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Alan Maitland

Alan Maitland (February 13, 1920 – February 11, 1999) was a Canadian radio broadcaster. He was a longtime host for CBC Radio, starting as an announcer in 1947 and was later cohost of As It Happens from 1974 to 1993. He was also part of the administration of CBC Radio for a brief period in 1958 between assignments as an announcer.

In his "Fireside Al" segments on As It Happens and other CBC programs ("Frontporch Al" in summer time), Maitland frequently read short stories, some of which he also published in book form. Some "Fireside Al" segments continue to air on the program to this day, particularly his Christmas Eve readings of seasonal stories, notably Frederick Forsyth's The Shepherd and O. Henry's The Gift of the Magi.

He died of heart failure due to congestive heart disease in Vancouver, British Columbia at the age of 78.

title: Alan Maitland


text: User talk:66.8.138.119

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:66.8.138.119


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Roger A. Pryor

Roger Atkinson Pryor (July 19, 1828 – March 14, 1919) was a Virginian newspaper editor and politician who became known for his fiery oratory in favor of secession; he was elected both to national and Confederate office, and served as a general for the Confederate Army during the American Civil War. In 1865 he moved to New York City to remake his life, and in 1868 brought his family north. He was among a number of influential southerners in the North who became known as "Confederate carpetbaggers."

He became a law partner with Benjamin F. Butler (based in Boston), noted in the South as a hated Union general during the war. Their partnership was financially successful, and Pryor became active in the Democratic Party in the North. In 1877 he was chosen to give a Decoration Day address, in which, according to one interpretation, he vilified Reconstruction and promoted the Lost Cause, while reconciling the noble soldiers as victims of politicians. In 1890 he joined the Sons of the American Revolution, one of the new heritage societies that was created following celebration of the United States Centennial.

He was appointed as judge of the New York Court of Common Pleas from 1890 to 1894, and justice of the New York Supreme Court from 1894 to his retirement in 1899. On April 10, 1912, he was appointed official referee by the appellate division of the state Supreme Court, where he served until his death.

He and his wife Sara Agnes Rice Pryor, also a Virginian, had seven children together, the last born in 1868. Active in founding several heritage societies, she organized fundraising for historic preservation. She was a writer and had several works: histories, memoirs, and novels, published by the Macmillan Company in the first decade of the twentieth century. Her memoirs have been important sources for historians doing research on southern society during and after the Civil War. One of their granddaughters, Mary Blair Rice, authored several books under the pen name of Blair Niles.

Early life and education
Pryor was born near Petersburg, Virginia, at Montrose as the second child of Lucy Atkinson and Theodorick Bland Pryor, the minister at Petersburg's Washington Street Presbyterian Church (after the Tabb Street Church built in 1844 became overcrowded). He had an older sister Lucy. His father was a grandson of Richard Bland and his paternal ancestors were descended from early Virginia colonists. After his mother died young, his father remarried and had several children with his second wife. Pryor graduated from Hampden–Sydney College in 1845 and from the law school of the University of Virginia in 1848.

The following year, he was admitted to the bar, but abandoned law on account of ill health. He started working as a journalist before his marriage.

Marriage and family
On November 8, 1848, Pryor married Sara Agnes Rice, daughter of Samuel Blair Rice and his second wife, Lucy Walton Leftwich, of Halifax County, Virginia. One of numerous children, she was effectively adopted by a childless aunt, Mary Blair Hargrave and her husband, Dr. Samuel Pleasants Hargrave, and lived with them in Hanover, Virginia. They were slaveholders. When Sara was about eight, the Hargraves moved with her to Charlottesville for her education.

Sara and Roger A. Pryor had seven children together:
 * Maria Gordon Pryor (called Gordon) (1850 - 1928), married Henry Crenshaw Rice (1842 - 1916) and had daughter Mary Blair Rice, who authored several books under the pen name of Blair Niles.
 * Theodorick Bland Pryor (1851 - 1871), died at the age of 20, likely a suicide, as he had been suffering from depression. Admitted to Princeton College at an early age, he was its first mathematical fellow; he also studied at Cambridge University, and had been studying law.
 * Roger Atkinson Pryor, became a lawyer in New York.
 * Mary Blair Pryor, married Francis Thomas Walker and, as documented in *"Mary Blair Destiny". she had daughter Mary Blair Walker Zimmer Buried in Princeton Cemetery.
 * William Rice Pryor (b. c.1860 - 1900 ), became a physician and surgeon in New York and died young.
 * Lucy Atkinson Pryor, married the architect A. Page Brown; in 1889 they moved to San Francisco, California.
 * Francesca (Fanny) Theodora Bland Pryor (b. 31 December 1868), Petersburg, VA, married William de Leftwich Dodge, a painter; they lived in Paris and New York.

Roger and Sara Pryor's great-great-great-granddaughter is Erin Richman, author of *"Mary Blair Destiny".

Career
For a few years, Pryor worked at journalism, serving on the editorial staffs of the Washington Union in 1852 and the Daily Richmond Enquirer in 1854. The latter was one of the leading papers in the South for 50 years.

After getting involved in politics, Pryor was appointed by President Franklin Pierce as a diplomat to Greece in 1854. Upon his return to Virginia, in 1857 he established The South, a daily newspaper in Richmond. He became known as a fiery and eloquent advocate of slavery, southern states' rights, and secession; although he and his wife did not personally own slaves, they came from the slaveholding class. His advocacy of the institution was an example of how, in a "slave society" like Virginia, slavery both powered the economy and underlay the entire social framework.

In 1859, Pryor was elected as a Democrat to the U.S. House of Representatives; he filled the vacancy in Virginia's 4th District caused by the death of William O. Goode. He served from December 7, 1859, and was re-elected, serving to March 3, 1861, when the state seceded. In the House, Pryor became a particular enemy of Representative Thaddeus Stevens, a Republican from Pennsylvania in favor of abolitionism.

During his term, Pryor got into a fierce argument with John F. Potter, a representative from Wisconsin, and challenged him to a duel. Having the choice of weapons according to duel protocol, Potter chose bowie knives. Pryor backed out, saying that the knife was not a "civilized weapon." The incident was widely publicized in the Northern press, which portrayed Pryor's refusal to duel as a coup for the North — and as a cowardly humiliation of a Southern "fire eater".

During an anti-slavery speech by Illinois Republican (and cousin) Owen Lovejoy on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives on April 5, 1860, Lovejoy condemned the Democrats for their racist views and support of slavery. As Lovejoy gave his speech, Pryor and several other Democrats in the audience, grew irate and incensed over Lovejoy's remarks and threatened him with physical harm, with several Republicans rushing to Lovejoy's defense.

American Civil War
In early 1861, Pryor agitated for immediate secession in Virginia, but the state convention did not act. He went to Charleston in April, to urge an immediate attack on Fort Sumter. (Pryor asserted this would cause Virginia to secede.) On April 12, he and Sara accompanied the last Confederate party to the fort before the bombardment (but stayed in the boat). Afterward, while waiting at Fort Johnson, he was offered the opportunity to fire the first shot. But he declined, saying, "I could not fire the first gun of the war." Pryor almost became the first casualty of the Civil War - while visiting Fort Sumter as an emissary, he assumed a bottle of potassium iodide in the hospital was medicinal whiskey and drank it; his mistake was realized in time for Union doctors to pump his stomach and save his life.

In 1861, Pryor was re-elected to his Congressional seat, but, Virginia declaring secession meant he never took his seat. (In this period, several states including Virginia elected U.S. Representatives in the early part of odd years. In that period, Congress generally met late in the year.) He served in the provisional Confederate Congress in 1861, and also in the first regular Congress (1862) under the Confederate Constitution.

He entered the Confederate army as colonel of the 3rd Virginia Infantry Regiment. He was promoted to brigadier general on April 16, 1862. His brigade fought in the Peninsula Campaign and at Second Manassas, where it became detached in the swirling fighting and temporarily operated under Stonewall Jackson. Pryor's command initially consisted of the 2nd Florida, 14th Alabama, 3rd Virginia, and 14th Louisiana. During the Seven Days Battles, the 1st (Coppens') Louisiana Zouave Battalion was temporarily attached to it. Afterwards, the Louisianans departed and Pryor received two brand-new regiments; the 5th and 8th Florida Infantry. As a consequence, it became known as "The Florida Brigade". At Antietam on September 17, 1862, he assumed command of Anderson's Division in Longstreet's Corps when Maj. Gen. Richard H. Anderson was wounded. Pryor proved inept as a division commander, and Union troops flanked his position, causing them to fall back in disorder.

As a result, he did not gain a permanent higher field command from the Confederate president. Following his adequate performance at the Battle of Deserted House, later in 1863 Pryor resigned his commission and his brigade was broken up, its regiments being reassigned to other commands. In August of that year, he enlisted as a private and scout in the 3rd Virginia Cavalry Regiment under General Fitzhugh Lee. Pryor was captured on November 28, 1864, and confined in Fort Lafayette in New York as a suspected spy. After several months, he was released on parole by order of President Lincoln and returned to Virginia. CSA War Clerk and diarist, John B. Jones, mentioned Pryor in his April 9, 1865, entry from Richmond, VA, "Roger A. Pryor is said to have remained voluntarily in Petersburg, and announces his abandonment of the Confederate States cause."

In the early days of the war, Sara Rice Pryor accompanied her husband and worked as a nurse for the troops. In 1863 after he resigned his commission, she stayed in Petersburg and struggled to hold their family together, likely with the help of relatives. She later wrote about the war years in her two memoirs published in the early 1900s.

Postbellum activities
In 1865, an impoverished Pryor moved to New York City, invited by friends he had known before the war. He eventually established a law firm with the politician Benjamin F. Butler of Boston. Butler had been a Union general who was widely known and hated in the South. Pryor became active in Democratic politics in New York.

Pryor brought his family from Virginia to New York in 1868, and they settled in Brooklyn Heights. They struggled with poverty for years but gradually began to get re-established.

Pryor learned to operate in New York Democratic Party politics, where he was prominent among influential southerners who became known as "Confederate carpetbaggers." Eventually he gave speeches saying that he was glad that the nation had reunited and that the South had lost. Pryor was elected as a delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1876, a year before the federal government pulled its last military forces out of the South and ended Reconstruction.

Chosen by the Democratic Party for the important Decoration Day address in 1877, after the national compromise that resulted in the federal government pulling its troops out of the South, Pryor vilified Reconstruction and promoted the Lost Cause. He referred to all the soldiers as noble victims of politicians, although he had been one who gave fiery speeches in favor of secession and war. Historian David W. Blight has written that Pryor was one of a number of influential politicians who shaped the story of the war as excluding the issue of slavery; in the following years, the increasing reconciliation between the North and South was based on excluding freedmen and the issues of race.

In 1890, Pryor was appointed as judge of the New York Court of Common Pleas, where he served until 1894. He was next appointed as justice of the New York Supreme Court, serving from 1894 to 1899, when he retired.

In December 1890, Pryor joined the New York chapter of the new heritage/lineage organization, Sons of the American Revolution (SAR), for male descendants of participants in the war. When admitted, he and his documented ancestors were all entered under his membership number of 4043. Annoyed at being excluded from the men's club, Sara Agnes Rice Pryor and other women founded chapters of the Daughters of the American Revolution, setting up their own lineage society to recognize women's contributions and organize for historic preservation and education.

In retirement, Pryor was appointed on April 10, 1912, as official referee by the appellate division of the New York State Supreme Court.

He served until his death on March 14, 1919, in New York City. He was buried in Princeton Cemetery, in Princeton, New Jersey., where his wife and their sons Theodorick and William had already been buried. His daughter, Mary Blair Pryor Walker, was also buried near him after her death.

Legacy and honors

 * A Virginia highway marker honors Pryor's birthplace near Petersburg, Virginia.

Sara Agnes Rice Pryor
Sara Pryor shared her husband's struggles during their early years of poverty in New York. She sewed all the children's clothes, gained school scholarships, and helped her husband with his law studies. Realizing that other women and children needed help, she raised money to found a home for them.

Like her husband, Sarah Pryor helped found lineage and heritage organizations, including Preservation of the Virginia Antiquities (since 2009 named Preservation Virginia); the National Mary Washington Memorial Association; the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR); and the National Society of the Colonial Dames of America. She became a productive writer, after 1900 publishing two histories on the colonial era, two memoirs and novels. Her Reminiscences of Peace and War (1904), was recommended by the United Daughters of the Confederacy to its membership for serious study.

Personal life
Pryor was a descendant of Richard Bland II, Richard Bland I, Theodorick Bland of Westover, and Governor Richard Bennett.

title: Roger A. Pryor


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Thymus serpyllum

Thymus serpyllum, known by the common names of Breckland thyme, Breckland wild thyme, wild thyme, creeping thyme, or elfin thyme, is a species of flowering plant in the mint family Lamiaceae, native to most of Europe and North Africa. It is a low, usually prostrate subshrub growing to 2 cm tall with creeping stems up to 10 cm long. The oval evergreen leaves are 3–8 mm long. The strongly scented flowers are either lilac, pink-purple, magenta, or a rare white, all 4–6 mm long and produced in clusters. The hardy plant tolerates some pedestrian traffic and produces odors ranging from heavily herbal to lightly lemon, depending on the variety.

Description
Wild thyme is a creeping dwarf evergreen shrub with woody stems and a taproot. It forms matlike plants that root from the nodes of the squarish, limp stems. The leaves are in opposite pairs, nearly stalkless, with linear elliptic round-tipped blades and untoothed margins. The plant sends up erect flowering shoots in summer. The usually pink or mauve flowers have a tube-like calyx and an irregular straight-tubed, hairy corolla. The upper petal is notched and the lower one is larger than the two lateral petals and has three flattened lobes which form a lip. Each flower has four projecting stamens and two fused carpels. The fruit is a dry, four-chambered schizocarp.

Distribution and habitat
Wild thyme is native to the Palearctic realm of Europe and Asia. It is a plant of thin soils and can be found growing on sandy-soiled heaths, rocky outcrops, hills, banks, roadsides and riverside sand banks. Wild thyme is one of the plants on which both the common blue butterfly and large blue butterfly larvae feed and it is also attractive to bees.

Chemistry
The oils of T. serpyllum contain thymol, carvacrol, limonene, paracymene, gamma-terpinene and beta-caryophyllene.

Cultivation
Creeping and mounding variants of T. serpyllum are used as border plants and ground cover around gardens and stone paths. It may also be used to replace a bluegrass lawn to xeriscape low to moderate foot traffic areas due to its tolerance for low water and poor soils.

Several cultivars have been produced, of which 'Pink Chintz' has gained the Royal Horticultural Society's Award of Garden Merit. A miniature creeping form is 'Elfin'.

title: Thymus serpyllum


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Beast metal, Ribo/Flaven

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was DELETE. jni 15:59, 26 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Beast metal, Ribo/Flaven
Band vanity. Rhobite 05:48, Feb 19, 2005 (UTC) This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.
 * Delete. Currently it is all self-promotion but no notable substance. Zzyzx11 06:17, 19 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete for not meeting WikiProject Music's guidelines for inclusion. Tuf-Kat 07:42, Feb 19, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete both, not notable, possible band vanity. Megan1967 10:27, 19 Feb 2005 (UTC)


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NGA Pro Golf Tour

The NGA Pro Golf Tour was a developmental golf tour based in the United States. The tour consisted of around 25 professional golf tournaments, making it the third largest series in the United States after the elite PGA Tour and its developmental series, the Korn Ferry Tour.

History
The Pro Golf Tour (PGT) was founded in 1987 by Aytch Johnson, and financed by T. C. "Rick" Jordan. Midway through its first full season in 1988, Jordan withdrew his money citing financial irregularities, and the tour folded.

In late 1988, Jordan founded the U.S. Golf Tour (USGT), which launched its first season in 1989. During the 1991 season, it became known as the T. C. Jordan Tour. In 1994, the involvement of Hooters restaurant chain owner Robert H. Brooks, who later become majority owner of the tour, saw Hooters become the title sponsor, with the tour branded as the Hooters Jordan Tour. The following year, a 20-year sponsorship deal was agreed. With the sanctioning of the National Golf Association, the tour was titled as the NGA Hooters Tour. On Brooks death in 2006, tour president Robin Waters acquired his majority stake in the tour. Hooters ended their sponsorship following the 2011 season and the tour became known as the NGA Pro Golf Tour.

Following the PGA Tour's acquisition of the Canadian Tour and the Tour de las Américas in 2012, the NGA Pro Golf Tour began to suffer due to those tours then offering direct promotion to the PGA Tour's second tier Web.com Tour. As membership and tournament entries decreased, guaranteed prize money was reduced, and then withdrawn in 2014. In August 2014, the tour was acquired by Golf Interact, who rebranded it as the SwingThought Tour. The following year, Golf Interact purchased the eGolf Professional Tour and integrated it into the SwingThought Tour.

title: NGA Pro Golf Tour


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Shriketit

The shriketits are a group of three species of birds in the genus Falcunculus endemic to Australia where they inhabit open eucalypt forest and woodland.

Species
Three species are recognized, with disjunct ranges:

 * Northern shriketit (F. whitei), or White's shrike-tit - Campbell, AJ, 1910 : Originally described as a separate species. It is found in the Kimberley region of north-western Australia and the Top End of the Northern Territory
 * Western shriketit (F. leucogaster), or white-bellied shrike-tit - Gould, 1838 : sparsely distributed in south-western Western Australia
 * Eastern shriketit (F. frontatus) - (Latham, 1801) : is in south-eastern Australia from the Lower South-East of South Australia, coastally and in the Murray-Darling Basin to south-eastern Queensland, with some scattered occurrences further north and west in Queensland

Description
Males are larger than females in wing length, weight, and bill-size. Males have black throats, while females have olive green throats, and both sexes have bold black and white markings on the face.

Behaviour
They feed mainly on insects, spiders and, sometimes, particularly during the breeding season, young birds. Thistle seeds are also taken. They have a parrot-like bill, used for distinctive bark-stripping behaviour, which gains them access to invertebrates. The bird is unobtrusive, and the sound of the bark strips being torn off trees provides an indication of their presence. They nest high in a eucalyptus tree, in a fork of a branch, both sexes sharing the incubation and the rearing of the young. There may be two broods.

General sources

 * Dickinson, E. C. 2003. The Howard & Moore Complete Checklist of the Birds of the World. 3rd Ed. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,
 * Schodde, R. and I. J. Mason. 1999. Directory of Australian Birds. Volume 1: Passerines. CSIRO Publishing, Canberra.
 * Schodde, R. and I. J. Mason. 1999. Directory of Australian Birds. Volume 1: Passerines. CSIRO Publishing, Canberra.

title: Shriketit


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Interstate 195 (Maryland)

Interstate 195 (I-195) is an auxiliary Interstate Highway in the US state of Maryland. The highway runs 4.35 mi from I-95 in Arbutus east to Maryland Route 170 (MD 170) near the Baltimore/Washington International Airport (BWI Airport) in Linthicum. I-195, which is also known as Metropolitan Boulevard, is the main connection between the airport terminal and highways leading to Baltimore, Washington, D.C., and Annapolis, including I-95, MD 295, and I-97. The interchange with MD 170, which forms part of the Airport Loop, provides access to various airport-related services. I-195 also links I-95 with Catonsville and the University of Maryland, Baltimore County (UMBC), via a westward continuation of Metropolitan Boulevard that is part of MD 166.

I-195 was constructed in three sections. The first section was a connection between MD 295 and the airport. This segment was built as Maryland Route 46 (MD 46) and completed in 1951 shortly after the opening of the airport, which was originally named Friendship International Airport. The second segment was completed at the opposite end of the highway in the mid-1970s, connecting U.S. Route 1 (US 1) and I-95 with MD 166 and UMBC. The first two segments were connected when the portion between MD 295 and US 1 was constructed in the late 1980s. The whole length of the highway was completed and was marked as I-195 in 1990. In 2015, the eastern terminus was cut back from the airport to MD 170, with the former section between those two points becoming MD 995A.

Route description
I-195 begins at the western edge of its interchange with I-95. The freeway continues west as MD 166, which has a partial interchange for UMBC Boulevard, which leads to the UMBC campus, before ending next to a park-and-ride facility at Rolling Road, on which MD 166 continues north toward Catonsville. The I-95 interchange is a combination interchange that has flyover ramps from northbound I-95 to westbound I-195 and from southbound I-95 to eastbound I-195. I-195 heads southeast as a four-lane freeway with a speed limit of 60 mph across CSX Transportation's Baltimore Terminal Subdivision railroad line and meets US 1 at a four-ramp partial cloverleaf interchange. The highway crosses over I-895 (Harbor Tunnel Thruway) with no access and curves south on a viaduct to cross the Patapsco River, where the freeway passes from Baltimore County to Anne Arundel County, and Amtrak's Northeast Corridor railroad line, which also carries MARC Train's Penn Line. I-195 parallels the railroad south to its combination interchange with MD 295 (Baltimore–Washington Parkway), which contains a flyover ramp from southbound MD 295 to eastbound I-195.

I-195 curves southeast and passes under the BWI Trail ahead of its partial cloverleaf interchange with MD 170 (Aviation Boulevard), also known as the Airport Loop. The Airport Loop provides access to long-term parking lots, the consolidated rental car facility, hotels, cargo and general aviation facilities, and BWI Rail Station serving Amtrak and MARC Train. The circumferential highway also provides indirect access to I-97 for traffic heading to Annapolis or the Chesapeake Bay Bridge. At this interchange, I-195 ends and the roadway continues toward the entrance to BWI Airport.

Like all Interstates, I-195 is a part of the National Highway System for its entire length.

History
Friendship International Airport was constructed between 1947 and 1950 as the new primary airport for Baltimore. To directly connect the airport with Baltimore, an access road was planned to link the new Baltimore–Washington Expressway, later designated MD 295, with the airport terminal. The first portion of the Friendship International Airport Access Road was completed from a full Y interchange at the expressway to an interchange with MD 170 in October 1949 and designated MD 46. The access road was completed from MD 170 to the airport terminal in July 1951, about the same time the expressway was completed between MD 46 and Downtown Baltimore. The remainder of what is now I-195 was planned as early as 1969, when the portion of Metropolitan Boulevard north of US 1 was placed under construction. The freeway opened from the US 1 ramps northwest through the I-95 interchange to an intersection with Sulphur Spring Road just south of the modern Selford Road overpass in August 1974. The freeway was extended to its present terminus at Rolling Road and the ramps to UMBC Boulevard were constructed in 1975. Metropolitan Boulevard south of the I-95 interchange was marked as a second segment of MD 46 from when it opened. North of I-95, the freeway was marked as a relocation of MD 166. That segment of MD 46 was renumbered as an extension of MD 166 by 1981.

The missing connection between US 1 and MD 295 resulted in a circuitous path for traffic between I-95 and BWI Airport. In 1974, that route involved exiting I-95 at MD 100, which then served as a connector between the Interstate and US 1. Traffic took US 1 south to MD 176, then took MD 176 east to MD 295 and north to the western end of MD 46. Construction on the missing link, which, by then, was planned as part of I-195, began in 1987, when the highway's bridges over US 1 and I-895 were constructed. The remainder of the highway from MD 295 to the I-895 overpass was completed, including reconstruction of the interchange with MD 295, and the intermediate section opened in June 1990. The I-195 designation was applied to the highway's present length at the same time, and MD 166 was truncated to its present southern terminus. In 2002, as part of an expansion project at the airport, several ramps were constructed, providing access to parking lots and facilitating an easier U-turn for motorists who were leaving the terminal but wished to return. In 2015, the eastern terminus of I-195 was truncated from BWI Airport to the MD 170 interchange, and the section of road between those two points was designated as MD 995A. MD 995A was transferred to the Maryland Aviation Administration in an agreement dated December 10, 2019.

title: Interstate 195 (Maryland)


text: Template:FOTW

title: Template:FOTW


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Project Manhigh

Project Manhigh was a pre-Space Age military project that took men in balloons to the middle layers of the stratosphere, funded as an aero-medical research program, though seen by its designers as a stepping stone to space. It was conducted by the United States Air Force between 1955 and 1958.

History
The project started in December 1955 to study the effects of cosmic rays on humans. Three balloon flights to the stratosphere were made during the program:

 * Manhigh I to 29,500 m, by Captain Joseph W. Kittinger on June 2, 1957. The balloon was launched from South St. Paul Airport and the flight was cut short due to one of the capsule's valves being installed backwards which vented the oxygen supply outside, but not before reaching a record altitude of 96,784 feet.
 * Manhigh II to 30,942 m, by Major David G. Simons on August 19–20, 1957, launched from Portsmouth Mine in Crosby, Minnesota, for a 32-hour flight that included a set of 25 experiments and observations, and earned Simons a Life magazine cover spot. With the pilot and the scientific payload, the Manhigh II gondola had a total mass of 748 kg. At maximum altitude, the balloon expanded to a diameter of 60 m with a volume of over 85000 m3.
 * Manhigh III to 29,900 m, by Lieutenant Clifton M. McClure on October 8, 1958

Candidates for the Manhigh project were put through a series of physical and psychological tests that became the standard for qualifying astronauts for the Project Mercury, America's first manned orbital space program.

Similar projects in which men in a gondola reached near-space altitudes were performed by Swiss physicist Auguste Piccard and Paul Kipfer, reaching 15785 m in 1931, USSR-1 piloted by Georgy Prokofiev reaching 18500 m in 1933, and Osoaviakhim-1 reaching 22000 m in 1934 as well as Explorer II reaching 22066 m in 1935.

title: Project Manhigh


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Maya (mother of the Buddha)

Maya (Devanagari: माया, IAST: ), also known as Mahāmāyā and Māyādevī, was the queen of Shakya and the birth mother of Gautama Buddha, the sage on whose teachings Buddhism was founded. She was the wife of Śuddhodana, the king of the Shakya kingdom. She was sister of Mahāpajāpatī Gotamī, the first Buddhist nun ordained by the Buddha.

In Buddhist tradition, Maya died soon after the birth of Buddha, generally said to be seven days afterwards, and came to life again in a Buddhist heaven, a pattern that is said to be followed in the births of all Buddhas. Thus Maya did not raise her son who was instead raised by his maternal aunt Mahapajapati Gotami. Maya would, however, on occasion descend from Heaven to give advice to her son.

Māyā (माया) means "skillful creator" in Sanskrit. Māyā is also called Mahāmāyā (महामाया, "Great Māyā") and Māyādevī (मायादेवी, "Queen Māyā"). In Chinese, she is known as Móyé-fūrén (摩耶夫人, "Lady Māyā"), in Tibetan she is known as Gyutrulma and in Japanese she is known as. Also, in Sinhalese she is known as මහාමායා දේවී (Mahāmāyā Dēvi).

Iconography

In Buddhist literature and art, Queen Maya is portrayed as a beautiful fecund woman in the prime of life.

Her beauty sparkles like a nugget of pure gold. She has perfumed curls like the large black bee. Eyes like lotus petals, teeth like stars in the heavens.
 * — From the Lalitavistara Sūtra

Although sometimes shown in other scenes from her life, such as having a dream foretelling her pregnancy with Gautama Buddha or with her husband King Śuddhodana seeking prophecies about their son's life, shortly after his birth, she is most often depicted whilst giving birth to Gautama, an event that is generally accepted to have taken place in Lumbini in modern-day Terai. Maya is usually shown giving birth standing under a tree and reaching overhead to hold on to a branch for support. Buddhist scholar Miranda Shaw, states that Queen Maya's depiction in the nativity scene follows a pattern established in earlier Buddhist depictions of the tree spirits known as yaksini.

Life of Maya
Māyā married King Śuddhodana (Pāli: Suddhodana), the ruler of the Śākya clan of Kapilvastu. She was the daughter of King Śuddhodhana's uncle and therefore his cousin; her father was king of Devadaha.

According to legend, one full moon night, sleeping in the palace of her husband Śuddhodana, the queen had a vivid dream. She felt herself being carried away by four devas (spirits) to Lake Anotatta in the Himalayas. After bathing her in the lake, the devas clothed her in heavenly cloths, anointed her with perfumes, and bedecked her with divine flowers. Soon after a white elephant, holding a white lotus flower in its trunk, appeared and went round her three times, entering her womb through her right side. Finally the elephant disappeared and the queen awoke, knowing she had been delivered an important message, as the elephant is a symbol of greatness.

According to Buddhist tradition, the Buddha-to-be was residing as a bodhisattva in the Tushita heaven, and decided to take the shape of a white elephant to be reborn on Earth for the last time. Māyā gave birth to Siddharta c. 563 BCE. The pregnancy lasted ten lunar months. Following custom, the Queen returned to her own home for the birth. On the way, she stepped down from her palanquin to have a walk under the Sal tree (Shorea robusta), often confused with the Ashoka tree (Saraca asoca), in the beautiful flower garden of Lumbini Park, Lumbini Zone, Nepal. Maya Devi was delighted by the park and gave birth standing while holding onto a sal branch. Legend has it that Prince Siddhārtha emerged from her right side. It was the eighth day of April. Some accounts say she gave him his first bath in the Puskarini pond in Lumbini Zone. But legend has it that devas caused it to rain to wash the newborn baby. He was later named Siddhārtha, "He who has accomplished his goals" or "The accomplished goal".

Scholars generally agree that most Buddhist literature holds that Maya died seven days after the birth of Buddha, and was then reborn in the Tusita Heaven. Seven years after the Buddha's enlightenment, she came down to visit Tavatimsa Heaven, where the Buddha later preached the Abhidharma to her. Her sister Prajāpatī (Pāli: Pajāpatī or Mahāpajāpatī Gotamī) became the child's foster mother.

After Siddhartha had attained Enlightenment and become the Buddha, he visited his mother in heaven for three months to pay respects and to teach the Dharma.

Cross-cultural analogies
Some parallels have been drawn with the birth story of the Buddha and Jesus. Z. P. Thundy has surveyed the similarities and differences between the birth stories of Buddha by Maya and Jesus by Mary and notes that while there may have been similarities, there are also differences, e.g. that Mary outlives Jesus after raising him, but Maya dies soon after the birth of Buddha, as all mothers of Buddhas do in the Buddhist tradition. Thundy does not assert that there is any historical evidence that the Christian birth stories of Jesus were derived from the Buddhist traditions, but suggests that "maybe it is time that Christian scholars looked in the Buddhist tradition for the sources of the idea".

Eddy and Gregorio A. Boyd state that there is no evidence of a historical influence by outside sources on the authors of the New Testament, and some scholars argue that any such historical influence on Christianity is implausible, because first century monotheistic Galilean Jews would not have been open to what they would have seen as pagan stories.

title: Maya (mother of the Buddha)


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Edmund Fanning

Edmund Fanning (July 16, 1769 – April 23, 1841) was an American explorer and sea captain, known as the "Pathfinder of the Pacific."

Life
Born in Stonington in the British Crown Colony of Connecticut to Gilbert and Huldah Fanning, from nearby Groton he went to sea as a cabin boy at the age of 14, and by the age of 24 was captain of a West Indian brig in which he visited the South Pacific for the first time.

A successful trader, Fanning made a fortune in the China trade, killing seals in the South Pacific and exchanging their skins in China for silks, spices, and tea; which he in turn sold in New York City. As master of the Betsey in 1797–1798, he discovered three South Pacific Islands — Fanning, Washington, and Palmyra — which are collectively known as the Fanning Islands. (Fanning Island, today known as Tabuaeran, is today part of Kiribati, while Palmyra, claimed by the Hawaiian Government in 1862 and owned for many years by a Hawaiian family, was purchased in 2000 by the Nature Conservancy for an ongoing study of global warming and its effect on coral reefs.)

When he discovered Palmyra Atoll, Fanning was sleeping and the ship was in command of the first mate. Fanning awoke three times in the night, and he took this as a premonition, ordering the first mate to heave to. In the morning, the ship resumed its travel and reached the reef of Palmyra in less than a mile. Had the ship continued its course at night, the entire crew might have perished.

Acting for American investors, Fanning was agent for more than 70 commercial expeditions and voyages. His partnership Fanning & Coles built the ship Tonquin in 1807, sailed her around the world several times and sold her for $37,000 to John Jacob Astor's Pacific Fur Company. Later the Tonquin was burned by Indians in the northwest. In 1829 he was instrumental in sending out the first American naval exploring expedition, and was greatly responsible for Congress's authorizing of the Wilkes Expedition. Fanning's memoirs, Voyages Around the World, were published in 1833. He died in New York City.

Honours
Cape Fanning in Antarctica and Fanning Ridge on South Georgia Island are named after Edmund Fanning.

title: Edmund Fanning


text:
SKQ Dam

The Seli’š Ksanka Qlispe’ Dam, also known as SKQ Dam, (formerly known as the Kerr Dam) is a concrete gravity-arch dam located at river mile 72 of the Flathead River (116 river kilometer). Built in 1938, it raises the level and increases the size of Flathead Lake near Polson, Montana. The dam was designed to generate hydroelectricity but also serves recreational and irrigation uses.

The dam was originally named after Frank Kerr, president of the Montana Power Company, which undertook the construction, with federal assistance during the Great Depression. The construction provided numerous jobs at a critical time. The dam is located within the Flathead Indian Reservation, and the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes operated it jointly with successive electric companies. In 2015 the tribes and their energy company completed purchase of the dam. On September 5, 2015, during the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes' celebration of their acquisition of the dam, the Tribal Council announced renaming the complex to reflect the three confederated tribes.

Development
The dam project was initially privately undertaken by Rocky Mountain Power to generate hydroelectric power in the area; it started construction in 1930. With revenues declining because of the Great Depression, the company halted construction in 1931. Montana State Treasurer James Brett went to a meeting in Atlanta in 1934 to ask President Franklin D. Roosevelt for $5,000,000 to complete the dam. Roosevelt approved the money for the project; this was in keeping with his support of the Works Progress Administration and Civilian Conservation Corps, which provided jobs for infrastructure and public buildings across the country.

Brett returned to Montana and a hero's welcome. In 1936, the Montana Power Company restarted the project and completed it in 1938. In March 1937 Senators Burton K. Wheeler, Lynn Frazier and Robert La Follette blocked a bill that would have denied tribal ownership of the dam. "Senator Wheeler was always proud of the royalties he secured for the Flatheads".

In 2015, NorthWestern Energy acquired the power plant from PPL Montana, LLC (the successor to the Montana Power Company). On September 4, 2015, the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes (CSKT) paid $18.2 million to purchase the Kerr Hydroelectric Project from NorthWestern Energy. The tribally owned Energy Keepers, Inc (EKI) took ownership. The tribes and EKI officially celebrated acquisition of the dam on September 5, 2015 with a ceremony held at Salish Kootenai College. They renamed the dam as Séliš Ksanka Ql’ispé Dam, reflecting the confederacy of tribes.

Operation

The dam raised the existing Flathead Lake by 10 feet, and enabled control of the lake's level to generate electricity and for irrigation and recreational uses. The dam's hydro power plant consists of three units that receive water from three different penstocks, located 865 feet upstream. In the early 21st century, with an installed capacity of 208 MW, the dam provided enough power for about 147,000 homes and more than $9 million in annual revenue for the tribes.

The dam and its related hydroelectric project are located inside the boundaries of the Flathead Indian Reservation. They were operated jointly by NorthWestern Energy and the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes. The tribally owned Energy Keepers, Inc (EKI) took over operations in 2015 upon the change in ownership.

During a historically dry summer of 2023, diminished inflows and required minimum downstream water flows resulted in record low water levels. Variations to the Flood Risk Management Plan were approved by the U.S. Army Corp of Engineers in 2024 in response to the continuing dry conditions.

In popular culture
The plot of the novel Wind from an Enemy Sky by D’Arcy McNickle is centered around the construction of the Seli’š Ksanka Qlispe’ Dam.

title: SKQ Dam


text:
Wikipedia:Featured picture candidates/Habanero

Habanero
A habanero, the spiciest food in the world. Taken by Aka. Beautiful, striking color and contrast. Illustrates the subject perfectly, with no extraneous information, and captures the eye. Neutralitytalk 05:55, Feb 19, 2005 (UTC)
 * Support. Neutralitytalk 05:55, Feb 19, 2005 (UTC)
 * Support -- Longhair 20:27, 19 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Support - Nice; colors are great. It looks deceptively delicious!--Deglr6328 05:22, 20 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Oppose; the pink area at the bottom is distracting. —Korath (Talk) 10:15, Feb 20, 2005 (UTC)
 * Support -- Chris 73 Talk 11:50, Feb 20, 2005 (UTC)
 * Support. I like spicy foods and this definitely looks tasty. 131.211.210.32 13:40, 21 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Above vote was mine. Mgm|(talk) 13:41, Feb 21, 2005 (UTC)

 * Weak Oppose. Although I like this image alot, I dont like the stalk which appears to have started to rot. Unless this is how they are picked off the bush then I couldn't support. --Fir0002 11:13, 23 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Support. Impressive shot. - Jpo 03:33, Feb 24, 2005 (UTC)
 * Support. Nice colors Junes 17:57, 25 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Oppose. Doesn't strike me as fascinating. The white background makes it look unnatural. Enochlau 23:32, 25 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Promoted, +7/-3/0 BrokenSegue 01:16, 5 Mar 2005 (UTC)


text:
Euskaltzaindia

Euskaltzaindia (lit. 'group of keepers of the Basque language'; often translated Royal Academy of the Basque Language) is the official academic language regulatory institution which watches over the Basque language. It conducts research, seeks to protect the language, and establishes standards of use. It is known in Spanish as La Real Academia de la Lengua Vasca (being under the royal patronage of the Spanish monarchy, like the Real Academia Española) and in French as Académie de la Langue Basque.

Creation
The Euskaltzaindia was established within the context of the Basque Renaissance (Eusko Pizkundea, 1876–1936) in the framework provided by the Congress of Basque Studies held in Oñati in 1918, at a time when the Basque language was being proclaimed as a central cultural value to be protected and promoted. Important figures from the 19th century had already demanded the setting-up of an academy in defence of the language (Ulibarri, 1832; Aizkibel, 1856; d'Abbadie and Duvoisin, 1862; Jose Manterola, 1880 and Artiñano, 1886), and it was during the first two decades of the 20th century when various entities – some scientific and others more popular ones – also emphasized the need for its immediate creation. The scientific contributions of major foreign figures (Louis Lucien Bonaparte, Van Eys, Hugo Schuchardt, Dodgson, Gavel, etc.) and from within the country (Arturo Campión, Azkue, Urquijo, etc.), as well as the express demand on the part of Basque language loyalist organisations (for example, Eusko Esnalea) created a favourable climate for the public authorities to take on the task of setting up the academy.

The first initiative in this direction came from the provincial government of Biscay, which the other three provincial governments in the peninsular part of the Basque Country subsequently joined (1918), with articles of association being approved and Euskaltzaindia being legally constituted in October 1919. One year later its journal Euskera was launched, the official organ for the publication of its rules and research work, which has survived to the present day.

The current internal structure and organisation can be summarised as follows: the academy is governed by a ruling body composed of the chairman, deputy chairman, secretary and treasurer. The heads of the Research and Watchdog Sections are also members. Plenary sessions must be held at least once a month. Under current rules the academy has 24 full members and an unlimited number of associate members. The academy is present throughout the area where Basque is used, with a head office in Bilbao and regional offices in Bayonne (Baiona), Donostia-San Sebastián, Iruñea-Pamplona and Vitoria-Gasteiz.

History
In the decade and a half prior to the Spanish Civil War (1919–1936), the academy managed to consolidate itself as an institution and set about its project of promoting the birth of a standard literary language, although it was unable to provide a precise, solid academic formulation for that aim. On the other hand, its work in that period contributed decisively to a better understanding of the language through Resurrección María de Azkue's studies (Morfología Vasca, 1923–1934) and far reaching surveys among speakers of the language (Erizkizundi Irukoitza, from 1922 onwards). The journal "Euskera" is a faithful witness to the work carried out at the time.

In 1936 and the years which followed, under the language politics of Francoist Spain the academy's previous activities were reduced to silence until Azkue, with the collaboration of Federico Krutwig, was able to timidly reinitiate academic life at the beginning of the 1950s. The articles of association were reformed in 1954, new full members were elected and from 1956 on the academy started to enjoy a more settled existence both in its internal affairs and in its public conferences and open meetings (first postwar congress: Arantzazu, 1956).

The following decade (1956–1968) coincided with a new generation of collaborators, the increasing introduction of Basque in bilingual non-state schools (ikastolak), the revival of the Basque language press and the first attempts at teaching basic literacy in Basque, among other initiatives.

In 2019, the academy published the Euskal Hiztegi Historiko-Etimologikoa, the first comprehensive historical and etymological Basque dictionary.

Euskara Batua, unified Basque
The Euskaltzaindia has been a vocal and active advocate of the introduction of a unified standard of the Basque language, known as "Euskara Batua", or Unified Basque. Basque has been usually divided into 8 different dialects, varying in their level of mutual intelligibility. The first detailed dialectical analysis was by Louis Lucien Bonaparte. However, many people have seen this as a weakness in the language's fight for survival in a world in which minority languages spoken in states are wiped out by the states' official language. Having been for centuries pressured on both sides by Spanish and French, and under the rule of Franco coming close to extinction, the academy felt the need to create a unified dialect of Basque, so as to give the language a greater chance of survival. Unified Basque was heavily based on the Gipuzkoan dialect, which had the richest literary heritage.

The 1968 Arantzazu Congress laid down the basic guidelines for achieving that objective in a systematic way (lexicon, morphology, declension and spelling). A further step was taken in 1973 with a proposal to establish a standard conjugation.

The debate arising from this new set of standard language rules (1968–1976) did not prevent it from becoming increasingly accepted in teaching, the media, and administration (1976–1983), within the context of burgeoning regional government (Statute of Autonomy in Euskadi, 1979; Improvement of the Charter of Navarre, 1982). Many people, however, continue to oppose the imposition of a single created dialect of Basque.

Euskaltzaindia counsels the Basque administrations wishing to officialize Basque place names. It is funded by the Biscayne, Gipuzkoan, Alavese, Navarrese, Spanish, and French authorities for culture.

Notable past academicians

 * Gabriel Aresti
 * Antonio Arrue
 * Resurreccion Maria Azkue
 * Gorka Aulestia
 * Jose Migel Barandiaran
 * Julio Caro Baroja
 * Joan Coromines
 * Balendin Enbeita
 * Joshua Fishman
 * Manex Goihenetxe
 * Federiko Krutwig
 * Juan Mari Lekuona
 * Koldo Mitxelena
 * Raimundo Olabide
 * José María Sánchez Carrión
 * Hugo Schuchardt
 * Joan Mari Torrealdai
 * Antonio Tovar
 * Julio de Urquijo
 * Julien Vinson
 * Jose Gontzalo Zulaika
 * Alan R. King

Present academicians

 * Luis Aranberri
 * Joxe Austin Arrieta
 * Bernardo Atxaga
 * Joxe Azurmendi
 * Miren Agur Meabe
 * Laura Mintegi
 * Lourdes Oñederra
 * Joseba Sarrionandia
 * Miren Azkarate Villar
 * Mikel Zalbide

title: Euskaltzaindia


text:
Cultural festival (India)

In India, a cultural festival, cultfest, culfest or college fest is an annual cultural event at a college or university organised by the student community, involving participants from other colleges as well. Professional performing artists are also typically invited, and a number of competitions are held for students. Fests are usually funded through sponsors, although some colleges have begun exploring the idea of crowdfunding.

General format
Most college culfests last between two and five days. The events in a culfest can be broadly classified into four sections: Literary events usually include quizzes, word games, creative writing and some form of public speaking or debate. These include such competitions as music, dance, fine arts and drama. One or more professionally staged entertainment programs may be scheduled. Video games and board games may be played.
 * Literary events
 * Cultural events
 * Professional events
 * Gaming events

title: Cultural festival (India)


text:
Cy Strange

Cyril Edward "Cy" Strange (June 22, 1914 – February 12, 1987) was a Canadian radio broadcaster.

Strange grew up in the farming community of Maguire, where his father had a general store. As a youth, Strange worked in the family store. He had his first experiences with radio singing and playing guitar at a radio station in London, Ontario.

Strange started his broadcast career in Toronto where he joined CFRB in 1943 as a journalist. Strange moved to the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation in 1946. He served in a variety of roles for CBC radio and television, including as a host of As It Happens from 1971 to 1973, co-host of Fresh Air for 17 years, and commentary on Science Magazine.

title: Cy Strange


text:
Pteria (Cappadocia)

Pteria (Πτερία) was the capital of the Assyrians in northern Cappadocia. They were said by Herodotus to have been taken and ruined by Croesus in 547 BCE. It also was the place of the Battle of Pteria, an undecided battle between Cyrus the Great and Croesus.

Stephanus of Byzantium cites two towns with this or a similar name: a Pterium, which he calls a town of the Medes, and Pteria, a town in the territory of Sinope.

Its site is located near Kerkenes Dağ, Asiatic Turkey.

title: Pteria (Cappadocia)


text:
Interstate 195 (Virginia)

Interstate 195 (I-195) is an auxiliary Interstate Highway in the US state of Virginia. Known as the Beltline Expressway, the highway runs 3.24 mi from State Route 195 (SR 195), a toll road that continues south into Downtown Richmond, north to I-64 and I-95 on the northern edge of Richmond. I-195 passes through the West End of Richmond and connects I-64 and I-95 with US Route 33 (US 33) and US 250, which follow Broad Street, and with SR 76, a toll road that links Richmond with the Southside of the metropolitan area.

Route description
I-195 begins as a continuation of SR 195 (Downtown Expressway), a toll road that connects I-195 with I-95 in Downtown Richmond. The transition between the Interstate and the state-numbered highway occurs just east of the McCloy Street overpass south of the Carytown district of Richmond. The four-lane freeway gains a pair of lanes just west of the transition where there is a southbound exit ramp for Rosewood Avenue, which leads to City Stadium, and a northbound entrance ramp from Idlewood Avenue. Northbound I-195 has an exit for SR 147 (Cary Street) and Floyd Avenue, while a ramp from SR 147 joins the southbound Interstate as the highway curves north on a pair of two-lane flyover ramps to join the six lanes of SR 76 (Powhite Parkway) that join the Interstate at that toll road's northern terminus.

I-195 continues northeast as a six-lane freeway; its median is occupied by CSX Transportation's two-track North End Subdivision, which is also used by Amtrak. The southbound I-195 has an exit ramp to Hamilton Street, which parallels the highway to the west, to serve SR 147 and Grove Avenue. A short distance to the north, northbound I-195 has exit and entrance ramps to and from Thompson Street, which parallels the Interstate to the east, to access SR 6 (Patterson Avenue) and Grove Avenue. North of Monument Avenue, from which the southbound direction receives a ramp, I-195 has a multipart interchange with Broad Street, which carries US 33 and US 250. The southbound freeway receives a ramp from Hamilton Street, and the northbound freeway has an exit ramp to Clay Street north of the Broad Street overpass. After the overpass, northbound I-195 crosses over the North End Subdivision, and both directions pass under Hamilton Street, with which the freeway has a half diamond interchange that allows access to US 33 and US 250 from the north.

I-195 passes through an industrial area in which the highway crosses over SR 197 (Westwood Avenue) and CSX Transportation's Acca Yard just north of its wye junction with the North End Subdivision. While on the viaduct, the Interstate briefly enters Henrico County. North of the S-curved viaduct, I-195 has a three-quarter diamond interchange with the western end of Laburnum Avenue, which provides access to SR 197. The interchange's north-facing ramp is from eastbound I-64 within the Bryan Park Interchange, a three-level stack interchange with multiple flyover ramps where I-195 reaches its northern terminus at I-64 and I-95 south of Bryan Park at the northernmost point in the city of Richmond. Ramps to southbound I-195 converge and ramps from northbound I-195 diverge for westbound I-64 toward Charlottesville, northbound I-95 toward Washington, and eastbound I-64 and southbound I-95 (Richmond–Petersburg Turnpike) toward Downtown Richmond, where the Interstates diverge toward Norfolk and Petersburg, respectively.

title: Interstate 195 (Virginia)


text:
Ascender (climbing)

An ascender is a device (usually mechanical) used for directly ascending, or for facilitating protection, with a fixed rope when climbing on steep mountain terrain. A form introduced in the 1950s became so popular it begat the term "Jumar" for the device, and the verb "to jumar" to describe its use in ascending.

Ascenders can also be used as a braking component within a rope-hauling system, often used in rescue situations.

Use

Ascenders are usually used in pairs on a single rope and offer similar functionality to friction knots, but are faster, safer and easier to use, albeit still with consequences in weight and in security (as ascenders can, even with a locking carabiner, come off the rope, and fail by shredding the rope at high loads, rather than slipping and fusing as with friction knots). A mechanical ascender employs a cam which allows the device to slide freely in the intended direction of movement, but provide a firm grip on the rope when pulled in the opposite direction. To prevent an ascender from accidentally coming off the rope, a locking mechanism or trigger is deployed. The ascender is first attached to the climber's harness by a piece of webbing or sling and then is clipped onto the rope and locked on.

Ascenders are usually used in pairs so that one is free to be slid up the rope whilst the other bears the weight of the climber. The ascender which has just been slid upwards is then made to take the climber's load, locking the climber to the rope, and freeing the other one so it can then be slid upwards too. The process is then repeated to ascend the rope.

For climbing on with a fixed rope attached for security (for example, to snow anchors on a steep slope) only one ascender is used, keeping the other hand free for holding an ice axe.

Ascenders are not used on free climbing routes, where a climber uses only their hands and feet on the features of the rock without artificial aids to gain elevation (though mechanical aids purely for protection are acceptable). Instead, they are used in aid climbing, where aids to ascending and weighting "protection" to assist elevation gain is allowed.

The climbing verb "to jumar" means to use an ascender (generically) to "climb" a rope, regardless of whether it is done in sport climbing, caving, in occupations that require working from (or being protected by) ropes, or a rescue. A form of sport climbing exists where the "second" belays the leader, then follows "up the rope" without climbing the rock or ice using an ascender. Terms applying to such a second's ascent include "jumaring", "ascending", and "jugging".

History

The first mechanical rope ascending devices were created by Henri Brenot, and were used in France both for mountaineering and caving as early as 1934.

A popular example of the ascender is the jumar, named for its inventors Adolph Jüsi and Walter Marti and the Swiss firm Jümar Pangit they created to manufacture it, beginning in 1958. Jusi was studying eagles for the Swiss Government, and desired an ascender (rather than relying on the traditional technique of prusiking using friction knots; Marti developed one for him.

French caver Fernand Petzl developed a mechanical rope ascender in 1968, and his company Petzl continues to produce both handled and handleless models that are popular with mountaineers and cavers today.

In his 1978 memoir Life Is Meeting, John Hunt, leader of the 1953 British Mount Everest expedition, credits the jumar with enabling climbers "to climb at alpine standards even at high altitudes".

Other countries, notably the United States, have also produced rope ascenders. Other names for different specialized styles of ascenders include 'ropeman' and 'tibloc'.

Versus friction knots
Used correctly, ascenders are safe, dependable, and require less effort and dexterity of a climber than the traditional method of ascending and descending ropes using friction knots and short lengths of cordage (or nylon slings) known as prusiks.

The principal disadvantages of ascenders relative to the "prusiks" are weight, complexity, and possibility of failure due to coming off a rope or mechanical issue with the device.

Certain specialty forms of ascender - but not all - are capable of taking a dynamic load (as in preventing a fall), whereas the friction knot/Prusik combination may abrade the synthetic sheath of the climbing rope or sling and fuse under such extreme forces.

title: Ascender (climbing)


text:
Talk:Mukuuri

Untitled
Mûkûûrî is a vast sub-location in Runyenjes Division, Embu district, Kenya, with a population of about 7,000 people. It lies on the green, rolling hills of Mt Kenya slopes. It's home to four public primary schools, including Mûragarî, which is among the oldest schools in Embu and Kîrînyaga districts. The area has produced a good number of leaders from the district scaling national and international heights. The locals still revere church and education. I have visited this place and i'm glad to see it described isn so factual and Graphical terms. Keep up Wikipedia encyclopaedia. --62.24.98.98 06:06, 19 Feb 2005 (UTC)John

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title: Talk:Mukuuri


text:
He loves me... he loves me not

He loves me, he loves me not or She loves me, she loves me not (originally effeuiller la marguerite in French) is a game of French origin, in which one person seeks to determine whether the object of their affection returns that affection.

Game
A person playing the game alternately speaks the phrases "He (or she) loves me," and "He loves me not," while picking one petal off a flower (usually an ox-eye daisy) for each phrase. The phrase they speak on picking off the last petal supposedly represents the truth between the object of their affection loving them or not. The player typically is motivated by attraction to the person they are speaking of while reciting the phrases. They may seek to reaffirm a pre-existing belief, or act out of whimsy.

In the original French version of the game, the petals do not simply indicate whether the object of the player's affection loves them, but to what extent: un peu or "a little", beaucoup or "a lot", passionnément or "passionately", à la folie or "to madness", or pas du tout or "not at all."

A humorous twist on the game is "He loves me, he loves me lots."

Popular culture
In Part 1 of Goethe's Faust, Gretchen engages in the game. (1808)

This fortune-telling is shown as a pantomime in the 1st act of Giselle, ballet by Jean Coralli and Jules Perrot (Paris, 1841).

In Part 6 of Anna Karenina, Kitty and Levin play this game (regarding whether another character will propose that day). (1877)

In How Will I Know, American singer Whitney Houston speaks the phrases of this game. (1985)

title: He loves me... he loves me not


text:
Virginia State Route 195

State Route 195 (SR 195) is a controlled-access toll road in the U.S. state of Virginia. Known as the Downtown Expressway, the state highway runs 3.39 mi from Interstate 195 (I-195) east to I-95 within the independent city of Richmond. SR 195 connects the West End of Richmond with Downtown Richmond. In conjunction with another toll road, SR 76, the state highway also connects the Southside suburbs of the metropolitan area with downtown. SR 195 has a mainline barrier toll plaza and ramp toll plazas at its interchanges with U.S. Route 1 and US 301 and with US 60, all of which accept E-ZPass. The state highway was constructed in the mid- to late 1970s and is maintained by the Richmond Metropolitan Authority.

Route description
SR 195 begins as a continuation of I-195, an Interstate Highway that connects SR 195 and SR 76 with I-95 and I-64 at the northern edge of the city of Richmond. The transition between the Interstate and the state-numbered highway occurs just east of the McCloy Street overpass south of the Carytown district of Richmond. Four-lane SR 195 passes under Idlewood Avenue and has a partial interchange with SR 146, which comprises extended ramps between SR 195 and SR 76 (Powhite Parkway). The freeway expands to six lanes at its interchange with SR 146 which, like its interchange with SR 161 (Boulevard) immediately to the east, allows access to and from the direction of Downtown Richmond. SR 195 is paralleled by Grayland Avenue to the south and Parkwood Avenue to the north and has another partial interchange with Meadow Street before reaching the 12-lane Downtown Expressway Toll Plaza.

SR 195 has an eastbound exit and westbound entrance for US 1 and US 301 (Belvidere Street); the ramps merge to and from Idlewood Avenue and Cumberland Street, a one-way pair that parallels the south and north sides, respectively, of the freeway and connect the ramps with the U.S. Highways. At the Belvidere Street overpass, SR 195 curves southeast and drops to four lanes at an eastbound exit and westbound entrance for a new pair of paralleling streets, Byrd Street to the south and Canal Street to the north, that connect with 2nd Street. Underneath 2nd Street, there is a westbound exit and eastbound entrance to the paralleling streets that connect US 1 and US 301 with the freeway toward Downtown Richmond; both ramps have a ramp toll plaza. SR 195 passes under Kanawha Plaza in a pair of tunnels. On either end of the tunnel, there are half-diamond interchanges that connect with US 60 (9th Street); the half-interchange over 11th Street east of the tunnels has ramp toll plaza. There is also an entrance ramp westbound from Canal Street and 12th Street. East of 12th Street, SR 195 ascends onto a two-level viaduct—eastbound on the upper level and westbound on the lower level—east to its directional interchange with I-95 (Richmond–Petersburg Turnpike) at the north end of James River Bridge just east of the railroad Triple Crossing at the southeastern corner of Downtown Richmond.

Tolls
, the toll rate for automobiles at the Downtown Expressway Toll Plaza is $1.00. Toll rates for the 2nd Street (US 1 and US 301) and 11th Street (US 60) ramps are 50 cents. All toll plazas accept E-ZPass.

History
The first section of SR 195 opened from I-195 to 7th Street in February 1976. The remainder of the toll road and its ramps to I-95 in the direction of Washington were completed in August 1976. The ramps between SR 195 and I-95 in the direction of Petersburg opened in September 1976.

Criticism
The Downtown Expressway has been criticized for a lack of urban sensitivity ever since the project was proposed in the early 1970s. Its construction destroyed hundreds of homes in Oregon Hill among other neighborhoods like the Historically Black neighborhood of Randolph, and cuts off pedestrian traffic to the river front. The lack of mixed use urban activation along the downtown Richmond riverfront and surrounding the highway in general has been linked to the expressway. Some have even suggested a renovation in the manner of San Francisco's Embarcadero or Boston's Big Dig.

title: Virginia State Route 195


text:
Georg Friedrich Puchta

Georg Friedrich Puchta (31 August 1798 – 8 January 1846) was a German Legal scholar.

Biography
Born on 31 August 1798 at Kadolzburg in Bavaria, Puchta came of an old Bohemian Protestant family which had immigrated into Germany to avoid religious persecution. His father, Wolfgang Heinrich Puchta (1769–1845), a legal writer and district judge, imbued his son with legal conceptions and principles. From 1811 to 1816 Puchta attended the Egidiengymnasium at Nuremberg, during the headmastership of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, an eminent German philosopher.

In 1816 Puchta began his legal studies at the University of Erlangen, where—in addition to being initiated by his father into legal practice—he fell under the influence of the writings of Savigny and Niebuhr. At this time the famous Christian Friedrich von Glück lectured there. Puchta said about the faculty of Erlangen: "Jede Universität ist freilich mit einem Pfahl im Fleisch geplagt, aber die hiesige Fakultät hat, wenn Glück stirbt, nichts als Pfähle". (Translation "Every university certainly is plagued with a thorn in the flesh, but the faculty here, when Glück dies, will have nothing but thorns.") Taking his doctorate (Dissertatio de Itinere, Actu et Via ) and his habilitation in Roman Law at Erlangen, he established himself there in 1820 as a Privatdozent.

In 1821 Puchta went on a year-long trip (peregrinatio academica) around Germany to visit important universities. During this trip he met some of the foremost German legal scholars of his time: Gustav Hugo, Friedrich Carl von Savigny und Anton Friedrich Justus Thibaut.

One year later, Puchta was appointed Professor at University of Erlangen (außerordentlicher Professor für Rechtswissenschaft), where he stated on until 1828.

Leaving Erlangen, Puchta was appointed full Professor of Roman Law at University of Munich in 1828. He stated in Munich until 1835 when he went on to the University of Marburg, to become a professor of Roman and Ecclesiastical Law (ordentlicher Professor für römisches Recht und Kirchenrecht) there. In 1837 he left Marburg to become a Professor for Legal Scholarship at Leipzig University (ordentlicher Professor für Rechtswissenschaft).

When Friedrich Carl von Savigny was appointed Minister of Justice of Prussia (Minister für Revision der Gesetzgebung) on 28 February 1842, there was some debate concerning his succession at Berlin University (then named Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität). Finally Puchta was chosen to succeed him in 1842.

At the pinnacle of this legal career, Puchta was in 1842 appointed to the Prussian Supreme Tribunal (Preußisches Obertribunal). In 1845 he became a member of the consultative Prussian Council of State (Preußischer Staatsrat) and the Prussian Legislative Commission (Gesetzgebungskommission).

Puchta died suddenly in Berlin on 8 January 1846 due to Miserere.

Legal thinking
His chief merit as a jurist lay in breaking with past unscientific methods in the teaching of Roman law and in making its spirit intelligible to students.

Among his writings must be especially mentioned Lehrbuch der Pandekten (Leipzig, 1838, and many later editions), in which he elucidated the dogmatic essence of Roman law in a manner never before attempted; and the Kursus der Institutionen (Leipzig, 1841–1847, and later editions), which gives a clear picture of the organic development of law among the Romans. Among his other writings are Das Gewohnheitsrecht (Erlangen, 1828–1837) and Einleitung in das Recht der Kirche (Leipzig, 1840).

Kleine civilistische Schriften (1851), edited by Adolph August Friedrich Rudorff, is a collection of essays on various branches of Roman law, and the preface contains a sympathetic biographical sketch of the jurist.

Published works

 * Published posthumously.
 * Published posthumously.
 * Published posthumously.
 * Published posthumously.
 * Published posthumously.
 * Published posthumously.
 * Published posthumously.
 * Published posthumously.
 * Published posthumously.
 * Published posthumously.
 * Published posthumously.
 * Published posthumously.

title: Georg Friedrich Puchta


text:
Kate Aitken

Kate Aitken (April 6, 1891 – December 11, 1971) was a Canadian radio and television broadcaster in the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s. Sometimes known by the nickname Mrs. A, she was one of the most famous female broadcasters of her era. In addition, she was known as an expert on cooking; she gave many public talks and demonstrations, and her advice was relied upon by millions of homemakers.

Early life
Kate Aitken, born Kate May Scott, was the fifth of seven children of Anne (née Kennedy) and Robert Scott; she was born in the village of Beeton, Ontario. Her parents owned a general store; years later, in 1956, she wrote a memoir about her childhood in Beeton, called Never a Day So Bright. From the time she was little, she enjoyed cooking: she once joked that she was born "with a mixing spoon in my hand." At twelve-years old, Kate sold cosmetics door-to-door on a bicycle. She then became a teacher when she was fourteen; she later got enough credits for a teaching certificate and moved to Saskatchewan; she returned to Ontario several years later to help her mother run the general store. In October 1914, she married a local businessman named Henry Mundell Aitken. Kate and Henry subsequently had two children, Mary and Anne. At the time of their marriage, Henry was working as a clerk at a local bank; but several years later, he and Kate bought a poultry farm. Kate also began a canning business. Although she had little experience with farming, she had immersed herself in every book and government publication she could find, and soon acquired enough expertise to begin giving talks about such topics as raising fruits and vegetables for the Ontario Department of Agriculture. She and her husband also became known locally for the success of their poultry farm: by 1924, they had about 600 egg-laying hens.

Homemaking expert
As was the custom in the early 1900s, newspapers generally referred to her as "Mrs. Henry Aitken" or "Mrs. H.M. Aitken"; it was rare for her first name to be used. But she had begun to become well known for her homemaking and farm management skills, and women's page reporters in Toronto were praising her as a "practical farm business woman." In 1923, she set up a "Country Kitchen" in the Women’s Building of the Canadian National Exhibition (CNE) in Toronto, where she gave talks about canning and preserving, while selling some of her own home-made jams and baked goods. Until 1928, she worked for the Ontario Department of Agriculture speaking to rural women about farming. She subsequently taught cooking, at the Canadian National Exhibition, where she was named the director of the Women's Activities in early 1939. She continued in that role for the next thirteen years. Beginning in the 1920s, she became known for her recipes, which she first published as pamphlets or booklets. Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, her cooking talks were extremely popular: some of her classes at the CNE drew several thousand people, both men and women. Rural farm women found her especially helpful, since she understood their situation and was able to offer them helpful hints about managing their household more effectively. While serving as director of women's activities for the CNE, she became known for creating unique displays for the Exhibition, such as persuading the British government to allow one of Queen Elizabeth's famous dresses to be shown. She was also known for booking guest appearances by celebrities and dignitaries: among them was former American first lady Eleanor Roosevelt, who gave a 1951 talk at the Exhibition that was also carried by the CBC. Mrs. Aitken finally resigned from her position in November 1952.

Kate Aitken also served as supervisor of conservation for the Consumers Branch, Wartime Prices and Trade Board during World War II. In August 1945, she took a six-week tour of the British Isles and the Continent at the invitation of the British Ministry of Food. The goal of the tour was to learn how Canadian women could help alleviate food shortages in the UK.

Career in broadcasting
Kate Aitken was offered a radio show in 1934, when a broadcaster at CFRB in Toronto broke her leg and the station manager needed an emergency replacement. The show was syndicated to other radio stations, and was eventually picked up by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation in 1948. By the 1940s, she had become one of CFRB's most popular broadcasters, and newspapers abandoned the custom of referring to her by as Mrs. Henry Aitken; they began using her radio name, Kate Aitken, all the time. Her radio programs were also profitable for CFRB: she was able to get her own sponsors, and she proved that a daytime show aimed mainly at home-makers could gain a wide following. While most of her fans were women, among the many people who wrote to get her advice, 18% of the letters came from men. Throughout much of her radio career, Aitken was heard three times during the day; in 1950, an estimated 32 per cent of Canadians listening to the radio were tuned into her show whenever she was on the air; estimated to be up to three million listeners. She was so popular that she received 260,000 letters, 150 speeches during the course of a year and 22 secretaries to manage the workload. She also became an expert at getting interviews for her broadcasts; sometimes, she spoke with interesting local people who were in the news, but she also traveled overseas to get interviews with famous news-makers, including one with Benito Mussolini. In fact, when she first met him in 1927, she was said to have persuaded him to place an order for Canadian wheat.

On radio, Kate Aitken primarily covered homemaking subjects such as cooking and etiquette. In TV's early years, she was a panelist on talk shows, including a 1952 program called Fighting Words. But sometimes, she did some documentary journalism, including a profile of Hungarian refugees in 1956. Also, in an era when research was difficult and time consuming, Aitken would find answers to difficult questions, explaining to one Saskatoon woman the procedures for moving herself and her assets to the USA to be with her American husband. When not covering homemaking, she also interviewed powerful world leaders: in addition to Mussolini, she spoke with Adolf Hitler, King George VI, Mackenzie King, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Lester Pearson. By some estimates, she made more than 9,500 broadcasts during her radio career.

She retired from broadcasting unexpectedly in 1957, even though her radio shows were still popular. But she did not slow her pace: she continued to work for UNICEF, and in 1958, she was named to the CBC's board of directors. One of her projects at the CBC was to conduct a survey of the audience's likes and dislikes. Beginning in the late 1950s, and continuing until 1962, she was a columnist for the Globe & Mail, offering her opinions about fashion, food, raising children, and current trends in society that affected the home. She also gave advice to homemakers about etiquette, such as a column on using the telephone: taking calls during dinner was always to be avoided, she wrote. Additionally, she continued to write cookbooks: by some accounts, she wrote or contributed to more than fifty of them, several of which became Canadian best-sellers.

Kate Aitken died in Mississauga in 1971, at age 81, having lived for many years on property that she ran briefly as a spa, on a bend of Mississauga Road, south of Streetsville. She is buried in Beeton United Church Cemetery.

Legacy
In June 1973, 1,000 people gathered in Beeton Park, New Tecumseth, Canada as the Beeton Women’s Institute placed a plaque in memory of Aitken. A number of contemporary historians, including culinary expert Elizabeth Driver, have compared her to Martha Stewart, for her popularity and the high esteem in which she was held by homemakers and people who loved to cook. One of Kate's cookbooks, Kate Aitken's Canadian cook book, which was first issued in 1945, remains popular even now; it was reissued in 2004, and Elizabeth Driver wrote the introduction.

Books

 * Kate Aitken Ogilvie Cook Book (1950), Ogilvie Flour Mills Home Service Department
 * Lovely You (1951), Collins White Circle
 * Canadian Etiquette for Daily Living (1953), Tamblyn Edition
 * Kate Aitken’s: It’s Fun Raising a Family (1955), Tamblyn Edition
 * Never a Day So Bright (1956), Longmans
 * Making your Living is Fun (1959), Longmans
 * Kate Aitken's Cook Book: The All-Time Favourite Canadian Cook Book (1962), HarperCollins Publishers Canada, Limited

title: Kate Aitken


text:
Talk:Aussie

Untitled
The chant looks like Oggy Oggy Oggy -- a spin-off? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 4.16.250.33 (talk) 06:23, 19 February 2005 (UTC)

Please Explain!
The section on Aussie as a cultural moniker reads like a defenseve attack upon a so-called "radical egalitarian movement" and goes on to throw in a comment regarding legal the "fictions of arbitrary citizenship status". The paragraph whiffs of polemic and needs cleaning up. mangonorth

The argument (where it should not be an argument but description of facts) posits that it is not the nationalists that are being exclusive in their use of the word Aussie. This seems to fly in the face of their obvious intentions! —Preceding unsigned comment added by 218.228.152.208 (talk) 11:41, 4 November 2007 (UTC)

As Chant?
I have removed the lengthy description of the "Aussie" chant, as there is already an independant page on this topic. As the chant is a relatively new phenomenon, (and one that has been politicized under the current wave of nationalism,) it should not dominate a description of a word that has broader, long standing and more inclusive meaning. mangonorth —Preceding unsigned comment added by 218.228.152.208 (talk) 11:32, 4 November 2007 (UTC)

Usage of 'Aussie' as ethnic descriptor
Article states:

"While attempts by schools, politicians and the media to use the term as an all encompassing label for those with Australian citizenship, it has continued to retain common usage as an ethnic descriptor, especially among youth."

Are these claims regarding common usage and usage among youth verifiable? --Salada 10:46, 16 April 2006 (UTC)

....Salada, it is not verifiable. It is strictly a 'slang' term which is normally used only in informal conversation or communication; for example in speaking with another Australian I might use the words "we Aussies", but any attempt to formalise the word as a substitute for "Australians" as a descriptor of those holding Australian citizenship would be met with derision.Geoffrey Wickham 05:05, 22 December 2006 (UTC)

As a white Australian born and raised in Australia, and only 20 years old, I would say that "Aussie" refers to anyone who identifies themselves as Australian, and accepts and respects "Australian Values" (or "Aussie Values") and way of life. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 60.242.15.169 (talk) 12:54, 23 February 2007 (UTC)
 * Removed point of view statements that the term carries any official bearing, that the traditional cultural group is "European", or that it is used by such people in a "multicultural" context (most use it in a reactionary context, as opposed to cultural separatism and the state's destruction of an Australian multiculturalism). —Preceding unsigned comment added by Ottre (talk • contribs) 02:58, 22 July 2008 (UTC)
 * What do you mean?
 * Read the following:
 * Multiculturalism makes ethnic origin into destiny. So at the last census Australians were asked about their ancestry and encouraged not to answer 'Australian'. Even those whose families have been here for four or six generations were meant to declare a European ancestry. As with individuals, so with society. In the eyes of the multiculturalists Australian society of the 1940s, 150 years after first settlement, is adequately described as Anglo-Celtic. At least this acknowledges that the people of Australia were Irish and Scots as well as English, but it has nothing more substantial than a hyphen joining them. In fact a distinct new culture had been formed. English, Scots and Irish had formed a common identity - first of all British and then gradually Australian as well. In the 1930s the historian W. K. Hancock could aptly describe them as Independent Australian Britons.

To say that the Australians were more British than the British carries more of the truth than is usually realised. Britishness was not a very strong identity in Great Britain itself. The heartland of the United Kingdom was England and the English thought of themselves as English and only on the rare occasions when they wanted to be polite to the Scots did they use the term 'British'. In Australia the pressure of the Scots and especially of the [egalitarian] Irish forced the abandonment of 'English' as the identity of the colonies in favour of 'British'. The Irish of course could still bridle at a British identity even when it included them as equals. In time, with the passing of the first generation born in Ireland and the growth of a distinctly Australian interpretation of Britishness, they were prepared to accept it. The Irish had done well in Australia and saw the adoption of self-government within the empire as the solution to the Irish problem at home, the system which had worked so well in the colonies.

Multiculturalists pride themselves on their respect for the identity people give themselves. They tell us that if Greeks want to call themselves Greeks, they should referred to as such and not as Greek-Australians, still less as New Australians. In calling Australians of the 1940s and their descendents 'Anglo-Celts' or 'Europeans' multiculturalists depart from their own rule. They were proud that they had constrained particular ethnic identities [in the public sphere] and subsumed them into the broader term of [Australian] British.
 * This approach was first taken by the neoconservatives, so it's safe to say the majority of cultural historians agree with it. See the WP:NPOV tutorial guidelines.
 * In the context of cultural separatism, the identifier (Aussie) is correctly described as a defense against the use of the term Anglo-Australian. This is notable in that the Australian people have resisted English imperialism for at least one hundred years (and this is the only point radical nationalist and marxist historians agree on). —Preceding unsigned comment added by Ottre (talk • contribs) 14:49, 22 July 2008
 * That's a nice essay on British and multiculturalism in Australia, your first point seems ok, but the second is POV and quite inflammatory. 'British' used in this way, maybe interpreted as a political term, so perhaps use 'Anglo-Celtic' instead. --121.200.0.46 (talk) 00:44, 23 July 2008 (UTC)
 * Utterly ridiculous that. Anglo-Celtic is far more a part of the (culture wars) vocabulary an encyclopedia should avoid than is British. Unless you want to put in a request for mediation, and insert a second (sourced) interpretation of its usage, changing back to "Australian British (Celtogermanic) descent". Ottre (talk) 07:00, 24 July 2008 (UTC)
 * Why use 'post-Grassby' (it doesn't mean much to the average reader, whereas 'multicultural' does)? --121.200.0.46 (talk) 03:44, 22 July 2008 (UTC)
 * What do you mean? Using the term 'multicultural' would politicise this article, whereas 'post-Grassby' or 'post-Grassby (the godfather of exclusive multiculturalism)' would not. Thought the latter alternative is somewhat disjointed for an encyclopedia article. EDIT: see my second last edit. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Ottre (talk • contribs) 15:29, 22 July 2008 (UTC)
 * I disagree, the word 'multicultural' would not politicise the article. Using 'post-Grassby' or 'post-Grassbian' does not belong in an encyclopaedia, in an academic text maybe, but in an encyclopaedia, no. Anyone who reads the article is not going to know what it means, it will be non-sensical to the reader. An encyclopaedia needs to be simple as possible, easy to read, and unbiased. --121.200.0.46 (talk) 00:44, 23 July 2008 (UTC)
 * Have you read the article? "The usage of Aussie then is offensive to those who believe that it unfairly excludes outgroups as not equally Australian. It may also be used in a derogatory sense by those who do not consider themselves Australian to label those who do." Clearly judgemental statements which rest upon the rejection of an inclusive multiculturalism by detractors of Australian identitarianism. You absolutely have to go into specifics. Ottre (talk) 07:00, 24 July 2008 (UTC)

Use of the word "Aussie"
Article states:

"In New Zealand and the United Kingdom the term is sometimes used to refer to the country of Australia, as well as Australian persons. In Australia itself the term is only used to refer to its inhabitants."

Does anyone agree with this? I am an Australian and I have heard a number of people use "Aussie" to refer to the country. Should this unsubstantiated claim be removed from the article? —Preceding unsigned comment added by Buvelot64 (talk • contribs) 10:21, 29 March 2007 (UTC)

The word Aussie can be a noun, a proper noun and an adjective, examples include;

 * "I love the Aussie (Australian) way of life,"
 * "He's as Aussie (Australian) as it gets,
 * "I am going home to Aussie (Australia)." FlatOut 10:49, 12 May 2013 (UTC)

Perjorative use
I've removed this topic from the category 'Perjorative terms', as the term Aussie is rarely or never used perjoratively itself. Offensive use of the term 'Aussie' comes from its use as an exclusive term, thus labelling others (particularly Australians with an ethnic heritage) as 'not real Aussies'. I haven't found any reference of the term Aussie used perjoratively; please edit this if you find a solid reference. peterl 21:28, 3 December 2007 (UTC)

I agree, except for the spelling--it's pejorative not *perjorative. I'm [dʒæˑkɫɜmbɚ] and I approve this message. 23:51, 7 May 2009 (UTC)

Autonym
Do we really need that pretentious factoid in the lead? The lead should talk about the most important aspects of the subject matter, and the fact that this happens to be an autonym is an eye-rolling trivia that should be either removed or push well down in the article. When people look up something quickly in Wikipedia they don't want to know about some other smart-arse word that they probably don't care about. Not unless the oh-look-I-know-this-word-logism is necessary to explain the subject. 205.228.108.58 (talk) 07:36, 27 November 2009 (UTC)
 * Relegated to a category. Hopefully acceptable username (talk) 01:10, 29 November 2009 (UTC)

Clarification on Use
Aussie, is a colloquialism that is a substitute for 'Australia' and 'Australian' Examples of how Aussie is substituted, include:
 * You can be Australian, or you can be Aussie.
 * You can also be an Australian citizen, or you can be an Aussie citizen
 * You can visit Australia, or you can visit Aussie.

FlatOut 13:00, 14 May 2013 (UTC)

Use of Aussie as synonym for Australia, in Australia
I have reverted a good faith edit that claims Aussie as a synonym for Australia is not often used at home. The source used, where a NZ newspaper refers to Australia as Aussie, does not prove that it is rarely used at home. In fact, the sporting anthem C'mon Aussie C'mon uses Aussie as a synonym for Australia. Macquarie Dictionary also describes Aussie as a synonym for Australia.''' Flat Out   let's discuss it   02:23, 4 January 2014 (UTC)

 * Respectfully, I totally disagree. I have lived in Australia for over 60 years and have NEVER heard an Australian refer to Australia as "Aussie". Your edit asserting that "Come on Aussie come on" references Australia (in the article of the same name) is completely unsupported (as is your similar assertion higher up on this talk page), and it makes just as much sense to assume the phrase is urging an individual (though unidentified) Australian player to greater efforts. On that basis, I should revert your edit in the Come on Aussie article - which I refrain from doing: I' rather talk it out here and invite other opinions than start an edit war.

 * Furthermore, the reference supporting my edit is not simply a citation from a NZ newspaper - it is an AUSTRALIAN writer complaining that the common NZ use of "Aussie" to mean "Australia" grates on Australian ears. Of course, it always difficult to prove that something is NOT the case, but I thought the citation was at least a good step in that direction. Regarding the Macquarie Dictionary reference, it may very well be referring to NZ usage. Your thoughts? Ian Page (talk) 22:45, 5 January 2014 (UTC) P.S. You're not a Kiwi by any chance?
 * I can concede on the NZ reference, however the Macquarie is the definitive Australian dictionary and C'Mon Aussie, C'Mon is clearly slang for Come on Australia, Come on. Use of Aussie as a synonym for Australia is not common, but it is used. here is just one example. Regarding the origins of the anthem, C'Mon Aussie, C'mon started as 'Come on Australia, show us what you're made of''
 * Thanks for the Herald-Sun citation. But even more, thanks for your very appropriate edit to the lead paragraph. I can happily live with that. Ian Page (talk) 21:17, 12 January 2014 (UTC)
 * Mate, if only consensus was always this easy :) ''' Flat Out   let's discuss it   00:50, 13 January 2014 (UTC)

use of "aussie" to refer to the country itself
There are four sources cited. One is an article to which the link doe not work. The other four are dictionary definitions which do NOT include the country as one of the meanings of "aussie". Cloudeight (talk) 17:51, 19 January 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Aussie


text: User talk:65.212.160.76

title: User talk:65.212.160.76


text: User talk:69.143.187.99

title: User talk:69.143.187.99


text:
Virginia State Route 76

State Route 76 (SR 76) is a controlled-access toll road in the U.S. state of Virginia. Known as the Powhite Parkway (first word officially pronounced, similar to Powhatan), the state highway runs 13.04 mi from SR 652 near Midlothian north to Interstate 195 (I-195) in Richmond. SR 76 connects SR 288, U.S. Route 60 (US 60), and SR 150 in Chesterfield County with I-195 and SR 195 west of Downtown Richmond. The highway includes a pair of mainline barrier toll plazas and ramp toll plazas at most interchanges, all of which accept E-ZPass. SR 76 is maintained by the Virginia Department of Transportation (VDOT) in Chesterfield County and the Richmond Metropolitan Authority in the city of Richmond. The Richmond section of the freeway was constructed in the early 1970s; the highway was extended to its current terminus in Chesterfield County in the late 1980s.

Route description
SR 76 begins at an arbitrary point just east of an intersection with Brandermill Parkway, the main street through the Brandermill planned community. The road continues west as SR 652 (Old Hundred Road) toward Roseland. SR 76 heads east as a divided highway with three lanes northbound and two lanes southbound. The state highway becomes a freeway at its intersection with SR 754 (Charter Colony Parkway). East of SR 754, the highway carries two lanes in each direction. SR 76 has a cloverleaf interchange with the SR 288 freeway, east of which the highway becomes a toll road and crosses Falling Creek. The state highway has its first toll plaza just west of its diamond interchange with SR 653 (Courthouse Road). The northbound exit ramp and southbound entrance ramp for SR 653 diverge from the highway just west of the toll plaza and pass through the barrier separately before intersecting the crossing highway. The southbound exit ramp and northbound entrance ramp each have a ramp toll plaza before rejoining SR 76.

SR 76 veers northeast and meets US 60 (Midlothian Turnpike) at a cloverleaf interchange with collector-distributor lanes. The southbound entrance ramp has a right-in/right-out interchange with SR 953 (Arboretum Parkway), which serves a business park. The collector-distributor lanes each have a ramp toll plaza at their northern ends, where the toll freeway begins to follow Powhite Creek and passes by its impoundment, Rock Creek Park Lake. SR 76 has partial cloverleaf interchanges with SR 686 (Jahnke Road) and SR 150 (Chippenham Parkway) next to Powhite Park. The interchange with SR 150, which is on the boundary between Chesterfield County and the independent city of Richmond, includes a flyover ramp from southbound SR 76 to southbound SR 150 and does not have ramps from northbound SR 76 to southbound SR 150 and from northbound SR 150 to southbound SR 76. The missing movements are provided via SR 686. North of SR 150 are staggered toll plazas for each direction, each with three Express E-ZPass lanes in addition to standard toll plaza lanes. East of the toll plazas SR 76 passes under Norfolk Southern Railway's Richmond District and has a partial interchange with Forest Hill Avenue; this interchange has ramp toll plazas and provides access to and from the north.

SR 76 heads north from Forest Hill Avenue as a ten-lane road that crosses the James River and CSX's Rivanna Subdivision on the Powhite Parkway Bridge just south of the mouth of Powhite Creek. Two lanes from each direction split northeast onto SR 146, which serves as extended ramps from northbound SR 76 to and to southbound SR 76 from SR 195 (Downtown Expressway), an east–west toll road that connects SR 76 and I-95 in Downtown Richmond. Within that partial interchange, the northbound roadway passes under CSX's North End Subdivision tracks, which begin to run in the median of the freeway. North of SR 146, SR 76 has a partial cloverleaf interchange with Douglasdale Road and McCloy Street that lacks a ramp to southbound SR 76 and provides access to City Stadium; the ramps to and from the north have ramp toll plazas. A pair of ramps to and from the south that lead to SR 147 (Cary Street) and SR 6 (Patterson Avenue) split from the freeway just south of its northern terminus at I-195 (Beltline Expressway). The interchange with I-195 is a partial interchange, providing access between SR 76 and I-195 to the north toward I-95 and I-64.

Tolls
, toll rates for automobiles on the Richmond section of SR 76 are $1.00 at the mainline toll plaza and at the Forest Hill ramp plazas, and 50 cents at the Douglasdale Road ramp plazas. , toll rates on the Chesterfield County section of the freeway are 75 cents for through traffic at the mainline toll plaza, 25 cents for traffic exiting onto SR 653 at the mainline toll plaza, 50 cents at the SR 653 ramp toll plazas, and 25 cents at the US 60 ramp toll plazas.

History
The original section of Powhite Parkway from I-195 to SR 150 within the city of Richmond was constructed by the Richmond Metropolitan Authority and opened in January 1973. The toll road's extension southwest beyond SR 288 in Chesterfield County was constructed by VDOT and opened in November 1988. Electronic toll collection began on the Powhite Parkway in 1999 when the Smart Tag system began operating at the highway's toll plazas. The freeway became E-ZPass accessible when Smart Tag was absorbed into the E-ZPass system in 2005. The Richmond mainline toll plaza was reconstructed with staggered plazas for each direction and Express E-ZPass lanes in 2008. Long-term plans exist for an extension of Powhite Parkway to US 360 near Skinquarter.

title: Virginia State Route 76