (2012), not only did the barefoot doctors introduce scientific medicine to rural areas, but they also helped facilitate a resurgence in interest in Chinese medicine. Ots (2015) explains that Chinese medicine had previously been pushed away in favor of scientific medicine in elite physician circles. Gross (2018) shows that with Mao's June 26 directives, the previously negative attitudes toward Chinese medicine began to shift in favor of appreciating Chinese medicine as a symbol of China's rich culture. An important feature of the barefoot doctor was that they were still involved in farm work. Barefoot doctors often spent as much as 50 percent of their time on farming, which Rosenthal (1982) explains meant that the rural farmers perceived them as peers and created a sense of equality between physician and patient. The barefoot doctors were integrated into a system where they could refer seriously ill people to township and county hospitals.

Barefoot doctors provided mostly primary healthcare services, and focused on prevention rather than treatment. They provided immunizations, delivery for pregnant women, and improvement of sanitation. Health aides provided help and back-up to the barefoot doctors, although they usually spent most of their time as farmers and only 10% of their time helping out. The village hosting the barefoot doctors and health aides funded the materials required for medical care.

The proliferation of barefoot doctors in the early 1970s increased abortion access in rural China. They also had an important role for disseminating information about birth control. Barefoot doctors guides generally contained chapters dedicated to family planning with descriptions of birth control techniques, IUDs, oral birth control, and the rhythm method. Such guides varied significantly by region in which they were published.

Income and cost
The income of the barefoot doctors was calculated as if it were agricultural work; they were paid roughly half of what a classically trained doctor made. Barefoot doctors were primarily compensated by the villages in which they worked. This funding came from collective welfare funds as well as from local farmer contributions (from 0.5% to 2% of their annual incomes). This program was successful in part because the doctors were selected and paid by their own villages. In fact, perhaps because many of the barefoot doctors previously worked as farmers, they earned their living both with their work as barefoot doctors and with agricultural jobs on the side. As for costs to patients, these were not standardized and varied by village. Some barefoot doctor brigades charged nothing for their services, and others charged nominal fees. By the 1960s, there were Rural Co-operative Medical Schemes (RCMS) programs in 90% of China's rural villages.

Switch to village doctors
As of 2008, two-thirds of the village doctors practicing in rural China began their training as barefoot doctors. This includes Chen Zhu, China's former Minister of Health, who practiced as a barefoot doctor for five years before going on to receive additional training.

The barefoot doctor system was abolished in 1981 with the rise of Deng Xiaoping and the end of the commune system of agricultural cooperatives. The new economic policy in China promoted a shift from collectivism to individual production by the family unit. The barefoot doctor model officially ended during the Chinese Medical Reformation of 1985, when the term 'barefoot doctor' was removed from the healthcare system and replaced with the term and concept of 'village doctors'. This shift caused a privatization of the medical system, which marginalized barefoot doctors and their focus on preventive medicine and primary healthcare. The barefoot doctors were given the option to take a national exam, if they passed they became village doctors, if not they would become village health aides. Some village doctors later entered medical school.

Soon after the barefoot doctor system came to an end, in the years between 1977 and 1989, village doctors began charging patients for their services. Because of the new economic incentives, they began to shift their focus to treatment of chronic conditions rather than preventative care. By 1984, village RCMS coverage had dropped from 90% to 4.8%. Without the public-service oriented work of barefoot doctors, "health-care crises of peasants substantially increased after the system broke down in the 1980s." With health care privatization, the central government played an increasingly smaller role in the national healthcare. Most importantly, the central government began contributing less funds to healthcare, placing the responsibility on local governments. These individual, local governments had to collect funds through taxation, which led to imbalances between areas with wealthy and poor citizens.

New healthcare systems
In 1989 the Chinese government tried to restore a cooperative healthcare system in the rural provinces by launching a nationwide primary healthcare program. This effort increased coverage up to 10% by 1993. In 1994 the government established a program to reestablish primary healthcare coverage for the rural population, but the efforts remain largely unsuccessful due to the market-oriented nature of healthcare.

Eventually, the severe acute respiratory syndrome epidemic exposed the struggles of China's healthcare system and drove the government to reinvent the medical system to prevent any future epidemics. In 2003 the Chinese government proposed a new cooperative medical system, known as the New Rural Cooperative Medical Scheme, that is operated and funded by the government. This program is run more like an insurance program. By 2010, over 90% of rural Chinese residents received healthcare through NRCMS. It pays 10 Renminbi to 20 Renminbi (sources disagree) per year for each person covered by the program, and ensures coverage for serious diseases. Households themselves also contribute a fee of 10 Renminbi. This new program relies heavily on lessons learned from the times of the barefoot doctors, but faces many challenges in providing sufficient, cost-effective care for China's rural populations. Currently, the rural population in China attempts to migrate to urban areas to seek better healthcare, which is becoming increasingly limited due to growing costs.

Results
The work of the barefoot doctors effectively reduced healthcare costs in the People's Republic of China, and provided primary care treatment to the rural farming population. The World Health Organization (WHO) regarded RCMS as a "successful example of solving shortages of medical services in rural areas". China's entrance into the United Nations (UN) and WHO, raised the visibility of the barefoot doctors' effectiveness of providing primary healthcare at an affordable cost. Moreover, the success of the barefoot doctor model demonstrates that many diseases in poor countries can be prevented and solved without significant financial resources or technological transformation. Instead, both Zhang and Unschuld (2008) and Cueto (2004) show that the barefoot doctor system exemplifies that adequate political focus on support of rural-based and non-commercial forms of preventive healthcare and primary care treatments can change the health landscape of a nation. According to research by Hu (1975), the barefoot doctor system increased the ratio of doctors to rural residents from 1: 8000 before the Cultural Revolution to 1: 760 between 1969 and mid-1974. Public health improvements attributed to the barefoot doctor system are numerous. Nationwide, Chinese citizens were living longer, with an " [increased life expectancy] of 35 to 68 years" and infants were more likely to survive, with an infant mortality drop "from 200 to 34 deaths per 1000 live births". Through such significant improvements, the state of China's public health was nearing that of more Western countries toward the end of the barefoot doctor era. The main health issues of Chinese citizen became "more chronic conditions" that came along with the new longer life expectancy, such as heart disease, rather than "infectious diseases" and preventable illnesses, which were instead minimized through the new healthcare structure. How much of this can be attributed to the barefoot doctors themselves is difficult to establish, but, at least in rural areas, they certainly played a role.

Historical legacy
The system of barefoot doctors was one of the inspirations for the World Health Organization (WHO) conference, according to the WHO itself (2008) and Lee and Kim (2018). The conference occurred in partnership with UNICEF and took place in Alma-Ata, Kazakhstan in 1978. There, the Alma Ata Declaration (otherwise known as the Primary Health Care Initiative), which lauded the benefits of primary care, as seen in the barefoot doctor system, was signed unanimously. This was hailed as a revolutionary breakthrough in international health ideology - it called for local communities participating in deciding healthcare priorities, called for an emphasis on primary and preventive healthcare, and most importantly sought to link medicine with trade, economics, industry, rural politics and other political and social areas.

The resurgence of interest in preventive medicine, primary healthcare, and holistic approaches to social welfare worldwide is leading to positive revisitations of the legacy of barefoot doctors. Political restrictions against discussion of the Cultural Revolution in China, however, limit the extent of this debate in China itself.

International development with NGOs
In 1977, Jean-Pierre Willem created an international humanitarian apolitical non-governmental organization of doctors called Médecins aux pieds nus (MAPD) in France. The name of the organization means "barefoot doctors", an homage to the barefoot doctors of China. Volunteers work in Burundi, Colombia and Southeast Asia with local healers to develop "medical garden" for herbalism and make essential oils for gemmotherapy. In 1999, Jean-Claude Rodet became the first president of Médecins aux pieds nus Canada working with Mark Smith in the United States. This NGO leads ethnobiological missions based on "proximity, prevention and humility".

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Barefoot doctor


text:
Iron-hulled sailing ship

Iron-hulled sailing ships represented the final evolution of sailing ships at the end of the age of sail. They were built to carry bulk cargo for long distances in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They were the largest of merchant sailing ships, with three to five masts and square sails, as well as other sail plans. They carried lumber, guano, grain or ore between continents. Later examples had steel hulls. They are sometimes referred to as "windjammers" or "tall ships". Several survive, variously operating as school ships, museum ships, restaurant ships, and cruise ships.

History
Iron-hulled sailing ships were mainly built from the 1870s to 1900, when steamships began to outpace them economically, due to their ability to keep a schedule regardless of the wind. Steel hulls started to become common from 1885, providing an even greater strength to weight ratio. Even into the twentieth century, sailing ships could hold their own on ultra-long voyages such as Australia to Europe, since they did not require bunkerage for coal nor freshwater for steam, and they were faster than steamers, which usually could barely make 8 kn. Many sailed under the Finnish flag during at least some part of their careers. Ship-owner Gustaf Erikson of Mariehamn, Åland, Finland, was noted for his fleet during the interwar period. Other sailing ship companies carrying on despite the onset of the machine age were F. Laeisz of Hamburg and A.D. Bordes of Dunkirk.

The four-masted, iron-hulled ship, introduced in 1875 with the full-rigged County of Peebles, represented an especially efficient configuration that prolonged the competitiveness of sail against steam in the later part of the 19th century. The largest example of such ships was the five-masted full-rigged ship Preussen, which had a load capacity of 7,800 tons. She was also one of the fastest, regularly logging 16 kn average speed on transatlantic voyages. Unfortunately speed was her undoing, as she collided with a steamer that underestimated the speed of the Preussen when crossing before her. The second-largest example was France II.

Design
The last large commercial sailing vessels, designed well after the Industrial Revolution, used engineered iron and steel in their construction. In general, the ships displaced between 2,000 and 5,000 tons and were cheaper than their wooden-hulled counterparts for three main reasons: (1) iron was stronger and enabled larger ship size, capable of delivering considerable economies of scale, (2) iron hulls took up less space, allowing more room for cargo in a given hull size, and (3) iron required less maintenance than a wooden hull.

The large sail plans and raked bows of these vessels invite confusion with clippers, but there are significant differences. Clippers were optimized for speed, these vessels were optimized for cargo capacity and ease of handling. Most clippers were of composite construction (iron structure, wooden planking), full rigged and had a cargo capacity of less than 1,000 tonnes; these vessels were iron and steel hulled, usually barque rigged, and had far greater cargo capacities. Clippers had already begun to disappear when these vessels emerged.

Typically, such vessels were equipped with steel masts and yards and steel cables, where possible. Often the running rigging was handled by motor-driven winches powered by donkey engines. The combination of a large, efficient sail plan and hydrodynamic hull allowed these sailing ships to sustain high cruising speeds; most four-masted barques were able to cruise at 15 kn with favorable winds. Some logged 18 kn regularly and Herzogin Cecilie is known to have logged 21 kn.

Crew
A sailing ship from this era could have a crew of as few as 14, with a typical crew being master, mate, boatswain (bosun), 15 seamen and 5 apprentices. Herzogin Cecilie in 1926 sailed around Cape Horn with "only 19 men aboard, although not from choice." The crew roster of Pamir on her last commercial voyage around Cape Horn in 1949 under the Finnish flag listed a total complement of 33: Owners ran their sailing ships with close attention to costs. Officers and essential skilled crew, such as sailmakers, were still paid poorly: the captain of Moshulu in 1938 received about $100/month and the average sailmaker about $20/month. "The wages of other crew members were minuscule. A skilled able seaman (rated as an A.B.) received not more than, and often much less than, sixteen dollars per month." Crews were readily available in spite of abysmal pay because Germany and Scandinavian countries still required sail experience for mariner's licences.
 * The master
 * 4 officers (1st, 2nd, 3rd mate and bosun)
 * 13 able seamen
 * 5 Ordinary seamen
 * 5 deckboys
 * 4 cook/assistant cook and steward/assistant steward
 * 1 donkeyman (mechanic)

Discipline, at the end of the 19th century, "especially on American sailing ships, could be brutal, often unnecessarily so." As the end of the sailing ship era drew near by the 1930s, "such tactics had pretty much disappeared in the Finnish ships [and] in the ... German ships." However, even the Finnish mates occasionally enforced discipline with their fists while sailing with minimal crews of largely inexperienced youths when "... instant obedience to orders was essential."

Economics
Though a fast-disappearing breed by the 1920s, sailing ships were used commercially until the 1950s. They occupied a niche in the transport of low-value bulk cargoes of little interest to steamship companies, e.g., lumber, coal, guano or grain (60,000 sacks on Pamir ). Cargoes were carried from remote ports, with fuel and water unavailable, such as Australia (carrying wool or grain), remote Pacific islands (guano) and South America (nitrates). These vessels usually followed the clipper route around the world, ideally carrying different cargoes on each leg of their route, but most frequently sailing in ballast. The last leg from Australia to Europe, where the cargo was wheat or barley, became the source of The Great Grain Races as the ships' masters attempted to sail the leg as fast as possible, essentially only for prestige and pride — usually from the grain ports of South Australia's Spencer Gulf to Lizard Point at the Cornwall coast and on to the harbour of destination in Britain or continental Europe.

In the 1930s 'good money' could be made in the grain trade from Australia to Europe, "the carrying rates could vary from perhaps four dollars to eight dollars per ton." The owners of the Parma bought their vessel in 1932 for about ten thousand dollars and then loaded over 5,200 tons or 62,650 sacks of grain, for a gross income of $40,000. "The ship paid for herself and all her expenses for the year from the income of that one voyage even though she had sailed in ballast halfway around the world." In most of those years, the ships in the grain trade could clear about $5,000 each.

The Germans in particular maintained profitable commerce through the 1930s to the west coast of South America, shipping general cargo out and nitrates home. They had built powerful vessels, such as the Peking, Padua and Priwall especially for the difficult west-bound voyage around Cape Horn, and their captains were expected to make three round trips around the Horn over a two-year period.

Despite the cost, some of the ships used the Panama Canal, towed by tugs the entire course, avoiding the Horn.

Remaining ships

A few such tall ships can still be seen at international maritime events such as SAIL Amsterdam, the Kiel Week and Hanse Sail.

The largest remaining original sailing ship is the four-masted barque Moshulu, today a restaurant ship moored in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States. The largest sailing ship still in service is a Russian school ship, the four-masted barque STS Sedov. The last metal-hulled sailing ship in original layout is the Pommern, today a museum ship at Mariehamn.

Remaining iron or steel-hulled ships include:

 * Balclutha
 * Elissa
 * Falls of Clyde
 * Glenlee
 * Kruzenshtern
 * Moshulu
 * Passat
 * Peking
 * Pommern
 * STS Sedov
 * Star of India
 * Wavertree
 * Joseph Conrad
 * James Craig

title: Iron-hulled sailing ship


text: User talk:68.121.148.219

title: User talk:68.121.148.219


text:
Harry G. Hamlet

Harry Gabriel Hamlet (27 August 1874 – 24 January 1954) was the seventh Commandant of the United States Coast Guard, from 1932 to 1936.

Early life and career
Hamlet was born in Eastport, Maine, and was the son of Captain Oscar G. Hamlet, an officer in the United States Revenue Cutter Service. Upon graduation from high school in the Dorchester neighborhood of Boston, Massachusetts, he attended the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He was appointed as one of twelve cadets to the recently reopened Revenue Cutter Service School of Instruction on 12 April 1894 and received training aboard USRC Chase, the school's newly refitted training cutter. After completion of training, Hamlet was commissioned as a third lieutenant on 27 April 1896 and was assigned to USRC Bear and served aboard her during the Overland Relief Expedition which involved the rescue of whalers trapped in Arctic ice near Point Barrow, Alaska. Hamlet was promoted to second lieutenant on 11 August 1897.

Hamlet reported aboard the newly reacquired USRC Thetis at Mare Island Navy Yard in 1899. After a refit, Thetis was assigned duty in Siberia to purchase reindeer for transport to Alaska. The reindeer were to be used to start herds in Alaska which were to eventually be used to supplement winter food supplies for Alaska natives. Hamlet was especially skilled at bartering with the Siberian natives and was put in charge of all negotiations for the cruise. He was later singled out by the captain of the Thetis for his skill in barter in dispatches to headquarters.

In 1900, Hamlet became one of the first Revenue Cutter Service officers to attend the Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. Upon completion of his studies, he returned to duty aboard the Bear, serving on patrol duty with the Bering Sea Patrol. On 28 March 1905 Hamlet was promoted to first lieutenant. On 19 July 1913 Hamlet was promoted to captain. On 25 November 1913 he assumed his first command as a captain as the commanding officer of USRC Unalga, home-ported at Seattle, Washington. Hamlet was transferred to the United States Coast Guard Depot at Curtis Bay, Maryland on 15 November 1915.

World War I and postwar assignments
On 18 September 1917 Hamlet was assigned to the Third Naval District at Bensonhurst, New York. He immediately assumed command of USCGC USRC Algonquin (1898) before she sailed on 20 September to join the U.S. Naval forces at Brest, France Upon arrival in Europe he was assigned command of the USS Marietta (PG-15). While in command of Marietta in the Bay of Biscay on 28 April 1919, Captain Hamlet rescued a crew of 47 persons from the USS James (SP-429) which was sinking at sea. This rescue was made extremely difficult and hazardous owing to high seas, which threatened to send the two vessels crashing together. In effecting the rescue, Hamlet displayed admirable seamanship and on 5 January 1920 he was awarded the Gold Lifesaving Medal. From 1919 to 1922, he served as the Coast Guard's Chief Personnel Officer. In May 1922 Hamlet assumed command of USCGC Mojave (WPG-47) at Honolulu, Hawaii and took her on a cruise through the Far East on the way to her new homeport of Boston, Massachusetts. From 1924 to 1928, he served as Superintendent of the Philadelphia Navy Yard. From 1928 until his appointment as commandant, he served as superintendent of the United States Coast Guard Academy at New London, Connecticut.

Commandant
Following the death of Frederick C. Billard, he was appointed as Commandant of the Coast Guard by President Herbert Hoover on 14 June 1932. As Commandant during the Great Depression, he struggled with low budgets and limited appropriations. In response, Hamlet implemented a cost-cutting plan which called for decommissioning of vessels, closing of Coast Guard stations, manpower reductions, and a 25% reduction in expenditures. These measures led to calls to merge the Coast Guard with the United States Navy. With the support of Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral William V. Pratt, however, Hamlet succeeded in persuading President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Congress from taking such action.

Later career
Upon completion of his term, he was succeeded as commandant by Russell R. Waesche, and reverted in rank to captain on 1 January 1936. He was retained on special duty in the office of Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau Jr. He also served as Chairman of the Personnel Advisory Committee to the U.S. Senate Commerce Committee, which was responsible for studying maritime issues and recommending legislation on improving the United States Merchant Marine.

The Creed of the United States Coast Guardsman
The following creed was authored by Admiral Hamlet in 1938:

Retirement
Hamlet retired from the U.S. Coast Guard on 1 September 1938, just after his 64th birthday. By virtue of his service as commandant, his retired rank would have been rear admiral; he was, however, promoted to vice admiral in recognition of his four decades of service. After his death at the age of 79, he was interred at Arlington National Cemetery.

Awards

 * Gold Lifesaving Medal
 * World War I Victory Medal with clasp

title: Harry G. Hamlet


text:
Jacob of Edessa

Jacob of Edessa (or James of Edessa) (c. 640 – 5 June 708) was Bishop of Edessa and prominent Syriac Christian writer in Classical Syriac language, also known as one of earliest Syriac grammarians. In various works, he treated theological, liturgical, canonical, philosophical and historical subjects, and contributed significantly to scholarly and literary development of Syriac Christianity. He is considered to be one of the most important scholars of the Christian-Aramean tradition.

Life
Jacob of Edessa was born in Aindaba (Arabic: عيندابا) at 50 km west of Aleppo, around 640. He studied at the famous monastery of Qenneshre (on the left bank of the Euphrates) and later at Alexandria.

On his return from Alexandria he became a monk at Edessa, where he was known for his learning. Ordained a priest in 672, he was appointed metropolitan of Edessa by his friend Athanasius II, Patriarch of Antioch. He held this office for three or four years, but the clergy opposed his strict enforcement of the Church canons. He was not supported by Julian II, the successor of Athanasius. In response to Julian's suggestion that he temporize his criticisms, he publicly burned a copy of the neglected canons in front of Julian's residence and retired to the monastery of Kaisum near Samosata. From there to the monastery of Eusebona where, for eleven years, he taught the Psalms and the reading of the Scriptures in Greek. Towards the close of this period Jacob again encountered opposition, this time from monks who despised the Greeks.

Jacob left Eusebona and proceeded to the great convent of Tel Ade (Arabic: تل عدا), one of several Syriac Orthodox monasteries on the 'mountain of Edessa' (? modern Tellgdi, northwest of Aleppo), where he spent nine years in revising and amending the Peshitta version of the Old Testament with the aid of the various Greek versions. Jacob played a prominent part in the synod Julian convened in 706.

He was finally recalled to the bishopric of Edessa in 708, but died four months later.

Doctrinal allegiance
Jacob belonged to the Syriac Orthodox Church and his writings have a definite Miaphysite character. In the literature of his country he holds much the same place as St. Jerome does among the Latins. Assemani tried hard to prove him orthodox (B.O. i. 470 sqq.) but changed his opinion on reading his biography by Barhebraeus (ib. ii. 3–7). See especially Lamy, ''Dissert. de Syrorum fide'', pp. 206 sqq. i Text at Leipzig 1889 (Das Buch der Erkenntniss der Wahrheit oder der Ursache aller Ursachen): translation (posthumously) at Strassburg 1893.

Language
Jacob of Edessa wrote in Classical Syriac language, a literary and liturgical variant of Aramaic, that originated in the region of Osroene, centered in Edessa, and flourished from the 3rd to the 8th century, as standardized language of Syriac Christianity. His translations of various Greek works into Classical Syriac, followed by formation of appropriate terms and expressions, contributed significantly to the overall development of his native language.

Since he was born in Syria proper, whose local dialect was somewhat different from the literary language, those distinctions made him interested in questions related to dialectal diversities of Aramaic language, and he expressed that interest in his linguistic works. Preserved fragments contain several terms, used by Jacob as designations for his language. When referring to our language, as native language of "us Arameans or Syriacs", he used several regional designations, like Nahrayan language (mamlā nahrāyā, leššānā nahrāyā), a term derived from choronym (regional name) Bet-Nahrayn, an Aramaic name for Mesopotamia in general. When referring even more directly to the literary language, he used the term Urhayan language (mamlā urhāyā, leššānā urhāyā), derived from the Aramaic name (Urhay) of the city of Edessa, that was the birthplace of Classical Syriac. Since he belonged to generation that already accepted the long-standing Greek custom of using Syrian/Syriac labels as designations for Arameans and their language, he also used term Syriac language (sūryāyā), as a designation for the language of his people in general, both literary and vernacular.

Writings
Most of his works are in prose. Few have been published. In 1911 most of the information available was to be found in Giuseppe Simone Assemani's Bibliotheca Orientalis and Wright's Catalogue of Syriac MSS in the British Museum.

Biblical works and commentaries
Jacob produced a revision of the Bible, based on the Peshitta. Wright calls this a curious eclectic or patchwork text. Five volumes survive in Europe (Wright, Catalogue 38). This was the last attempt at a revision of the Old Testament in the Syriac Orthodox Church. Jacob was also the chief founder of the Syriac Massorah among the Syrians, which produced such manuscripts as the one (Vat. cliii.) described by Wiseman in Horae syriacae, part iii. He also wrote commentaries and scholia on the Bible. Specimens of these are given by Assemani and Wright. They are quoted a lot by later commentators, who often refer to Jacob as the "Interpreter of the Scriptures".

Jacob translated the apocryphal History of the Rechabites composed by Zosimus from Greek into Syriac (Wright, Catalogue 1128, and Nau in Revue semitique vi. 263, vii. 54, 136). He also wrote a treatise on the six days of creation, in the genre of the Hexaemeral literature. Manuscripts of this exist at Leiden and at Lyon. It was his last work, and being left incomplete was finished by his friend George, bishop of the Arabs.

Canons and Liturgy
Jacob made a collection of ecclesiastical canons. In his letter to the priest Addai we possess a collection of canons from his pen, given in the form of answers to Addai's questions. These were edited by Lagarde in ''Reliquiae juris eccl. syriace'', pp. 117 sqq. and Thomas Joseph Lamy in Dissert. pp. 98 sqq. Additional canons were given in Wright's Notulae syriacae. All of them were translated and expounded by Carl Kayser, Die Canones Jacobs von Edessa (Leipzig, 1886).

He also made many contributions to Syriac liturgy, both original and as translations from Greek. As a liturgical author, Jacob drew up an anaphora, or liturgy, revised the Liturgy of St. James, wrote the celebrated "Book of Treasures", composed orders of baptism, of the blessing of water on the eve of the Epiphany, and of the celebration of matrimony, to which may be added his translation of Severus's order of Baptism.

Philosophy
Jacob's chief original contribution was his Enchiridion or Manual, a tract on philosophical terms (Wright, Catalogue 984).

Translations of works of Aristotle have been attributed to him. However these are probably by other hands (Wright, Short History p. 149; Duval, Littérature syriaque, pp. 255, 258). The treatise De cause omnium causarum, which was the work of a bishop of Edessa, was formerly attributed to Jacob; but the publication of the whole by Kayser has made it clear that the treatise is of much later date.

History
Jacob also wrote a Chronicle, as a continuation of the Chronicon of Eusebius. This is described and quoted from by Michael the Syrian in book 7 of his own Chronicle. John of Litharb wrote a continuation of Jacob's chronicle down to 726, also described by Michael.

The original text of Jacob's continuation has unfortunately perished apart from 23 leaves in a manuscript in the British Library. Of these a full account is given in Wright, Catalogue 1062, and an edition of these has been published in CSCO by E.W.Brooks.

Grammar
Jacob is most famous because of his contributions to the Syriac language and the West Syriac script (Serto).

In early Syriac vowels are either not shown, or else shown by a system of dots, used erratically. Jacob borrowed five vowel signs from Greek, which he wrote above the line as miniature symbols. This caught on, and is a feature of West Syriac writing even today. He also elaborated the system whereby some consonants could stand for vowels.

Jacob also tried to introduce the Greek practice of writing the vowels on the line, the same way as is done for the consonants. This was resisted by his countrymen and did not come into effect.

In his letter to George, bishop of Serugh, on Syriac orthography (published by Phillips in London 1869, and by Martin in Paris the same year) he sets forth the importance of fidelity by scribes in the copying of minutiae of spelling.

Other
As a translator Jacob's greatest achievement was his Syriac version of the Homiliae cathedrales of Severus, the monophysite patriarch of Antioch. This important collection is now in part known to us by E. W. Brooks's edition and translation of the 6th book of selected epistles of Severus, according to another Syriac version made by Athanasius of Nisibis in 669. (Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre says 677; but Athanasius was patriarch only 684–687.)

A large number of letters by Jacob to various correspondents have been found in various MSS. Besides those on the canon law to Addai, and on grammar to George of Serugh referred to above, there are others dealing with doctrine, liturgy, and so forth. A few are in verse.

In 675, he revised Paul of Edessa's translations of the hymns of John Psaltes.

title: Jacob of Edessa


text:
Eye tracking

Eye tracking is the process of measuring either the point of gaze (where one is looking) or the motion of an eye relative to the head. An eye tracker is a device for measuring eye positions and eye movement. Eye trackers are used in research on the visual system, in psychology, in psycholinguistics, marketing, as an input device for human-computer interaction, and in product design. In addition, eye trackers are increasingly being used for assistive and rehabilitative applications such as controlling wheelchairs, robotic arms, and prostheses. Recently, eye tracking has been examined as a tool for the early detection of autism spectrum disorder. There are several methods for measuring eye movement, with the most popular variant using video images to extract eye position. Other methods use search coils or are based on the electrooculogram.

History

In the 1800s, studies of eye movement were made using direct observations. For example, Louis Émile Javal observed in 1879 that reading does not involve a smooth sweeping of the eyes along the text, as previously assumed, but a series of short stops (called fixations) and quick saccades. This observation raised important questions about reading, questions which were explored during the 1900s: On which words do the eyes stop? For how long? When do they regress to already seen words?

Edmund Huey built an early eye tracker, using a sort of contact lens with a hole for the pupil. The lens was connected to an aluminum pointer that moved in response to the movement of the eye. Huey studied and quantified regressions (only a small proportion of saccades are regressions), and he showed that some words in a sentence are not fixated.

The first non-intrusive eye-trackers were built by Guy Thomas Buswell in Chicago, using beams of light that were reflected on the eye, then recording on film. Buswell made systematic studies into reading and picture viewing.

In the 1950s, Alfred L. Yarbus performed eye tracking research, and his 1967 book is often quoted. He showed that the task given to a subject has a very large influence on the subject's eye movement. He also wrote about the relation between fixations and interest:

"All the records ... show conclusively that the character of the eye movement is either completely independent of or only very slightly dependent on the material of the picture and how it was made, provided that it is flat or nearly flat.""

The cyclical pattern in the examination of pictures "is dependent on not only what is shown on the picture, but also the problem facing the observer and the information that he hopes to gain from the picture."

"Records of eye movements show that the observer's attention is usually held only by certain elements of the picture.... Eye movement reflects the human thought processes; so the observer's thought may be followed to some extent from records of eye movement (the thought accompanying the examination of the particular object). It is easy to determine from these records which elements attract the observer's eye (and, consequently, his thought), in what order, and how often."

"The observer's attention is frequently drawn to elements which do not give important information but which, in his opinion, may do so. Often an observer will focus his attention on elements that are unusual in the particular circumstances, unfamiliar, incomprehensible, and so on."

"... when changing its points of fixation, the observer's eye repeatedly returns to the same elements of the picture. Additional time spent on perception is not used to examine the secondary elements, but to reexamine the most important elements."

In the 1970s, eye-tracking research expanded rapidly, particularly reading research. A good overview of the research in this period is given by Rayner.

In 1980, Just and Carpenter formulated the influential Strong eye-mind hypothesis, that "there is no appreciable lag between what is fixated and what is processed". If this hypothesis is correct, then when a subject looks at a word or object, he or she also thinks about it (process cognitively), and for exactly as long as the recorded fixation. The hypothesis is often taken for granted by researchers using eye-tracking. However, gaze-contingent techniques offer an interesting option in order to disentangle overt and covert attentions, to differentiate what is fixated and what is processed.

During the 1980s, the eye-mind hypothesis was often questioned in light of covert attention, the attention to something that one is not looking at, which people often do. If covert attention is common during eye-tracking recordings, the resulting scan-path and fixation patterns would often show not where attention has been, but only where the eye has been looking, failing to indicate cognitive processing.

The 1980s also saw the birth of using eye-tracking to answer questions related to human-computer interaction. Specifically, researchers investigated how users search for commands in computer menus. Additionally, computers allowed researchers to use eye-tracking results in real time, primarily to help disabled users.

More recently, there has been growth in using eye tracking to study how users interact with different computer interfaces. Specific questions researchers ask are related to how easy different interfaces are for users. The results of the eye tracking research can lead to changes in design of the interface. Another recent area of research focuses on Web development. This can include how users react to drop-down menus or where they focus their attention on a website so the developer knows where to place an advertisement.

According to Hoffman, current consensus is that visual attention is always slightly (100 to 250 ms) ahead of the eye. But as soon as attention moves to a new position, the eyes will want to follow.

Specific cognitive processes still cannot be inferred directly from a fixation on a particular object in a scene. For instance, a fixation on a face in a picture may indicate recognition, liking, dislike, puzzlement etc. Therefore, eye tracking is often coupled with other methodologies, such as introspective verbal protocols.

Thanks to advancement in portable electronic devices, portable head-mounted eye trackers currently can achieve excellent performance and are being increasingly used in research and market applications targeting daily life settings. These same advances have led to increases in the study of small eye movements that occur during fixation, both in the lab and in applied settings. In the 21st century, the use of artificial intelligence (AI) and artificial neural networks has become a viable way to complete eye-tracking tasks and analysis. In particular, the convolutional neural network lends itself to eye-tracking, as it is designed for image-centric tasks. With AI, eye-tracking tasks and studies can yield additional information that may not have been detected by human observers. The practice of deep learning also allows for a given neural network to improve at a given task when given enough sample data. This requires a relatively large supply of training data, however.

The potential use cases for AI in eye-tracking cover a wide range of topics from medical applications to driver safety to game theory and even education and training applications.

Tracker types
Eye-trackers measure rotations of the eye in one of several ways, but principally they fall into one of three categories:
 * 1) measurement of the movement of an object (normally, a special contact lens) attached to the eye
 * 2) optical tracking without direct contact to the eye
 * 3) measurement of electric potentials using electrodes placed around the eyes.

Eye-attached tracking
The first type uses an attachment to the eye, such as a special contact lens with an embedded mirror or magnetic field sensor, and the movement of the attachment is measured with the assumption that it does not slip significantly as the eye rotates. Measurements with tight-fitting contact lenses have provided extremely sensitive recordings of eye movement, and magnetic search coils are the method of choice for researchers studying the dynamics and underlying physiology of eye movement. This method allows the measurement of eye movement in horizontal, vertical and torsion directions.

Optical tracking

The second broad category uses some non-contact, optical method for measuring eye motion. Light, typically infrared, is reflected from the eye and sensed by a video camera or some other specially designed optical sensor. The information is then analyzed to extract eye rotation from changes in reflections. Video-based eye trackers typically use the corneal reflection (the first Purkinje image) and the center of the pupil as features to track over time. A more sensitive type of eye-tracker, the dual-Purkinje eye tracker, uses reflections from the front of the cornea (first Purkinje image) and the back of the lens (fourth Purkinje image) as features to track. A still more sensitive method of tracking is to image features from inside the eye, such as the retinal blood vessels, and follow these features as the eye rotates. Optical methods, particularly those based on video recording, are widely used for gaze-tracking and are favored for being non-invasive and inexpensive.

Electric potential measurement
The third category uses electric potentials measured with electrodes placed around the eyes. The eyes are the origin of a steady electric potential field which can also be detected in total darkness and if the eyes are closed. It can be modelled to be generated by a dipole with its positive pole at the cornea and its negative pole at the retina. The electric signal that can be derived using two pairs of contact electrodes placed on the skin around one eye is called Electrooculogram (EOG). If the eyes move from the centre position towards the periphery, the retina approaches one electrode while the cornea approaches the opposing one. This change in the orientation of the dipole and consequently the electric potential field results in a change in the measured EOG signal. Inversely, by analysing these changes in eye movement can be tracked. Due to the discretisation given by the common electrode setup, two separate movement components – a horizontal and a vertical – can be identified. A third EOG component is the radial EOG channel, which is the average of the EOG channels referenced to some posterior scalp electrode. This radial EOG channel is sensitive to the saccadic spike potentials stemming from the extra-ocular muscles at the onset of saccades, and allows reliable detection of even miniature saccades.

Due to potential drifts and variable relations between the EOG signal amplitudes and the saccade sizes, it is challenging to use EOG for measuring slow eye movement and detecting gaze direction. EOG is, however, a very robust technique for measuring saccadic eye movement associated with gaze shifts and detecting blinks. Contrary to video-based eye-trackers, EOG allows recording of eye movements even with eyes closed, and can thus be used in sleep research. It is a very light-weight approach that, in contrast to current video-based eye-trackers, requires low computational power, works under different lighting conditions and can be implemented as an embedded, self-contained wearable system. It is thus the method of choice for measuring eye movement in mobile daily-life situations and REM phases during sleep. The major disadvantage of EOG is its relatively poor gaze-direction accuracy compared to a video tracker. That is, it is difficult to determine with good accuracy exactly where a subject is looking, though the time of eye movements can be determined.

Technologies and techniques
The most widely used current designs are video-based eye-trackers. A camera focuses on one or both eyes and records eye movement as the viewer looks at some kind of stimulus. Most modern eye-trackers use the center of the pupil and infrared / near-infrared non-collimated light to create corneal reflections (CR). The vector between the pupil center and the corneal reflections can be used to compute the point of regard on surface or the gaze direction. A simple calibration procedure of the individual is usually needed before using the eye tracker.

Two general types of infrared / near-infrared (also known as active light) eye-tracking techniques are used: bright-pupil and dark-pupil. Their difference is based on the location of the illumination source with respect to the optics. If the illumination is coaxial with the optical path, then the eye acts as a retroreflector as the light reflects off the retina creating a bright pupil effect similar to red eye. If the illumination source is offset from the optical path, then the pupil appears dark because the retroreflection from the retina is directed away from the camera.

Bright-pupil tracking creates greater iris/pupil contrast, allowing more robust eye-tracking with all iris pigmentation, and greatly reduces interference caused by eyelashes and other obscuring features. It also allows tracking in lighting conditions ranging from total darkness to very bright.

Another, less used, method is known as passive light. It uses visible light to illuminate, something which may cause some distractions to users. Another challenge with this method is that the contrast of the pupil is less than in the active light methods, therefore, the center of iris is used for calculating the vector instead. This calculation needs to detect the boundary of the iris and the white sclera (limbus tracking). It presents another challenge for vertical eye movements due to obstruction of eyelids.

Eye-tracking setups vary greatly. Some are head-mounted, some require the head to be stable (for example, with a chin rest), and some function remotely and automatically track the head during motion. Most use a sampling rate of at least 30 Hz. Although 50/60 Hz is more common, today many video-based eye trackers run at 240, 350 or even 1000/1250 Hz, speeds needed to capture fixational eye movements or correctly measure saccade dynamics.

Eye movements are typically divided into fixations and saccades – when the eye gaze pauses in a certain position, and when it moves to another position, respectively. The resulting series of fixations and saccades is called a scanpath. Smooth pursuit describes the eye following a moving object. Fixational eye movements include microsaccades: small, involuntary saccades that occur during attempted fixation. Most information from the eye is made available during a fixation or smooth pursuit, but not during a saccade.

Scanpaths are useful for analyzing cognitive intent, interest, and salience. Other biological factors (some as simple as gender) may affect the scanpath as well. Eye tracking in human–computer interaction (HCI) typically investigates the scanpath for usability purposes, or as a method of input in gaze-contingent displays, also known as gaze-based interfaces.

Data presentation
Interpretation of the data that is recorded by the various types of eye-trackers employs a variety of software that animates or visually represents it, so that the visual behavior of one or more users can be graphically resumed. The video is generally manually coded to identify the AOIs (areas of interest) or recently using artificial intelligence. Graphical presentation is rarely the basis of research results, since they are limited in terms of what can be analysed - research relying on eye-tracking, for example, usually requires quantitative measures of the eye movement events and their parameters, The following visualisations are the most commonly used:

Animated representations of a point on the interface This method is used when the visual behavior is examined individually indicating where the user focused their gaze in each moment, complemented with a small path that indicates the previous saccade movements, as seen in the image.

Static representations of the saccade path This is fairly similar to the one described above, with the difference that this is static method. A higher level of expertise than with the animated ones is required to interpret this.

Heat maps An alternative static representation, used mainly for the agglomerated analysis of the visual exploration patterns in a group of users. In these representations, the 'hot' zones or zones with higher density designate where the users focused their gaze (not their attention) with a higher frequency. Heat maps are the best known visualization technique for eyetracking studies.

Blind zones maps, or focus maps This method is a simplified version of the heat maps where the visually less attended zones by the users are displayed clearly, thus allowing for an easier understanding of the most relevant information, that is to say, it provides more information about which zones were not seen by the users.

Saliency maps Similar to heat maps, a saliency map illustrates areas of focus by brightly displaying the attention-grabbing objects over an initially black canvas. The more focus is given to a particular object, the brighter it will appear.

Eye-tracking vs. gaze-tracking
Eye-trackers necessarily measure the rotation of the eye with respect to some frame of reference. This is usually tied to the measuring system. Thus, if the measuring system is head-mounted, as with EOG or a video-based system mounted to a helmet, then eye-in-head angles are measured. To deduce the line of sight in world coordinates, the head must be kept in a constant position or its movements must be tracked as well. In these cases, head direction is added to eye-in-head direction to determine gaze direction. However, if the motion of the head is minor, the eye remains in constant position.

If the measuring system is table-mounted, as with scleral search coils or table-mounted camera (remote) systems, then gaze angles are measured directly in world coordinates. Typically, in these situations head movements are prohibited. For example, the head position is fixed using a bite bar or a forehead support. Then a head-centered reference frame is identical to a world-centered reference frame. Or colloquially, the eye-in-head position directly determines the gaze direction.

Some results are available on human eye movements under natural conditions where head movements are allowed as well. The relative position of eye and head, even with constant gaze direction, influences neuronal activity in higher visual areas.

Practice
A great deal of research has gone into studies of the mechanisms and dynamics of eye rotation, but the goal of eye tracking is most often to estimate gaze direction. Users may be interested in what features of an image draw the eye, for example. The eye tracker does not provide absolute gaze direction, but rather can measure only changes in gaze direction. To determine precisely what a subject is looking at, some calibration procedure is required in which the subject looks at a point or series of points, while the eye tracker records the value that corresponds to each gaze position. (Even those techniques that track features of the retina cannot provide exact gaze direction because there is no specific anatomical feature that marks the exact point where the visual axis meets the retina, if indeed there is such a single, stable point.) An accurate and reliable calibration is essential for obtaining valid and repeatable eye movement data, and this can be a significant challenge for non-verbal subjects or those who have unstable gaze.

Each method of eye-tracking has advantages and disadvantages, and the choice of an eye-tracking system depends on considerations of cost and application. There are offline methods and online procedures like AttentionTracking. There is a trade-off between cost and sensitivity, with the most sensitive systems costing many tens of thousands of dollars and requiring considerable expertise to operate properly. Advances in computer and video technology have led to the development of relatively low-cost systems that are useful for many applications and fairly easy to use. Interpretation of the results still requires some level of expertise, however, because a misaligned or poorly calibrated system can produce wildly erroneous data.

Eye-tracking while driving a car in a difficult situation

The eye movement of two groups of drivers have been filmed with a special head camera by a team of the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology: Novice and experienced drivers had their eye-movement recorded while approaching a bend of a narrow road. The series of images has been condensed from the original film frames to show 2 eye fixations per image for better comprehension.

Each of these stills corresponds to approximately 0.5 seconds in real time.

The series of images shows an example of eye fixations #9 to #14 of a typical novice and of an experienced driver.

Comparison of the top images shows that the experienced driver checks the curve and even has Fixation No. 9 left to look aside while the novice driver needs to check the road and estimate his distance to the parked car.

In the middle images, the experienced driver is now fully concentrating on the location where an oncoming car could be seen. The novice driver concentrates his view on the parked car.

In the bottom image the novice is busy estimating the distance between the left wall and the parked car, while the experienced driver can use their peripheral vision for that and still concentrate vision on the dangerous point of the curve: If a car appears there, the driver has to give way, i.e. stop to the right instead of passing the parked car.

More recent studies have also used head-mounted eye tracking to measure eye movements during real-world driving conditions.

Eye-tracking of younger and elderly people while walking
While walking, elderly subjects depend more on foveal vision than do younger subjects. Their walking speed is decreased by a limited visual field, probably caused by a deteriorated peripheral vision.

Younger subjects make use of both their central and peripheral vision while walking. Their peripheral vision allows faster control over the process of walking.

Applications
A wide variety of disciplines use eye-tracking techniques, including cognitive science; psychology (notably psycholinguistics; the visual world paradigm); human-computer interaction (HCI); human factors and ergonomics; marketing research and medical research (neurological diagnosis). Specific applications include the tracking eye movement in language reading, music reading, human activity recognition, the perception of advertising, playing of sports, distraction detection and cognitive load estimation of drivers and pilots and as a means of operating computers by people with severe motor impairment. In the field of virtual reality, eye tracking is used in head mounted displays for a variety of purposes including to reduce processing load by only rendering the graphical area within the user's gaze.

Commercial applications
In recent years, the increased sophistication and accessibility of eye-tracking technologies have generated a great deal of interest in the commercial sector. Applications include web usability, advertising, sponsorship, package design and automotive engineering. In general, commercial eye-tracking studies function by presenting a target stimulus to a sample of consumers while an eye tracker records eye activity. Examples of target stimuli may include websites, television programs, sporting events, films and commercials, magazines and newspapers, packages, shelf displays, consumer systems (ATMs, checkout systems, kiosks) and software. The resulting data can be statistically analyzed and graphically rendered to provide evidence of specific visual patterns. By examining fixations, saccades, pupil dilation, blinks and a variety of other behaviors, researchers can determine a great deal about the effectiveness of a given medium or product. While some companies complete this type of research internally, there are many private companies that offer eye-tracking services and analysis.

One field of commercial eye-tracking research is web usability. While traditional usability techniques are often quite powerful in providing information on clicking and scrolling patterns, eye-tracking offers the ability to analyze user interaction between the clicks and how much time a user spends between clicks, thereby providing valuable insight into which features are the most eye-catching, which features cause confusion and which are ignored altogether. Specifically, eye-tracking can be used to assess search efficiency, branding, online advertisements, navigation usability, overall design and many other site components. Analyses may target a prototype or competitor site in addition to the main client site.

Eye-tracking is commonly used in a variety of different advertising media. Commercials, print ads, online ads and sponsored programs are all conducive to analysis with current eye-tracking technology. One example is the analysis of eye movements over advertisements in the Yellow Pages. One study focused on what particular features caused people to notice an ad, whether they viewed ads in a particular order and how viewing times varied. The study revealed that ad size, graphics, color, and copy all influence attention to advertisements. Knowing this allows researchers to assess in great detail how often a sample of consumers fixates on the target logo, product or ad. Hence an advertiser can quantify the success of a given campaign in terms of actual visual attention. Another example of this is a study that found that in a search engine results page, authorship snippets received more attention than the paid ads or even the first organic result.

Yet another example of commercial eye-tracking research comes from the field of recruitment. A study analyzed how recruiters screen LinkedIn profiles and presented results as heat maps.

Safety applications
Scientists in 2017 constructed a Deep Integrated Neural Network (DINN) out of a Deep Neural Network and a convolutional neural network. The goal was to use deep learning to examine images of drivers and determine their level of drowsiness by "classify[ing] eye states." With enough images, the proposed DINN could ideally determine when drivers blink, how often they blink, and for how long. From there, it could judge how tired a given driver appears to be, effectively conducting an eye-tracking exercise. The DINN was trained on data from over 2,400 subjects and correctly diagnosed their states 96%-99.5% of the time. Most other artificial intelligence models performed at rates above 90%. This technology could ideally provide another avenue for driver drowsiness detection.

Game theory applications
In a 2019 study, a Convolutional Neural Network (CNN) was constructed with the ability to identify individual chess pieces the same way other CNNs can identify facial features. It was then fed eye-tracking input data from 30 chess players of various skill levels. With this data, the CNN used gaze estimation to determine parts of the chess board to which a player was paying close attention. It then generated a saliency map to illustrate those parts of the board. Ultimately, the CNN would combine its knowledge of the board and pieces with its saliency map to predict the players' next move. Regardless of the training dataset the neural network system was trained upon, it predicted the next move more accurately than if it had selected any possible move at random, and the saliency maps drawn for any given player and situation were more than 54% similar.

Assistive technology
People with severe motor impairment can use eye tracking for interacting with computers as it is faster than single switch scanning techniques and intuitive to operate. Motor impairment caused by Cerebral Palsy or Amyotrophic lateral sclerosis often affects speech, and users with Severe Speech and Motor Impairment (SSMI) use a type of software known as Augmentative and Alternative Communication (AAC) aid, that displays icons, words and letters on screen and uses text-to-speech software to generate spoken output. In recent times, researchers also explored eye tracking to control robotic arms and powered wheelchairs. Eye tracking is also helpful in analysing visual search patterns, detecting presence of Nystagmus and detecting early signs of learning disability by analysing eye gaze movement during reading.

Aviation applications
Eye tracking has already been studied for flight safety by comparing scan paths and fixation duration to evaluate the progress of pilot trainees, for estimating pilots' skills, for analyzing crew's joint attention and shared situational awareness. Eye tracking technology was also explored to interact with helmet mounted display systems and multi-functional displays in military aircraft. Studies were conducted to investigate the utility of eye tracker for Head-up target locking and Head-up target acquisition in Helmet mounted display systems (HMDS). Pilots' feedback suggested that even though the technology is promising, its hardware and software components are yet to be matured. Research on interacting with multi-functional displays in simulator environment showed that eye tracking can improve the response times and perceived cognitive load significantly over existing systems. Further, research also investigated utilizing measurements of fixation and pupillary responses to estimate pilot's cognitive load. Estimating cognitive load can help to design next generation adaptive cockpits with improved flight safety. Eye tracking is also useful for detecting pilot fatigue.

Automotive applications
In recent time, eye tracking technology is investigated in automotive domain in both passive and active ways. National Highway Traffic Safety Administration measured glance duration for undertaking secondary tasks while driving and used it to promote safety by discouraging the introduction of excessively distracting devices in vehicles In addition to distraction detection, eye tracking is also used to interact with IVIS. Though initial research investigated the efficacy of eye tracking system for interaction with HDD (Head Down Display), it still required drivers to take their eyes off the road while performing a secondary task. Recent studies investigated eye gaze controlled interaction with HUD (Head Up Display) that eliminates eyes-off-road distraction. Eye tracking is also used to monitor cognitive load of drivers to detect potential distraction. Though researchers explored different methods to estimate cognitive load of drivers from different physiological parameters, usage of ocular parameters explored a new way to use the existing eye trackers to monitor cognitive load of drivers in addition to interaction with IVIS.

Entertainment applications
The 2021 video game Before Your Eyes registers and reads the player's blinking, and uses it as the main way of interacting with the game.

Engineering applications
The widespread use of eye-tracking technology has shed light to its use in empirical software engineering in the most recent years. The eye-tracking technology and data analysis techniques are used to investigate the understandability of software engineering concepts by the researchers. These include the understandability of business process models, and diagrams used in software engineering such as UML activity diagrams and EER diagrams. Eye-tracking metrics such as fixation, scan-path, scan-path precision, scan-path recall, fixations on area of interest/relevant region are computed, analyzed and interpreted in terms of model and diagram understandability. The findings are used to enhance the understandability of diagrams and models with proper model related solutions and by improving personal related factors such as working-memory capacity, cognitive-load, learning style and strategy of the software engineers and modelers.

Cartographic applications
Cartographic research has widely adopted eye tracking techniques. Researchers have used them to see how individuals perceive and interpret maps. For example, eye tracking has been used to study differences in perception of 2D and 3D visualization, comparison of map reading strategies between novices and experts or students and their geography teachers, and evaluation of the cartographic quality of maps. Besides, cartographers have employed eye tracking to investigate various factors affecting map reading, including attributes such as color or symbol density. Numerous studies about the usability of map applications took advantage of eye tracking, too.

The cartographic community's daily engagement with visual and spatial data positioned it to contribute significantly to eye tracking data visualization methods and tools. For example, cartographers have developed methods for integrating eye tracking data with GIS, utilizing GIS software for further visualization and analysis. The community has also delivered tools for visualizing eye tracking data or a toolbox for the identification of eye fixations based on a spatial component of eye-tracking data.

Privacy concerns
With eye tracking projected to become a common feature in various consumer electronics, including smartphones, laptops and virtual reality headsets, concerns have been raised about the technology's impact on consumer privacy. With the aid of machine learning techniques, eye tracking data may indirectly reveal information about a user's ethnicity, personality traits, fears, emotions, interests, skills, and physical and mental health condition. If such inferences are drawn without a user's awareness or approval, this can be classified as an inference attack. Eye activities are not always under volitional control, e.g., "stimulus-driven glances, pupil dilation, ocular tremor, and spontaneous blinks mostly occur without conscious effort, similar to digestion and breathing”. Therefore, it can be difficult for eye tracking users to estimate or control the amount of information they reveal about themselves.

title: Eye tracking


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title: File:WireTheIdealCopy.jpg


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Double closing

A double closing is the simultaneous purchase and sale of a real estate property involving three parties: the original seller, an investor (middleman), and the final buyer.

The underlying reasons for having a double closing vary. The most pressing and usual reason is to allow the middleman to use the purchasers funds to acquire the property from the original seller. Another common reason for a double closing is to conceal the identity of the purchaser or seller.

Typically, a real estate investor first enters into a contract to purchase a property and then subsequently (before closing the purchase) enters into a contract to sell the property (hopefully for a higher price). The investor then utilizes a double closing to close both transactions at approximately the same time.

The mechanics
The mechanics of a double closing vary, depending on who the buyer and seller are, who is providing the financing, and who is conducting the closing. In the simplest form of double closing, the purchaser would pay the purchase monies to the middleman and they would complete a settlement statement (HUD-1) for their transaction. The purchaser would have to wait while the middleman uses most of the purchase monies to purchase the property from the seller. The seller and middleman would also complete a separate settlement statement for their transaction. The middleman would then instruct the seller to deed the property directly to the purchaser.

To keep the purchaser and seller separate, the closing may be conducted in two different rooms or at two different times or locations. Success is more likely if the closing agent is friendly and accommodating.

To simplify the transaction, the middleman may make one settlement statement directly between the purchaser and seller and take his profit as a line item on the settlement statement. This line item is usually on the purchaser's side of the statement as an assignment fee. This may create a problem for the middleman, as assignment fees may be taxed at a different rate than short-term capital gains.

Legal standpoint
From a legal standpoint, most sale contracts stipulate that the seller may pay encumbrances out of the proceeds of the sale. The fact that the original seller still owns the property is definitely an encumbrance. Also, contracts may be assignable, thus allowing the middleman to have the right to assign his purchase contract to the purchaser for a fee.

title: Double closing


text:
Talk:The Robe

3D
I don't think the advertisement "the entertainment you can see without glasses" was suggesting it was a 3D movie, but rather was suggesting that here was a movie that didn't need a gimmick to entertain you. Much like if a movie came out today and said "the movie that dazzles without CGI" we wouldn't think that they somehow created magical artificial images without CGI. Perhaps someone could research this? -K

 * Well, it is definitely pointing especially to the 3D-movies, which were just conquering the cinemas with tremendous success at the time "The Robe" was brought to the screen. There were many more "Gimmicks" (if one may call the 3D-hype this way, too) that were battling with the audience's attention to get them back to the cinemas since the drastic losses due to the growing TV-audiences (such as "Percepto", an electro-shocker in the viewer's seats) and to these also "Cinemascope" belonged at that time. It first was just another "Gimmick" - but in the end 20th Century Fox finally succeeded with it. Cinemascope is everywhere and 3D is almost dead. --Wittkowsky 13:27, 3 Mar 2005 (UTC)

I changed the anti-religious phrase to the word controversial; I think that may or may not be biased a little bit. 209.50.9.22 18:09, 11 March 2006 (UTC)

Roman Catholic novel
I'm not sure why this novel is included in the Roman Catholic novels category. The author was not Roman Catholic. Removing. Jdavidb (talk • contribs) 14:40, 5 March 2015 (UTC)

title: Talk:The Robe


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Jacoba

Jacoba is a given name, a female version of Jacob, which has been a common given name in the Netherlands. In daily life, many people use(d) short or more modern forms like Coba, Cobi, Cobie, Coby, Coosje, Cootje, Jackie, and Jacqueline. People with the name include

 * Middle Ages
 * Jacoba of Settesoli (Giacoma de Settesoli; 1190–1273), follower of the Italian saint Francis of Assisi
 * Jacoba of Beieren (1401–1436), Countess of Holland and Zeeland
 * Jacoba of Loon-Heinsberg (fl. 1446), Dutch abbess
 * Modern use
 * Jacoba M.J. "Coby" van Baalen (born 1957), Dutch equestrian
 * Jacoba van den Brande (1735–1794), Dutch scientist
 * Jacoba W.H. "Coosje" van Bruggen (1942–2009), Dutch-born American sculptor, art historian, and critic
 * Jacoba van Heemskerck (1876–1923), Dutch painter, stained glass designer and graphic artist
 * Jacoba Hol (1886–1964), physical geographer
 * Jacoba Adriana Hollestelle (1937–2002), Dutch singer known by the name Conny Vandenbos
 * Jacoba Maria van Nickelen (c.1690–1749), Dutch flower painter
 * Jacoba Johanna "Coba" Ritsema (1876–1961), Dutch portrait painter
 * Jacoba Catharina "Cobie" Sikkens (born 1946), Dutch swimmer
 * Jacoba F.M. "Cobie" Smulders (born 1982), Canadian actress and model
 * Jacoba Stelma (1907–1987), Dutch gymnast
 * Jacoba Surie (1879–1970), Dutch painter
 * Jacoba van Tongeren (1903–1967), Dutch World War II resistance fighter
 * Jacoba van Velde (1903–1985), Dutch novelist

title: Jacoba


text:
KLZZ

KLZZ (103.7 FM) is a radio station in St. Cloud, Minnesota, airing a classic rock format. The station is owned by Townsquare Media.

title: KLZZ


text: Category:Electronic test equipment

title: Category:Electronic test equipment


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title: File:WireABellIsACup.jpg


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Talk:List of Michael Jackson singles

To do: list needs to be expanded ot include non-hit singles. --b. Touch 06:05, 25 Feb 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:List of Michael Jackson singles


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Portland Children's Museum

Portland Children's Museum was a children's museum located in Portland's Washington Park, adjacent to the Oregon Zoo. Founded in 1946, Portland Children's Museum was the sixth oldest children's museum in the world and the oldest west of the Mississippi. The 50000 sqft museum received over a quarter of a million visits from children and their families every year. It was a non-profit organization with tax-exempt status and member of the Association of Children's Museums. In March 2021, the museum announced it would permanently close at the end of June, due to the financial loss brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic.

History
Portland Children's Museum was founded in 1946 as the Adventure House by recreation director of Portland Parks & Recreation, Dorothea Lensch. Dr. Lensch was the first woman appointed Recreation Director for the division.

The original museum building was located at the Jacob Kamm mansion in Southwest Portland until 1949 when it moved to a building (formerly a dormitory) on Lair Hill just south of downtown Portland. The Lair Hill Museum contained a pet library (from which children could check-out animals) as well as a variety of interactive and informative exhibits. The Lair Hill museum hosted regular arts and crafts workshops as well as sports games and other activities.

After 52 years of occupancy at the downtown location, the building was closed on March 31, 2001, and Portland Children's Museum moved to its final location in Washington Park, in the building which previously housed Oregon Museum of Science and Industry.

The mission of Portland Children's Museum was to create transformative learning experiences through the arts and sciences. The museum used cognitive science and child development research to inform environments and programs that promoted healthy cognitive, social, emotional and physical development. Myriad exhibits, including Water Works, Play-it-Again Theater, Building Bridgetown, Groundworks, Outdoor Adventure, and the Baby's Garden, along with the museum's art studios, The Clay Studio, The Wonder Corner and The Garage encouraged playful inquiry, cultivated creative expression and helped children learn how to learn.

Portland Children's Museum provided access to the museum and museum programs for children and families with economic, social or physical challenges through the Community Partners Program. Qualifying children, families, schools and other groups had access to low-cost Museum memberships and family passes, free or subsidized arts workshops, and other resources. The museum also hosted a number of admission-free days and evenings. As of 2009, the Community Partners Program provided access to the museum and museum programs for over 20,000 children and their families.

Opal School of the Portland Children's Museum was an elementary school that was chartered by the Portland Public School District. Opal's teaching and learning approaches were influenced and inspired by the philosophies and practices of the Reggio Emilia approach.

Portland Children's Museum was supported through member contributions, sponsorships, foundation grants, federal grants, and the support of generous individuals. While the museum had a full-time staff, it depended on volunteers at every level of the organization.

title: Portland Children's Museum