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Huamantla

Huamantla is a small city in the municipality of the same name in the eastern half of the Mexican state of Tlaxcala. The area has a long indigenous history, but the city itself was not founded until the early colonial period, in the 1530s. It is mostly agricultural but it is best known for its annual homage to an image of the Virgin Mary called Our Lady of Charity. This includes a month of festivities, the best known of which are the “night no one sleeps” when residents create six km of “carpets” on the streets made from colored sawdust, flowers and other materials. The other is the “Huamantlada” a running of the bulls similar to that in Pamplona.

Etymology
The name comes from various Nahuatl words (cuahuitl (tree), man (next or in line) and tla (abundance)), which together are interpreted as place of aligned trees.

The town
The city of Huamantla is in the east of the state of Tlaxcala, about 45 km from the state capital. The main entrance to the city is marked by the Monumento al Toro (Bull Monument), a bronze sculpture by architect Diódoro Rodríguez Anaya. It is dedicated to the regions’ bull raising and fighting tradition.

The city is centered on its main plaza, called Parque Juárez (Juarez Park), which contains gardens and a kiosk from the beginning of the 20th century. The blocks around it conserve many historic buildings from the colonial period up through the Porfirio Diáz era, with simple facades and iron-railed balconies. For this reason and the celebrations related to Our Lady of Charity in August, the city has been named a “Pueblo Mágico.”

The main colonial era constructions are the parish of San Luis Obispo and the former monastery of the same name, both of which were begun in the 16th century and named after Huamantla's patron saint, Louis of Toulouse. The monastery complex was built between 1567 and 1585 and has a number of elements, focused on a main church with a simple facade. Above the door there is a niche containing an image of Saint Anthony and on either side of this, there are the coats of arms of the order. The bell tower has two levels and Solomonic columns. Inside the church, there is a chapel dedicated to a Christ figure called the Señor del Desposo. The main altar of this church is Churrigueresque with Neoclassical altars on the sides. To the side, there is a large open chapel with five arches supported by Tuscan columns with Doric capitals. The cloister area has been remodeled various times but original elements such as Tuscan columns remain. The Third Order chapel contains the complexes oldest oil paintings and a Baroque main altar. The San Luis Obispo Parish church is built of light stone, with a contrasting dark grey main portal. In this portal there are six niches filled with the same number of statues made from alabaster. It has a single bell tower and a small bell-gable. Inside, the main altar is Baroque with an image of Louise of Toulouse. There is also Salomonic altar dedicated to the Virgin Mary and one to Jesus the Nazarene and oil paintings from the colonial period, including one of the Virgin of Guadalupe by Miguel Cabrera. Also facing the park is the municipal palace, it is in Neoclassical style with two floors, both with balconies, framed by cornices, a style common to Huamantla. It has a simple main entrance above which are a decorative element including the Mexican coat of arms, a clock and a small bell. Inside, there is a mural by Desiderio Hernández Xochitiotzin, a reproduction of the Huamantla Codex and a photographic collection.

Modern Mexican puppetry is traced to Huamantla, especially to the Rosete Aranda family which began their traveling puppet show in 1850, which lasted over a century. Today, the city is home to the Rosete Aranda National Puppet Museum, the only one of its kind in Latin America, located in a former mansion facing the main square. It contains eight main halls containing puppets, sets and other paraphernalia from this family, other puppeteers from Mexico and puppets from other countries such as Germany, Spain, France, Italy, India and Indonesia. It also has a collection of pre Hispanic dolls/puppets with movable parts, including some from nearby Cacaxtla.

The Huamantla Cultural Center is located next to the puppet museum, occupying the former priest's residence constructed between the 18th and 19th centuries. It has eight halls dedicated to various temporary exhibits and workshops.

The Museo Taurino (Bullfighting Museum) is located in a building from the 18th century, next the city's bullring. The museum opened in 1981 after remodeling and today it hosts a collection of event posters from the 20th century, models of various bullrings in Mexico, matador outfits and photographs.

Feria de Huamantla
The main cultural event of the year in Huamantla is the Feria de Huamantla (Huamantla Fair) which runs from 31 July to 21 August. Its origin is likely due to the worship of the goddess Xochiquetzal, goddess of love, flowers and arts. After the Conquest, the Spanish encouraged the veneration of the Virgin Mary instead. In the 17th century, the Franciscans built a hermitage to Our Lady of the Assumption. The image found here today has unknown origins but has since become associated with miracles. The feria attracts thousands of visitors from both Mexico and abroad.

This image is better known as Our Lady of Charity (Virgen de la Caridad). There are two main events during the months, creation of “carpets” from colored sawdust, flowers and other materials and a running of the bulls called the Huamantlada. The carpets are made constantly in the atrium of this image's basilica and other churches from the 31 to the 15; however, 6 km of carpets are created on “the night no one sleeps,” that of August 14, working all night in preparation for the main procession with the image on August 15. Before the procession begins, the image is dressed in new robes and the image is followed by an entourage with candles and fireworks.

The Huamantlada is held on August 19. The first event occurred in 1954 and has since grown in popularity. It is based on the running of the bulls in Pamplona and was originally called the “Pamplonada”. The first run had seven bulls which has since grown in number to about twenty five. The running of the bulls is more dangerous as the animals are released into the streets from two directions. This event is the most famous of its kind in Mexico.

During the month there are also donkey and car races, a children's version of running with the bulls, a parade with floats, a feria queen, a paella festival, cockfights, a chess tournament and the Festival International de Títeres Rosete Aranda.

During this month and other traditional festivals one can see traditional dances such as Ketzalines, Vaqueros, Vasarios and Matlachines danced to bands playing wind instruments, and traditional dress, which is of Otomi origin. For men, it consists of white pants and a shirt, which is embroidered with figures and fretwork. For women it consists of a heavily embroidered colorful skirt, embroidered blouse and rebozo. Typical foods include mixiotes, barbacoa, mole with turkey, Tocatlán style chicken along with crystallized fruit and a dessert item called “muégano.”

The municipality
The city of Huamantla is the local governing authorities for surrounding communities, creating a municipality with a territory of 340.33 km2. This entity borders municipalities of Terrenate, Altzayanca, Ixtenco, Cuapiaxtla, Xaloztoc, San José Teacalco, Tetlanohcan, Tocatlán and Tzompantepec. The government consists of a president, a syndic and seven representatives called regidors.

Outside of the city there are three main communities: Benito Juárez with 3,150 inhabitants, Ignacio Zaragoza with 4,523 and San José Xicohténcatl with 3,899. All of these are rural communities with economies based on agriculture and livestock.

In addition the municipality contains multiple haciendas, most of which have been broken up but some still in operation as private property. They include San Cristóbal Lagunas (established 18th century), El Balcón (19th century), Santa Barbara (18th century), La Compañía (17th century), Guadalupe (late 19th century), San Francisco Soltepec (18th century), San Diego Notario (18th century), San Martín Notario (18th century), El Molino (19th century), La Natividad (18th century), San Francisco Tecoac (19th century), San Miguel Báez (19th century), Santa Ana Ríos (18th century), Santiago Brito (19th century), Santo Domingo (19th century), Xalpatlahuaya (18th century), San Antonio Atenco (late 19th century), Xonecuila (late 19th century) and San Pedro El Batán (18th century). In the municipality, there are twenty one archeological sites. In the Santa Anita neighborhood of the city, there are pre Hispanic columns on private property.

Geography
The municipality is located in the eastern half of the state of Tlaxcala, in the Central Mexican Highlands. It has an average altitude of 2,500 meters above sea level. The geography of the municipality has three types of relief. About twenty percent is rugged mountain (located in the far north and far south), about thirty percent is semi-flat (located I the north and south and over half which is flat, in the center. Its far south is part of the Malinche Volcano.

Hydrography
The surface water of the area consists of small streams, most of which run only during the rainy season, running south to north. These have created ravines such as those called Tecoac, Xonemila, San Luca and Los Plares. Most of the water supply is from underground, accessed through 62 wells.

Climate
The climate is semi dry and temperate. Most rain falls during the rainy season from May to September with an average annual rainfall of 119.3 mm. The warmest months are from March to May and the coldest in December and January. The average annual minimum is 5.4 °C and the average annual maximum is 23.2 °C.

Flora and fauna
About thirty five percent of the municipality has wild vegetation, mostly near La Malinche. This vegetation varies by altitude with holm oak species prevalent in the lower elevations along with some pines and bushes. Above 2,800 meters, oyamel fir (Abies religiosa) and pines (Pinus hartwegii) can be found. Above 4,300 meters alpine grasslands and a juniper (Juniperus monticola) are found. In total, over sixty percent of the tree species are conifers and the rest are broad-leafed.

Although most of the flat areas are used for cultivation and grazing, some wild species remain such as maguey (Agave horrida and Agave salmiana), sotol (Nolina longifolia), Yucca filifera, Senecio praecox, Opuntia hyticantha, Opuntia robusta and Mammilaria magnimamma. Wildlife is mostly found outside the urban area and includes rabbits (Silvilagus floridanus), hares (Lepus californicus), birds and reptiles.

Pre Hispanic period
The first settlement in the Huamantla area was south of the current city. It became one of thirteen villages which formed a political union that lasted from 1800 to 1200 BCE and at its height had a population of about 3,500 inhabitants. The village near Huamantla extended over an area of between three and five hectares. The next regional center of power was in a settlement which is now an archeological site called Los Cerritos de Natividad, east of Huamantla, whose influence extended over fourteen communities. This era is distinguished with the building of pyramid and planned urban centers.

This was followed by the Texoloc era, with its center of power at Tlalencaleca between 800 and 600 BCE. Architecture included talud-tablero pyramids and ceramics which show influence from the west of Mexico and the Gulf coast. The following Tezoquipan era is considered to be the cultural and technological apex of the region reflected by its water system, architecture and trade connections. This era extended from 350 BCE to 100 CE, and at its height included 297 settlements, fourteen of which were major cities. What is now Huamantla was three of these settlements, with pyramids and planned layouts centered on a plaza.

The decline of this area is called the Tenanyecac phase, which lasts from 100–650 CE. The decline is due to the rise of Teotihuacan and Cholula. People migrated away from the Tlaxcala area and eventually the zone became tributary provinces of the two powers. Teotihuacan established a trade corridor through Huamantla to connect it to points east and south, but no major settlements.

Sometime after this, between 650 and 900 CE, there began Otomi migration into the Huamantla Valley and other parts of Tlaxcala in various waves. There is also evidence of Olmeca-Xicalanca and Tlaxco influence, with the rise of Cacaxtla. The fall of Teotihuacan allowed for local control of the trade corridor. However, from then until the colonial period, the major cultural force was Otomi. Much of this history is known from the Huamantla Codex, the largest document of its kind and one of the few that document the history of an Otomi people. It is in nine fragments, seven at the National Library of Anthropology and History in Mexico City and two in Germany at the Berlin State Library. The central story of the codex is a battle between newly arrived Otomis against those already established and aligned with Tlaxco at Atlangatepec. Victory went to the newcomers, allowing them passage and settlement near the Malinche Volcano, called the Tecoac dominion. These Tecoac Otomi were still a political force when the Spanish arrived. The document was likely commissioned shortly after the conquest, possibly by the Franciscans as the church and monastery of Huamantla are represented.

The last indigenous consolidation of power in Huamantla was the creation of the Tlaxcallan dominion, from which the state gets its name. This was a Chichimeca political union that formed around 1100 CE, pushed out the Olmeca-Xilcalancas and divided the territory into four interdependent dominions. Otomi immigration still continued to the area after this, especially after the fall of Tula in 1168. Huamantla belonged to the dominion of Tecoac, one of the four that made up the Tlaxcallan kingdom. This area was first to have contact with Cortés and his army which made an incursion here in 1519 to be attacked, mostly by Otomi vassals. It was the first time the Spanish used their advanced weaponry and quickly dispersed the native soldiers.

Colonial period
Tlaxcala's role in the Conquest of Mexico allowed indigenous authorities to maintain a number of privileges with Spanish settlers. In 1528, an indigenous delegation went to Spain and one of their tasks was to solicit permission to found the settlement of Huamantla, with the name of San Luis Cuahmanco as the successor to Tzatlán, one of the indigenous power centers. Permission was granted in 1535, but Antonio de Mendoza ignored the royal seal and assigned lands here to Alonso Muñoz Camargo, Francisco Luca García, Eugenio Leal Chocolatzin, Diego Guevara and Juan de Aquino in the center of the new town as founders and outlying lands to forty other families between 1539 and 1543. The following monarch Phillip II disavowed the order. This prompted the Cabildo de Indios (Indian Council) to send an ambassador to Spain, with the Lienzo de Tlaxcala to remind the Crown of its obligations.

Evangelization of the area was done by the Franciscans starting in 1524. The order began construction of the San Luis Obispo monastery in 1567 by Friar Pedro Meléndez. It was completed in 1585 and replaced the ceremonial center of Tizatlan as the area's major religious center. This was followed by the establishment of school and eleven hermitages and churches around the city still found in the neighborhoods of El Calvario, La Trinidad, La Santa Cruz, San Miguel, San Juan, San Francisco, San Sebastián, Santa Ana, San Antonio, La Caridad and San Diego. Huamantla quickly became the regional center for eastern Tlaxcala with an agricultural economy that converted the valley from forest to farmland by the end of the 16th century producing corn, wheat, sheep and more. Spanish incursion here was mostly due to the buying of land from indigenous authorities, but the labor supply on which these Spanish depended was mostly controlled by the Cabildo de Indios in the city of Tlaxcala. For this reason, the Spanish in Huamantla petitioned colonial authorities to divide the province, separating Huamantla from the city of Tlaxcala. However, in 1654, viceroy Duke of Albuquerque denied the petition. Despite this, Spanish landholdings continued to rise.

Another tactic by the Spanish was to move control of parish churches from the Franciscan friars to regular clergy under the control of the bishop of Puebla in the mid 17th century. This was opposed by the Franciscans and caused instability as the regular priests did not speak Otomi and did not comply with promises to protect the indigenous against Spanish abuses. They also appropriated belongings of indigenous brotherhoods.

Despite setbacks, indigenous authorities managed to maintain more influence here than in other parts of New Spain in keeping Spanish landholders in check. It even allowed the Cabildo in Tlaxcala to demand more influence over local authorities in Huamantla and even led to direct election of the mayor by the local, mostly indigenous, population in 1741.

A second attempt to separate Huamantla from the city of Tlaxcala occurred in the second half of the 18th century, but this was also unsuccessful. However, during this time, the population became less indigenous in more influx of Spanish and criollos, lessening the influence of the Cabildo de Indios. Haciendas of the area consolidated. Those of Huamantla tended to be smaller but more productive because of the wetter climate and better soils.

In 1785, colonial authorities integrated Tlaxcala as part of the province of Puebla, but this was reversed in 1793. At this time, Tlaxcala reorganized into seven “cuarteles,” one of which being Huamantla, which included Cuapiaxtla, San Juan Ixtenco, San Nicolás Terrenate and San Pablo Zitlaltepec along with the city.

Independence to 21st century
In 1810, most of the indigenous population of the state supported the movement of Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, but as the territory was surrounded by royalist Puebla, attempts to participate in the Mexican War of Independence were stifled. However, there were small insurrections in Huamantla as well as Tlaxco and Calpulalpan. In 1821, near the end of the war, Tlaxcalan authorities openly supported the Plan de Iguala.

Huamantla gained municipality status in 1822, but shortly after, there was another effort to unite Tlaxcala with Puebla. Efforts to keep Tlaxcala an independent state were led by the parish priest of Huamantla, Miguel Valentín, which eventually prevailed due to opposition to the empire model and in favor of a federal republic. The state proclaimed in 1846 was reorganized into three divisions, Tlaxcala, Tlaxco and Huamantla. In 1847 the city acquired the title of “heroic” because of its participation in efforts against US invasion during the Mexican American War.

During the Reform War, Huamantla the capital of Tlaxcala was briefly moved to Huamantla by Conservative forces in 1858 and the city was taken by the French in 1863. The capital moved back to the city of Tlaxcala after the ouster of the French. During the rest of the century the city grew with the construction of a railroad, which allowed haciendas to have access to markets in Mexico City as well as the states of Puebla, Hidalgo and Veracruz. Haciendas grew in number, size and power into the early 20th century, even takingover lands which had previously been communal and unilaterally restricting water supply to the city.

As in the rest of Mexico, discontent with the Porfirio Díaz regime grew as haciendas required employees to work from 4 am to 7 pm and paid them only in coupons good at the hacienda store. At the first sign of rebellion during the Mexican Revolution, the Porfirian governor of Tlaxcala dispatched troops to Huamantla and other places and was able to suppress early efforts such as that by Juan Cuamatzi, who was executed on February 26, 1911. Soon after the mayor of Huamantla along with others resigned his position. Later, the San Diego del Pinar Hacienda in the municipality was attacked by Zapatistas in 1913 and then later the same year by rebels fleeing the federal army. The second attacked was repelled by the hacienda. In that same year the first revolutionary troops took control of the city.

After the Revolution ended, Huamantla grew again adding commerce and industry to its economy. In the 1940s, the first modern factories were built, making powdered milk and cream, cookies pork cold cuts, fertilizer and mole. These were followed by various others producing clothing and other textiles.

Telephone service was established in 1932. Media channels were also established such as newspapers and radio station XEHT, which still operates. The first flights to the city occurred in 1953.

The city has since grown to include sprawling suburbs. In 2007, the city was named a “Pueblo Mágico” by the Mexican government's tourism secretariat, in part because of its celebrations to the Virgin of Charity and the Huamantlada in August. To achieve the designation, it also renovated much of its downtown, especially Parque Juárez.

Economy
The municipality's economy is still heavily agricultural, with almost a third of its workforce dedicated to crops and livestock. Another third works in mining and industry (including handcrafts) and the last third in commerce and services. Over half of the municipality's territory is used for farming and grazing but agriculture's role has been diminishing. In 2009, the municipality had 24,424 hectares under cultivation with crops such as corn, beans, wheat, animal feed, peaches and rye. Livestock includes cattle (mostly dairy), pigs, sheep, goats and domestic fowl.

There are thirteen major industrial sites mostly producing food products. Other facilities include those making metal products, pharmaceuticals, plastic and leather goods. Traditional crafts include amate paper, mostly done by the Otomis, along with pottery, textiles, masks and dolls make from dried corn husks.

Commerce and services is the fastest-growing sector of the economy. The city is the starting point for a tourist route called “Huamantla and the East.”

The municipality has 153.1 km of highways mostly secondary and rural roads.

Education
The municipality has 163 schools from preschool to college level. Most are public schools with 29 being private. College level institutions include the Universidad Tecnológical del Tlaxcala and the Instituto Franciscano de Oriente. There is also a campus of the Universidad Popular Autónoma del Estado de Puebla which provides high school and college level education.

The municipality has an illiteracy rate of about eight percent, above the state average of 6.7 percent.

Sister city

 * 🇲🇽 Salvatierra, Guanajuato

title: Huamantla


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title: User talk:69.54.197.32


text:
Igboid languages

Igboid languages constitute a branch of the Volta–Niger language family. The subgroups are: Williamson and Blench conclude that the Nuclear Igboid languages (Igboid apart from Ekpeye) form a "language cluster" and that they are somewhat mutually intelligible. However, mutual intelligibility is only marginal, even among the Izii–Ikwo–Ezaa–Mgbo languages. Igboid languages are being spoken by nearly 40 million people.
 * Ekpeye
 * Nuclear Igboid: Igbo, Ikwerre, Ika, Izii–Ikwo–Ezza–Mgbo, Ogba, Ishiagu and Ukwuani-Aboh-Ndoni

Names and locations
Below is a list of language names, populations, and locations from Blench (2019).

title: Igboid languages


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Wedge strategy

The Wedge Strategy is a creationist political and social action plan authored by the Discovery Institute, the hub of the pseudoscientific intelligent design movement. The strategy was put forth in a Discovery Institute manifesto known as the Wedge Document. Its goal is to change American culture by shaping public policy to reflect politically conservative fundamentalist evangelical Protestant values. The wedge metaphor is attributed to Phillip E. Johnson and depicts a metal wedge splitting a log.

Intelligent design is the pseudoscientific religious belief that certain features of the universe and of living things are best explained by an intelligent cause, not a naturalistic process such as evolution by natural selection. Implicit in the intelligent design doctrine is a redefining of science and how it is conducted (see theistic science). Wedge strategy proponents are opposed to materialism, naturalism, and evolution,   and have made the removal of each from how science is conducted and taught an explicit goal. The strategy was originally brought to the public's attention when the Wedge Document was leaked on the Web. The Wedge strategy forms the governing basis of a wide range of Discovery Institute intelligent design campaigns.

Overview
The Wedge Document outlines a public relations campaign meant to sway the opinion of the public, popular media, charitable funding agencies, and public policy makers.

The document sets forth the short-term and long-term goals with milestones for the intelligent design movement, with its governing goals stated in the opening paragraph:
 * "To defeat scientific materialism and its destructive moral, cultural and political legacies"
 * "To replace materialistic explanations with the theistic understanding that nature and human beings are created by God"

There are three Wedge Projects, referred to in the strategy as three phases designed to reach a governing goal:
 * Scientific Research, Writing, and Publicity
 * Publicity and Opinion-making
 * Cultural Confrontation & Renewal

Recognizing the need for support, the institute affirms the strategy's Christian, evangelistic orientation:

"Alongside a focus on the influential opinion-makers, we also seek to build up a popular base of support among our natural constituency, namely, Christians. We will do this primarily through apologetics seminars. We intend these to encourage and equip believers with new scientific evidences that support the faith, as well as to popularize our ideas in the broader culture."

The wedge strategy was designed with both five-year and twenty-year goals in mind in order to achieve the conversion of the mainstream. One notable component of the work was its desire to address perceived social consequences and to promote a social conservative agenda on a wide range of issues including abortion, euthanasia, sexuality, and other social reform movements. It criticized "materialist reformers [who] advocated coercive government programs" which it referred to as "a virulent strain of utopianism".

Beyond promotion of the Phase I goals of proposing Intelligent Design-related research, publications, and attempted integration into academia, the wedge strategy places an emphasis on Phases II and III advocacy aimed at increasing popular support of the Discovery Institute's ideas. Support for the creation of popular-level books, newspaper and magazine articles, op-ed pieces, video productions, and apologetics seminars was hoped to embolden believers and sway the broader culture towards acceptance of intelligent design. This, in turn, would lead the ultimate goal of the wedge strategy; a social and political reformation of American culture.

In 20 years, the group hopes that they will have achieved their goal of making intelligent design the main perspective in science as well as to branch out to ethics, politics, philosophy, theology, and the fine arts. A goal of the wedge strategy is to see intelligent design "permeate religious, cultural, moral and political life." By accomplishing this goal the ultimate goal as stated by the Center for Science and Culture (CSC) of the "overthrow of materialism and its damning cultural legacies" and reinstating the idea that humans are made in the image of God, thereby reforming American culture to reflect conservative Christian values, will be achieved.

The preamble of the Wedge Document is mirrored largely word-for-word in the early mission statement of the CSC, then called the Center for the Renewal of Science and Culture. The theme is again picked up in the controversial book From Darwin to Hitler authored by Center for Science and Culture Fellow Richard Weikart and published with the center's assistance. The wedge strategy was largely authored by Phillip E. Johnson, and features in his book The Wedge of Truth: Splitting the Foundations of Naturalism.

Wedge Document
Drafted in 1998 by Discovery Institute staff, the Wedge Document first appeared publicly after it was posted to the World Wide Web on February 5, 1999, by Tim Rhodes, having been shared with him in late January 1999 by Matt Duss, a part-time employee of a Seattle-based international human-resources firm. There Duss had been given a document to copy titled The Wedge and marked "Top Secret" and "Not For Distribution." Meyer once claimed that the Wedge Document was stolen from the Discovery Institute's offices.

Discovery Institute co-founder and CSC Vice President Stephen C. Meyer eventually acknowledged the Institute as the source of the document. The Institute still seeks to downplay its significance, saying "Conspiracy theorists in the media continue to recycle the urban legend of the 'Wedge' document". The Institute also portrays the scientific community's reaction to the Wedge document as driven by "Darwinist Paranoia." Despite insisting that intelligent design is not a form of creationism, the Discovery Institute chose to use an image of Michelangelo's The Creation of Adam, depicting God reaching out to impart life from his finger into Adam.

Movement and strategy
According to Phillip E. Johnson, the wedge movement, if not the term, began in 1992: "The movement we now call the wedge made its public debut at a conference of scientists and philosophers held at Southern Methodist University in March 1992, following the publication of my book Darwin on Trial. The conference brought together key wedge and intelligent design figures, particularly Michael Behe, Stephen Meyer, William Dembski, and myself." In 1993, a year after the SMU conference, "the Johnson-Behe cadre of scholars met at Pajaro Dunes. Here, Behe presented for the first time the seed thoughts that had been brewing in his mind for a year--the idea of 'irreducibly complex' molecular machinery."

Nancy Pearcey, a CSC fellow, and Johnson associate acknowledges Johnson's leadership of the intelligent design movement in two of her most recent publications. In an interview with Johnson for World magazine, Pearcey says, "It is not only in politics that leaders forge movements. Phillip Johnson has developed what is called the 'Intelligent Design' movement." In Christianity Today, she reveals Johnson's religious beliefs and his animosity toward evolution and affirms Johnson as "The unofficial spokesman for ID."

In his 1997 book Defeating Darwinism by Opening Minds Johnson summed up the underlying philosophy of the strategy: "If we understand our own times, we will know that we should affirm the reality of God by challenging the domination of materialism and naturalism in the world of the mind. With the assistance of many friends, I have developed a strategy for doing this... We call our strategy the 'wedge."

At the 1999 "Reclaiming America for Christ Conference" called by Reverend D. James Kennedy of Coral Ridge Ministries, Johnson gave a speech called "How the Evolution Debate Can Be Won". In it he summed up the theological and epistemological underpinnings of intelligent design and its strategy for winning the battle:

"To talk of a purposeful or guided evolution is not to talk about evolution at all. That is slow creation. When you understand it that way, you realize that the Darwinian theory of evolution contradicts not just the Book of Genesis, but every word in the Bible from beginning to end. It contradicts the idea that we are here because a creator brought about our existence for a purpose. That is the first thing I realized, and it carries tremendous meaning.' He goes on to state: 'I have built an intellectual movement in the universities and churches that we call The Wedge, which is devoted to scholarship and writing that furthers this program of questioning the materialistic basis of science. One very famous book that's come out of The Wedge is biochemist Michael Behe's book, Darwin's Black Box, which has had an enormous impact on the scientific world.' ...'Now the way that I see the logic of our movement going is like this. The first thing you understand is that the Darwinian theory isn't true. It's falsified by all of the evidence and the logic is terrible. When did you realize that the next question that occurs to you is, well, where might you get the truth? When I preach from the Bible, as I often do at churches and on Sundays, I don't start with Genesis. I start with John 1:1. In the beginning was the word. In the beginning were intelligence, purpose, and wisdom. The Bible had that right. And the materialist scientists are deluding themselves."

Johnson cites the foundation of intelligent design as The Gospel According to Saint John, in the New Testament, specifically, Chapter 1:1: "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God" (King James Version).

The 1999 establishment of the Michael Polanyi Center at Baylor University by Baylor president Robert B. Sloan was a major step forward in the Wedge Strategy. The center was directed by William Dembski and Bruce L. Gordon, with funding from the John Templeton Foundation via the Discovery Institute. The center was disbanded the next year in the face of protests from Baylor's faculty and the recommendation of an outside advisory council. By 2005 Baylor had also hired two other wedge proponents, Walter Bradley and Francis J. Beckwith.

Elaborating on the goals and methods of wedge strategy, Johnson stated in an interview conducted in 2002 for Touchstone Magazine that "The mechanism of the wedge strategy is to make it attractive to Catholics, Orthodox, non-fundamentalist Protestants, observant Jews, and so on." He went on to elaborate:

"So the question is: 'How to win?' That's when I began to develop what you now see full-fledged in the 'wedge' strategy: 'Stick with the most important thing' —the mechanism and the building up of information. Get the Bible and the Book of Genesis out of the debate because you do not want to raise the so-called Bible-science dichotomy. Phrase the argument in such a way that you can get it heard in the secular academy and in a way that tends to unify the religious dissenters. That means concentrating on, 'Do you need a Creator to do the creating, or can nature do it on its own?' and refusing to get sidetracked onto other issues, which people are always trying to do."

Other statements of Johnson's acknowledge that the goal of the intelligent design movement is to promote a theistic and creationist agenda cast as a scientific concept. "Our strategy has been to change the subject a bit so that we can get the issue of intelligent design, which really means the reality of God, before the academic world and into the schools."

"This isn't really, and never has been a debate about science. It's about religion and philosophy."

Critics claim that Johnson's statements validate claims leveled by those who allege that the Discovery Institute and its allied organizations are merely stripping religious content from their anti-evolution, creationist assertions as a means of avoiding the separation of church and state mandated by the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. The statements, when viewed in the light of the Wedge document and the US District Court's Kitzmiller decision, show ID and the ID movement is an attempt to put a gloss of secularity on top of what is a fundamentally religious belief.

The wedge strategy details a simultaneous assault on state boards of education, state and federal legislatures and on the print and broadcast media. The Discovery Institute has carried out the strategy through its role in the intelligent design movement, where it aggressively promoted ID and its Teach the Controversy campaign to the public, education officials and public policymakers. Intelligent design proponents, through the Discovery Institute, have employed a number of specific political strategies and tactics in their furtherance of their goals. These range from attempts at the state level to undermine or remove altogether the presence of evolutionary theory from the public school classroom, to having the federal government mandate the teaching of intelligent design, to 'stacking' municipal, county and state school boards with ID proponents.

The Discovery Institute has provided material support and assisted federal, state and local elected representatives in drafting legislation that would deemphasize or refute evolution in science curricula. The DI has also supported and advised individual parents and local groups who raise the subject with school boards. During school board meetings in Kansas, Ohio, and Texas, the political and social agenda of the Discovery Institute were used to call into question both the motives of the intelligent design proponents and the validity of their position.

The Discovery Institute fellows have significant advantages in money, political sophistication, and experience over their opponents in the scientific and educational communities, who do not have the benefit of funding from wealthy benefactors, clerical and technical support staff, and expensive advertising campaigns and extensive political networking.

The Discovery Institute's "Teach the Controversy" campaign is designed to leave the scientific establishment looking close-minded, appearing as if it is attempting to stifle and suppress new scientific discoveries that challenge the status quo. This is made with the knowledge that it's unlikely many in the public understand advanced biology or can consult the current scientific literature or contact major scientific organizations to verify Discovery Institute claims. This part of the strategy also plays on undercurrents of anti-intellectualism and distrust of science and scientists that can be found in particular segments of American society.

There is a noticeable conflict between what intelligent design backers tell the public through the media and what they say before conservative Christian audiences. This is studied and deliberate as advocated by wedge strategy author Phillip E. Johnson. When speaking to a mainstream audience and to the media, ID proponents cast ID as a secular, scientific theory. But when speaking to what the Wedge Document calls their "natural constituency, namely (conservative) Christians," ID proponents express themselves in unambiguously religious language. This in the belief that they cannot afford to alienate their constituency and major funding sources, virtually all of which are conservative religious organizations and individuals such as Howard Ahmanson.

Having written extensively about ID, philosopher of science Robert Pennock says "When lobbying for ID in the public schools, wedge members sometimes deny that ID makes any claims about the identity of the designer. It is ironic that their political strategy leads them to deny God in the public square more often than Peter did."

The term "intelligent design" has become a liability for wedge advocates since the ruling in Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District. Because of the success of the Discovery Institute's public relations campaign to make "intelligent design" a household phrase, and the ruling in Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District that ID is essentially religious in nature more people recognize it as the religious concept of creationism. Having come closest to accomplishing getting ID into public school science classes in Kansas and Ohio where they succeeded in getting the State Board of Education to adopt ID lesson plans, intelligent design proponents advocated "teach the controversy" as a legally defensible alternative to teaching intelligent design. The Kitzmiller ruling also characterized "teaching the controversy" as part of the same religious ploy as presenting intelligent design as an alternative to evolution. This prompted a move to a fallback position, teaching "critical analysis" of evolutionary theory. Teaching "critical analysis" is viewed as a means of teaching all the ID arguments without using that label. It also picks up the themes of the teach the controversy strategy, emphasizing what they say are the "strengths and weaknesses" of evolutionary theory and "arguments against evolution," which they falsely portray as "a theory in crisis."

Critics state about the wedge strategy that its "ultimate goal is to create a theocratic state".

title: Wedge strategy


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Nervous network

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was DELETE or REDIRECT. I'm going to redirect it. dbenbenn | talk 17:11, 2 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Nervous_network
This page just duplacates information that is already presented more comprehensively at Neural network JeremyA 03:55, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete article content already covered in another article. Also, the fact that this is an "excerpt" from another publication leads me to believe that this is a possible copyvio. --Deathphoenix 06:38, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Trilobite (Talk) 10:47, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, though perhaps merge with neural network if it can be cleaned of an possible copyvio. The concept does appear from Googling to perhaps be emerging in the field, but pretty much at this point solely propounded by Mark Tilden. HyperZonktalk 17:22, Feb 17, 2005 (UTC)
 * Redirect. -Sean Curtin 01:04, Feb 18, 2005 (UTC)
 * Redirect to Neural network. Megan1967 08:34, 18 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Unless there is evidence that this has expanded past a single person's approach, I think this might have to be deleted as a neologism. Very few of the google hits apply to this concept.  A tighter search finds only 7 hits (the first being Wikipedia).  Is it widely discussed?  Are others citing this work? Rossami (talk) 22:35, 18 Feb 2005 (UTC)  Change to abstain based on findings below.  23:26, 22 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Rossami, I think your Google search is inappropriately narrow. Googling for "nervous network" robot yields 750 hits. "Nervous network" seems to have currency in the field of robotics, and apart from the association with Mark Tilden alone. The article nervous network has material not covered by neural network. Keep. Wile E. Heresiarch 04:01, 21 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * The page nervous network appears to be a copy-paste from this webpage. The copyright statement for the site states that all material is covered by the GNU General Public Licence - possibly countering any copyvio worries. Having researched nervous networks a little more, I change my vote to merge into the Neural network as one of the types of neural network. JeremyA 03:08, 24 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep the article but it needs a rewrite. Nervous Nets are fundamentally different from Neural Nets. May I offer a rewritten entry? jwgoerlich 10:00, 26 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * John A. deVries II, "I don't care how often you (or Tilden) calls them Neural Nets, they are not so.", 12 Oct 2000
 * Comment: The message that I take reading this message and the resulting replies is that even people in the field are unsure about the distinction between neural nets and nervous nets JeremyA 22:37, 28 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * John A. deVries II, "Yet More On Re: nv network", 20 Apr 2001
 * Redirect to neural network --Neigel von Teighen 16:42, 26 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep, seems okay for Wikipedia. JamesBurns 10:09, 27 Feb 2005 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Talk:Nikita Mikhalkov

Untitled
I think the Filmography and Actor sections should be placed in a list format. User:ted-m

Edit request on 8 June 2013
24.78.240.58 (talk) 07:26, 8 June 2013 (UTC)

Hello, Under critics, or whatever,please publish this video. Becose it wont be honest information about this person without this famous video. Very famous in Russia, but barely known in the world. On this video Nikita Michalkov hits guy with leg. I thinks that this one, other side of famous and "talanded" should be shown to people as well.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JFOIe0eJMXI

Thanks

Alex
 * Not done as the video is not notable. See also WP:YOUTUBE.--Tomcat (7) 09:59, 9 June 2013 (UTC)

His wife's surname is Mikhalkova, but not Mikhalkov. Russian surnames are conjugated. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 85.140.210.151 (talk) 12:34, 24 March 2014 (UTC)

The Barber of Siberia
In "The Barber of Siberia" Mikhalkov plays Alexander III, not himself. 89.188.103.210 (talk) 17:45, 10 November 2014 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Nikita Mikhalkov


text:
Category:Animated television specials

Animated television specials.

title: Category:Animated television specials


text:
Zona da Mata

The Zona da Mata (, "Forest Belt") is the narrow coastal plain between the Atlantic Ocean and the dry agreste and sertão regions in the northeastern Brazilian states of Maranhão, Piauí, Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Alagoas, Sergipe and Bahia.

The zona da mata consists of a narrow plain, generally about 50 - 100 km wide and very flat and low (below 100 m in elevation), below the northeastern edge of the Brazilian Highlands. The climate is tropical hot and wet (humid), with most rain coming from the southeasterly winds between April and July. Annual rainfall generally totals 1300 - 2000 mm, with averages in June as high as 300 mm.

Because the climate and soil of the zona da mata are excellent for the production of sugar cane, very little of the original Atlantic Rainforest vegetation remains. Most of the major cities of northeastern Brazil, including Recife, Salvador, Maceió, Aracaju and João Pessoa, are located in the zona da mata.

title: Zona da Mata


text:
Ptolemais Theron

Ptolemais Theron (Πτολεμαῒς Θηρῶν and Πτολεμαῒς ἡ τῶν θηρῶν ) ('Ptolemais of the Hunts') was a marketplace on the African side of the Red Sea, whose location is now uncertain.

According to Strabo (16.4.7), Ptolemais was founded as a base to support the hunting of elephants by a certain Eumedes (Εὐμήδης), who had been sent there by Ptolemy II Philadelphus, king of Ptolemaic Egypt. Eumedes, "secretly enclosed a kind of peninsula with a ditch and a wall, and then, by courteous treatment of those who tried to hinder the work, actually won them over as friends instead of foes." (Strabo 16.4.7). Ptolemais was only one of a series of such elephant-hunting stations along the Red Sea coast of Africa, Adulis being perhaps originally another. Pliny the Elder (2.75.1) and Diodorus Siculus (3.41.1) also mention the hunting of the elephants.

The early Ptolemies had seen the value of war elephants by the military strength of the Seleucids. Cut off from any possibility of acquiring Indian elephants, they founded and actively sought to capture them from the neighboring regions of Africa. Although these animals helped in the Battle of Raphia, they proved unstable and the African species were intimidated by the Asian species, which led to the Egyptians eventually abandoning the use of these animals in war.

Unlike most of the stations the Ptolemies established to the south of their kingdom, Ptolemais had enough fertile land immediately around it to sustain it as a town. By the time the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea was written (mid 1st century), it had clearly declined in importance. The writer notes that it had "no harbor, and can only be reached by small boats" (ch. 3).

Ancient authorities are vague on the location of Ptolemais, and the site remains unidentified. The Periplus describes it as 3000 stadia south of the Moskhophagoi, and 3000 stadia north of Adulis, inside the regions ruled by Zoskales, the king of Aksum; Pliny the Elder (N.H. 6.168) notes that Ptolemais was close to Lake Monoleus. G.W.B. Huntingford notes that Ptolemais has been identified both with the locales of Arqiqo and Suakin some 150 miles apart, and notes that Suakin lay at the end of an ancient caravan route that links it to Barbar on the Nile. However, Stanley M. Burstein argues for Trinkitat, where he states that "classical architectural fragments" have been found.

Ptolemais Theron is noted by Pliny as a place where shadows vanished under the noontime sun (meaning that the sun reached its zenith) 45 days before and 45 days after midsummer. Pliny claims that this gave Eratosthenes the idea about how to calculate the circumference of the Earth (N.H. 2.183, 6.168).

Popular culture

 * In the Paradox Development Studio grand strategy wargame Imperator: Rome, Ptolemais Theron is controlled by an autocratic monarchy of the Blemmyan culture, in the Aksumite culture group, with Kemetic religion, starting in the game's main campaign during the time of the Diadochi in 304 BC.
 * In the Creative Assembly strategy game Total War: Rome II, Ptolemais Theron is a major settlement controlled by the Blemmyes faction In the game‘s ‘grand campaign’.

title: Ptolemais Theron


text:
National Commercial Bank

National Commercial Bank may refer to:
 * NCB Financial Group, a Caribbean banking group headquartered in Jamaica
 * National Commercial Bank (China), a defunct commercial bank that was based in Hong Kong
 * National Commercial Bank Mauritius, a state-owned commercial bank in Mauritius
 * National Commercial Bank (Saudi Arabia)
 * National Commercial Bank of Scotland, a defunct Scottish commercial bank that was merged into the Royal Bank of Scotland
 * Zambia National Commercial Bank, a commercial bank in Zambia

title: National Commercial Bank


text:
User:Mrqva

... ... ... ... ... ...

title: User:Mrqva


text:
Danny Whitten

Danny Ray Whitten (May 8, 1943 – November 18, 1972) was an American guitarist and songwriter, best known for his work with Neil Young's backing band Crazy Horse, and for the song "I Don't Want to Talk About It", a hit for Rod Stewart and Everything but the Girl.

Early years
Whitten was born on May 8, 1943, in Columbus, Georgia. His parents split up when he was young. He and his sister, Brenda, lived with their mother, who worked long hours as a waitress. His mother remarried when he was nine years old and the family moved to Canton, Ohio.

Musical beginnings
Whitten joined Billy Talbot and Ralph Molina and Benjamin Rocco in the doo-wop group, Danny and the Memories. After recording an obscure single, "Can't Help Loving That Girl of Mine", core members of the group moved to San Francisco where they morphed into a folk-psychedelic rock act called The Psyrcle. Whitten played guitar, Molina drums, and Talbot played bass and piano.

By 1967, the group took on brothers George and Leon Whitsell on additional guitars and vocals, as well as violinist Bobby Notkoff, the sextet calling themselves The Rockets. They signed with independent label White Whale Records, working with producer Barry Goldberg for the group's self-titled album in mid-1968. The album sold poorly.

Connection with Neil Young
Songwriter Neil Young, fresh from departing Buffalo Springfield, with one album of his own under his belt, began jamming with the Rockets and expressed interest in recording with Whitten, Molina and Talbot. The trio agreed, so long as they were allowed to simultaneously continue on with The Rockets. Young acquiesced initially, but imposed a rehearsal schedule that made that an impossibility. At first dubbed "War Babies" by Young, they soon became known as Crazy Horse.

Recording sessions led to Young's second album, Everybody Knows This Is Nowhere, credited as Neil Young with Crazy Horse, with Whitten on second guitar and vocals. Although his role was that of support, Whitten sang the album's opening track "Cinnamon Girl" along with Young, and Whitten and Young shared lead guitar on "Down by the River" and "Cowgirl in the Sand". These tracks would influence the grunge movement of the 1990s, and all three songs remain part of Young's performance repertoire.

Drug addiction
During this period, Whitten began using heroin; after finding that it mitigated his longstanding battle with rheumatoid arthritis, he quickly became addicted. Although he participated in the early stages of Young's next solo effort, After the Gold Rush, Whitten and the rest of Crazy Horse were dismissed about halfway through the recording sessions, in part because of Whitten's heavy drug use. Whitten performs guitar and vocals on "Oh, Lonesome Me", "I Believe in You", and "When You Dance I Can Really Love". He was also brought in at the end of the sessions to provide harmony vocals on "Tell Me Why", "Only Love Can Break Your Heart", "Cripple Creek Ferry", "Southern Man" and "Till the Morning Comes". Young wrote "The Needle and the Damage Done" during this time, with direct references to Whitten's addiction and its role in the destruction of his talent.

Acquiring a recording contract and expanded to a quintet in 1970, Crazy Horse recorded its first group-only album, released in early 1971. The debut album included five songs by Whitten, with two standout tracks being a song co-written by Young that would show up later on a Young album, "(Come On Baby Let's Go) Downtown", and Whitten's most famous composition, "I Don't Want to Talk About It", a heartfelt ballad that would receive many cover versions and offer the promise of unfulfilled talent.

Death
Whitten continued to drift, his personal life ruled almost totally by drugs. He was dismissed from Crazy Horse by Talbot and Molina, who used replacements on the band's two albums of 1972. In April of that year, after receiving a call from Young to play rhythm guitar as a member of The Stray Gators on the upcoming tour behind Young's Harvest album, Whitten showed up for rehearsals at Young's home outside San Francisco. While the rest of the group hammered out arrangements, Whitten lagged behind, figuring out the rhythm parts, though never in sync with the rest of the group. Young, who had more at stake after the success of After the Gold Rush and Harvest, fired him from the band on November 18, 1972. He gave Whitten $50 and a plane ticket back to Los Angeles. Later that night Whitten died from ingesting a combination of diazepam, which he was taking for severe knee arthritis, and alcohol, which he was using to try to get over his heroin addiction. In 1973, Charles Perry of Rolling Stone reported that Whitten died of a methaqualone overdose.

Neil Young recalled, "We were rehearsing with him and he just couldn't cut it. He couldn't remember anything. He was too out of it. Too far gone. I had to tell him to go back to L.A. 'It's not happening, man. You're not together enough.' He just said, 'I've got nowhere else to go, man. How am I gonna tell my friends?' And he split. That night the coroner called me and told me he'd died. That blew my mind. Fucking blew my mind. I loved Danny. I felt responsible. And from there, I had to go right out on this huge tour of huge arenas. I was very nervous and ... insecure."

Years later, Young told biographer Jimmy McDonough that for a long time after Whitten died, he felt responsible for Whitten's death. It took him years to stop blaming himself. "Danny just wasn't happy", Young said. "It just all came down on him. He was engulfed by this drug. That was too bad. Because Danny had a lot to give, boy. He was really good."

Discography

 * "Surfin' Granny' (A-Side), "Mirror Mirror" (B-Side), Danny & The Memories, Single, Liberty label, 1963 (Not Released)
 * "Can't Help Loving That Girl of Mine" (A-Side), "Don't Go" (B-Side), Danny & The Memories, Single, Valiant label, 7/64; re-released 3/65
 * "Baby, Don't Do That" (A-Side), (B-Side is unknown), The Psyrcle, Single, Lorna label, 1966 (Not Released)
 * The Rockets, The Rockets, Album, White Whale label, 1968
 * "Hole In My Pocket" (A-side), "Let Me Go" (B-Side), The Rockets, Single, White Whale label, 1968
 * "Hole In My Pocket" (A & B-Sides), The Rockets, Single, White Whale label, 1968 (Promotional/radio release only)
 * "Let Me Go" (A & B-Sides), The Rockets, Single, White Whale label, 1968 (Promotional/radio release only)
 * Everybody Knows This Is Nowhere, Neil Young & Crazy Horse, Album, Reprise label, 1969
 * After the Gold Rush, Neil Young, Album, Reprise label, 1970
 * Crazy Horse, Crazy Horse, Album, Reprise label, 1971
 * "Downtown" (A-Side), "Crow Jane Lady" (B-Side), Crazy Horse, Single, Reprise label, 1971
 * "Dance, Dance, Dance" (A-Side), "Carolay" (B-Side), Crazy Horse, Single, Reprise label, 1971
 * "Dirty, Dirty" (A-Side), "Beggar's Day" (B-Side), Crazy Horse, Single, Reprise label 1971
 * Tonight's the Night, Neil Young, Album, Reprise, 1975 (recorded 1970, posthumously released)
 * Gone Dead Train: The Best of Crazy Horse 1971–1989 Crazy Horse, Album, Raven label, 2005
 * Scratchy: The Complete Reprise Recordings, Crazy Horse, Album, Rhino Handmade label, 2005
 * Live at the Fillmore East, Neil Young & Crazy Horse, Album, Reprise, 2006 (recorded 1970)
 * ''The Archives Vol. 1 1963–1972, Neil Young & Crazy Horse, Album, Reprise, 2009

Songs written by Danny Whitten

 * "Baby, Don't Do That" (Whitten, Billy Talbot) 1966 Lorna single, produced by Sly Stone
 * "Dance To The Music On The Radio" (Whitten, Talbot)
 * "Dirty, Dirty" (Whitten)
 * "(Come On Baby Let's Go) Downtown" (Whitten, Neil Young)
 * "Hole in My Pocket" (Whitten) 1968 White Whale single, produced by Barry Goldberg; also recorded by the 'Barry Goldberg Reunion' on There's No Hole In My Soul for Buddah Records.
 * "I Don't Need Nobody (Hangin' Round My Door)" (Whitten)
 * "I Don't Want to Talk About It" (Whitten)
 * "I'll Get By" (Whitten)
 * "Let Me Go" (Whitten) 1968 White Whale single, produced by Barry Goldberg.
 * "Look At All The Things" (Whitten)
 * "Love Can Be So Bad" (Whitten, Lolly Vegas)
 * "May" (Whitten, Talbot)
 * "Mr. Chips" (Whitten)
 * "Oh Boy" (Whitten)
 * "Wasted" (Whitten, Lolly Vegas, Pat Vegas)
 * "Whatever" (Whitten, Talbot)
 * "Won't You Say You'll Stay" (Whitten)

title: Danny Whitten


text:
Heat coil

Heat coils, also known as protectors, bugs or carbons serve as a surge protector between the telephone exchange and outside plant. They are commonly the last point of appearance for a telephone circuit before it leaves the office, for example on the outside plant side of the main distribution frame. On some competitive local exchange carrier circuits there are two heat coils, the extra one being at the point of interface between their circuit and where the incumbent local exchange carrier or Regional Bell Operating Company receives it. Their primary purpose is to protect central office equipment from surges of high voltage.

If a surge comes down the line it will melt the connection between the central office and outside plant sides, as in a fuse, thereby protecting the equipment. Some heat coils have springs in them, so that when a surge breaks the circuit their tension is released and the plastic cover pops off as a visual indicator that the line is somehow defective.

This image from The Bell System technical journal provides a technical schematic and description of ' a heat coil used to protect telephone exchange equipment against excessive electrical currents that may accidentally come in over the line wires.'

title: Heat coil


text:
Cadillac V series

The Cadillac V series (stylized as V-Series) is a line of high-performance vehicles tuned by the General Motors Performance division for the Cadillac division of General Motors. Models in the V series tend to vary from one generation to the other. It was introduced in 2003.

The V series was initially created as part of the 2000s Cadillac rebranding and the new 'Art & Science' design language to compete directly with German rivals such as BMW M and Mercedes-AMG. The first-ever V series model was the 2004 Cadillac CTS-V which became a successful seller and steered Cadillac in the new direction for the following decade.

The letter "V" was chosen as a salute dedicated to post-WWII Cadillacs that featured a V-shape ornament below the crowned wreath logo, the shape itself was never recognized as a letter back then. Most V series Cadillac cars traditionally include high-performance V8 engines, transmissions, revised suspension systems (MagneRide Control), revised interiors, aerodynamics, and more aggressive bodywork which is intended to improve the vehicles' aerodynamic performance as well as differentiate them from their normal production counterparts.

Cadillac has also re-entered motorsport competition with their CTS-V.R, a joint venture between GM Performance Division and Pratt & Miller race team, most famous for their role in GM's Le Mans-winning Corvette C5.R program.

In 2009, the second-generation CTS-V sedan achieved a lap time of 7:59.32 at the Nürburgring Nordschleife, which was the fastest documented time for a production sedan on factory tires —until the Porsche Panamera Turbo clocked a time of 7:56 in July 2009 —thanks to a heavily-tuned "LS9" EATON-supercharged 6.2 L V8 engine that was borrowed from Corvette. The engine was renamed as "LSA" and it produces 556 horsepower and 551 lbft of torque. The same "LSA" engine is used in the CTS-V coupe and wagon.

History
The V-Series development emerged from the mindset taking over at General Motors back in the late 1990s and early 2000s, where Cadillac was struggling against imports from Europe and Japan. GM was eager to bring Cadillac back to its mantra "Standard of the World" and the new 'Art & Science' design language that matured in the late nineties auto shows gave the brand an aggressive and edgy leap ahead that looked promising at that time.

The team assigned to create the first generation CTS recognized early on that a high-performance variant was necessary, not only to rival competition and display Cadillac's resurgence, but also to pull young and new customers to Cadillac.

In 2004, the first-ever Cadillac V-Series was the CTS-V, which appeared in the movie The Matrix.

First-generation V series
The first V-series model of the Cadillac family was the CTS, which was built on GM Sigma Platform like the core model but given the GM LS engine from the C5-generation Corvette Z06, along with its a six-speed Tremec manual transmission. Since the LS was a V8 engine, it required a unique engine cradle distinct from the base CTS V6. Larger anti-roll bars and larger shocks were also added, and the spring rate was significantly increased.

The XLR hard-top followed in 2005, sharing its platform with the Chevrolet Corvette (C6). The XLR-V used a supercharged 4.4 L Northstar V8 which produced 443 hp (330 kW) and 414 lb·ft (561 N·m). The supercharger and four intercoolers were built into the intake manifold. A six-speed automatic transmission, larger brakes from the Z51 Corvette, and 19-inch wheels were used. The XLR base price was $98,000 and by 2008 it reached $101,300 making it one of General Motors' most expensive vehicles to that point.

A year after the XLR-V launch and two after the CTS-V, in 2006, Cadillac started producing the STS-V sedan. Its 4.4 L XLR-V derived Northstar V8 produced 26 more horsepower and 25 more lb-ft of torque. The engine was mated to a driver-adjustable transmission with two shifting modes, larger Brembo brakes, larger ten-spoke alloy wheels (18 in × 8.5" front, 19 in × 9.5" rear), Pirelli run-flat tires, a faster steering ratio, and a stiffer suspension than the standard STS.

Second-generation V series
The second-generation V series was exclusive to the CTS since the STS and XLR were rolled out of production. For 2009, Cadillac introduced the second-generation CTS-V that was built on GM Sigma II Platform. It was a rear-wheel drive, powered by a 6.2 L LSA EATON-supercharged V8 that was based on LS9 V8 from—what was then—recently released Corvette ZR1. The engine generates 556 horsepower and 551 lb-ft of torque. The second-generation CTS-V broke a Nürburgring lap-record which made it the then fastest production sedan.

When asked in 2009 about the possibility of a CTS-V wagon, the GM Vice Chairman at that time, Bob Lutz, replied, "... should sufficient demand materialize, there is no reason why we couldn't do a V-series wagon, and I would be standing in line for one, just ahead of you." GM decided to move forward, introducing a 5-door sport wagon body style to the CTS-V vehicle line at the New York International Auto Show on March 29, 2010.

The CTS-V wagon shares the 556 hp (415 kW) engine and six-speed manual or automatic transmission, Magnetic Ride Control, Brembo brakes, 19-inch aluminum wheels and performance tires and a dual-airflow grille also used in the CTS-V sedan and coupe.

The CTS-V coupe debuted at the 2010 North American International Auto Show in Detroit, and entered production in summer 2010 as a 2011 model. It has the same 556 hp (415 kW) engine and transmission choices as the CTS-V sedan. The CTS-V Coupe features unique centered twin exhausts, a larger grille for air intake, and an optional "saffron" interior trim color. Like the CTS-V sedan, it comes standard with 19-inch aluminum wheels, Brembo brakes, and Magnetic Ride Control.

CTS Vday
Released in China in 2012, the CTS Vday was a special edition commemorating Cadillac's 110th anniversary. The CTS Vday does not have any changes to its 3.0 V6.

Third-generation V series
The third-generation V series included the sub-brand's flagship, CTS-V and the compact ATS-V. Unlike the first and second generations, where the CTS-V was the biggest update for the V series, the third-generation was the first expansion attempt on the V brand by Cadillac. Typically, the V series served as Cadillac's top-of-the-line trim level, and that mainly was exclusive to the CTS since that's where it all started. However, with such buzz created by the second-generation V series, and the short-lived record for a sedan on a demanding racetrack, Cadillac wanted to build on that success with other models in their lineup. This led them to create the Vsport, where potential buyers interested in the V series, could purchase a CTS with increased horsepower and sportier handling, can bypass the 'comfort & luxury' trims and get an entry-level 'performance' model for $20k less than the full-fledged CTS-V.

Vsport
Starting with XTS, the marque offers a step trim, called Vsport. The Vsport trim is the top of the XTS line, with a 3.6-liter turbocharged engine, producing 410 hp. The next year, the third-generation CTS offered with a Vsport trimline, however with an increased output of 420 hp. Both of them were the only "V"-badged vehicles of Cadillac until the CTS-V and ATS-V.

For the 2016 model year, the trim was rebranded as V-Sport. The V-Sport trim designation was discontinued with the CTS and XTS sedan phase-outs in 2019 and 2020, respectively.

CTS-V
The CTS-V was powered by a supercharged version of the Corvette (C7) 6.2-liter LT4 V8 engine found on the Z06. It generated 640 hp, 10 hp less than the Z06, making the third-generation CTS-V the most powerful Cadillac ever produced up until 2022 with the release of the CT5-V Blackwing, and 630 lbft. Weighing 4145 lbs, the CTS-V equipped with an 8-speed automatic transmission was able to do 0-60 mph at 3.6 seconds. The top speed is 200 mph, earning the third-generation CTS-V the unofficial nickname four-door Corvette.

ATS-V Sedan and ATS-V Coupe
The Cadillac ATS-V sedan and coupe fill the gap left by the second-generation CTS-V. Cadillac made the first and second generation CTS smaller than BMW's 5-Series and larger than the 3-Series. However, with the third-generation CTS growing larger to match the size of the 5-Series, Cadillac armed the ATS-V with the LF4 twin-turbo V6 engine, producing 464 hp and 445 lbft. The ATS-V is the first-ever V series Cadillac to be powered by a V6 rather than a V8.

Fourth-generation V series
The fourth-generation V series evolves away from "Art & Science" and ushers into Cadillac's new design language, beginning with the flagship CT6-V. Cadillac is also restructuring the V series with this generation. In place of the discontinued V-Sport introduced in the previous generation, Cadillac is repositioning the V models as an entry-level performance variant (with CT6 V-Sport being renamed CT6-V right before launch), and introducing a new top-level V series trim dubbed; V Blackwing (after the engine used in the CT6-V), taking the place of the previous generation V models (e.g. the CTS-V being directly replaced by the CT5-V Blackwing). This pushes the V models to serve as a mid-level trim in Cadillac's entire trim levels (even non-performance models) and features smaller engines rather than V8s. The move is aimed to make better use of the V series sub-brand and spread it into a price range of two categories instead of just one. Also new to the fourth-generation V series, is the ability to add Cadillac's Platinum package for the first time on a V model.

CT6-V
The CT6-V served as a launch platform for Cadillac's hand-built 4.2-liter Blackwing twin-turbo V8, generating 550 hp and 640 lbft of torque. The CT6-V also included all-wheel drive, making it the first V series ever to feature AWD, and the first Cadillac sedan ever to feature a V8 with AWD.

With the remarkably lightweight Omega Platform, active rear-wheel steering, and all-wheel drive, the CT6-V redefined performance for a vehicle of its size. It was the most agile and nimble full-size luxury sedan in the world.

The CT6-V does 0-60 mph in 3.8 seconds, just 0.2 seconds more than the third-generation CTS-V.

Prior to official production and release, CT6's with the 550hp Blackwing V8 were designated as V-Sport models. Upon official production the model designation was changed to “CT6-V”. CT6's with the 500hp Blackwing V8 were designated as CT6 Platinum.

CT5-V
Replacing the CTS and powered by the 405 lbft generating 3.0-liter LGY twin-turbo V6. Sent to the wheels via the new GM 10-Speed automatic transmission. The 360hp CT5-V features Magnetic Ride Control and electronic limited-slip differential. On the steering wheel there's a new button called "V-Mode", which activates a driver preset custom settings, such as the engine sounds, steering, suspension, powertrain, and brake response.

CT4-V
Taking over the lead from the ATS, the CT4-V features 2.7L dual-volute high-output engine 4-inline turbo engine, generating 325 hp and 380 lbft. The CT4-V includes Magnetic Ride Control and Brembo brakes as standard. The same "V-Mode" button available in the CT5-V is also found in the CT4-V.

CT5-V Blackwing and CT4-V Blackwing
The 2022 CT5-V Blackwing was announced in February 2021 to have a 6.2 liter supercharged 668 hp pushrod V-8 engine. The 2022 CT4-V Blackwing was announced at the same time, with a 472 hp twin-turbo 3.6 liter V6. The 2023 CT5-V Blackwing currently has a hand-built 6.2 liter supercharged 668-horsepower V-8 engine, built in The Performance Build Center at General Motors Corvette Bowling Green, Ky Assembly Plant.

Escalade-V
A high-performance version of the full-sized Cadillac Escalade SUV, the Escalade-V, was announced in late January 2022 for the 2023 model year. The Escalade-V is expected to have a supercharged LT4 V-8, also used to power the CT5-V Blackwing sedan, both being hand built in the Performance Build Center at General Motors Corvette Assembly Plant in Bowling Green,Ky. More details will be released in the spring of 2022 and the car will start arriving on dealerships in the second half of 2022.

Motorsports
One of the most notable achievements of the Cadillac V series in motorsports is its dominance in the Pirelli World Challenge series. In 2017, Cadillac won the Manufacturer's Championship in the GT class, while their drivers took the top three spots in the Driver's Championship. With their success in the Pirelli World Challenge, Cadillac has also competed in other high-profile motorsports events. For example, the V series has competed in endurance races such as the Rolex 24 at Daytona and the 12 Hours of Sebring, where they have often proven to be a tough competitor.

Cadillac ATS-V.R

Cadillac DPi-V.R

Cadillac V-Series.R

title: Cadillac V series


text:
Goo Goo Dolls (album)

Goo Goo Dolls (also known as First Release) is the eponymous debut studio album by American rock band Goo Goo Dolls, released on June 9, 1987 by Mercenary and Celluloid Records. All of the songs were sung by bassist Robby Takac, who was originally the band's lead vocalist. The album was recorded from late 1986 to early 1987 on a $750 budget at Trackmaster Audio in the band's hometown of Buffalo, New York. Later on, the band admitted in their 1999 VH1 Behind the Music special that the album was recorded under the influence of alcohol and drugs; Rzeznik stated, "[We had] a lot of beer, a lot of truck stop speed, a lot of pot...[I] don't remember a lot of it."

On December 15, 2013, the album was reissued by Charly Acquisitions as Made to Be Broken on digital-streaming services. The album contains the track listing in a different order from the original.

Personnel

 * Robby Takac - lead vocals, bass guitar
 * Johnny Rzeznik - guitar, backing vocals
 * George Tutuska - drums

title: Goo Goo Dolls (album)


text:
Serge Poltoratzky

Serge Poltoratzky (alternate spellings: Sergei or Sergey and Poltoratsky, Poltoratskii or Poltoratskiy), 1803-1884, was a Russian literary scholar, bibliophile and humanitarian. His major literary work was the Dictionary of Russian Authors, which he worked on for decades. He travelled extensively in Europe to find books and manuscripts needed for this work. He was also interested in the letters of Voltaire and in Franco-Russian cultural relations. He wrote articles for the French press on these and other literary topics, often under the pseudonym R.E. According to Yuri Druzhnikov, Poltoratzky was the first to introduce Pushkin's work to a western European audience, in the October 1821 issue of Revue encyclopedique (published in Paris).

Among Poltoratzky's literary friends were Victor Hugo, Nikolay Karamzin, Charles Forbes René de Montalembert, Alexander Pushkin, Charles Augustin Sainte-Beuve and Vasiliy Zhukovsky. He was also known for giving financial help to impoverished authors and scholars.

Poltoratzky's personal library, which included many rare books and unpublished manuscripts, was donated to the Imperial Public Library, now the Russian State Library.

Life
Serge Poltoratzky was the only son of Dimitry Poltoratzky and Anna Khlebnikova, who also had five daughters. Serge was primarily educated by tutors at the family home, Avchurino, on the east bank of the Oka River in Kaluga Province (Kaluzhskaya Oblast), but he also spent a year at the Richelieu Lyceum in Odessa. His parents were deeply interested in improving the material and social conditions of Russian serfs and peasants, and Serge inherited their commitment. In 1812 the family hid in Avchurino's attics as Napoleon’s army looted the estate during their retreat from Moscow.

Serge came into his inheritance at the age of 15, when his father died in 1818. At this time Serge was serving at court as a page to the Tsarina Elizaveta, wife of Tsar Alexander I. He later served in the Preobrazhensky Life Guards, according to his father’s and uncles’ wishes, but military life was not to his liking, and he soon resigned his commission, having reached only the lowly rank of praporshchik (often translated as “ensign”). Thereafter he devoted himself primarily to literary pursuits. Druzhnikov relates that after Poltoratzky's 1921 article, which mentioned Pushkin's poems Liberty and The Village and their criticism of Russian social conditions, appeared in France, he "was fired from his job and sent to live in the country under police supervision". This job may have been the Life Guards position, and the episode glossed for his children as a voluntary resignation.

Poltoratzky was one of the wealthiest men in Russia. He owned seven large estates, at least two houses in Moscow, and various smaller properties and investments. All this wealth had been accumulated in a mere two generations, as both his grandfathers were commoners ennobled to the rank of potomstvenniy dvorianin (hereditary untitled gentleman), Piotr Khlebnikov for service to Russian literature, and Mark Poltoratzky for his singing voice.

All Serge Poltoratzky's paternal uncles married into the titled nobility. His only aunt married Alexey Olenin, the first director of the Russian Imperial Library. His mother's brother emigrated to the US, and the family lost touch with him during the 1796-1801 reign of Tsar Pavel I, who banned all foreign correspondence.

Poltoratzky married in 1831, but within a few years his wife mysteriously disappeared, having been last seen leaving their Moscow house on foot. In 1843 he became engaged to Ellen Sarah Southee, 16 years his junior, and the daughter of an English gentleman farmer. She was related to poet Robert Southey. Later that year Poltoratzky's first wife was legally declared dead, his mother died, and his second marriage took place.

From 1843 Poltoratzky made his home at Avchurino when not engaged in literary travels. There he and his wife had three daughters and two sons, the eldest of whom died in infancy.

After the accession of the reform-minded Tsar Alexander II in 1855, many of the legal impediments to landowners’ freeing their serfs were removed. Poltoratzky took advantage of these changes to free his thousands of serfs between the years 1856 and 1859. In addition, he gave them land, livestock, tools and other goods to help them become self-supporting. He also advised the Tsar's Emancipation Committee, which was developing the terms of serf emancipation that would be enacted in 1861.

In 1859 Poltoratzky discovered that two of his estate managers had massively defrauded him. The men were tried and convicted, which might have enabled Poltoratzky to gain legal redress from the debts incurred on his behalf, but he did not pursue this possibility. Around the same time it became known to the imperial government that Poltoratzky's English wife had never converted to the Russian Orthodox church, and furthermore, that their children were being raised in the Anglican church. While this was perhaps technically legal, so soon after the Crimean War it was utterly unacceptable socially, and in imperial Russia, social-political favor would have been essential to the family's economic recovery. Poltoratzky liquidated his assets in Russia, paid off his debts, and prepared to emigrate to France, where he had some untouched funds.

In 1860 the Poltoratzky family left Russia for good. They went first to Charlottenburg, Prussia, where another son was born. They then proceeded to Paris, where Serge had long maintained a pied-à-terre for use on his literary trips. Thereafter the family divided their time between Paris and England, where the youngest son was born.

Death
Poltoratzky died in Neuilly, France in 1884.

Notable descendants
Serge Poltoratzky's literary legacy was continued by his daughter Frances Hermione de Poltoratzky (alternate spellings: Poltoratskaia or Poltoratskaya), 1850-1916. She wrote, primarily in French, novels, pamphlets on social and political issues, and works on Russian history.

The next generation's author was E. M. Almedingen, the daughter of Hermione's sister Olga. Almedingen wrote histories, memoirs, poems and novels for both adults and children. Her most successful works were several novelized children's biographies of her ancestors.

title: Serge Poltoratzky


text: User talk:69.216.129.156

title: User talk:69.216.129.156


text:
User talk:Hughsonj

Welcome!

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, you can sign your name on Talk and vote pages using three tildes, like this: ~~~. Four tildes (~~~~) produces your name and the current date. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Again, welcome! — Zeimusu | Talk 04:11, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)
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Image Tagging for Image:Meier_Interior.JPG
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Hudson City
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Millennium City listed at Redirects for discussion
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Nomination of Unit run for deletion
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title: User talk:Hughsonj


text:
User:Butterfly kisses@12.6

hey people that actually have the chance to get a b.f plus u cat woman need to get a grip i can now get on urs so just drope ur attitde. ok ok so eather drope it or dill w/ it got it

title: User:Butterfly kisses@12.6


text: File:Kriha farmhouse, Zliv.jpg

title: File:Kriha farmhouse, Zliv.jpg


text:
Talk:Isotretinoin

Confusing wording in the lead paragraphs
"Women taking isotretinoin must not get pregnant during and for 1 month after the discontinuation of isotretinoin therapy."

So, is it the case that a woman taking the medication must not get pregnant during the discontinuation of the therapy plus up to one (see MOS for numbers, BTW) month after said discontinuation process has been completed? Or, is it instead the case that she must not get pregnant during the therapy and up to one month after the discontinuation of the therapy? The way this sentence is currently worded is vague enough to cause significant confusion as to this restriction. Furthermore, none of the remaining sentences in the paragraph serve to elucidate the issue further, so I'm asking for someone with relevant knowledge to reword the sentence in such a way that eliminates this possible source of confusion.

title: Talk:Isotretinoin


text: File:Train Drops of Jupiter.jpg

title: File:Train Drops of Jupiter.jpg