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Performativity

Performativity is the concept that language can function as a form of social action and have the effect of change. The concept has multiple applications in diverse fields such as anthropology, social and cultural geography, economics, gender studies (social construction of gender), law, linguistics,  performance studies, history, management studies and philosophy.

The concept is first described by philosopher of language John L. Austin when he referred to a specific capacity: the capacity of speech and communication to act or to consummate an action. Austin differentiated this from constative language, which he defined as descriptive language that can be "evaluated as true or false". Common examples of performative language are making promises, betting, performing a wedding ceremony, an umpire calling a foul, or a judge pronouncing a verdict.

Influenced by Austin, gender studies philosopher Judith Butler argued that gender is socially constructed through commonplace speech acts and nonverbal communication that are performative, in that they serve to define and maintain identities. This view of performativity reverses the idea that a person's identity is the source of their secondary actions (speech, gestures). Instead, it views actions, behaviors, and gestures as both the result of an individual's identity as well as a source that contributes to the formation of one's identity which is continuously being redefined through speech acts and symbolic communication. This view was also influenced by philosophers such as Michel Foucault and Louis Althusser.

Defining performance
Performance is a bodily practice that produces meaning. It is the presentation or 're-actualization' of symbolic systems through living bodies as well as lifeless mediating objects, such as architecture. In the academic field, as opposed to the domain of the performing arts, the concept of performance is generally used to highlight dynamic interactions between social actors or between a social actor and their immediate environment.

Performance is an equivocal concept and for the purpose of analysis it is useful to distinguish between two senses of 'performance'. In the more formal sense, performance refers to a framed event. Performance in this sense is an enactment out of convention and tradition. Founder of the discipline of performance studies Richard Schechner dubs this category 'is-performance'. In a weaker sense, performance refers to the informal scenarios of daily life, suggesting that everyday practices are 'performed'. Schechner called this the 'as-performance'. Generally the performative turn is concerned with the latter, although the two senses of performance should be seen as ends of a spectrum rather than distinct categories.

History
The performative turn is a paradigmatic shift in the humanities and social sciences that affected such disciplines as anthropology, archaeology, linguistics, ethnography, history and the relatively young discipline of performance studies. Previously used as a metaphor for theatricality, performance is now often employed as a heuristic principle to understand human behaviour. The assumption is that all human practices are 'performed', so that any action at whatever moment or location can be seen as a public presentation of the self. This methodological approach entered the social sciences and humanities in the 1990s but is rooted in the 1940s and 1950s. Underlying the performative turn was the need to conceptualize how human practices relate to their contexts in a way that went beyond the traditional sociological methods that did not problematize representation. Instead of focusing solely on given symbolic structures and texts, scholars stress the active, social construction of reality as well as the way that individual behaviour is determined by the context in which it occurs. Performance functions both as a metaphor and an analytical tool and thus provides a perspective for framing and analysing social and cultural phenomena.

Origins
The origins of the performative turn can be traced back to two strands of theorizing about performance as a social category that surfaced in the 1940s and 1950s. The first strand is anthropological in origin and may be labelled the dramaturgical model. Kenneth Burke (1945) expounded a 'dramatistic approach' to analyse the motives underlying such phenomena as communicative actions and the history of philosophy. Anthropologist Victor Turner focussed on cultural expression in staged theatre and ritual. In his highly influential The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959), Erving Goffman emphasized the link between social life and performance by stating that 'the theatre of performances is in public acts'. Within the performative turn, the dramaturgical model evolved from the classical concept of 'society as theatre' into a broader category that considers all culture as performance. The second strand of theory concerns a development in the philosophy of language launched by John Austin in the 1950s. In How to do things with words he introduced the concept of the 'performative utterance', opposing the prevalent principle that declarative sentences are always statements that can be either true or false. Instead he argued that 'to say something is to do something'. In the 1960s John Searle extended this concept to the broader field of speech act theory, where due attention is paid to the use and function of language. In the 1970s Searle engaged in polemics with postmodern philosopher Jacques Derrida, about the determinability of context and the nature of authorial intentions in a performative text.

J. L. Austin
The term derives from the founding work in speech act theory by ordinary language philosopher J. L. Austin. In the 1950s, Austin gave the name performative utterances to situations where saying something was doing something, rather than simply reporting on or describing reality. The paradigmatic case here is speaking the words "I do". Austin did not use the word performativity.

Breaking with analytic philosophy, Austin argued in How to Do Things With Words that a "performative utterance" cannot be said to be either true or false as a constative utterance might be: it can only be judged either "happy" or "infelicitous" depending upon whether the conditions required for its success have been met. In this sense, performativity is a function of the pragmatics of language. Having shown that all utterances perform actions, even apparently constative ones, Austin famously discarded the distinction between "performative" and "constative" utterances halfway through the lecture series that became the book and replaced it with a three-level framework:

 * locution (the actual words spoken, that which the linguists and linguistic philosophers of the day were mostly interested in analyzing)
 * illocutionary force (what the speaker is attempting to do in uttering the locution)
 * perlocutionary effect (the actual effect the speaker actually has on the interlocutor by uttering the locution)

For example, if a speech act is an attempt to distract someone, the illocutionary force is the attempt to distract and the perlocutionary effect is the actual distraction caused by the speech act in the interlocutor.

Influence of Austin
Austin's account of performativity has been subject to extensive discussion in philosophy, literature, and beyond. Jacques Derrida, Shoshana Felman, Judith Butler, and Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick are among the scholars who have elaborated upon and contested aspects of Austin's account from the vantage point of deconstruction, psychoanalysis, feminism, and queer theory. Particularly in the work of feminists and queer theorists, performativity has played an important role in discussions of social change (Oliver 2003).

The concept of performativity has also been used in science and technology studies and in economic sociology. Andrew Pickering has proposed to shift from a "representational idiom" to a "performative idiom" in the study of science. Michel Callon has proposed to study the performative aspects of economics, i.e. the extent to which economic science plays an important role not only in describing markets and economies, but also in framing them. Karen Barad has argued that science and technology studies deemphasize the performativity of language in order to explore the performativity of matter (Barad 2003).

Other uses of the notion of performativity in the social sciences include the daily behavior (or performance) of individuals based on social norms or habits. Philosopher and feminist theorist Judith Butler has used the concept of performativity in their analysis of gender development, as well as in analysis of political speech. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick describes queer performativity as an ongoing project for transforming the way we may define—and break—boundaries to identity. Through her suggestion that shame is a potentially performative and transformational emotion, Sedgwick has also linked queer performativity to affect theory. Also innovative in Sedgwick's discussion of the performative is what she calls periperformativity (2003: 67–91), which is effectively the group contribution to the success or failure of a speech act.

Postmodernism
The performative turn is anchored in the broader cultural development of postmodernism. An influential current in modern thought, postmodernism is a radical reappraisal of the assumed certainty and objectivity of scientific efforts to represent and explain reality.

Postmodern scholars argue that society itself both defines and constructs reality through experience, representation and performance. From the 1970s onwards, the concept of performance was integrated into a variety of theories in the humanities and social sciences, such as phenomenology, critical theory (the Frankfurt school), semiotics, Lacanian psychoanalysis, deconstructionism and feminism. The conceptual shift became manifest in a methodology oriented towards culture as a dynamic phenomenon as well as in the focus on subjects of study that were neglected before, such as everyday life. For scholars, the concept of performance is a means to come to grips with human agency and to better understand the way social life is constructed.

Judith Butler
Philosopher and feminist theorist Judith Butler offered a new, more Continental (specifically, Foucauldian) reading of the notion of performativity, which has its roots in linguistics and philosophy of language. They describe performativity as "that reiterative power of discourse to produce the phenomena that it regulates and constrains." They have largely used this concept in their analysis of gender development.

The concept places emphasis on the manners by which identity is passed or brought to life through discourse. Performative acts are types of authoritative speech. This can only happen and be enforced through the law or norms of the society. These statements, just by speaking them, carry out a certain action and exhibit a certain level of power. Examples of these types of statements are declarations of ownership, baptisms, inaugurations, and legal sentences. Something that is key to performativity is repetition. The statements are not singular in nature or use and must be used consistently in order to exert power.

Performance theory and gender perspectives
Butler explains gender as constructed by repeated acts. Acts that people come to perform in the mode of belief which cite existing norms, analogous to a script. Butler sees gender not as an expression of what one is but as something that one does. The appearance of a gendered essence is merely a "performative accomplishment". Furthermore, they do not see it as socially imposed on a self that is prior to gender, as the self is not distinct from the categories which constitute it. According to Butler's theory, homosexuality and heterosexuality are not fixed categories. For Butler, a person is merely in a condition of "doing straightness" or "doing queerness," where these categories are not natural but historical and socially constititued.

"For Butler, the distinction between the personal and the political or between private and public is itself a fiction designed to support an oppressive status quo: our most personal acts are, in fact, continually being scripted by hegemonic social conventions and ideologies".

Theoretical criticisms
Several criticisms have been raised regarding Butler's concept of performativity. The first is that the theory is individual in nature and does not take into consideration such factors as the space within which the performance occurs, the others involved, and how others might see or interpret what they witness. It has also been argued that Butler overlooks the unplanned effects of the performance act and the contingencies surrounding it.

Another criticism is that Butler is not clear about the concept of subject. It has been said that in Butler's writings, the subject sometimes only exists tentatively, sometimes possesses a "real" existence, and other times is socially active. Also, some observe that the theory might be better suited to literary analysis as opposed to social theory.

Others criticize Butler for taking ethnomethodological and symbolic interactionist sociological analyses of gender and merely reinventing them in the concept of performativity. For example, A. I. Green argues that the work of Kessler and McKenna (1978) and West and Zimmerman (1987) builds directly from Garfinkel (1967) and Goffman (1959) to deconstruct gender into moments of attribution and iteration in a continual social process of "doing" masculinity and femininity in the performative interval. These latter works are premised on the notion that gender does not precede but, rather, follows from practice, instantiated in micro-interaction.

Jean-François Lyotard
In The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge (1979, English translation 1986), philosopher and cultural theorist Jean-François Lyotard defined performativity as the defining mode of legitimation of postmodern knowledge and social bonds, that is, power. In contrast to the legitimation of modern knowledge through such grand narratives as Progress, Revolution, and Liberation, performativity operates by system optimization or the calculation of input and outputs. In a footnote, Lyotard aligns performativity with Austin's concept of performative speech act. Postmodern knowledge must not only report: it must do something and do it efficiently by maximizing input/output ratios.

Lyotard uses Wittgenstein's notion of language games to theorize how performativity governs the articulation, funding, and conduct of contemporary research and education, arguing that at bottom it involves the threat of terror: "be operational (that is commensurable) or disappear" (xxiv). While Lyotard is highly critical of performativity, he notes that it calls on researchers to explain not only the worth of their work but also the worth of that worth.

Lyotard associated performativity with the rise of digital computers in the post-World War II period. In Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945, historian Tony Judt cites Lyotard to argue that the Left has largely abandoned revolutionary politics for human rights advocacy. The widespread adoption of performance reviews, organizational assessments, and learning outcomes by different social institutions worldwide has led social researchers to theorize "audit culture" and "global performativity".

Against performativity and Jürgen Habermas' call for consensus, Lyotard argued for legitimation by paralogy, or the destabilizing, often paradoxical, introduction of difference into language games.

Jacques Derrida
Philosopher Jacques Derrida drew on Austin's theory of performative speech act while deconstructing its logocentric and phonocentric premises and reinscribing it within the operations of generalized writing. In contrast to structuralism's focus on linguistic form, Austin had introduced the force of speech acts, which Derrida aligns with Nietzsche's insights on language.

In "Signature, Event, Context," Derrida focused on Austin's privileging of speech and the accompanying presumptions of the presence of a speaker ("signature") and the bounding of a performative's force by an act or a context. In a passage that would become a touchstone of poststructuralist thought, Derrida stresses the citationality or iterability of any and all signs."Every sign, linguistic or nonlinguistic, spoken or written (in the current sense of this opposition), in a small or large unit, can be cited, put between quotation marks; in doing so it can break with every given context, engendering an infinity of new contexts in a manner which is absolutely illimitable. This does not imply that the mark is valid outside of a context, but on the contrary that there are only contexts without any center or absolute anchorage [ancrage]. This citationality, this duplication or duplicity, this iterability of the mark is neither an accident nor an anomaly, it is that (normal/abnormal) without which a mark could not even have a function called 'normal.' What would a mark be that could not be cited? Or one whose origins would not get lost along the way?"Derrida's stress on the citational dimension of performativity would be taken up by Judith Butler and other theorists. While he addressed the performativity of individual subject formation, Derrida also raised such questions as whether we can mark when the event of the Russian revolution went awry, thus scaling up the field of performativity to historical dimensions.

John Searle's reformulation
In A Taxonomy of Illocutionary Acts, John Searle takes up and reformulates the ideas of his colleague J. L. Austin. Though Searle largely supports and agrees with Austin's theory of speech acts, he has a number of critiques, which he outlines: "In sum, there are (at least) six related difficulties with Austin's taxonomy; in ascending order of importance: there is a persistent confusion between verbs and acts, not all the verbs are illocutionary verbs, there is too much overlap of the categories, too much heterogeneity within the categories, many of the verbs listed in the categories don't satisfy the definition given for the category and, most important, there is no consistent principle of classification."

His last key departure from Austin lies in Searle's claim that four of his universal 'acts' do not need 'extra-linguistic' contexts to succeed. As opposed to Austin who thinks all illocutionary acts need extra-linguistic institutions, Searle disregards the necessity of context and replaces it with the "rules of language".

Elaborations and related concepts
The concept of performance has been developed by such scholars as Richard Schechner, Victor Turner, Clifford Geertz, Erving Goffman, John Austin, John Searle, Pierre Bourdieu, Stern and Henderson, and Judith Butler.

Performance studies
Performance studies emerged through the work of, among others, theatre director and scholar Richard Schechner, who applied the notion of performance to human behaviour beyond the performing arts. His interpretation of performance as non-artistic yet expressive social behaviour and his collaboration in 1985 with anthropologist Victor Turner led to the beginning of performance studies as a separate discipline. Schechner defines performance as 'restored behaviour', to emphasize the symbolic and coded aspects of culture. Schechner understands performance as a continuum. Not everything is meant to be a performance, but everything, from performing arts to politics and economics, can be studied as performance.

Performativity
A related concept that emphasizes the political aspect of performance and its exercise of power is performativity. It is associated with philosopher and gender theorist Judith Butler. It is an anti-essentialist theory of subjectivity in which a performance of the self is repeated and dependent upon a social audience. In this way, these unfixed and precarious performances come to have the appearance of substance and continuity. A key theoretical point that was most radical in regards to theories of subjectivity and performance is that there is no performer behind the performance. Butler derived this idea from Nietzsche's concept of "no doer behind the deed." This is to say that there is no self before the performance of the self, but rather that the performance has constitutive powers. This is how categories of the self for Judith Butler, such as gender, are seen as something that one "does," rather than something one "is."

Habitus
In the 1970s, Pierre Bourdieu introduced the concept of 'habitus' or regulated improvisation, in a reaction against the structuralist notion of culture as a system of rules (Bourdieu 1972). Culture in his perspective undergoes a shift from 'a productive to a reproductive social order in which simulations and models constitute the world so that the distinction between real and appearance becomes erased'. Though Bourdieu himself does not often employ the term 'performance', the notion of the bodily habitus as a formative site has been a source of inspiration for performance theorists.

Occasionalism
The cultural historian Peter Burke suggested using the term 'occasionalism' to stress the implication of the idea of performance that '[...] on different occasions or in different situations the same person behaves in different ways'.

Non-representational theory
Within the social sciences and humanities, an interdisciplinary strand that has contributed to the performative turn is non-representational theory. It is a 'theory of practices' that focuses on repetitive ways of expression, such as speech and gestures. As opposed to representational theory, it argues that human conduct is a result of linguistic interplay rather than of codes and symbols that are consciously planned. Non-representational theory interprets actions and events, such as dance or theatre, as actualisations of knowledge. It also intends to shift the focus away from the technical aspects of representation, to the practice itself.

Various applications
Performance offers a tremendous interdisciplinary archive of social practices. It offers methods to study such phenomena as body art, ecological theatre, multimedia performance and other kinds of performance arts. Performance also provides a new registry of kinaesthetic effects, enabling a more conscientious observation of the moving body. The changing experience of movement, for example as a result of new technologies, has become an important subject of research. Moreover, the performative turn has helped scholars to develop an awareness of the relations between everyday life and stage performances. For example, at conferences and lectures, on the street and in other places where people speak in public, performers tend to use techniques derived from the world of theatre and dance. Performance allows us to study nature and other apparently 'immovable' and 'objectified' elements of the human environment (e.g. architecture) as active agents, rather than only as passive objects. Thus, in recent decades environmental scholars have acknowledged the existence of a fluid interaction between man and nature. The performative turn has provided additional tools to study everyday life. A household for example may be considered as a performance, in which the relation between wife and husband is a role play between two actors.

Economics and finance
In economics, the "performativity thesis" is the claim that the assumptions and models used by professionals and popularizers affect the phenomena they purport to describe; bringing the world more into line with theory. It also refers, more largely, to the idea of economic reality as a ceaselessly provoked reality and of things such as performance indicators, valuation formulas, consumer tests, stock prices or financial contracts constituting what they refer to. This theory was developed by Michel Callon in The Laws of the Markets, before being further developed in Do Economists Make Markets edited by Donald Angus MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa and Lucia Siu, and in Enacting Dismal Science edited by Ivan Boldyrev and Ekaterina Svetlova. The most important work in the field is that of Donald MacKenzie and Yuval Millo on the social construction of financial markets. In a seminal article, they showed that the option pricing theory called BSM (Black-Scholes-Merton) has been successful empirically not because of the discovery of preexisting price regularities, but because participants used it to set option prices, so that it made itself true.

The thesis of performativity of economics has been extensively criticized by Nicolas Brisset in Economics and Performativity. Brisset defends the idea that the notion of performativity used by Callonian and Latourian sociologists leads to an overly relativistic view of the social world. Drawing on the work of John Austin and David Lewis, Brisset theorizes the idea of limits to performativity. To do this, Brisset considers that a theory, in order to be "performative", must become a convention. This requires conditions to be met. To take a convention status, a theory will have to:

 * Provide social actors with a representation of their social world allowing them to choose among several actions ("Empiricity" condition);
 * Indicate an option considered relevant when the agreement is generalised ("Self-fulfilling" condition);
 * Be compatible with all the conventions constituting the social environment ("Coherency" condition);

Based on this framework, Brisset criticized the seminal work of MacKenzie and Millo on the performativity of the Black-Scholes-Merton financial model. Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, Brisset also uses the notion of Speech Act to study economic models and their use in political power relations.

MacKenzie's approach was also criticized by Uskali Maki for not using the concept of performativity in accordance with Austin's formulation. This point gave rise to a debate in economic philosophy.

Management studies
In management, the concept of performativity has also been mobilized, relying on its diverse conceptualizations (Austin, Barad, Barnes, Butler, Callon, Derrida, Lyotard, etc.).

In the study of management theories, performativity shows how actors use theories, how they produce effects on organizational practices and how these effects shape these practices.

For instance, by building on Michel Callon's perspective, the concept of performativity has been mobilized to show how the concept of Blue Ocean Strategy transformed organizational practices.

Journalism
The German news anchorman Hanns Joachim Friedrichs once argued that a good journalist should never act in collusion with anything, not even with a good thing. In the evening of November 9, 1989, the evening of the fall of the Berlin Wall, however, Friedrichs reportedly broke his own rule when he announced: "The gates of the wall are wide open." („Die Tore in der Mauer stehen weit offen.”) In reality, the gates were still closed. According to a historian, it was this announcement that encouraged thousands of East Berliners to march towards the wall, finally forcing the border guards to open the gates. In the sense of performativity, Friedrichs's words became a reality.

Video art
Theories of performativity have extended across multiple disciplines and discussions. Notably, interdisciplinary theorist José Esteban Muñoz has related video to theories of performativity. Specifically, Muñoz looks at the 1996 documentary by Susana Aiken and Carlos Aparicio, "The Transformation."

Although historically and theoretically related to performance art, video art is not an immediate performance; it is mediated, iterative and citational. In this way, video art raises questions of performativity. Additionally, video art frequently puts bodies and display, complicating borders, surfaces, embodiment, and boundaries and so indexing performativity.

Issues and debates
Despite cogent attempts at definition, the concept of performance continues to be plagued by ambiguities. Most pressing seems to be the paradox between performance as the consequence of following a script (cf. Schechners restored behaviour) and performance as a fluid activity with ample room for improvisation. Another problem involves the discrepancy between performance as a human activity that constructs culture (e.g. Butler and Derrida) on the one hand and performance as a representation of culture on the other (e.g. Bourdieu and Schechner). Another issue, important to pioneers such as Austin but now deemed irrelevant by postmodernism, concerns the sincerity of the actor. Can performance be authentic, or is it a product of pretence?

Bibliography and further reading

 * Austin, J. L. 1962. How to Do Things with Words. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
 * Austin, J. L. 1970. "Performative Utterances." In Austin, "Philosophical Papers", 233–52. London: Oxford University Press.
 * Bakhtin, Mikhail. "Discourse in the Novel", The dialogic imagination : four essays; edited by Michael Holquist; translated by Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist Austin: University of Texas Press, c1981.
 * Bamberg, M., Narrative. State of the Art (2007).
 * Barad, Karen. 2003. "Posthumanist Performativity: Toward and Understanding of How Matter Comes to Matter." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 28.3: 801–831.
 * Boldyrev, Ivan and Svetlova, Ekaterina. 2016. Enacting Dismal Science: New Perspectives on the Performativity of Economics. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
 * Bourdieu, P., Outlines of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge 1972).
 * Burke, Peter, 'Performing history: the importance of occasions', in: Rethinking history 9 afl. 1 (2005), pp. 35–52.
 * Brickell, Chris. 2005. "Masculinities, Performativity, and Subversion: A Sociological Reappraisal." Men and Masculinities 8.1: 24–43.
 * Brisset, Nicolas. 2017. "On performativity: Option Theory and the Resistance of Financial Phenomena". Journal of the History of Economic Thought. 39(4) : 549–569. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S1053837217000128
 * Brisset, Nicolas. 2019. Economics and Performativity. Exploring limits,Theories and Cases. Routledge INEM Advances in Economic Methodology.
 * Butler, Judith. 1993. Bodies that Matter. On the Discursive Limits of Sex. London and New York: Routledge.
 * Butler, Judith. 1997. Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative. London and New York: Routledge.
 * Butler, Judith. 2000. "Critically Queer", in Identity: A Reader. London: Sage Publications.
 * Butler, Judith. 2010. "Performative Agency", in Journal of Cultural Economy 3:2, 147–161..
 * Callon, Michel. 1998. "Introduction: the Embeddedness of Economic Markets in Economics". In M. Callon (ed.), The Laws of the Markets. Oxford: Blackwell.
 * Carlson, M., Performance: A Critical Introduction (London 1996).
 * Chaney, D., Fictions of Collective Life (London 1993).
 * Crane, M. T. 'What was performance?', in: Criticism 43, afl. 2 (2001), pp. 169–187.
 * Davidson, M., Ghostlier Demarcations. Modern Poetry and the Material Word (Berkeley 1997).
 * Davis, T. C., The Cambridge Companion to Performance Studies (Illinois 2008).
 * Derrida, Jacques. 1971. "Signature, Event, Context", in Limited, inc., Evanston: Northwestern Univ. Press, 1988.
 * Dirksmeier, P & I. Helbrecht, 'Time, Non-representational Theory and the "Performative Turn"—Towards a New Methodology in Qualitative Social Research', Forum: Qualitative Social Research 9 (2008), pp. 1–24.
 * Dunn, R.G. 1997. "Self, Identity and Difference: Mead and the Poststructuralists." Sociological Quarterly 38.4: 687–705.
 * Farnell, B., 'Moving Bodies: acting selves', Annual Review in Anthropology 28 (1999), pp. 341–373.
 * Felluga, Dino. "Modules on Butler". Retrieved on 10/30/06 from Modules on Butler II: Performativity.
 * Felman, Shoshana. 1980/2003. The Scandal of the Speaking Body: Don Juan With J.L. Austin, or Seduction in Two Languages. Translated by Catherine Porter. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
 * Garfinkel, Harold. 1967. Studies in Ethnomethodology. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
 * Geertz, C., Negara: the Theatre State in Nineteenth-Century Bali (Princeton 1980).
 * Goffman, Erving. 1959. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Garden City, NY: Anchor.
 * Glass, Michael & Rose-Redwood, Reuben. 2014. Performativity, Politics, and the Production of Social Space. New York: Routledge.
 * Goffman, Erving. 1976. "Gender Display" and "Gender Commercials." Gender Advertisements. New York: Harper and Row.
 * Goffman, Erving. 1983. "Frame Analysis of Talk." The Goffman Reader, Lemert and Branaman, eds., Blackwell, 1997.
 * Green, Adam Isaiah. 2007. "Queer Theory and Sociology: Locating the Subject and the Self in Sexuality Studies." Sociological Theory 25.1: 26–45.
 * Green, B., Spectacular Confession: Autobiography, Performative Activism and the Sites of Suffrage, 1905–1938 (London 1997).
 * Hall, Stuart. 2000. "Who Needs Identity?" In Identity: A Reader. London: Sage Publications.
 * Hawkes, David. 2020. The Reign of Anti-logos: Performance in Postmodernity (Palgrave Insights into Apocalypse Economics), London and New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
 * Hymes, D., 'Breakthrough into performance', in: D. Ben-Amos and K.S. Goldstein (eds.) Folklore: Performance and Communication (The Hague 1975).
 * Ingold, T., 'The temporality of Landscape'. World Archeology 25 (1993), pp. 152–174.
 * Kapchan, D., 'Performance' in: Journal of American Folklore 108, pp. 479–508.
 * Kessler, Suzanne, and Wendy McKenna. 1978. Gender: An Ethnomethodological Approach. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
 * Pdf.
 * Lloyd, Moya. 1999. "Performativity, Parody, Politics", Theory, Culture & Society, 16(2), 195–213.
 * McKenzie, J., 'Performance studies', The Johns Hopkins Guide to Literary Theory and Criticism (2005).
 * Matynia, Elzbieta. 2009. Performative Democracy. Boulder: Paradigm.
 * Membretti, Andrea. 2009. "Per un uso performativo delle immagini nella ricerca-azione sociale", Lo Squaderno n.12 (http://www.losquaderno.professionaldreamers.net/?p=1101)
 * McKenzie, Jon. "Perform or Else: From Discipline to Performance." London: Routledge, 2001.
 * McKenzie, Jon, Heike Roms, and C. J. Wan-ling. Wee. "Contesting Performance: Global Sites of Research." Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
 * Muñoz, Performing Disidentifications. Disidentifications: Queers of Color and the Performance of Politics. 1999.
 * Oliver, Kelly. 2003. "What Is Transformative about the Performative? From Repetition to Working Through." In Ann Cahill and Jennifer Hansen, eds., Continental Feminism Reader.
 * Parker and Sedgwick, Introduction: Performativity and Performance. Performativity and Performance. 1995.
 * Pickering, Andrew. 1995. The Mangle of Practice: Time, Agency and Science. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
 * Porter, J.N., 'Review Postmodernism by Mike Featherstone', Contemporary sociology 19 (1990) 323.
 * Robinson, Douglas. 2003. Performative Linguistics: Speaking and Translating as Doing Things With Words. London and New York: Routledge.
 * Robinson, Douglas. 2006. Introducing Performative Pragmatics. London and New York: Routledge.
 * Roudavski, Stanislav. 2008. Staging Places as Performances: Creative Strategies for Architecture (PhD, University of Cambridge)
 * Rosaldo, Michele. 1980. The things we do with words: Ilongot speech acts and speech act theory in philosophy. Language in Society 11: 203–237.
 * Schechner, Richard, Performance Studies. An Introduction (New York 2006).
 * Schieffelin, E., 'Problematising Performance', in: Hughes-Freeland, F., (ed) Ritual, Performance, Media (London 1998), pp. 194–207.
 * Searle, John. 1969. "Speech Acts: An Essay in the Philosophy of Language". Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 * Sedgwick, Eve Kosovsky. 2003. Touching Feeling: Affect, Pedagogy, Performativity. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
 * Stern and Henderson, Performance: Texts and Contexts (Londen 1993).
 * Thrift, N. en J. Dewsbury, 'Dead geographies – and how to make them live', Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 18 (2000), pp. 411–432.
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 * Thrift, N. J., Spatial Formations (London 1996).
 * Weiss, B., The Making and Unmaking of the Haya Lived World: Consumption, Commodization, and Everyday Practise (Durham 1996).
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 * West, Candace and Don Zimmerman. 1987. "Doing Gender." Gender and Society 1.2: 121–151.

title: Performativity


text:
List of places in Warwickshire

This is a list of cities, towns and villages in the ceremonial county of Warwickshire, England.

A
Admington, Alcester, Alderminster, Alveston, Anker, Ansley, Ansty, Arley, Armscote, Arrow, Ashorne, Ashow, Astley, Aston Cantlow, Atherstone, Atherstone-on-Stour, Austrey, Avon Dassett

B
Baddesley Clinton, Baddesley Ensor, Balsall, Balsall Common, Baginton, Barcheston, Barford, Barnacle, Barston, Barton, Barton-on-the-Heath, Bascote, Baxterley, Bearley, Beaudesert, Beausale, Bentley, Bedworth, Berkswell, Bermuda, Bickenhill, Bidford-on-Avon, Billesley, Bilton, Binley Woods, Binton, Birdingbury, Bishop's Itchington, Bishop's Tachbrook, Blackdown, Bolehall, Bourton-on-Dunsmore, Brailes, Bramcote, Bramcote Mains, Brandon, Bretford, Brinklow, Broadwell, Bubbenhall, Budbrooke, Bulkington, Burmington, Burton Dassett, Burton Hastings, Bushwood, Butlers Marston

C
Caldecote, Cawston, Chadshunt, Chadwick End, Chapel Ascote, Chapel Green, Charlecote, Cherington, Chesterton, Church Lawford, Churchover, Claverdon, Clifford Chambers, Clifton-upon-Dunsmore, Coleshill, Combrook, Compton Verney, Compton Wynyates, Copston Magna, Corley, Cosford, Coughton, Cubbington, Curdworth

D
Darley Green, Darlingscott, Dordon, Dorridge, Dorsington, Draycote, Drayton Bassett, Dunchurch

E
Earlswood, Easenhall, Eastcote, Eathorpe, Eaves Green, Ettington, Exhall, Exhall (Stratford upon Avon)

F
Farnborough, Fenny Compton, Fillongley, Flecknoe, Frankton, Fulbrook

G
Gaydon, Grandborough, Great Alne, Great Packington, Great Wolford, Grendon, Griff, Galley Common

H
Halford, Hampton in Arden, Hampton Lucy, Hampton Magna, Harborough Magna, Harbury, Hartshill, Haseley, Haseley Knob, Haselor, Hatton, Henley-in-Arden, Hill, Hill Wootton, Hodnell, Honiley, Honington, Houlton, Hunningham, Hunningham Hill, Hurley

I
Idlicote, Ilmington

K
Kenilworth, Keresley End, Kineton, Kingsbury, King's Coughton, King's Newnham, Kinwarton, Kites Hardwick

L
Ladbroke, Langley, Lapworth, Lea Marston, Leamington Hastings, Leamington Spa, Leek Wootton, Lighthorne, Lighthorne Heath, Little Alne, Little Compton, Little Lawford, Little Packington, Little Wolford, Long Compton, Long Itchington, Long Lawford, Long Marston, Lower Quinton, Lower Shuckburgh, Lower Tysoe, Lowsonford, Loxley, Luddington, Lye Green

M
Mancetter, Marlcliff, Marton, Maxstoke, Merevale, Middleton, Milcote, Milverton, Monks Kirby, Morton Bagot, Moreton Morrell, Moxhull

N
Napton-on-the-Hill, Nether Whitacre, Newbold-on-Avon, Newbold Pacey, Newnham, Newton, Newton Regis, No Man's Heath, Northend, Norton Lindsey, Nuneaton

O
Offchurch, Oldberrow, Old Milverton, Over Whitacre, Oxhill

P
Pailton, Pathlow, Piccadilly, Pillerton Hersey, Pillerton Priors, Pinley Green, Polesworth, Preston Bagot, Preston-on-Stour, Princethorpe, Priors Hardwick, Priors Marston

Q
Quinton

R
Radbourne, Radford Semele, Radway, Ratley, Rowington, Rugby, Ryton-on-Dunsmore

S
Salford Priors, Sambourne, Sawbridge, Seckington, Sherbourne, Shilton, Shipston-on-Stour, Shotteswell, Shottery, Shrewley, Shustoke, Shuttington, Snitterfield, Southam, Spernall, Stareton, Stockton, Stoneleigh, Stoneton, Stourton, Stratford-upon-Avon,  Stretton Baskerville, Stretton-on-Dunsmore, Stretton-on-Fosse, Stretton-under-Fosse, Studley, Sutton-under-Brailes

T
Tanworth-in-Arden, Temple Balsall, Temple Grafton, Temple Herdewyke, Thurlaston, Tiddington, Tidmington, Tredington, Tysoe

U
Ufton, Ullenhall, Upper Quinton, Upper Shuckburgh

W
Walcote, Wappenbury, Warmington, Warwick, Wasperton, Watergall, Water Orton, Weethley, Welford-on-Avon, Wellesbourne, Weston-on-Avon, Weston-under-Wetherley, Whatcote, Whichford, Whitchurch, Whitnash, Wibtoft, Willey, Willoughby, Wilmcote,  Winderton, Wishaw, Withybrook,  Wixford, Wolfhampcote, Wolston, Wolverton, Wolvey, Wood End (Atherstone), Wood End (Fillongley), Wood End (Stratford-on-Avon), Woolscott, Wootton Wawen, Wormleighton, Wroxall

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: List of places in Warwickshire


text:
Closing milestones of the Dow Jones Industrial Average

This article is a summary of the closing milestones of the Dow Jones Industrial Average, a United States stock market index. Since first closing at 62.76 on February 16, 1885, the Dow Jones Industrial Average has increased, despite several periods of decline.

Milestone highs and lows
Like most other stock market indices, the Dow undergoes periods of general increase and general declines or stagnation. A bull market is a term denoting a period of price increases, while a bear market denotes a period of declines. Wall Street generally considers a bear market in session when multiple broad market indices have a downturn of 20% or more in value lasting for at least 2 months.

There are two types of bull markets. A secular bull market is a period in which the stock market index is continually reaching all-time highs with only brief periods of correction, as during the 1990s, and can last upwards of 15 years. A cyclical bull market is a period in which the stock market index is reaching 52-week or multi-year highs and may briefly peak at all-time highs before a rapid decline, as in the early 1970s. It usually occurs within relatively longer bear markets and lasts about three years.

The following are the secular bull and bear markets experienced by the Dow since its inception:
 * 1885–1890: Bull market. From its first close of 62.76 on February 16, 1885, the Dow rises steadily for five years, until reaching a peak of 78.38 on June 4, 1890. This record would stand for nearly 15 years, until the Dow closed at 79.27 on March 24, 1905.
 * 1890–1896: Bear market. The Dow plunges over 63% over the next six years, to set an all-time low of 28.48, on August 8, 1896.
 * 1896–1906: Bull market. After setting an all-time low during the summer of 1896, the Dow quickly erases these losses, and eventually reaches a peak of 103.00 on January 19, 1906.
 * 1906–1915: Bear market. The Dow loses 48.5% of its value over the next 22 months, before reaching a low of 53.00 on November 15, 1907. From 1906 to 1915, the Dow remains stuck trading between 53 and 103. The index reaches a secondary low of 53.17 on December 24, 1914.
 * 1915–1919: Bull market. After hitting a seven-year low in late 1914, the Dow rises 125% over the next five years, reaching a new high of 119.62 on November 3, 1919.
 * 1919–1921: Bear market. The Dow loses 46.6% of its value in just over 21 months, before reaching a low of 63.90 on August 24, 1921.
 * 1921–1929: Bull market. Over the next eight years, the Dow increases nearly 500%, and eventually grows to a closing high of 381.17 on September 3, 1929.
 * 1929–1949: Bear market. The stock market crash of 1929, or Black Tuesday, precedes, as well as causes the Great Depression. The Dow plunges 89% to 41.22 on July 8, 1932, thus erasing 33 years of gains, in just under three years. Although cyclical bull markets occur in the 1930s and 1940s, the index takes 22 years to surpass its previous highs.
 * 1949–1966: Bull market. The Dow posts impressive growth in the booming economy following the Second World War. Starting from 161.60 in June 1949, when P/E ratios reach multi-decade lows, the index ends just five points below 1,000 on February 9, 1966. The inflation-adjusted high set on December 31, 1965 would not be surpassed for nearly 30 years, until the Dow's first close above 4,700 on July 7, 1995.
 * 1966–1982: Bear market. Traders deal with a stagnant economy in an inflationary monetary environment. The Dow enters two long downturns in 1970 and 1974; during the latter, it falls 45% to the bottom of a 20-year range. Three short-lived cyclical bull markets occurred during this period, each of which lasted no more than two years.
 * 1982–2004: Bull market. The Dow experiences its most spectacular rise in history. From a meager 776.92 on August 12, 1982, the index grows 1,409% to close at 11,722.98 by January 14, 2004, without any major reversals except for a brief but severe downturn in Black Monday, 1987, which includes the largest daily percentage loss in Dow history. Bear market. The index meanders, and then plunges 38%, to a closing low of 7,379.27 on October 9, 2002.
 * 2005–2007: Bull market. A cyclical bull closing peak of 14,164.53, reached exactly five years later, does not surpass the inflation-adjusted high set on December 31, 2003.
 * 2007–2009: Bear market. A renewed bear is recognized in summer 2008 and multiple volatility records are set that autumn. Such volatility would not return until 2020, when the Dow recorded several trading days with point swings of at least 1,000 points, alternating between losses and gains like in fall 2008. Another acute phase in early 2009 brings the index to a new 12½ year closing low of 6,547.05, on March 9, 2009, for a total loss of 54% in 17 months.
 * 2009–2020: Bull market. The Dow remains volatile during its ensuing climb, losing almost 20% during the summers of 2010 and 2011, however, by February 1, 2013, the index finally closes above 14,000 for the first time since October 2007. The Dow continues upward to surpass its prior all-time record on March 5, 2013 and, by the end of 2013, sets a new all-time inflation-adjusted high for the first time since the end of 1999. For the remainder of the decade, Dow Jones, NASDAQ, and S&P 500 faced some corrections that nearly ended the bull run, but ultimately towered above several millenary milestones by the end of 2019. The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, along with the current oil-price war between Russia and Saudi Arabia, terminated the long bull market.
 * March–November 2020: Bear market. The long bull run came to an end during the coronavirus pandemic. Ending after just 8 months, this was the shortest bear market in 30 years.
 * 2020-2022: Bull market. After a quick recovery from the first bear market in over a decade, the Dow rallied near 37,000, but plunged during the 2022 stock market decline, widely attributed to financial stimulus packages designed to stabilize the economy following COVID-19 recession. However, the relief proved to be futile and fueled inflation, resulting in aggressive interest rate hikes to "deflate" the economy under control.

Records
As indicated above, an all-time low was 28.48, on August 8, 1896.

Incremental closing milestones
The following is a list of the milestone closing levels of the Dow Jones Industrial Average.

Legend:

 * 1-point increments are used up to the 20-point level,
 * 2-point increments up to the 50-point level,
 * 5-point increments up to the 100-point level,
 * 10-point increments up to the 500-point level,
 * 20-point increments up to the 1,000-point level,
 * 50-point increments up to the 3,000-point level,
 * 100-point increments up to the 10,000-point level,
 * 200-point increments up to the 20,000-point level and
 * 500 point increments thereafter.

Bold formatting is applied every 5 milestones.

During the Great Depression (1929–1937)
After reaching an intra-day low of 40.56 on July 8, 1932, the Dow started to recover with a major setback at the start of World War II.

The Post-World War II Years (1945–1954)
After the end of the second World War, the Dow started another recovery that ultimately led to the all-time closing high set back in 1929.

Complete list of record closes
The following is a list of the record closes of the Dow Jones Industrial Average grouped by year since May 26, 1896.


text:
Complex vector bundle

In mathematics, a complex vector bundle is a vector bundle whose fibers are complex vector spaces.

Any complex vector bundle can be viewed as a real vector bundle through the restriction of scalars. Conversely, any real vector bundle E can be promoted to a complex vector bundle, the complexification
 * $$E \otimes \mathbb{C} ;$$

whose fibers are Ex ⊗R C.

Any complex vector bundle over a paracompact space admits a hermitian metric.

The basic invariant of a complex vector bundle is a Chern class. A complex vector bundle is canonically oriented; in particular, one can take its Euler class.

A complex vector bundle is a holomorphic vector bundle if X is a complex manifold and if the local trivializations are biholomorphic.

Complex structure
A complex vector bundle can be thought of as a real vector bundle with an additional structure, the complex structure. By definition, a complex structure is a bundle map between a real vector bundle E and itself:
 * $$J: E \to E$$

such that J acts as the square root i of −1 on fibers: if $$J_x: E_x \to E_x$$ is the map on fiber-level, then $$J_x^2 = -1$$ as a linear map. If E is a complex vector bundle, then the complex structure J can be defined by setting $$J_x$$ to be the scalar multiplication by $$i$$. Conversely, if E is a real vector bundle with a complex structure J, then E can be turned into a complex vector bundle by setting: for any real numbers a, b and a real vector v in a fiber Ex,
 * $$(a + ib) v = a v + J(b v).$$

Example: A complex structure on the tangent bundle of a real manifold M is usually called an almost complex structure. A theorem of Newlander and Nirenberg says that an almost complex structure J is "integrable" in the sense it is induced by a structure of a complex manifold if and only if a certain tensor involving J vanishes.

Conjugate bundle
If E is a complex vector bundle, then the conjugate bundle $$\overline{E}$$ of E is obtained by having complex numbers acting through the complex conjugates of the numbers. Thus, the identity map of the underlying real vector bundles: $$E_{\mathbb{R}} \to \overline{E}_\mathbb{R} = E_{\mathbb{R}}$$ is conjugate-linear, and E and its conjugate $\overline{E}$ are isomorphic as real vector bundles.

The k-th Chern class of $$\overline{E}$$ is given by
 * $$c_k(\overline{E}) = (-1)^k c_k(E)$$.

In particular, E and $\overline{E}$ are not isomorphic in general.

If E has a hermitian metric, then the conjugate bundle $\overline{E}$ is isomorphic to the dual bundle $$E^* = \operatorname{Hom}(E, \mathcal{O})$$ through the metric, where we wrote $$\mathcal{O}$$ for the trivial complex line bundle.

If E is a real vector bundle, then the underlying real vector bundle of the complexification of E is a direct sum of two copies of E:
 * $$(E \otimes \mathbb{C})_{\mathbb{R}} = E \oplus E$$

(since V⊗RC = V⊕i'V for any real vector space V.) If a complex vector bundle E is the complexification of a real vector bundle E, then E' is called a real form of E (there may be more than one real form) and E'' is said to be defined over the real numbers. If E has a real form, then E is isomorphic to its conjugate (since they are both sum of two copies of a real form), and consequently the odd Chern classes of E have order 2.

title: Complex vector bundle


text:
Tourbillon

In horology, a tourbillon ( "whirlwind") is an addition to the mechanics of a watch escapement to increase accuracy. Conceived by the British watchmaker and inventor John Arnold, it was developed by his friend the Swiss-French watchmaker Abraham-Louis Breguet and patented by Breguet on 26 June 1801. In a tourbillon the escapement and balance wheel are mounted in a rotating cage, with the goal of eliminating errors of poise in the balance giving a uniform weight.

Tourbillons are still included in some modern wristwatches, where the mechanism is usually exposed on the watch's face to showcase it.

Single axis tourbillon
Patented by Breguet in 1801, the single axis tourbillon minimizes the difference in rate between positions caused by poise errors. The tourbillon was invented to complement the split bi-metallic balance which was inherently difficult to poise. In the most common implementation of this, the tourbillon carriage is carried by the fourth pinion, within a stationary fourth wheel. The escape pinion is engaged with this stationary fourth wheel so when carriage is turned by the fourth pinion the escape wheel will also rotate. The carriage is released and locked with each vibration of the balance.

Double-axis tourbillon

Anthony Randall invented the double-axis tourbillon in January 1977 and subsequently patented it. The first working example was later constructed by Richard Good in 1978. In 1980 Anthony Randall made a double-axis tourbillon in a carriage clock, which was located in the (now closed) Time Museum in Rockford, Illinois, US, and was included in their Catalogue of Chronometers.

In 2003, inspired by this invention, the young German watchmaker Thomas Prescher developed for the Thomas Prescher Haute Horlogerie the first flying double-axis tourbillon in a pocket watch and, in 2004, the first flying double-axis tourbillon with constant force in the carriage in a wristwatch. Shown at the Baselworld 2003 and 2004 in Basel, Switzerland.

A characteristic of this tourbillon is that it turns around two axes, both of which rotate once per minute. The whole tourbillon is powered by a special constant-force mechanism, called a remontoire. Prescher invented the constant-force mechanism to equalize the effects of a wound and unwound mainspring, friction, and gravitation. Thereby even force is always supplied to the oscillation regulating system of the double-axis tourbillon. The device incorporates a modified system after a design by Henri Jeanneret.

Double and quadruple tourbillons
Robert Greubel and Stephen Forsey launched the brand Greubel Forsey in 2004 with the introduction of their Double Tourbillon 30° (DT30). Both men had been working together since 1992 at Renaud & Papi, where they developed complicated watch movements. The Double Tourbillon 30° features one tourbillon carriage rotating once per minute and inclined at 30°, inside another carriage which rotates once every four minutes. In 2005, Greubel Forsey presented their Quadruple Tourbillon à Différentiel (QDT), using two double-tourbillons working independently. A spherical differential connects the four rotating carriages, distributing torque between two wheels rotating at different speeds.

Triple-axis tourbillon
In 2004, Thomas Prescher developed the first triple-axis tourbillon for the Thomas Prescher Haute Horlogerie with constant force in the carriage in a wristwatch. It was presented at Baselworld 2004 in Basel, Switzerland, in a set of three watches including a single-axis, a double-axis and a triple-axis tourbillon.

The world's unique tri-axial tourbillon movement for wristwatch, with traditional jewel bearings only, was invented by the independent watchmaker Aaron Becsei, from Bexei Watches, in 2007. The Primus wristwatch was presented at the Baselworld 2008 in Basel, Switzerland. In the three axis tourbillon movement, the 3rd (external) cage has a unique form which provides the possibility of using jewel bearings everywhere, instead of ball-bearings. This is a unique solution at this size and level of complication. There are a few wrist and pocket watches that include the Triple Axis or Tri-Axial Tourbillon escapements. Examples of companies and watchmakers that include this mechanism are Vianney Halter in his "Deep Space" watch, Thomas Prescher, Aaron Becsei, Girard-Perregaux with the "Tri-Axial Tourbillon", Purnell with the "Spherion", and Jaeger LeCoultre with the "Heliotourbillon", released in 2024.

Flying tourbillon
Rather than being supported by a bridge, or cock, at both the top and bottom, the flying tourbillon is cantilevered, being only supported from one side. The first flying tourbillon was designed by Alfred Helwig, instructor at the German School of Watchmaking, in 1920.

In 1993, Kiu Tai-Yu, a Chinese watchmaker residing in Hong Kong, created a semi-flying tourbillon with only an abbreviated carriage for the escapement wheel and pallet fork, the upper pivot of the balance wheel being supported in a sapphire bridge.

Gyro tourbillon
Jaeger-LeCoultre's first wristwatch tourbillon was introduced in 1993 (though JLC had produced tourbillons prior to that, including the famous observatory competition caliber 170) and in 2004 the company introduced the Gyrotourbillon I. Gyrotourbillon I is a double-axis tourbillon with a perpetual calendar and equation of time, and since then, Jaeger-LeCoultre has gone on to produce several variations on the multi-axis tourbillon theme. In general, these have been fairly thick watches (Gyrotourbillon I is 16mm thick) but with the Reverso Tribute Gyrotourbillon, JLC has produced a thinner and much more wearable version of its multi-axis tourbillon. At 51.1mm x 31mm x 12.4mm.

Caroussel / Karrusel
Not exactly a tourbillon, the caroussel was patented by Bonniksen Bahne in 1984 to avoid the Breguet patent. A caroussel looks like a co-axial tourbillon but instead of having one powertrain like a tourbillon, a caroussel is characterised by two powertrains, one for rotating the cage and one for the escapement.

Modern tourbillon watches
In modern mechanical watch designs, production of a highly accurate watch does not require a tourbillon. There is even debate among horologists as to whether tourbillons ever improved the accuracy of mechanical watches, even when first introduced, or whether the watches of the day were inherently inaccurate due to design and manufacturing techniques. A tourbillon is a valued feature of collectors' and premium-priced watches, possibly for the same reason that mechanical watches fetch a much higher price than similar quartz watches that are much more accurate.

High-quality tourbillon wristwatches, usually made by the Swiss luxury watch industry, are very expensive, and typically retail for tens of thousands of dollars or euros, with much higher prices in the hundreds of thousands of dollars or euros being common. A recent renaissance of interest in tourbillons has been met by the industry with increased availability of time pieces bearing the feature, with the result that prices for basic tourbillon models have reduced somewhat in recent years. Previously such models were very rare, either antique or new. Any watch with a tourbillon will cost a great deal more than an equivalent piece without the feature. The prices of Swiss models typically start at $40,000 and the prices of more expensive tourbillon watches can reach six figures. The prices of some Chinese models can range from hundreds of dollars to nearly $5000.

Modern implementations typically allow the tourbillon to be seen through a window in the watch face. In addition to the decorative effect, a tourbillon can act as a second hand for some watches, if the tourbillon rotates exactly once per minute. Some tourbillons rotate faster than this (Greubel Forsey's 24 second tourbillon for example). Also, many quotidian watches feature their oscillating balance wheel. Sometimes termed, appropriately enough, the "open heart", these are sometimes misrepresented by unscrupulous dealers as a tourbillon (and "tourbillon-style" by ethical ones).

Improved affordability
Several Chinese manufacturers, like Tianjin Seagull, now produce a variety of tourbillon movements. These movements are bought as ébauches by some manufacturers and are sometimes incorporated into watches that meet the requirements of the Federation of the Swiss Watch Industry to be sold as Swiss Made, which requires 60% of the value to have been made in Switzerland. The availability of less expensive tourbillons has led industry spectators to worry that another quartz crisis may occur, where the Swiss watch industry will not be able to adapt quickly to less expensive complicated mechanical watches produced in other countries. In 2016, TAG Heuer began offering the Carrera Heuer-02T tourbillon at a suggested retail price of 14,900 CHF (~US$15,000), significantly lower than the 100,000 CHF or more charged by some other established Swiss watch brands.

title: Tourbillon


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Global warming skeptic

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was DELETE. dbenbenn | talk 22:06, 10 Mar 2005 (UTC)

global warming skeptic
Article a dicdef and not otherwise encyclopedic either. Delete or redirect to Global_warming_controversy? Squidwina 22:08, 23 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete - It's a bad dictionary definition with no encyclopedic content.    — Cortonin | Talk 00:10, 24 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Redirect. -Sean Curtin 00:57, Feb 24, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Do not redirect; anyone looking for anything like this is not going to type in this exact phrase. They will follow links from Global warming or use a text search. One of the things I dislike about Wikipedia is that it's very hard to find older relevant VfD's if an article is created under even a slightly differen title. I am 95% sure that a very similar article was voted for deletion some months ago but I can't find the relevant discussion. Anyway... even if this were a weren't a dicdef it would be a point-of-view breakout. Dpbsmith (talk) 14:10, 24 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * (William M. Connolley 22:13, 24 Feb 2005 (UTC)) You may be thinking of (the sadly not late) consensus science, perhaps?
 * Keep. The page is totally POV, in that the competing viewpoints on GW skeptics are nicely laid out for all to see, and you can choose which you prefer.
 * And the encyclopedic value of that is??    — Cortonin | Talk 23:08, 24 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * (William M. Connolley 09:47, 25 Feb 2005 (UTC)) Its a useful exposition of the opinions of the two sides.
 * Delete. Any useful information on this subject can be included in Global warming. Carrp | Talk 23:12, 24 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * GW is currently 55k. The last thing it needs is more added to it (William M. Connolley 09:47, 25 Feb 2005 (UTC)).
 * Delete. Dicdef and a dumb one at that.   The meaning of the term is apparent to anybody who understands the word skeptic.    The article seems to have no other purpose than to provide a pretext for a bit of editorializing.  --BM 17:27, 26 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Self-evident definition of the term.  I can see no way to expand this article.  Any discussion of the criticisms of Global Warming should be discussed in that context, not under this title.  There are better ways to resolve the problems of the size fo the main article.  Rossami (talk) 05:57, 28 Feb 2005 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
User talk:Cete~enwiki

Hi, Cete, I would like to know what is represented in your photos about Okazaki... Could you answer me in my discussion page? Thanks. Manuel Anastácio 22:08, 23 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Your account will be renamed
Hello,

The developer team at Wikimedia is making some changes to how accounts work, as part of our on-going efforts to provide new and better tools for our users like cross-wiki notifications. These changes will mean you have the same account name everywhere. This will let us give you new features that will help you edit and discuss better, and allow more flexible user permissions for tools. One of the side-effects of this is that user accounts will now have to be unique across all 900 Wikimedia wikis. See the announcement for more information.

Unfortunately, your account clashes with another account also called Cete. To make sure that both of you can use all Wikimedia projects in future, we have reserved the name Cete~enwiki that only you will have. If you like it, you don't have to do anything. If you do not like it, you can pick out a different name. If you think you might own all of the accounts with this name and this message is in error, please visit Special:MergeAccount to check and attach all of your accounts to prevent them from being renamed.

Your account will still work as before, and you will be credited for all your edits made so far, but you will have to use the new account name when you log in.

Sorry for the inconvenience.

Yours, Keegan Peterzell Community Liaison, Wikimedia Foundation 22:53, 19 March 2015 (UTC)

Renamed
 This account has been renamed as part of single-user login finalisation. If you own this account you can |log in using your previous username and password for more information. If you do not like this account's new name, you can choose your own using this form after logging in: . -- Keegan (WMF) (talk) 11:29, 22 April 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:Cete~enwiki


text:
Automated Message Handling System

The Automated Message Handling System (AMHS) is an automated message handling system that can be used to process, store, and disseminate legacy AUTODIN messages as well as Defense Message System (DMS) messages. The term "Automated Message Handling System" or "AMHS" has not been trademarked by a vendor, but is instead a product category that includes several systems and products created by government agencies, integrators and software companies. Examples include:
 * Telos Corporation has an AMHS product named Automated Message Handling System (AMHS) that was developed for the Defense Information Systems Agency.
 * The National Security Agency terms its own in-house developed message handling system AMHS.
 * The Defense Intelligence Agency and National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency both called their internal message traffic systems AMHS and it is referred to as AMHS by Jane's Military Communications. DIA and NGA both use a blend of the Northrop Grumman MISTIC and the Boeing Multimedia Message Manager.
 * Boldon James classifies its SAFEMail product both a Military Message Handling System and an AMHS - it is built to work alongside Microsoft Exchange Server.
 * Isode has a set of X.400 products that it classifies as both a Military Message Handling System (MMHS) and an Aviation Message Handling System (AMHS).

Telos Corporation's AMHS product was selected by all services as the message handling system to be used for organizational messaging throughout the United States Department of Defense. The Air Force completed transition to AMHS in November 2006. The Army has transitioned most of the CONUS organizations, the Coast Guard has completed the transition in 2008, the Navy has begun transitioning in May 2007, and the USMC selected the AMHS and began transitioning in November 2007. In addition to the DoD organizations, other federal agencies (including the DEA and FAA) also use the AMHS. The benefits of using AMHS over older versions of DMS is that it consolidates and reduces the number of Fortezza cards that contain X.509 certificates for each recipient. AMHS can also use the Virtual Fortezza Cards, or VFC's, stored on a Type 2 Cryptographic Support Server board, or T2CSS. The T2CSS is located within the actual AMHS server, reducing the inconvenience placed upon the user to keep track of a Fortezza card.

title: Automated Message Handling System


text:
Peko

Peko (Finnish spelling Pekko, Pekka, Pellon Pekko) is an ancient Estonian and Finnish god of crops, especially barley and brewing. In the area of Setumaa, between Estonia and Russia, inhabited by the Seto language-speaking Setos, the cult of Peko was alive until the 20th century. Today, the Seto people (an ethnic group of Estonians in the south-east of the country) also revere Peko as their national hero and king, the name and figure are widely used as a national symbol.

Legend
In Finland, Peko is known as Pellon Pekko (Peko of the field). He is the protector of the fields and brewer of the beer, first mentioned by bishop Agricola in 1551 as the god of Karelians.

Peko is sometimes associated with Estonian Pikne (Pitkne), Baltic Perkūnas or even Christian Saint Peter.

Traditions
Before Pentecost festivities, before the dawn broke, young Seto men held a ritual fight until the first drop of blood was shed. The bleeding person became the host of the next year's feast. Black candles were lit to revere wooden idols of Peko. The people chanted "Peko, Peko, come to drink the beer" and some older men called the priests of Peko made sacrifices.

The second holiday dedicated to Peko was held after the harvest. Peko was also revered during Candlemas and Midsummer feasts. The carved idols of Peko were kept hidden in granaries around the year. The head of the idol typically had holes for candles.

A third holiday was held around August 4, in which the people of Setomaa sing the local anthem, host a musical competition, and elect the next representative of Peko for the year (known as ülebtsootska, the "vice-king"), before they end the celebrations with a military parade.

Modern appearances
Seto folksinger Anne Vabarna has created the epic "Songs of Peko" where Peko is depicted as a Seto hero. Peko is in eternal sleep in the cave. When someone calls his name, he brings the rain to the fields. If people of his kin remember his advice and work hard, Peko sends them abundant crops. Peko is praised as a warrior who frees the country, as a hunter who gives bear skins to villagers and as a host of wedding feasts. He ploughs the field with a wooden plough and protects the people against evil spirits who make people to drink too much. Pekos' spirit can also fly around as a butterfly.

The supposed grave of Peko is under an old oak tree near the Pskovo-Pechersky Monastery.

He also appears in the name of a song by Korpiklaani, a Finnish folk metal group. The song is called "Pellonpekko" and appears in their album Spirit of the Forest.

title: Peko


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Atlantic City Boardwalk Bullies

The Atlantic City Boardwalk Bullies were an ECHL hockey team in Atlantic City, New Jersey from 2001 to 2005. The team's venue was the historic Boardwalk Hall, which seats 6,979.

In 2001, the franchise played its inaugural season in Atlantic City after relocating from Birmingham, Alabama, where it was known as the Birmingham Bulls. In 2003, the team won the Kelly Cup, beating the Columbia Inferno in the finals. They also qualified for the playoffs, and earned at least 90 (with no less than 92 to be exact) points in the standings during each of their four seasons Atlantic City. Their biggest rivals were the in-state Trenton Titans, whom they met three times in the postseason (with every series between the two teams ending in a sweep, as the Boardwalk Bullies would win the first two, while the Titans emerged victorious during the third and final playoff matchup), while annually competing for the Garden State Cup, which would be awarded to whatever team in between the two that won the regular season series. Former Boardwalk Bullies, and Titans head coach Mike Haviland would also coach the victor of the three playoff matchups between the two clubs, while also never losing a postseason game in the process all three times the Boardwalk Bullies & Titans competed against each-other during postseason play.

Even though the Bullies found success on the ice, the team's attendance was poor. In its championship season, attendance averaged slightly above 3,000 per game. The attendance would also drop to an all time low, slightly below an average of 2500 in their fourth, and final season. During the 2005 season, the franchise was sold to an ownership group from Stockton, California. The team moved and was renamed the Stockton Thunder for the 2005–06 season until the end of the 2014–15 season. Before the 2015–16 season the franchise relocated again to Glens Falls, New York to play as the Adirondack Thunder.

title: Atlantic City Boardwalk Bullies


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Earl of March Secondary School (Kanata)

 * 1) DeleteThis is another inconsequential article on another inconsequential secondary school. Refdoc 22:12, 23 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * 2) Keep Earl Andrew 05:10, 9 Mar 2005 (UTC)
 * 3) Keep secondary school articles should be kept, as long as the articles are brief, i d argue mayumashu 9 march


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User:Nsh/History-flow-request-email

Draft email to IBM asking about plans they have with their History Flow software. See http://research.ibm.com/history/index.htm

Possible targets
Research Staff Member, IBM. Martin works on new visualization methods for complex data sets. In the past he has created visualizations in domains ranging from finance (SmartMoney Map of the Market) to music (Shape of Song). mwatten@us.ibm.com Graduate student, MIT Media Laboratory. Fernanda is fascinated by the historical aspect of online social data; her current work focuses on visualizing large datasets of personal and communal online interactions. Previous work includes creating graphical interfaces for mediated communication (ChatCircles). fviegas@media.mit.edu There's no reason, of course, why we couldn't ask them all.
 * cambridge_research@us.ibm.com (The department who did the study)
 * Martin Wattenberg
 * Fernanda B. Viégas

Why this would be cool
All code is cool. But besides that, people often inquire as to who is the biggest editor to a particular article or how diverse an articles authors are. People also like to see where a particular passage of text has originated (hopefully not always to bitch at the author ;-). So blah blah blah, this would be a cool tool.

Email
Dear , Hi. First of all, I think it's apt for us to thank you for taking an interest in the Wikipedia project. Apologies are also in order for not attempting to contact to you earlier. At Wikipedia, there are few things we enjoy more than seeing the project in the press, not through vanity, but because the quality of Wikipedia increases with the number of users, something I'm sure you understand. However, this story brought particular joy because it was above the average reaction of "What, anyone can edit?" or just "Wow, this is amazing". The research involved is genuinely interesting for a large number of Wikipedians who often meditate on the dynamics of their collaborative model. Despite the highly flexible and well developed mediawiki software, people very often request further information on the history of an article than is available (or summarised) by the history page and its assorted cousins. Tools such as that of being able to trace the origins of a passage in an article would be of invaluable aid to many Wikipedians, as would being able to identify the core contributor(s). This is useful not just for improving the article, but because people are increasingly perusing Wikipedia as a resource for anwering questions and solving problems which don't lend themselves easisy to being written about directly. Such queries can be found on the Wikipedia reference desk and transiently in the main IRC channel (Freenode #wikipedia). While there are people working on external tools to aid Wikipedia editing and or analysis - most notably the Wikipedia Firefox extension - they are mostly in their infancy or theoretical stage, whereas - at least from appearances (we all know what a hack research code can be) - the History Flow software appears to be well developed in features and interface. As such, if you have already guessed, it occurs to ask as to the copyright and release status of the software involved. Understandably, you may have no intention of releasing the code, as such research tools are often bespoke and not suited to public use. However, we are blessed, by virtue perhaps of pure number but also atributable to the general "nerdiness" of the Wikipedian demographic - with great human resources in the programming field. So, in conclusion, it would be considered most generous and humanitarian if we could adapt the code used in the History Flow software. A free license, such as the GPL, would be most practiable method of granting us this humble request. Regardless of the outcome, your efforts in researching in publicising Wikipedia, in addition to the time taken to read this letter, is greatly appreciated. Your further corespondance is eagerly awaited. Yours sincerely, etc -

title: User:Nsh/History-flow-request-email


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Briscola

Briscola (brìscula; brìscula; brìscula) is one of Italy's most popular games, together with Scopa and Tressette. A little-changed descendant of Brusquembille, the ancestor of briscan and bezique, Briscola is a Mediterranean trick-taking ace–ten card game for two to six players, played with a standard Italian 40-card deck.

The game can also be played with a modern Anglo-French deck, without the eight, nine and ten cards (see Portuguese variations below). With three or six players, twos are removed from the deck to ensure the number of cards in the deck is a multiple of the number of players; a single two for three players and all four twos for six players. The four and six-player versions of the game are played as a partnership game of two teams, with players seated such that every player is adjacent to two opponents.

The cards
The traditional Italian-suited pack used for briscola consists of forty cards, divided into four suits: coins (Italian: Denari), swords (Spade), cups (Coppe) and batons (Bastoni). The values on the cards range numerically from one through seven, plus three face cards in each suit: knave (fante), knight (cavallo), and king (re). The knaves depict a man standing. The knight is on horseback. The king wears a crown. (Played with a French deck, queens take the place of knights or knaves.) To determine the face value of any numeric card, simply count the number of suit icons on the card. The ace card of coins is usually a type of bird with a circle in the middle.

Below is a table identifying card rank and point values. Unlisted cards have no point value, and are ranked in descending ordinal value, from seven to two. Note, however, the odd ranking of the three.

In total, a deck has 120 card points. To win a game, a player must accumulate more points than any other player. If two players (teams) have the same number of points (60) another game is played to determine the winner.

Play
After the deck is shuffled, each player is dealt three cards. The next card is placed face up on the playing surface, and the remaining deck is placed face down, sometimes covering half of the up-turned card. This card is the briscola, and represents the trump suit for the game. Before the game begins if a player has the deuce of trumps they may retire the briscola. This move may only be done at the beginning of the game or first hand. Before the first hand is played (in four player game), team players may show each other their cards. Deal and play are anti-clockwise.

The player to the right of the dealer leads to the first trick by playing one card face up on the playing surface. Each player subsequently plays a card in turn, until all players have played one card. The winner of that trick is determined as follows:

 * if any briscola (trump) has been played, the player who played the highest valued trump wins
 * if no briscole (trumps) have been played, the player who played the highest card of the lead suit wins

Unlike other trump card games, players are not required to follow suit, that is, playing the same suit as the lead player is not required.

Once the winner of a trick is determined, that player collects the played cards, and places them face down in a pile. Each player maintains their own pile, though the four- and six-player versions may have one player collecting all tricks won by his partners. Then, each player draws a card from the remaining deck, starting with the player who won the trick, proceeding anti-clockwise. Note that the last card collected in the game should be the up-turned briscola. The player who won the trick leads to the next.

Scoring
After all cards have been played, players calculate the total point value of cards in their own piles. In partnership games, the partners combine their points. 61 card points are needed to win and 60-all is a draw. Briscola is usually played for the best of 3 or 5 games, however, Pennycook records a variant whereby 1 game point is scored for a simple win, 2 for scoring 91 or more and 3 for scoring 120, regardless of whether or not all tricks are taken. Games is then 12 points.

In a three-hand game, if two players score over 40, they each score 1 game point. If only one player achieves this, that player scores 2 game points. A player taking 120 card points gets 3 game points. If there is a three-way tie for 12 points, play continues until one has a lead. If there is a two-way tie, the third player drops out and play continues as a two-hand game.

Alternatively, when four play, game may be set at 121 or 151 card points; thus played over at least 2 deals.

"Conquista" or black hand
This is a popular add on to the game, which originated in the Italian version of "briscola" but has been widely accepted in the Spanish version of brisca. La conquista ("The conquest" in Spanish language) is also known as mano negra or sota negra ("black hand" or "black jack") in Spanish brisca. The black hand is defined as when a player automatically gets in his hand the king card, 3 and 1 card of the chosen "briscola". When those three cards are gathered by the player, they are shown to the opponent and the game is automatically won in spite of the points that the opponent has gathered throughout the game which might or not have exceeded the player's points.

Signalling
In four- and six-player variations a system of signaling is often allowed between members of the same team. In this variant, the first round is played without speaking, and on all subsequent rounds, players are permitted to signal their partners and attempt to signal without the other team noticing. A common system of signaling is as follows:

 * Ace – stretch the lips over the teeth or purse lips
 * Three – wink or distort the mouth to one side
 * King – glance upwards or raise eyebrows
 * Knight – shrug one shoulder
 * Knave – show the tip of the tongue or lick your lips
 * Threes or aces outside of the briscola suit – quickly open and close your mouth

Variations
There also exists a variation whereby the three, is ranked as a three (i.e. a four can beat it) but maintains its status as worth 10 points. However, as mentioned, this is a variation and not standard rules.

In some parts of Italy (located mainly in Piedmont and Sardinia), the three as the second most valuable card is substituted by the seven, like in Portuguese Bisca (see below).

Briscolone
Briscolone is a two-player variant whose rules vary slightly. Examples include:

 * Players are dealt 3 cards each as normal. Game is 121 or 151 points and there are no trumps. In the last 3 tricks, players must follow suit and head the trick if able.
 * Players receive 5 cards instead of 3. There are no trumps. Game is 121 or 151. There is often an additional rule that players are required to follow suit.
 * Players are dealt 5 cards. The first card played is a trump. Players need not follow suit.

The name is sometimes given to the five-player variant below.

Briscola chiamata
Briscola chiamata (English: declared briscola) sometimes also called briscolone, although that is the name of a two-player variant (see above), is the five-player version of briscola. Every player is dealt eight cards, so that no cards remain undealt. Then the bidding phase begins, the purpose of which is to decide the trump suit (Briscola) and to form two uneven groups that will play against each other.

In one variant, each player, starting from the dealer's right and proceeding counter-clockwise, bids on progressively lower card values, according to the peculiar sorting of cards used in the game. Thus, if the first player bids on a Three, the second player can only bid on a king or lower. If a player bids on a Six, the next player can only bid on a Five, Four or Two. Bidding continues until all but one player have passed in a round. This remaining player has then "won the bid" and therefore gets to declare the Briscola, i.e. the trump suit. If they had bid on a Three, for example, they could choose "Three of Cups": the trump suit will be Cups, and the holder of the "Three of Cups" is determined to be the declarer's partner, though if the player holds that card themselves they will play with no partner.

In another variant, bidding proceeds in the same fashion, but players declare how many points they will score (61 or more), if someone declare 120 points he may call two cards. A player may pass, and hence cannot bid again in that game. The bid represents the number of points that player believes they are capable of accumulating. In this variant, whoever declares the trump suit also declares a specific Briscola card (example, the "Ace of Cups" if Cups was the declared Briscola) and the holder of this card is then determined to be the declarer's partner, however, they can not openly declare this and their identity is only conclusively revealed when the named card is played.

The two variants can be combined. Most commonly, the bid starts as in the first system but a bid of Two can be beaten by a bid of "Two with 65 points". Alternatively, any player can "force" the bid and ask subsequent players to keep the same card but increase the score. This is useful whenever a player has low-value cards such as a Two or Four in their strongest suit.

In both systems the declarer can declare the highest Briscola card they do not already hold in the hopes of creating the strongest combined hand with their partner, but can also "bluff".

After the bidding phase, the game proceeds in the same way. First, the remaining three players are partnered with each other, without their knowledge; each player, other than the declarer's partner, acts independently, until it is clear which players are partners. Infrequently, the declarer may declare a Briscola card they already hold (if they feel they have a very strong hand), in which case the other four players are partnered against the winning bidder.

Because of the unique method of declaration and blind partnering in this variation of the game, it is considered to be one of the most entertaining variations of the game. Game strategy is often devised to determine which player is partnered with the declarer, whereas the declarer's partner may devise ruses and decoy strategies to fool the other players, such as not taking a trick, or playing points on a trick that will be won by an opponent.

Scoring
Briscola Chiamata also features a unique scoring scheme. Each player collects tricks as per the regular version of the game, and counts points collected similarly. Partners, which are known by the end of the game, then combine their points. Game points are assigned as follows:

 * if the declarer and partner accumulate card points greater than or equal to the points that were declared after the bidding process
 * the declarer earns two game points
 * the partner earns one game point
 * the other players each lose one game point
 * if the declarer and partner accumulate fewer card points than declared
 * the declarer loses two game points
 * the partner loses one game point
 * the other players each earn one game point

These points are accumulated after every game. The grand winner is the player with the most points at the end of the last match. If the declarer calls a Briscola he holds, then the declarer will win or lose four points, and every other player will win or lose one point.

All these scores are doubled if the winning team gets all the 120 points in the deck. This is a very difficult endeavour and is called "fare cappotto". The term sounds mysterious in Italian as fare cappotto means "make a coat". A mythical but likely explanation is that an antecedent of the Briscola game was introduced in Italian ports by Dutch sailors (perhaps derived by klaverjas). In Dutch, when a team has a total victory, they make the adversary "kapot" (in German Kaputt). However Klaverjas is quite a different game, as the trump is chosen automatically and players must follow suit. In briscola, players are free to play any card so the game is more strategic and less mnemonic.

Usually, players determine the number of game points to accumulate in order to declare the grand winner, typically ranging from 10 to 20 points.

Variation
The main variations were explained earlier in this article. In some variations, when calling a two the declarer can opt to have a "blind" first hand, in the sense that the caller does not announce the suit until the hand has been played. It is rather intriguing to play a hand of briscola without knowing what suit is briscola nor whom one plays with. To further complicate the blind hand, any two played has to be covered (face down). The briscola has to be announced before the cards are turned. The blind first hand can also be restricted to bids that have a score of 62 or higher.

Another variation, this time on the "score bidding" method, is that the declarer can only choose a suit, the called rank being implicitly a two.

There is a now popular variation of the "briscola" game where it is now played with all cards faced up instead of down, with the purpose of not hiding any cards for the benefit of the opponent to see. The players can now see all the opponent's won cards, the current hand and the deck's next card to pick; is it a harder but interesting variation of the popular game.

Briscola scoperta
The Briscola scoperta (Uncovered Briscola in English) is a variation where the cards are dealt face up to each player. The deck is also upturned so that the first card to be drawn is visible. This variation usually leads to more thoughtful play; remembering which cards have already been played is also very important.

Briškula
In Slovenia, Croatia and Montenegro, the briscola game is called briškula and it is played predominantly in the coastal region. The game is played with Triestine cards in the normal Italian fashion, although in Dalmatia the players are not required to follow suit. There is also a popular variation called briškula Dalmatian style or dupla briškula (double briškula). This variation is exactly the same as the regular Italian game except that each player plays two cards separately during the course of a trick. This variation is used when the game is played by two players, where four cards are dealt to both players and then the player to the right of the dealer leads the first hand (or trick) by playing one card face up on the playing surface. Each player subsequently plays a card in turn, until both have used two cards. The winner of that trick is determined by the normal rules of briscola. When played in couples, briškula uses regular rules, where all players are dealt three cards, and play one card per hand each.

Bisca
In Portugal, the briscola game is called bisca and it is played with a modern Anglo-French 52-card deck. The 8, 9 and 10 cards must be removed from this deck, though, in order to obtain the 40 cards needed to play. The Kings equal to the Italian-deck kings, the Jacks equal to the knights, and the Queens equal to the knaves (to know the reason why the Jack ranks higher than the Queen, see Latin-suited cards in Portugal). The seven (called bisca or manilha), and not the three, ranks above the face cards. Thus:

Sueca
The Sueca is arguably the most popular game in Portugal, being also very popular in Portuguese former colonies and enclaves such as Brazil, Angola, Mozambique, Goa and Macau. Being a partnership game for four players, also played with 40 Anglo-French cards which rank the same as in Bisca, Sueca can be considered a variation of the 4-player Briscola, where all cards are dealt and players have to follow suit.

Sueca Italiana
The Sueca Italiana (which means "Italian Sueca", evidencing the origin of the game) or just Italiana is the Portuguese variation of the Briscola Chiamata, also played with an Anglo-French deck. The bidding and card playing phases are identical to the Italian version — Bisca card ranks and values always apply, though — but the scoring system is a bit different.

Literature

 * Pennycook, Andrew (1982). The Book of Card Games. London/NY: Grenada. ISBN 0246117567

title: Briscola


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Talk:Sirius–serious merger

I didn't realize there were accents in which they didn't rhyme... it would be nice to have an explanation of how they are distinguished. - Mustafaa 22:18, 23 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Votes for deletion results
This page was listed on votes for deletion. Please see Votes for deletion/Sirius-serious merger for the results of the debate. --Rhobite 21:23, Mar 5, 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:Sirius–serious merger


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User:Squidwina

I'm too lazy to write articles so I just press random page until something comes up.

title: User:Squidwina


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Those who celebrate

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was DELETE. dbenbenn | talk 22:43, 10 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Those who celebrate
Non-notable group. One hit for "Those who celebrate" "matt wand", and only 3 displayed hits for "Those who celebrate" hulme. According to the article, produced only one self-released CD. Niteowlneils 22:20, 23 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, not notable, possible band vanity. Megan1967 22:52, 23 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, not notable. - Jpo 02:52, Feb 24, 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep. Not a vanity page, I created it, I have nothing to do with the group apart from having seen them a few times in the late 80s. And what is wrong with 'self releasing' an LP? It exists, as did the group quercus robur 19:10, 25 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Nothing wrong with self-released LPs, but consensus tends to be that a band is (usually) only notable if it has had at least one album released by a known (commercial or independent) record label. Self-releasing an album is only slightly more work than getting a book written in a vanity press. As such, delete. Radiant! 12:13, Feb 28, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete for not meeting the Notability and Music Guidelines. Tuf-Kat 05:00, Feb 27, 2005 (UTC)
 * Strong Keep. See for a good argument therefor. The idea that if something isn't pop culture and doesn't show up in google that it shouldn't be here is antithetical to what Wikipedia is. Zantastik 23:43, 28 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Very few people, if anybody, have ever claimed that something that isn't pop culture and doesn't show up here should be deleted. Tuf-Kat 02:16, Mar 1, 2005 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


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Clip

Clip or CLIP may refer to:

Fasteners

 * Hair clip, a device for holding hair together or attaching materials such as caps to the hair
 * Binder clip, a device for holding thicker materials (such as large volumes of paper) together
 * Bulldog clip, a common binder clip
 * Paper clip, a device for holding several sheets of paper together
 * Climbing clip, a device used to quickly and reversibly connect elements of climbing equipment
 * Crocodile clip, or alligator clip, a temporary electrical connector
 * Circlip, a semi-flexible metal ring fastener for holding a pin in place
 * Roach clip, a holder for smoking a cannabis cigarette
 * Bread clip, a device for closing bags
 * Rail clip, a rail fastener
 * Money clip, a device for storing cash and credit cards in a very compact fashion

Arts and entertainment

 * Clip art, pre-made images used in graphic arts
 * Media clip, a short segment of electronic media, either an audio clip or a video clip
 * Video clip
 * Clip (film), a 2012 film
 * Clips (game show), a game show that aired on YTV from 1993 to 1996

Biology and medicine

 * Class II-associated invariant chain peptide, a protein involved in MHC class II assembly and transport to the cell membrane
 * Corticotropin-like intermediate peptide, an endogenous neuropeptide
 * Cross-linking immunoprecipitation, a method used in molecular biology to locate RNA modifications among others
 * Cancer Likelihood in Plasma

Computing and telecommunications

 * Contrastive Language-Image Pre-training, an image recognition artificial intelligence system
 * CLIPS, a software tool for building expert systems, including the programming language COOL
 * Calling line identification presentation, a Caller ID technology
 * Clips (software) a video editing software application created by Apple Inc.

Other uses in science and technology

 * Clip (ammunition), a device for storing multiple rounds together as a unit before inserting into a magazine or cylinder
 * Caribbean large igneous province, in geology, a major flood basalt
 * Confirmed line item performance, a measure of the reliability of supply chain delivery
 * Continuous Liquid Interface Production, a form of additive manufacturing that uses photo polymerization

Other uses

 * Cupertino Language Immersion Program, a K-8 program in the Cupertino Union School District, California
 * Los Angeles Clippers basketball team, nicknamed Clips

title: Clip