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Michael Davitt

Michael Davitt (25 March 1846 – 30 May 1906) was an Irish republican activist for a variety of causes, especially Home Rule and land reform. Following an eviction when he was four years old, Davitt's family migrated to England. He began his career as an organiser of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, which resisted British rule in Ireland with violence. Convicted of treason felony for arms trafficking in 1870, he served seven years in prison. Upon his release, Davitt pioneered the New Departure strategy of cooperation between the physical force and constitutional wings of Irish nationalism on the issue of land reform. With Charles Stewart Parnell, he co-founded the Irish National Land League in 1879, in which capacity he enjoyed the peak of his influence before being jailed again in 1881.

Davitt travelled widely, giving lectures around the world, supported himself through journalism, and served as Member of Parliament (MP) for the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) during the 1890s. When the party split over Parnell's divorce, Davitt joined the anti-Parnellite Irish National Federation. His Georgist views on the land question put him on the left wing of Irish nationalism, and he was a vociferous advocate of alliance between the Radical faction of the Liberal Party and the IPP.

Early years
Michael Davitt was born in Straide, County Mayo, Ireland, on 25 March 1846 during the Great Famine. He was the third of five children born to Martin and Catherine Davitt, tenant farmers of little means who spoke Irish as the family language. Martin had been involved in the Irish nationalist Ribbon movement in the 1830s. In 1850, when Michael was four years old, his family was evicted due to arrears in rent. Davitt later claimed that this event, which he remembered, had brought about all of the family's ills. Like many other Irish people at the time, the family decided to emigrate to England. They took a ship to Liverpool and walked to Haslingden, East Lancashire, where they settled.

His parents both worked selling fruit and at other odd jobs. Martin, who was literate and could speak English, ran a night school in their home, which they shared with other Irish families. The family endured the anti-Irish sentiment of the English working class, which believed that Irish immigrants undercut wages. Davitt began working at the age of nine as a labourer in a cotton mill. Two years later, his right arm was entangled in a cogwheel and mangled so badly it had to be amputated ten days later. As was typical for the era, he did not receive any compensation.

According to biographer Carla King, the accident helped save Davitt from a lifetime of mill drudgery. When he recovered from his operation, a local philanthropist, John Dean, helped to send him to a Wesleyan school. In August 1861, at the age of 15, he found work in a local post office owned by Henry Cockcroft, who also ran a printing business. He joined the Mechanics' Institute and continued to read and study, attending lectures on various topics. The Chartist movement lasted longer in Lancaster than elsewhere, and Davitt later recalled that Chartist leader Ernest Charles Jones was the first Englishman Davitt had heard denounce landlordism in Ireland. Although he was on a path to be an "upwardly mobile working-class radical", in King's words, Davitt instead chose to join the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) in 1865.

Irish Republican Brotherhood
The IRB was a secret society that promoted the use of violence to end British rule in Ireland. At the time it was popular among working-class Irish emigrants, and according to another IRB member, "every smart respectable young fellow" from the Irish community in Haslingden joined. Davitt enjoyed the approval of his parents and was soon elected leader of the local Rossendale chapter of about fifty IRB members. In February 1867, Davitt led fifty Fenians on a failed raid on Chester Castle to obtain arms for the planned Fenian Rising that took place later that year. He learned that the police had heard of the plan and were lying in wait and managed to extricate his men from the situation without being caught. In 1868, he left Cockcroft's printing firm to work full-time for the IRB, as organising secretary and arms agent for England and Scotland, posing as a travelling salesman as cover.

Although he was wanted by the authorities from 1867, they did not grasp his importance to the IRB. In 1869, authorities obtained a letter that Davitt had written to IRB member Arthur Forrester, urging him not to go through with the execution of a suspected informer. Believing that a direct order would not be effective, Davitt asked Forrester to wait until Davitt could obtain the permission of two members of the IRB council. He therefore appeared to approve of the murder. After intensive police investigation, Davitt was arrested at Paddington Station in London on 14 May 1870, while awaiting a delivery of arms. Tried at Old Bailey in July, Davitt was convicted of treason felony for arms trafficking in support of insurrection and sentenced to fifteen years of penal servitude. He believed that he had had neither a fair hearing nor adequate defence counsel.

Imprisoned at Millbank, Dartmoor, and Portsmouth, Davitt was held for months in solitary confinement and endured hard labour and poor rations that permanently damaged his health. However, he frequently broke the prison rules and his main objection was that he was treated the same as criminals even though he considered himself a political prisoner. In 1872, he smuggled a letter out of the prison which was published in several newspapers and led to an inquiry by the Home Secretary into his allegations. Davitt was paroled on 19 December 1877, having served seven and a half years, following pressure from the Home Rule League for an amnesty for all Irish political prisoners.

He and other freed prisoners were welcomed by Isaac Butt and the Political Prisoners Visiting Committee in London and returned to a "heroes' welcome" in Ireland. Davitt published a book about his prison experience, and began a campaign for the release of remaining Fenian prisoners. His popularity caused him to try his hand at writing and lecturing, which he discovered he had a talent for. He also rejoined the IRB and became a member of its Supreme Council representing Northern England. Nevertheless, the success of the amnesty movement led him to appreciate the value of political, rather than physical force, approaches to achieving Irish republican goals. His experiences in prison made him a lifetime supporter of prison reform for humane conditions for all prisoners. This was in contrast to other Irish nationalists who had served prison time, who were only interested in the condition of "political" prisoners.

Shortly before his arrest, Davitt had persuaded his family to emigrate to the United States. In July 1878, Davitt made a trip to visit them and raise money through a lecture tour to bring his mother and youngest sister back to Ireland (his father had since died). Upon his arrival in New York, he was welcomed by the United States-based republican organisation Clan na Gael and its leader, John Devoy. In its first such venture of the kind, the Clan organised Davitt's lecture tour, which lasted until December. In meetings with Irish-American Fenians, Davitt developed the strategy called the "New Departure", an informal collaboration between the physical force and parliamentary wings of Irish nationalism focusing on the land reform campaign. This collaboration was cemented during a meeting on 1 June 1879 in Dublin between Davitt, Devoy, and Charles Stewart Parnell, leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), which advocated Home Rule achieved via Parliament.

The Land War
Agrarian unrest in the west of Ireland was sparked by the 1879 famine, a combination of heavy rains, poor yields and low prices that brought widespread hunger and deprivation. Davitt played a role in the organisation of several large-scale meetings in Mayo to agitate for land reform. At one of the meetings, he called for the liberation of Ireland from "the land robbers who seized it". On 16 August 1879, the Land League of Mayo was founded in Castlebar. On 21 October it was superseded by the Irish National Land League based in Dublin. Parnell was made its president and Davitt was one of its secretaries. Through the Land League, Davitt attained the pinnacle of his political influence and power from 1879 through 1881.

The league adopted the slogan "the land for the people", which was vague enough to be acceptable to Irish nationalists across the political spectrum. The runaway popularity of the Land League among Irish Catholics worried British authorities. On the other hand, Davitt's cooperation with Parnell angered the IRB, which expelled Davitt from its Supreme Council in May 1880, although he continued to be a member of the organisation. One of the actions the Land League took during this period was the campaign of ostracism against the land agent Captain Charles Boycott in Lough Mask House outside Ballinrobe in the autumn of 1880. This campaign led to Boycott abandoning Ireland in December.

In May 1880, following Parnell's tour of the United States, Davitt travelled there to raise funds for the Land League, specifically for political action to free Irish peasants "from the humiliation of a beggar's position". He attended the first convention of the Central Provisional Council of the American Land League, at which he was appointed secretary of the organisation. As secretary, Davitt was responsible for improving the Land League's organisation, helping set up local branches. For the thirteen weeks that Davitt was in the United States, he and Lawrence Walsh were effectively the only national leaders; they worked closely with Anna Parnell, who provided assistance. While in the United States he toured the country giving speeches as far afield as San Francisco.

The Liberal government responded to the land agitation with the Protection of Persons and Property Act 1881, an extension of previous Coercion Acts, which would enable the internment without trial of those suspected of involvement in the Land War. In their fight against the act, the IPP MPs reached new heights of obstruction, but were ultimately unable to block it. It was Davitt's idea to set up a Ladies' Land League to continue their work when the male Land League leaders were arrested, as expected. On 3 February 1881, Davitt's ticket of leave was rescinded; he was arrested in Dublin and returned to Millbank Prison in England. The IPP MPs protested so strongly in Parliament that thirty-six were expelled. Almost a thousand people were arrested under the Coercion Act, but agrarian crime continued to increase. In April, the government introduced the Land Law (Ireland) Act 1881, which Liberal minister Joseph Chamberlain described as removing "the chief grievance" of the agitators by granting many of their demands: fair rent, free sale, and fixity of tenure. As it fell short of peasant proprietorship, it was criticised as insufficient by the Land League, although Davitt later claimed that it had "struck a mortal blow at Irish landlordism".

Davitt served most of his second term of incarceration at Portland Prison, under much better conditions than previously, owing to his fame and concern over his health. He was allowed books and continued to study agrarian theory. He became enamoured of the ideas of Henry George and abandoned the idea of peasant proprietorship in favour of land nationalisation. He also read many liberal thinkers, such as John Stuart Mill, Adolphe Thiers, Augustin Thierry, François Guizot, William Edward Hartpole Lecky, and Thomas Babington Macaulay. In an 1882 by-election, he was elected Member of Parliament for Meath but was disqualified because he was in prison. In October 1881, Parnell and other IPP leaders were also arrested. The Land League responded with the No Rent Manifesto on 18 October, urging tenant farmers not to pay rent until they were released. Two days later, the British government banned the Land League. Davitt and his allies were released from prison in May 1882, according to the Kilmainham Treaty agreed between the IPP and the Liberal Party. Some 130,000 tenants in arrears, who had been excluded from the rent-fixing authorised by the 1881 act, were given amnesty. In return, the IPP withdrew its support for agrarian agitation and cancelled the No Rent Manifesto, bringing an end to the Land League.

Travels and marriage
In June and July 1882, Davitt travelled to the United States on a lecture tour. Upon his return, Davitt toured Britain alongside Henry George in a campaign for land nationalisation and an alliance between the British working class, Irish labourers, and tenant farmers sponsored by the New York-based Irish World. Land nationalisation was extremely unpopular in Ireland, and strongly opposed by the IPP, which was becoming defined as a party for the interests of Irish tenant farmers. After a meeting with Parnell in September 1882, Davitt agreed to set aside his support for the cause and resume cooperation with the IPP as a founder of the new Irish National League. The League included a few of Davitt's ideas, but was dominated by a conservative faction loyal to Parnell and emphasised Home Rule rather than further land reform. In addition, Parnell agreed to support a new organisation, the Irish Labour and Industrial Union, which aimed to help rural labourers acquire land and the franchise. The union was later replaced by the Irish Democratic Trade and Labour Federation, over whose formation Davitt presided in 1890 with Michael Austin. This organisation was later subsumed into D. D. Sheehan's Irish Land and Labour Association in 1894.

With the demise of the Land League, agitation continued to be carried on by more extreme physical-force factions, such as the Fenian dynamite campaign, while the British government continued its crackdown. Davitt denounced both the bombings and the British government's excesses. As a result, he was arrested for sedition in February 1883 and served four months in jail, his last term in prison. Believing that the Plan of Campaign—renewed agrarian agitation between 1886 and 1891—was against the Kilmainham Treaty, Davitt acceded to Parnell's request and did not involve himself in it.

Davitt was a frequent visitor to Scotland and became closely associated with the crofters' struggles in the Highlands and Islands. He urged the Irish immigrant population to integrate into the politics of their adopted country and in particular the infant Labour movement. Davitt worked closely with John Ferguson, the Irish leader in Glasgow who had been involved in the Crofters' War agitation by Highland tenant farmers in the early 1880s and later in the Irish-Radical political alliance that was the forerunner of the Scottish Labour Party. Michael Daniel Jones and E. Pan Jones brought Davitt to Wales in 1886 to campaign for land reforms, although Davitt's radicalism made him unpopular among would-be reformers, who thought the movement ought to be managed by Welsh people.

Davitt married an Irish-American woman, Mary Yore, on 30 December 1886 in Oakland, California; he had met her on his 1880 tour. The couple settled in a cottage in Ballybrack, County Dublin, the only gift that Davitt ever accepted from his admirers. They had five children – three boys and two girls, one of whom, Kathleen, died of tuberculosis aged seven in 1895. One of their sons, Robert Davitt, became a TD (national legislator), while another, Cahir Davitt, became President of the High Court.

From 1880, when he published his first pieces in Irish World, Davitt made his income from journalism. He had long aspired to edit his own paper, and founded the socialist penny weekly Labour World in September 1890. Davitt's paper covered a wide variety of topics, including foreign news, the plight of agricultural labourers, and women in the workplace. Although it was initially a success and sold 60,000 copies of its second edition, the Labour World stopped publishing the following year due to Davitt's illness, lack of funds, and other problems.

When Parnell's extramarital affair with Katharine O'Shea was exposed in 1890, Davitt asked him to step down. He came to oppose Parnell's leadership for a number of reasons, including his belief that Parnell had misled him about the affair, an insistence that the cause was more important than the individual, and fears that the revelations would harm the IPP–Liberal alliance. When Parnell refused to step down, Davitt sided with the anti-Parnellite Irish National Federation and became one of Parnell's most vociferous critics, "reveal[ing] a rather unpleasant talent for personal invective" according to Boyce. This put him in odd company, as the anti-Parnellites were dominated by social conservatives and proponents of Catholic clericalism, with whom Davitt had little in common. In his later writings, he balanced criticism of Parnell's failings with an appreciation for his accomplishments.

Parliamentary career
Throughout the 1880s, Davitt had refused to stand for Parliament, believing that he could be of more use to the movement as an agitator. He also believed that the IPP put too much stake in parliamentary politics and that it could accomplish more working outside of the system. He had a visceral dislike for Westminster, which he referred to as "parliamentary penitentiary", and was aware that entering into Parliament alienated his Fenian supporters abroad. Davitt was elected for North Meath in the 1892 general election, but his election was overturned on petition because he had been supported by the Roman Catholic hierarchy. He stood unopposed for North East Cork at a by-election in February 1893, making his maiden speech in favour of the Home Rule Bill in April, which passed the House of Commons but was defeated in the Lords in September. The subsequent retirement of Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone, who had come to sympathise with Home Rule, delayed the cause for another two decades. Having invested much of his own money into his 1892 campaign, Davitt had to declare bankruptcy in 1893 and resign from the House of Commons.

For seven months in 1895, Davitt toured Australia and New Zealand to restore his finances. The trip resulted in his second book, Life and Progress in Australasia (1896), with particular attention to governance and the situation of minorities such as Indigenous Australians and the Kanakas, Pacific Islanders brought in to work at very poor conditions in the colonies. Davitt noted that Western Australia had gotten its own Parliament with a population of some 45,000, while the five million people in Ireland had been denied Home Rule. What was then seven colonies had a substantial Irish population which had contributed to the Land League's efforts, providing an audience for Davitt's message. While abroad, he was returned for both South Mayo and East Kerry; he chose to sit for Mayo as that was his birthplace.

On many issues, Davitt supported the British Labour leader Keir Hardie and favoured the foundation of a Labour Party, but his commitment to the Liberal Party for the sake of Home Rule prevented him from joining the new party, resulting in a breach with Hardie. In Parliament, he pressed the Conservative government on its plans for improving the ongoing distress in western Ireland. In 1898, Parliament sidestepped Home Rule by granting full democratic control of all local affairs to County and District Councils under the Local Government (Ireland) Act. Davitt then co-founded, with William O'Brien, the United Irish League, an organisation that advocated the redistribution of grazing land to small farmers. At the time O'Brien was politically isolated due to the controversial nature of land redistribution and Davitt was one of the only veterans willing to work with him.

Final years and death

Following a speech in which he denounced the Second Boer War and the fact Ireland had to pay £10 million to the war effort despite opposing it, Davitt left the Commons for good on 26 October 1899 in protest of "the greatest infamy of the nineteenth century". Obtaining commissions from William Randolph Hearst's New York American and the Irish paper Freeman's Journal, he travelled to South Africa to report on the war and lend support to the Boer cause. On 26 March 1900, he arrived in Pretoria and spent the next three months touring and visiting Irish units in the Boer army. Following the last session of the Volksraad, Davitt left the country as Lord Roberts' army advanced. The fact that the Boers were a "small nation of courageous fighters" facing off against the British Empire impressed Davitt. Nevertheless, of all his writings, The Boer Fight for Freedom (1902) has aged the least well; despite Davitt's concern for other indigenous peoples, he accepted the Boer narrative that Black Africans were "savages".

The pro- and anti-Parnellite factions finally reconciled in 1900, but despite its explosive growth—the police estimated 989 branches and 100,000 members in August 1901—the United Irish League did not gain hegemony over the Irish nationalist movement. To combat the UIL, the British government introduced a new round of coercion and by September 1902 forty UIL leaders were jailed. Davitt and John Dillon were touring the United States to raise funds when the 1902 Land Conference was held, and by their return, the Land Purchase (Ireland) Act 1903, masterminded by O'Brien, was a fait accompli. Davitt criticised what he saw as the overly generous provisions for landlords to sell their estates to the tenants, the Irish Land Commission mediating to then collect land annuities instead of rents, on the grounds that the land rightfully belonged to the people. Later in 1906, after the Liberal Party came to power, his open support for their policy of state control of schooling, rather than denominational education, merged into a conflict between Davitt and the Catholic Church. This would be the last controversy that Davitt was involved in.

Davitt died in Elpis Hospital, Dublin on 30 May 1906, aged 60, of septicaemia arising from complications in a tooth extraction. As he requested, his funeral took place without any public notice and he was buried in Straide. Nevertheless, The New York Times reported that Dublin businesses shuttered in respect while several MPs and "enormous crowds" attended the procession when his body was removed for transport. Additional mourners accompanied the train and a procession of almost 1 mi followed the coffin from the station in Foxford, Mayo to Straide. Davitt's estate was valued at £151; in his will, he wrote "To all my friends I leave kind thoughts, to my enemies the fullest possible forgiveness and to Ireland the undying prayer for absolute freedom and independence, which it was my life's ambition to try and obtain for her."

Views
Although a member of the IPP, Davitt kept his own counsel and his ideas frequently diverged from the party line. In his politics, Davitt was more radical than Parnell and this brought them into conflict. Parnell saw land agitation primarily as a way to politicise Irish peasants, increase the popularity of the IPP, and advance the cause of Home Rule. In contrast, Davitt's highest priority was improving the lot of Irish farmers, especially the poorest. While Parnell was a gifted politician, Davitt excelled as an organiser and activist. An example of his greater militancy was his support for the Ladies' Land League after Parnell had denounced it in early 1882 and tried to cancel the No Rent Manifesto. According to IPP MP T. P. O'Connor, Davitt was also suspicious of Parnell because the latter was a landowner.

Davitt's views on land reform were based on a pre-capitalist understanding of access to land for subsistence farming to be a human right that superseded property rights, the so-called "unwritten law". He believed that the landlord system was feudal in nature and had been imposed on Ireland by the British. His ideas were also heavily shaped by his association with Henry George, and he cited thinkers such as Herbert Spencer, Henry Fawcett and Bonamy Price in his writings advocating radical land reform. Davitt came to agree with George that tenancy reform would not achieve "land for the people". In addition, even peasant proprietorship would fall short of this goal. Davitt foresaw that public funds spent on land purchases would never benefit landless labourers, and believed that the resulting smallholdings would eventually be consolidated into estates. Instead, from 1882, Davitt advocated for compulsory land nationalisation with compensation for current owners, so that all ground rent could be reclaimed by the state and used on public projects to benefit all citizens. According to Marxist historian Peter Linebaugh, Davitt's ideas inspired James Connolly's "Celtic communism".

Davitt's brand of Irish republicanism was heavily influenced by Chartism. For example, his 1878 manifesto had three main planks, the right to bear arms, self-government, and land reform to bring about "a system of small proprietorship similar to what at present obtains in France, Belgium, and Prussia". All three issues were advocated by Chartism. Davitt pioneered a line of argument aimed at securing the support of the British working classes, which claimed that Home Rule for Ireland, by improving conditions there, would reduce Irish emigration to Britain and economic competition with British workers. Due to his education in a Methodist school, Davitt accepted differences in creed. He was opposed to the influence of clergy in politics, and was determined to perpetuate the inclusive nationalism of the Young Ireland movement, rather than let Irish nationalism transmute into a sectarian Catholic movement. Davitt's left-wing views made him a natural ally of the Radical faction of the Liberal Party, and he supported the alliance between Home Rule supporters and the Liberal Party. Unlike many other Irish nationalist leaders, Davitt was in favour of women's suffrage.

According to biographer T. W. Moody, hatred of the British Empire and landlordism "was in his blood", but having grown up in England, Davitt held positive views on English people and understood the priorities of the working class in England.

Violence
According to English historian Michael Kelly, Davitt's public renunciation of political violence made him "the Irish Republican Brotherhood's greatest apostate". Davitt opposed the random use of force, such as by the Ribbon societies. On the other hand, he never fully renounced violence and, according to Irish historian Paul Bew, was involved in smuggling arms for the IRB between his first release from prison and his expulsion from the IRB council in 1880. Because he considered the landlord system inherently violent, Davitt believed it was moral to use force against it. However, for political reasons, he presented the Land League as a peaceful movement and denied that his anti-landlord speeches and comments consisted of incitement to violence. Davitt denounced agrarian crime as "a species of cowardly terrorism which would do irreparable injury to Ireland" and the Maamtrasna murders as "almost without a parallel for its atrocity in the annals of agrarian outrage". However, the Land League leaders were not in control of their rank-and-file, who frequently used violence to intimidate others into withholding rent and to frighten landlords and their agents. Between 1879 and 1881, crimes related to the Land War rose from 25% to 58% of all crimes in Ireland, without the leaders calling for an end to the agitation. Davitt's "final break with the Fenians" did not come until the 1882 Phoenix Park murders of the Chief Secretary and Permanent Undersecretary for Ireland.

Jews and Zionism
In 1903, Davitt travelled to Kishinev, Bessarabia in the Russian Empire as "special commissioner to investigate the massacres of the Jews" on behalf of Hearst's New York American, becoming one of the first foreign journalists to report on the Kishinev pogrom. In his notes, Davitt recorded sharp criticism of what he saw as Jewish failure to defend themselves, given that there were many more Jews in the city than pogromists, but did not mention this aspect in his publications. In his subsequent book, Within the Pale: The True Story of Anti-Semitic Persecutions in Russia (1903), Davitt declared his support for Zionism, believing that political independence was the only solution to the "Jewish Question" just as it was for the "Irish Question". In 1898 at a meeting in Tonypandy, Davitt launched what Biagini (2007) called an "anti-Semitic tirade" against George Goschen, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, arguing that he "represented that class of bond-holders, and usurers, and mostly money-lenders for whom that infamous Egyptian war was waged". Davitt opposed the 1904 Limerick boycott against the Limerick Jewish community organised by the Redemptorist priest John Creagh, stating in the Freeman's Journal that Limerick citizens would "not allow the fair name of Catholic Ireland to be sullied through an anti-Jewish crusade".

While opposing "cowardly racial warfare" such as the Kishinev pogrom, Davitt announced that he was "resolutely in line with... [the] spirit and programme" of antisemitism when it stood "against the engineers of a sordid war in South Africa, or as the assailant of the economic evils of unscrupulous capitalism anywhere". Henry Hyndman reported that Davitt believed Russia would be better off without any Jews. Although Davitt recognised that Jews' business activity was related to their exclusion from many occupations, he nevertheless believed that Jews were racially predisposed to unscrupulous capitalism but also that the Jewish people were intellectually superior. According to Irish historian Aidan Beatty, Davitt was not an antisemite, because his anti-Jewish statements coexisted with others which were supportive of Jews. According to Stanford University historian Steven Zipperstein, Davitt "emerged as a folk hero among Jews" following his writings on Kishinev, with plays written about him in English and Yiddish. Moody considers that Davitt's "passion for social justice... transcended nationality".

Reception
The American abolitionist James Redpath considered Davitt "the William Lloyd Garrison of the anti-landlord movement". Political scientist Eugenio Biagini views Davitt as "a social radical in the Tom Paine tradition" who was the "chief inspirer of the Land League and the greatest hero of popular nationalism". Freeman's Journal lead writer James Winder Good hailed Davitt as the man whose "hammer strokes destroyed a system of land tenure, which for over three centuries had been the most powerful instrument in encompassing the economic degradation of the Irish people, and ensuring their subjugation to alien rule." James Connolly considered Davitt "an unselfish idealist, who in his enthusiasm for a cause gave his name, and his services freely at the beck and call of men who despised his ideals". According to Moody, in the estimation of his "innumerable" admirers, his faults were outweighed by "his great-heartedness, his self-sacrifice, and his invincible courage". According to King, Davitt "may fairly be seen as a founding father of Irish democracy".

Moody wrote that Davitt's habit of "reinterpreting his past actions and attitudes in accordance with altered conditions was partly the outcome of a longing for integrity in his political conduct". An alternative interpretation is that this inconsistency is evidence of "Davitt's devious character", in the words of English historian Pamela Horn.

The historical value of Davitt's books, such as the "deeply influential" The Fall of Feudalism in Ireland (1904) has been hotly debated in the century since it was written. His view of Irish history was deeply shaped by his family's experiences during the Great Famine, and Davitt subscribed to the popular view that it was an "artificial famine" which the British government chose not to alleviate. His version of the Land War, that it was an uncomplicated struggle between landlords and tenants, was widely accepted, but has been complicated by later scholarship. Moody, who disagreed with Davitt's conclusions, admitted that the book "contains a wealth of information", is reliable for facts, and far exceeds the work of his contemporaries. In his obituary, The Times wrote that, "Anything more misleading than his presentation of what he calls The Boer Fight for Freedom cannot be imagined, unless it be his still wilder travesty of history, grotesquely named The Fall of Feudalism in Ireland." An alternative view, of (among others) Conor Cruise O'Brien, historian of Parnellism, holds that Davitt's work is invaluable if partisan.

At Straide in County Mayo, an old penal church was converted into a museum. In 2016, The Irish Times reported that the museum received no state funding and relied on visitor donations. The Michael Davitt Bridge connects Achill Island to the mainland. Davitt inaugurated the first bridge in 1887, and it was replaced in 1947 but retained the name. The centenary of Davitt's death saw the unveiling of a plaque at the Portree Hotel, Portree, Isle of Skye, commemorating his role in the Highland land agitation of the 1880s. The unveiling was carried out by his grandson, Fr. Tom Davitt. On 29 May 2019, Dearcán Media's Irish-language documentary, Michael Davitt: Radacach (Michael Davitt: Radical) premiered on TG4.

title: Michael Davitt


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Gaurishankar Udayshankar

Gaurishankar Udayshankar, Gaurishankar, or Gaga Oza (21 August 1805 – 1 December 1892) was chief minister of Bhavnagar state in Kathiawar, India from 1850 to 1879. He was very well known and well respected for his keen statesmanship.

Life and career
He was born into a family of Vadnagara Nagar Brahmins from Ghogha near Bhavnagar.

He rose from being a revenue officer to state minister in 1847. On the death of the reigning chief, in 1870, he was appointed joint administrator in concert with a British official.

During his tenure, many improvements were introduced. The land revenue was based on a cash system, the fiscal and customs systems were remodelled and tree planting was encouraged. The Gowrishankar Waterworks was completed in Bhavnagar, on which six lakhs of rupees were spent. The Bhavnagar state began construction of a network of railway lines over the peninsula of Kathiawar. The British government acknowledged Gowrishankar's many services with the distinction of Order of the Star of India in 1877.

Charitable and religious works
He helped to establish the Rajkumar College at Rajkot, for the education of native princes, and also the Rajasthanik Court, which, after settling innumerable disputes between the land-owning classes and the chiefs, has since been abolished. In 1879 Gowrishankar resigned office, and devoted himself to the study of the higher literature of that Vedanta philosophy which through his whole life had been to him a solace and guide. In 1884 he wrote a work called Svarupanu-sandhan, on the union of the soul with Deity, which led to a letter of warm congratulation from Max Müller, who also published a short biography of him. In 1887 he put on the robe of the Sanyasi or ascetic, the fourth stage, according to the Hindu Shastras, in the life of the twice-born man, and in this manner passed the remainder of his life, giving above ten hours each day to Vedantic studies and holy contemplation. He died, revered by all classes, in December 1892.

Legacy
On December 20, 1959 - a biographical play was broadcast on All India Radio. This was authored by Jitubhai Mehta.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Gaurishankar Udayshankar


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Otto Blumenthal

Ludwig Otto Blumenthal (20 July 1876 – 12 November 1944) was a German mathematician and professor at RWTH Aachen University.

Biography
He was born in Frankfurt, Hesse-Nassau. A student of David Hilbert, Blumenthal was an editor of Mathematische Annalen. When the Civil Service Act of 1933 became law in 1933, after Hitler became Chancellor, Blumenthal was dismissed from his position at RWTH Aachen University. He was married to Amalie Ebstein, also known as 'Mali' and daughter of Wilhelm Ebstein.

Blumenthal, who was of Jewish background, emigrated from Nazi Germany to the Netherlands, lived in Utrecht and was deported via Westerbork to the concentration camp, Theresienstadt in Bohemia (now Czech Republic), where he died.

In 1913, Blumenthal made a fundamental, though often overlooked, contribution to applied mathematics and aerodynamics by building on Joukowsky's work to extract the complex transformation that carries the latter's name, making it an example of Stigler's Law.

title: Otto Blumenthal


text:
User talk:Jharvey

Windsurfing boards have always been one of the most significant factors in the performance of a windsurfing rig. Sails, masts, and booms, are all important, however i think that the board has the biggest impact on how the rig performs. I have been windsurfing for 12 years and have sailed on every type of board there is from freestyle and wave boards to race and slalom boards and the difference of performance between them all is incredible. Starting with the smallest boards, wave boards i will describe the performance of each board all the way up to the biggest boards, the race boards. Wave boards were first invented when some people windsurfing in Maui on slalom boards (the only boards there were) decided that slalom boards were too long to carve back and fourth on bigger waves, so they wanted a smaller board. At first, the boards they made were pretty much just small slalom boards but then the shape of the true wave board was created. Wave boards are short in length, anywhere from 7 1/2 feet to 8 1/2 feet, wider than a slalom board, and very light so that they can carve sharply and quickly in the water and they are easy to jump. The next biggest board, my personal favorite, is the freestyle board. The freestyle boards were invented just recently (about 4 years ago) when people started doing more and more freestyle (tricks). Most of the freestyle moves people were able to do on wave boards, however the newer moves that people were doing, where the board is doing a lot of sliding on the water and jumping the board in little or no waves, were getting hard to do on wave boards because they were too small. So the freestyle board was invented. Freestyle boards are about the same length as wave boards, however they are much wider, which gives them more volume (in other words, since they are wider they have more buoyancy). This is critical for the new freestyle moves. When the board is sliding sideways, if it is long and narrow it does not have as much stability which makes it harder to balance. With a wider board, the board has more volume (which gives it buoyancy) which makes it easier to balance when the board is sliding sideways on the water. This also is very helpful when you are doing light wind tricks when you need maximum balance. Just a small step up from the freestyle board is the freeride, or slalom, board. This board is more centered towards the people who want to go fast but still want the light weight for jumping. Freeride boards were invented just after the sport itself was. They were the first boards that you could go fast on. Freeride boards are shaped a lot like wave boards but made a little longer. Freeride boards are great for speed, carving, and jumping. They basically are the average boards, they include aspects from each discipline of boards. Wave, the long narrow shape, race, the speed, and freestyle, the light weight. And finally the biggest board of them all, the race board. This is the board that probably first started the sport. It is shaped much different than any other board. It is long, about the same as the freeride board, but is very wide, much wider than the freestyle board. However, the most significant aspect that makes it stand out is the volume. It is the floatiest board of them all. It is designed for early, light wind planning and is very fast. In addition to being a great board for racing, it is an excellent board for beginner windsurfers, due to its wide stability and large volume.

title: User talk:Jharvey


text:
Talk:Saosin

Untitled
This page was voted on for deletion at Votes for deletion/Saosin. The consensus was to keep it. dbenbenn | talk 17:50, 2 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Saosin pronounciation. The band was named by Anthony Green, he Americanized the chinese word Xiao Xin, which is pronounced Shaow Sheen, he pronounced it Say Oh Shin, since he left the band the pronounciation Say Oh Sin has become more popular. I say its perfectly ok to pronounce it either way, or does anyone think otherwise? Should it give both pronounciations? Reiver 03:59, 9 December 2005 (UTC)
 * Why not just put the above information in the article? It's relevent and interesting... Halo 12:03, 10 December 2005 (UTC)

Pronunciation of Saosin
The correct pronunciation is say-ocean. See for youself:

What does their name mean, and how is it pronouced?

Thanks to nailed shut, here is a quote from former singer Anthony: "It’s pronounced SAY-OCEAN. And it’s a Chinese proverb from the 15th and 16th centuries. It means “small heart”. Fathers used to marry off their youngest son's for money and used to tell them that they weren’t marrying for love, that their wife doesn’t matter. She could die at anytime so don’t get attached. They had to love with caution and raise their sons to be cold and unfeeling as well. I found it in the 8th grade and loved it, I used to name all my old bands that and write songs about it.

See the rest here, on the offical Saosin forums.

It is important to note however, that the Chinese word from which 'saosin' was derived, 'xiao xin' is not pronounced as 'SAY-OCEAN'. Also, the Chinese words 'xiao xin' do not have any particular proverbial connotations in daily conversation where it simply means the need to take be careful. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 60.241.174.61 (talk) 16:33, 18 April 2008 (UTC)

Origin of name
I believe the Chinese characters for the name are "小心" if anyone wants to check it out (the characters mean small and heart).

Also, someone keeps changing the article saying that the name is pronounced shao-shing. This is not true as saosin is pronounced in the cantonese dialect not mandarin.

actually, saosin is nothing like "小心" in cantonese, which is siu sum. also, "saosin" is not a proverb. it just means be careful. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Themoliugecko (talk • contribs) 07:50, 18 September 2007 (UTC)

"Sound Raptors" and upcoming album
As stated by Beau, "Sound Raptors" isn't the name of the new album and "Shh" isn't the name of the new song off the album. Cerule 19:47, 3 July 2006 (UTC)

Deletion of article - Cove Reber
Okay I wouldn't normally state straight out opinions on Wikipedia stuff, but whoever deleted Cove's article should go die. To delete it because he isn't "notable" enough is unbelievable... He is the frontman for a signed band that has a huge following. Some fans, such as myself, are quite big fans of Cove and want to know more on him. Where else can we go but Wikipedia to find an encyclopedic article on him?

Deleting wikipedia articles is like burning books in a library. Don't do it unless there is damage being done by keeping it or the article is just a bunch of wrong information, you morons.--Jpagel 16:03, 28 July 2006 (UTC)

Citations needed
Anyone have sources for the discography? namely
 * 1) Acoustic Demo demo (Came with early copies of Translating the Name)
 * 2) Instrumental Demo (2004) - No Vocals
 * 3) Capitol Records Demo (2005)--User:Jpagel 20:39, 12 August 2006 (UTC)

 * I may be mistaken, and, generally, I am, but I believe that a limited number of copies of [i]Translating the Name[/i] included the acoustic accompaniment disc when the band was on its first Warped Tour. I'm not sure about the instrumental demo; it sounds like something the band used for Cove (I have it on my PC). As for the Capitol Records disc, it leaked onto the Internet when the band sent it to Capitol before they were signed. I don't really know how to prove those things, but I know the last one is true for sure, since I downloaded the Capitol demo the day it leaked. Wlmaltby3 04:20, 30 August 2006 (UTC)

 * The Acoustic sampler was included only in pre-ordered copies of Translating the Name, it wasn't sold together on Warped. It is just a burned disc with the two tracks on it. --Sammyrenee (talk) 18:51, 26 November 2008 (UTC)

There are actually multiple instrumental demos, i have some from 2003, and before anthony green was in the band. There isn't any real way to track those demos, the band just records a lot. Beau Burchell is a quite well known producer (he's done bands like Name Taken, From First to last, the Bled) and has a quite good home studio. If i'm not mistaken Saosin's e.p.s come from his own studio.

I don't know how to cite properly and don't want to mess it up trying but the fifth point in trivia says it needs citation, those quotes can be found in the interview here: http://absolutepunk.net/showthread.php?t=164684. Those quotes are about halfway down the page.

Promotional Fans
Is that really an important thing to put on the main article?--Jpagel 15:15, 26 September 2006 (UTC)

No. It has no significance to the page. It should be deleted.

Albums
Anybody ever notice the album art has a pattern?

Translating The Name: White

Self Titled EP: Black

Self Titled Full Album: White

S/T Limited Edition: Black Coincedence or not?

Anyways, rock on. Saosin is a great band, with either Anthony or Cove on vocals.

Yeah, It might be that the EPs and promos are black, and the full albums are white. If this goes back to the Chinese culture (where they got the name Saosin from) it's probably a reference to Yin and Yang. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.57.228.34 (talk) 17:56, 1 February 2008 (UTC)

Parental Explicit? Confused...
I don't understand how their new 2006 self-titled release has anything with explicit content. Could it be that the label included it to generate higher sales? Anyone see anything in the lyrics that anyone could find inappropriate to allow a toddler to listen to? --NinjaJew 12:49, 14 December 2006 (UTC)

They do that only on the DVD/CD copy (I purchased it) because on the DVD there is some language (Shit, Fuck... the usuals). The regular copy has no such label.

Genre
For the record, Saocore was an obvious joke to whoever took it seriously as the genre. Ambrosia- 19:28, 3 June 2007 (UTC)

Fair use rationale for Image:Saosin 00 Cover.jpg
Image:Saosin 00 Cover.jpg is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

Please go to the image description page and edit it to include a fair use rationale. Using one of the templates at Fair use rationale guideline is an easy way to insure that your image is in compliance with Wikipedia policy, but remember that you must complete the template. Do not simply insert a blank template on an image page.

If there is other other fair use media, consider checking that you have specified the fair use rationale on the other images used on this page. Note that any fair use images uploaded after 4 May, 2006, and lacking such an explanation will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. If you have any questions please ask them at the Media copyright questions page. Thank you.BetacommandBot 22:21, 5 June 2007 (UTC)

are they a Punk Rock band? cause their music sound rawish to me.

Merger proposed (band members)
The result was merge Beau Burchell and Chris Sorenson into Saosin. --B. Wolterding 17:02, 3 July 2007 (UTC)

I propose to merge the content of Chris Sorenson and Beau Burchell into here, since these people do not meet the notability criteria for musicians.

The band Saosin may pass the criteria in WP:MUSIC; but that does not imply that each band member should be covered in an own article. A separate article for a band member would require that he meets the criteria in WP:MUSIC or WP:BIO individually, independent of Saosin; for example, if he has released several albums as a solo artist, or similar. That does not seem to be the case here.

While this applies in principle to all band members, I would like to sort things out for Chris Sorenson and Beau Burchell first, because these articles have been marked with notability concerns for a long time (since October 06). In order to avoid deletion of these articles, I propose to merge their content here (although much of it is in fact already contained here), and place a redirect.

Please add your comments below; discussion will be open for at least 5 days. Proposed as part of the Notability wikiproject. --B. Wolterding 11:57, 21 June 2007 (UTC)
 * Merge no content in either article that isn't already in this one, the individual members don't meet WP:BAND.Garrie 22:44, 24 June 2007 (UTC)

Ase nine  (talk) (contribs)  22:03, 20 January 2008 (UTC)

Second album
The information about the second album is lacking lots of information. Does anyone have some information they can add and source? Gladiator Knight 16 (talk) 05:07, 26 January 2009 (UTC)

Cove Leaving
Your source is horribly off. Their last news update was on March 30th. No where does it state that Cove is leaving. Ive even checked the saosin forums as extra precaution. If there was anything about it, it would of been posted. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 150.156.222.164 (talk) 05:46, 13 April 2009 (UTC)

Post hardcore
I have their first cd and it is not post hardcore. Did their later stuff get heavier or is this a mistake? DCcomicslover (talk) 22:58, 6 November 2010 (UTC)DCcomicslover

Yes. The song "I Keep My Secrets Safe" among a few others, include screaming. And either way, the genre post-hardcore isn't dependent on screaming or being "heavy" or anything like that. Post-hardcore refers to an experimental type of rock music that draws influence from older hardcore punk. The band is certainly post-hardcore. --  ♫ Chris-B-Koolio ♫    ... (Talk)   19:57, 3 July 2011 (UTC)

Section CLEAN UP!
Alright, the last section in the History portion of this page needs attention. There are FAR too many giant quotes, and the entire section simply discusses an argument over whether or not Tilian Pearson is the new singer. It's ridiculous. --  ♫ Chris-B-Koolio ♫    ... (Talk)   19:57, 3 July 2011 (UTC)

I agree. There are way too many quotations, and not enough paraphrasing. It would suffice to say that the singer was kicked out because of his poor performance, and his inability to counter it. --65.100.124.215 (talk) 16:53, 25 November 2011 (UTC)

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A.I. generated text
Seems that the article was rewritten with A.I. being used, in particular right before the "Reunion with Cove" section there's a paragraph of text that isn't related to the article in any way and appears to be text FROM the A.I. model that was included by accident. Does Wikipedia now accept articles written by an A.I. or is it still strictly human? Shfydgi (talk) 22:43, 7 March 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Saosin


text:
Ward (fencing)

A ward or guard (translating German Hut "protection") is a defensive position in the German school of swordsmanship. In Royal Armouries Ms. I.33 the concept is rendered as custodia "guard".

title: Ward (fencing)


text:
1976 Progressive Conservative leadership election

The 1976 Progressive Conservative leadership election was held at the Ottawa Civic Centre in Ottawa on February 22, 1976, to elect a leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada to replace Robert Stanfield, who had resigned after losing the 1968, 1972, and 1974 elections. It unexpectedly elected a 36-year-old, little-known PC Member of Parliament from Alberta as the party's new leader. Joe Clark defeated Claude Wagner on the fourth ballot of the convention by a margin of 65 votes.

The convention's delegates were elected by the party's riding associations, along with the party's youth, campus and women's associations. There were also numerous ex officio delegates, including PC Members of Parliament, defeated candidates from the previous election, members of provincial legislatures, members of the party's national executive and the executives of provincial parties affiliated to the federal party. Delegates cast secret ballots, so their votes were not "tied" to any candidate. After each ballot, the candidate winning the fewest votes was removed from the ballot for the next round. Several candidates withdrew voluntarily when it became clear that they would not be able to win.

Candidates

 * Claude Wagner, 50, was the front-runner going into the convention. A former Liberal Minister of Justice in the government of Quebec. Wagner's support came from party members who believed that having a Quebec francophone leader would enable the party to expand its support in Quebec, where the party was usually soundly defeated by the Liberal Party of Canada in elections. Wagner's law-and-order image as Quebec justice minister appealed to many on the party's right wing.
 * Brian Mulroney, 36, was a lawyer from Quebec who had grown up in a bilingual family and was also seen as a candidate who could appeal to Quebec. Mulroney had never run for public office before, however, and alienated many party members with his slick appearance and his very expensive campaign. Key operatives in Mulroney's campaign included Ontario PC president Alan Eagleson and Newfoundland Premier Frank Moores. Mulroney was endorsed by only two sitting Members of Parliament, Heath MacQuarrie (Hillsborough) and James McGrath (St. John's East).
 * Joe Clark, 36, had been the Member of Parliament for Rocky Mountain, Alberta since the 1972 federal election. A Red Tory, in his youth he had served two terms as president of the Progressive Conservative Youth wing. Prior to being elected to parliament, Clark was a journalist, political science teacher, and party worker.
 * Jack Horner, 48, had been a Member of Parliament from Alberta since 1958 and was a cattle rancher. He was considered to be a maverick and attracted votes from right-wing westerners. Horner was endorsed by former Prime Minister John Diefenbaker.
 * Paul Hellyer, 52, was a popular, long-term Liberal cabinet minister from Toronto who had been defeated by Pierre Trudeau at the 1968 Liberal leadership convention. After leaving the Liberal Party, Hellyer had attempted to establish a new party under his own leadership, the Action Canada movement. This was unsuccessful, and Hellyer joined the PC Party. Hellyer seriously damaged his bid for the PC leadership during his convention speech, when he criticized centrist Red Tories in the party for not being conservative enough. This alienated many party members who saw the irony in a former Liberal cabinet minister lecturing party members about being conservative.
 * Flora MacDonald, 49, a popular PC Member of Parliament from Kingston, Ontario, was the first woman to make a serious run for the PC leadership. (Mary Walker-Sawka had won two votes at the 1967 leadership convention.) MacDonald encouraged women of all political stripes across Canada to support her campaign by contributing one dollar. She was believed to be the front-runner amongst the Red Tory candidates going into the convention. Based on the public statements of support that she had received from delegates, many believed that she had a realistic chance of becoming leader. She had been endorsed by New Brunswick Premier Richard Hatfield.
 * Sinclair Stevens, 49, an Ontario businessperson and PC MP for York—Simcoe since 1972.
 * Pat Nowlan, 44, the Member of Parliament for Annapolis Valley, Nova Scotia, had sat in parliament since 1965.
 * Heward Grafftey, 47, was the MP for Brome—Missisquoi, Quebec.
 * James McPhail Gillies, 51, was the MP for Don Valley in Toronto, Ontario.
 * John Fraser, 44, was the MP for Vancouver South, British Columbia.

Richard Quittenton, president of St. Clair College in Windsor, had also been a candidate but withdrew before the first ballot and endorsed Wagner.

Results
The first ballot was widely expected to be a close contest between Wagner and MacDonald, though it was thought unlikely that either of them would have a decisive lead. The result proved a shock to everyone at the convention, as while Wagner did about as well as had been expected, MacDonald did far worse than even the most pessimistic predictions had indicated, coming in sixth place; the phenomenon of delegates promising their votes to one candidate and then voting for another has become known in Canadian politics as the "Flora Syndrome". Mulroney was slightly ahead of the rest of the chasing pack, but still over seven percentage points behind Wagner, who was now the clear front-runner. Grafftey was automatically eliminated after finishing in last place, with Gillies and Stevens dropping out of their own accord; all three endorsed Clark.

While Wagner extended his delegate count on the second ballot, Clark saw the most dramatic improvement in his delegate count, nearly doubling it from the first round. Mulroney dropped down to third place and made only minimal gains. MacDonald, having remained on the second ballot in the hope that she might pick up some Red Tory delegates from the candidates who dropped out, likewise earned only a small number of extra delegates; realizing that the situation was hopeless and that she would most likely be eliminated next if she remained on the ballot, she withdrew and threw her support behind Clark, as did Fraser, who was automatically eliminated in this round. Nowlan withdrew and initially intended to endorse Horner, but the latter, sensing that the momentum was with Clark, persuaded Nowlan that they should both endorse Wagner to prevent a split in the right-wing vote. Hellyer followed their lead and also endorsed Wagner.

The third round had Wagner continuing to lead, but only barely, with both he and Clark having picked up large numbers of delegates since the previous round, albeit Clark having done slightly better in that regard. Conversely, any momentum that Mulroney had completely stalled, causing him to actually lose delegates and be automatically eliminated. While it was now clear that Mulroney was in a position to be the kingmaker, he simply left the convention after his elimination was announced and did not endorse either Wagner or Clark; this created an unpredictable scenario, as about half of Mulroney's delegates were favourable to Wagner because he was a fellow Quebecer, while the remaining half were favourable to Clark due to his political positions being closer to Mulroney's.

Ultimately, Mulroney's delegates were sufficiently favourable to Clark to afford him a narrow victory on the final ballot. Clark's majority over Wagner was just 2.8%, making this the most closely contested election for the leadership of a major Canadian political party until that point, surpassed in the years since only by Andrew Scheer's victory over Maxime Bernier (with a majority of 1.9%) in the 2017 Conservative Party of Canada leadership election.


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Salendine Nook

Salendine Nook is an area of Huddersfield in West Yorkshire, England. It is 2 mi to the north-west of central Huddersfield, and is bordered to the north-east by Laund Hill, Weather Hill and Low Hill and to the south-west by the natural scar of Longwood Edge, above the suburb of Longwood. Longwood Edge affords a panoramic view across the Colne Valley to Crosland Moor on the other side.

Salendine Nook lies between Quarmby and Outlane on a tributary to the textile industries' Packhorse road across the Pennines. Architecturally, the area features traditional weavers' cottages exhibiting vestiges of workshop entrances near the cross roads at its centre as well as dwellings associated with potteries and farms.

Huddersfield New College and Salendine Nook High School are both situated at Salendine Nook, with their playing fields extending out to Longwood Edge.

History
Although there is no record of Salendine Nook in the 1086 Domesday Book nearby Lindley (Lilleia) and Quarmby (Cornebi) are both mentioned, albeit as `waste'. One explanation is that Salendine refers to the greater celandine, part of the poppy family. "Nook" means secluded place or corner. So it is speculated that Salendine Nook was so named because it was a secluded place or corner where the celandine plant grew in abundance.

The first recorded evidence of a dwelling appears in 1522 when reference is made to the dwelling of William Hague of "Salnden", one many clothiers living in the area. The Mortons, who became a major influence in the area, are believed to have settled in Salendine Nook towards the end of the 16th century. In 1558, Edmond de Morton and "a numerous Scotch family", fled from religious persecution in Scotland to find a home south of the border. They settled in a part of Huddersfield known as Salendine Nook.

Pottery
The Mortons were potters, and the area attracted them because it was the source of a special type of very pure clay worked for the manufacture of earthenware pottery.

The clay was found in the seat-earths in a geological formation known as the Lower Coal Measures at Lockwood Scar, Lindley Moor and Salendine Nook. The clay was extracted and mixed with local river sand to make it suitable for manufacture of pottery. Nearby hilltops provided the perfect site for kilns since the wind aided the flue draught and increased the firing temperature of the oven. Cooking pots, puncheons and jugs were produced for sale in the district. One branch of the family specialising in pot manufacture was known as the "Pot'oon Mortons". In addition to pottery, Mortons took up faming and worked as clothiers.

There is evidence of a pottery business run by Mortons in the early 18th century on the modern housing estate of the Laund Road. The last Morton pottery business closed in the 1980s.

Salendine Nook Baptist Church
One of their descendants, Michael Morton registered his barn in October 1689 as a meeting house for Protestant dissenters and established the building as a religious site, which in time became a Baptist chapel that is still in use today. The Toleration Act of the same year allowed for a degree of religious freedom which had not existed before. Percy Stock in his book Foundations described how difficult the congregation found it to adjust to their new-found freedom: "The October evening wind flows coldly over the moorland. The houses are few and widely scattered. Lights shine here and there but one is more brilliant than the rest. Men and women are excitedly approaching the light. They are just plain folk, the women with shawls on their heads and clogs on their feet. The scene is in an ancient barn. The door opens and two men come through, one is old, the other of middle age. The old man rises and the service begins as he reads Isaiah Chapter 40 … Comfort Ye My People …The sermon has as its text 'Watchman, what of the night? The Morning cometh' and the speaker recounts the difficulties under which his followers have laboured. At this point he shows them a piece of paper – their licence – and dwells on what this means. The blessed morning has come. The big barn doors are open for public worship and, please God, the open door shall never be taken away again. Finally, he commends them for keeping alight the flame of the blessed Gospel in that place. The meeting ended with the singing of the 124th Psalm – not very well rendered for this was the first time they had ever dared to sing together aloud." A meeting house was opened on the land of Joseph Morton between in 1743, and was replaced by a larger one in 1803. The current Baptist Chapel was built in 1843.

Notable people
John Morton and Samuel Brighouse were two of The Three Greenhorns who emigrated to Canada in 1862 and bought land in the area that today is known as the West End, Vancouver.

Salendine Nook today
Salendine Nook is set in a picturesque location in the outskirts of Huddersfield. It has a wide range of facilities including a number of sports clubs. There reminders of the past in the road names and buildings, such as Kiln Court, Pottery Street, Morton Way, and the chapel. The highschool is also known as 'Sally Nook' to the locals. The 3 main feeder schools are Lindley Juniors, Moorlands Primary and Reinwood Juniors. It is one of the best comprehensives in Kirklees with over 75% achieving C-A*'s. There are about 1300 students in the highschool; that is a vast amount considering the highschool has no 6th form (years 7–11) – but there is a college on the same site, called New College. Many graduates also go to Greenhead College.

title: Salendine Nook


text:
User talk:Cylauj

Current events
Hi hello, would you be interested to contribute to Current events in Hong Kong and Macao? best, — Instantnood 17:59, Feb 2 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Cylauj


text:
Liberation psychology

Liberation psychology or liberation social psychology is an approach to psychology that aims to actively understand the psychology of oppressed and impoverished communities by conceptually and practically addressing the oppressive sociopolitical structure in which they exist. The central concepts of liberation psychology include: awareness; critical realism; de-ideologized reality; a coherently social orientation; the preferential option for the oppressed majorities, and methodological eclecticism. Through transgressive and reconciliatory approaches, liberation psychology strives to mend the fractures in relationships, experience, and society caused by oppression. Liberation psychology aims to include what or who has become marginalized, both psychologically and socially. Philosophy of liberation psychology stresses the interconnectedness and co-creation of culture, psyche, self, and community. They should be viewed as interconnected and evolving multiplicities of perspectives, performances, and voices in various degrees of dialogue. Liberation psychology was first conceived by the Spanish/Salvadoran Psychologist Ignacio Martín-Baró and developed extensively in Latin America. Liberation psychology is an interdisciplinary approach that draws on liberation philosophy, Marxist, feminist, and decolonial thought, liberation theology, critical theory, critical and popular pedagogy, as well as critical psychology subareas, particularly critical social psychology.

Emergence
Core ideas of liberation psychology emerged in Latin America in the 1970s in response to criticisms of traditional psychology, social psychology specifically. Psychology was criticized for its 1) value neutrality; 2) assertion of universality; 3) societal irrelevance.

 * 1) View of science as neutral – The idea that science was devoid of moral elements was considered a flawed framework.
 * 2) Assertion of universality – Psychological theories were being produced based on research conducted primarily with white, middle class, undergraduate males. Liberationists questioned the notion that such principles were universal and therefore applicable to all individuals without regard to the consideration of contextual factors.
 * 3) Societal irrelevance – Psychology was viewed as failing to generate knowledge that could address social inequalities.

In response to these criticisms, psychologists sought to create a psychological science that addressed social inequalities both in theory and practical application. It is important to note that liberation psychology is not an area of psychology akin to clinical, developmental, or social psychology. It is more of a framework that aims to reconstruct psychology taking into account the perspective of the oppressed (Martín-Baró's "new interlocutor") so the discipline ceases its (often unwitting) complicity with the structures that perpetuate domination, oppression and inequality. Generally, people using this framework would not call themselves "liberation psychologists", although this term is sometimes used to refer to them.

Origins of the term "liberation psychology" (or psicología de la liberación) may have first appeared in print in 1976. It was later brought into widespread use by Ignacio Martín-Baró. A number of other Latin American social psychologists have also developed and promoted the approach, including Martiza Montero (Venezuela), Ignacio Dobles (Costa Rica), Bernardo Jiménez Dominguez (Colombia/Mexico), Jorge Mario Flores (Mexico), Edgar Barrero (Colombia) and Raquel Guzzo (Brazil) among others. A number of similar approaches developed independently in other regions of the World, including South Africa and the Philippines.

Founder
The genesis of liberation psychology began amongst a body of psychologists in Latin America in the 1970s. Ignacio Martín-Baró is credited as the founder of liberation psychology, and it was further developed by others. Martín-Baró was a Spanish-born Jesuit priest and social psychologist who dedicated his work to addressing the needs of oppressed groups in Latin America, and ultimately was assassinated as a result of his work. His project of constructing a psychology relevant to the oppressed majorities of the American continent was therefore terminated prematurely. The collection of some of his articles in the collection Writings for a Liberation Psychology is a seminal text in the field that discusses the role of psychology as socially transformative. Most of his work still remains untranslated into English. His two major textbooks, Social Psychology from Central America, and his other books are published by a small University publisher, UCA editores in El Salvador with the consequence that the breadth and depth of his work is not well known even in Latin America.Martin-Baró conducted research projects with the intention of raising awareness and providing empowerment to oppressed people of El Salvador undergoing social, political, and war-related trauma.

Key concepts
The central concepts of liberation psychology include: awareness; critical realism; de-ideologization; a social orientation; the preferential option for the oppressed majorities, and methodological eclecticism.

Awareness
The intrinsic connectedness of the person's experience and the sociopolitical structure is a fundamental tenet of liberation psychology and is referred to as concientización, a term introduced by the Brazilian educator Paulo Freire, roughly translatable as the raising of politico-social consciousness. Freire was advocating for developing education and critical awareness among poor citizens. The idea is that in the process of concientización, people become more conscious of themselves and their lives as structured by the social reality of oppression, and learn to think for themselves. This gives them the agency to become social actors. They change as they begin to act on their social circumstances.

Understanding this interconnectedness is of particular importance to understanding the experiences and psychology of oppressed peoples, the power structure to which they are subjugated, and the ways in which this subjugation manifests in their behavior and psychopathology.

A social orientation
Liberation psychology criticises traditional psychology for explaining human behavior independently of the sociopolitical, historical, and cultural context. Martín-Baró argued that a failure of mainstream psychology is the attribution to the individual of characteristics that are found in the societal relations of the group. He argued that individual characteristics are a result of social relations, and to view such individualistically de-emphasizes the role of social structures, incorrectly attributing sociopolitical problems to the individual. Liberation psychology addresses this by reorienting the focus from an individualistic to a social orientation. Using this framework, the behaviour of oppressed people is conceptualized not through intrapsychic processes, but as a result of the alienating environment.

The social orientation has a particular emphasis on understanding the role of history in shaping current conditions, and the ways in which this history resulted in the oppression of particular communities. Within this orientation, critical examination of social power and its structures is crucial. This is necessary in order to understand political and social power as not being interpersonal, but part of a society's institutional organization.

Preferential option for the oppressed majorities
The development of a psychology that is "from" oppressed people rather than "for" oppressed people is the aim of liberation psychologists. Traditional psychology is understood as Eurocentric and is critiqued for ignoring the unique experiences of oppressed individuals. Martín-Baró made a similar argument, critiquing Latin American psychologists for adopting Eurocentric psychological models that were not informed by the social, political, and cultural environment of the impoverished and oppressed, which was the majority of people in 1980s El Salvador.

Liberation psychology further criticizes traditional psychology for its ivory tower approach to understanding phenomena, following Martín-Baró's call for psychology to turn its attention from its own social and scientific status to the needs and struggles of the popular majority. Unlike traditional approaches, liberation psychology seeks to re-situate the psychologist as part of the emancipatory process for and with oppressed communities.

Critical realism
Martín-Baró contended that theories should not define the problems to be explored, but that the problems generate their own theories. This idea is termed critical realism. This is contrasted to the traditional approach of addressing problems based on preconceived theorization, idealismo-metodológico (methodological idealism). In critical realism, theorization plays a supportive, but not fundamental, role. Martín-Baró's idea of realism-crítico should not be equated with the work of Roy Bhaskar on critical realism. Although the two ideas are conceptually similar in some ways, they have distinct meanings (hence the use of the term here in Spanish, rather than attempting a direct translation).

De-ideologized reality
Martín-Baró emphasized the role of ideology in obscuring the social forces and relations that create and maintain oppression: a key task of psychologists then is to de-ideologize reality, helping people to understand for themselves the nature of social reality transparently rather than obscured by dominant ideology. Ideology, understood as the ideas that perpetuate the interests of hegemonic groups, maintains the unjust sociopolitical environment. Alternatively, a de-ideologized reality encourages members of marginalized populations to endorse ideologies that promote their own interests and not those of the hegemony. Martín-Baró's analysis of supposed Latin American fatalism and the myth of the lazy Latino exemplified his approach as did his use of public opinion surveys to counter the distortion that the then-government and military were presenting of the Salvadorian public's views on the war.

Methodological eclecticism
Research with a liberation psychology framework incorporates methodologies from diverse domains. Traditional methodologies, such as surveys and quantitative analyses, are combined with more novel techniques for psychology, such as qualitative analyses, photography, drama, and textual analysis.

Community psychology
Ignacio Martín-Baró had opposed the introduction of community psychology to El Salvador, on the basis of the ameliorative (asistencialista') approach and limited social perspective of then dominant North American models. Nevertheless, community psychology, and especially the Latin American variants (typically termed community social psychology) is one of the areas most influenced by the concepts of liberation psychology. Moreover, community social psychology in Latin America, which predates liberation psychology, also shares roots in the wider movement of Latin American critical and liberatory praxis (especially dependency theory, philosophy of liberation, liberation theology, critical or popular pedagogy).

Psychotherapeutic applications
Liberation psychology departs from traditional psychological prioritization of the individual and the attribution of an individual's distress to pathology within the individual. Liberation psychology seeks to understand the person within their sociopolitical, cultural, and historical context. Therefore, distress is understood not solely in intrapsychic terms but in the context of an oppressive environment that psychologises and individualises distress. In a psychotherapeutic context, this removes the onus of psychological distress solely from the individual and their immediate circumstances, and reframes the origin of distress as the environment and social structure to which persons are subjugated. Furthermore, this helps people to understand their relationship to the power structure, and the ways in which they participate in it. In liberatory approaches to mental distress the therapy is only a step towards the 're-insertion' of a person into their social milieu, social action and their existential life-project.

Moving liberation psychology forward
Since the late 1990s, international congresses on liberation psychology have been held, primarily at Latin American universities. These congresses have been attended by hundreds of professionals and students, and have been crucial in perpetuating the social justice message of liberation psychology.

Specific congress themes include human rights, social justice, democratization, and creating models for liberation psychology in psychological practice and pedagogy. In recent years, these meetings have become increasingly focused on addressing issues related to poverty and economic inequality.

International congresses on liberation psychology include:
 * 1st, 1998 in Mexico City, Mexico
 * 2nd, 1999 in San Salvador, El Salvador
 * 3rd, 2000 in Cuernavaca, Mexico
 * 4th, 2001 in Guatemala City, Guatemala
 * 5th, 2002 in Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico
 * 6th, 2003 in Campinas, Brazil
 * 7th, 2005 in Liberia, Costa Rica
 * 8th, in Santiago de Chile
 * 9th, 2008 in Chiapas, Mexico
 * 10th, 2010 in Caracas, Venezuela
 * 11th, 2012 in Bogotá, Colombia
 * 12th, 2014 in Cusco, Peru congress web page
 * 13th, 2016 in Cuernavaca, Mexico conference web page

Liberation psychology is not limited to Latin America. The term was used by Philippine psychologist Virgilio Enríquez, apparently independently of Martín-Baró. Elsewhere there have been explicit attempts to apply the approach to practice in other regions. In 2011 an English language liberation psychology network was established by the British psychologist Mark Burton. It has an international membership which reflects interest in liberation psychology from psychologists who do not read Spanish or Portuguese. Moreover, not all liberatory praxis in psychology goes under the name "liberation psychology".

Black psychology
Some scholars argue that the liberation psychology framework is central to black psychology. The interconnectedness of the personal and political, a fundamental tenet of liberation psychology, is central to black psychology. Furthermore, black psychology is thought of as inherently liberationist as it argues that addressing the psychology of black persons necessitates understanding, and addressing, the history and sociopolitical power structure that has resulted in the global oppression of individuals of African descent.

Proponents of black psychology operate within the social orientation of liberation psychology, contending that Eurocentric ideologies of traditional psychology lack relevance when dealing with black communities. Therefore, an Afrocentric conceptualization that recognizes the unique history of individuals of African-descent is necessary when dealing with such communities. Using a liberation psychology framework, black psychology argues that simply recognizing the distinctiveness of the black experience is inadequate if the psychological theorization used does not come from the communities to which they are applied. Such a position is consistent with Martín-Baró's assertion that the use of Eurocentric psychological methods is incongruent with the lived experiences of oppressed communities.

Liberation psychology and LGBT psychotherapy
Recent work in North America has sought to understand the applied use of liberation psychology in psychotherapy with LGBT individuals. Unlike traditional psychotherapeutic interventions, this approach reframes LGBT individuals' psychological issues as resulting from an understandable incorporation of the homonegative attitudes characteristic of the social structures within which gay and transgender people live.

Traditional psychotherapy typically recognises the effect of homophobia and its impact on LGBT people, but often fails to clear the person of the blame for embracing such views. However, a liberationist psychological approach aims to facilitate the freeing the individual of the blame for adopting the homonegative views of the society. Instead, the onus is on the social environment, understanding that persons are themselves constituted as persons in their social context. Such an approach understands 'psychological' issues as inextricably linked to the societal context.

This may free the LGBT person from feeling flawed for harboring homonegative ideas. They are then able to examine how they are a participant in the social environment and the ways in which they can take responsibility for future actions. Additionally, using the concept of concientización, people can examine how changing themselves can challenge the oppressive nature of the larger sociopolitical system, although in most liberation psychology there is a more dialectical relationship between personal and social change where personal change does not have to precede social liberation.

Ethnopolitical Psychology
Moreover, the framework of radical healing is closely aligned with ethnopolitical psychology, a form of liberation psychology.The aim of ethnic political psychology is to encourage healing and transformation through the development of critical consciousness and political activism, especially in regards to decolonizing people of color, reformulating their ethnic identity, and promoting racial reconciliation, personal growth, and societal change. Cultural imperialism, racism, oppression, and colonization can all result in trauma, which is believed by liberation psychologists to be able to be healed by ethno-political psychology, though no comprehensive studies exist. This process integrates diverse identities, gives people a sense of mastery, and reconnects them to their roots. By combining Eastern and Western healing traditions with Indigenous healing, this model provides a culturally appropriate framework. POCI must be accompanied by practitioners who bear witness to their suffering and are committed to helping them recognize systemic racial oppression and colonialism, while embracing resistance instead of maintaining the status quo.

title: Liberation psychology


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User talk:Nimbulan

Current events
Hi hello, would you be interested to contribute to Current events in Hong Kong and Macao? best, — Instantnood 18:03, Feb 2 2005 (UTC)

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Disambiguation link fixing one-day contest
I have decided to put on a mini-contest within the November 2013 monthly disambiguation contest, on Saturday, November 23 (UTC). I will personally give a $20 Amazon.com gift card to the disambiguator who fixes the most links on that server-day (see the project page for details on scoring points). Since we are not geared up to do an automated count for that day, at 00:00, 23 November 2013 (UTC) (which is 7:00 PM on November 22, EST), I'll take a screenshot of the project page leaderboard. I will presume that anyone who is not already listed on the leaderboard has precisely nine edits. At 01:00, 24 November 2013 (UTC) (8:00 PM on November 23, EST), I'll take a screenshot of the leaderboard at that time (the extra hour is to give the board time to update), and I will determine from that who our winner is. I will credit links fixed by turning a WP:DABCONCEPT page into an article, but you'll have to let me know me that you did so. Here's to a fun contest. Note that according to the Daily Disambig, we currently have under 256,000 disambiguation links to be fixed. If everyone in the disambiguation link fixers category were to fix 500 links, we would have them all done - so aim high! Cheers! bd2412 T 02:35, 18 November 2013 (UTC)

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title: User talk:Nimbulan


text:
User:Pko

I'm active mainly on Polish wikipedia.

My discussion page there.

My account on Commons

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/sandbox/Silver Library of Duke Albrecht Hohenzollern and his wife Anna Maria

title: User:Pko


text:
Red Sea Air

Red Sea Air was a domestic airline based in Asmara, the capital of Eritrea. It was at one time the national flag carrier. Eritrean Airlines owned 40% of the airline, which operated domestic routes between Asmara, Assab and Massawa. Red Sea Air had a fleet of BAC 1-11s

The airline operated from 1988 to 2000.

Code data

 * IATA Code: RS
 * ICAO Code: ERS
 * Callsign: Eritrean Redsea

title: Red Sea Air


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Leisure suit

A leisure suit is a casual suit consisting of a shirt-like jacket and matching trousers (pants), typically made from polyester. It is associated with American-influenced fashion and fads of the 1970s.

History
Leisure suits originated on the west coast of the US in the late 1930s as summer casual-wear for the wealthy, possibly derived from the heavy tweed Norfolk jacket or khaki safari jacket worn by English sportsmen. Made from lightweight fabric and originally known as "Hollywood suits" these were worn until the 1950s, especially in the Southwest where, together with suits derived from the Ike jacket, they became popular formal-wear and often featured contrasting yokes, collars and cuffs (see Western fashion). Suits of this pattern, embellished with embroidery and rhinestones, were made by Nudie Cohn for 1950s country and western musicians, including Tex Williams and the young Elvis.

Suits as casual wear became popular among members of Britain's mod subculture in the 1960s, but only achieved widespread popularity in the United States when—with the creation and popularization of synthetic materials—unprecedented inexpensive prices met with a culture that had come to hate formality. They are frequently associated with that era's disco culture. Leisure suits gained popularity by offering a fashionable, inexpensive suit which could conceivably be used in formal business, yet was casual enough to be worn out of the workplace setting. The leisure suit height of popularity was around the mid to late 1970s, but fell from fashion in the very early 1980s. Today it is commonly considered emblematic of 1970s American kitsch.

The leisure suit became associated in popular culture with bars, gangsterism, and conversely, with clueless dressing—the adventure game series Leisure Suit Larry being an example.

Today
Leisure suits are still being offered and worn today, although not in the form of bellbottoms and pastel colors which came to be most associated with the term. Fashion labels such as Dior Homme and Dolce & Gabbana include casual suits among their collections, which are more reminiscent of suits in the style of British mod than American disco. Also, progress since the 1970s with respect to the technology of synthetic fabrics such as polyester has resulted in the creation of new textures.

title: Leisure suit


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DOS Navigator

DOS Navigator (DN) is an orthodox file manager for DOS, OS/2, and Windows.

Influence
DOS Navigator is an influential early implementation of orthodox file manager (OFM). By implementing three additional types of virtual file systems (VFS): XTree, Briefcase and list-based, DN launched a new generation of OFMs. It offers unlimited panels and many new important features, making it one of the most powerful (and complex) OFMs.

History
The initial version of DN I (v 0.90) was released in 1991, and written by Stefan Tanurkov, Andrew Zabolotny and Sergey Melnik (all from Chișinău, Moldova). After that, DN was rewritten using Turbo Vision by Stefan Tanurkov and Dmitry Dotsenko (Dotsenko developed DN at Moscow State University). These versions are sometimes referred as DN II.

In 1993, Slava Filimonov invited Stefan to join him to continue producing and publishing DN with joint efforts. Slava programmed new components, design and made countless optimizations and improvements. He wrote a new software key protection system that remained unbroken for almost four years after its introduction.

DN II was actively developed until the start of 1995, until version 1.35. Several other programmers participated in development after version 1.35. Starting from version 1.37, Filimonov and Ilya Bagdasarov were in charge of bug-fixing. Filimonov and Bagdasarov solely maintained, developed and released versions 1.37 through 1.39. After they left, DN was maintained again by Tanurkov and Maxim Masiutin.

In 1998, the development mostly took a bug-fixing direction as Ritlabs' product The Bat! became a more promising software product with much better commercial potential. The last shareware version was 1.50. In late 1999, Ritlabs decided to make version 1.51 of the DOS Navigator completely free with freely available source code.

Several open source DN branches currently exist including win32/dpmi/os2 version "dn/2" and Linux port attempt "dn2l".

Disadvantages
The original DN contains a large amount of assembler code, complicating ports to other platforms. The cross-platform version, DN OSP, in turn, is tied to the Virtual Pascal compiler and runtime library, which are no longer supported. No version of DN as of January 2022 supports Unicode on platforms other than Windows, although cross-platform implementation of Turbo Vision for Pascal with Unicode support exists. The source code license is compromised.

Source code license
DN source code was published under the 3-clause BSD license. However, the code included an implementation of the Turbo Vision library based on the version from the Turbo Pascal distribution, and the latter was never released under a license that allows creation of derivative works. In addition, DN OSP contains modified parts of the Virtual Pascal runtime library, while the license for Virtual Pascal itself prohibits distribution of modified versions, however, it is not clear whether this applies only to the compiler or to the runtime library too.

Legacy
Other groups release software based on the DN open source code, including features such as support for long filenames, and support for Linux.

 * DN 1.51 650 KB for Win32 & OS/2 - Sources (Virtual Pascal) (972,655)
 * DOS Navigator Open Source Project (ODN)
 * dn2l Linux port based on DN OSP source code
 * DN OSP 6.4.0 1 MB for DOS/DPMI (Windows 9x)
 * Necromancer's DOS Navigator (NDN)
 * DN 4.9.0 2004 for DOS included in Ultimate Boot CD (UBCD) v3.4

title: DOS Navigator


text: Category:Airlines of Eritrea

title: Category:Airlines of Eritrea


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Template talk:Feminism-stub

Is this stub meant to be used for feminism-related articles? -Aranel (" Sarah ") 18:08, 2 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * I've seen it used for feminism-related articles, which makes it seem a bit off, since feminism is about gender equality (and thus no more applicable to women than men). I would suggest that a separate stub be used for feminist topics and female topics. Which this should be, I don't know. Sarge Baldy 07:14, 16 August 2005 (UTC)

Image
Here's a possible alternate image: -- 17:51, 25 August 2007 AnonMoos (talk)

title: Template talk:Feminism-stub