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Frederick C. Billard

Frederick Chamberlayne Billard (22 September 1873 – 17 May 1932) served as the sixth Commandant of the United States Coast Guard from 1924 until his death in 1932. Billard's military career began with his appointment to the School of Instruction of the Revenue Cutter Service in 1894.

Among his experiences before becoming Commandant, Billard commanded several cutters, served as aide to two Commandants and also served twice as superintendent of the Coast Guard Academy. After rising through the ranks, he was appointed to serve as Commandant in January 1924 and with the appointment, the rank of rear admiral. Semper Paratus became the official song of the U.S. Coast Guard in 1928.

His leadership of the Coast Guard during the Prohibition era required careful planning and use of available resources to accomplish the mission while making sure that other required missions were not slighted.

He was very involved in the training of his officers as a superintendent of the United States Coast Guard Academy, and he was responsible for the purchase of the permanent location of the academy at New London, Connecticut.

While he was Commandant, he emphasized training, formalized coursework for enlisted personnel, and standardized testing procedures for advancement in rating. Billard was supportive of newly available technologies such as aircraft and radio communication in order to accomplish the mission. The Coast Guard's involvement in oceanography was instituted during his tenure. He emphasized integrity in the Coast Guard's dealings with the public and expected his officers and men to be honest in order to preserve the image of the Coast Guard. Shortly after his appointment to an unprecedented third term as Commandant, Billard died of pneumonia in May 1932.

Early life and education
Billard was born in Washington, D.C., on 22 September 1873. A graduate of Baltimore City College, on 11 January 1894 he was appointed a cadet from Maryland in the United States Revenue Cutter Service. Cadets of the School of Instruction of that era took their training aboard the practice ship USRC Chase, which had been newly modified to accommodate the first class of cadets since the school had closed temporarily in 1890. Billard was one of 12 cadets in the class during the summer of 1894 to train aboard Chase. He graduated from the School of Instruction 27 April 1896 and was commissioned a third lieutenant.

Career
Billard was promoted to the temporary rank of second lieutenant on 11 August 1897; this was made permanent 14 January 1898. In 1898, he reported for duty aboard USRC Corwin which was a part of the Bering Sea Patrol. After the Corwin was sold on 14 February 1900, he returned to the Chase as an instructor and navigator. Billard was promoted on 21 October 1904 to temporary first lieutenant; the promotion became permanent on 29 December 1904. In 1906, the Chief of the Revenue Cutter Service, Captain Worth G. Ross appointed Billard as his aide. He remained in this position until Ross's retirement in 1911. On 1 June 1914, he became the Superintendent of the United States Revenue Cutter Academy and the commanding officer of the cadet training cutter, USRC Itasca. One year later, the name was changed to the United States Coast Guard Academy, when the United States Life-Saving Service was merged with the Revenue Cutter Service to form the U.S. Coast Guard.

World War I

In 1918, Billard was assigned to USS Aphrodite (SP-135) as her commanding officer. During his tour as commanding officer, Aphrodite operated in the European war zone and was the first American warship to transit the Kiel Canal after the World War I armistice was signed. In recognition of his services as commanding officer of Aphrodite, Billard was awarded the Navy Cross.

From 1919 to 1921, he served as aide to Commandant William E. Reynolds. Brillard was the Superintendent of the United States Coast Guard Academy at Fort Trumbull near New London, Connecticut. from 1921 until his appointment as Commandant.

Commandant
On 11 January 1924, Billard was promoted to the rank of rear admiral, and succeeded Rear Admiral William E. Reynolds as Commandant.

Prohibition
As a result of the passage of the Eighteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, the Volstead Act, which went into effect 16 January 1920, placed the responsibility for enforcement of prohibition of the manufacture, sale, import, or export of intoxicating beverages under the jurisdiction of the Department of the Treasury. Secretary of the Treasury David F. Houston created a Prohibition Unit within the Bureau of Internal Revenue to deal with violation of the act, but his directive did not include the Coast Guard in the new unit. As a result, the Coast Guard did not initially enforce the act even though many liquor-laden vessels congregated on "Rum Row" just outside the three-mile limit near major cities on Atlantic and Gulf coasts. Since the Coast Guard was not specifically tasked with enforcement and funds were limited, few seizures of prohibited cargo occurred unless the seizure was incidental to other law enforcement duties. The first important enforcement did not occur until September 1921, with the seizure of the British registered schooner Henry L. Marshall by the cutter USCGC Seneca (1908).

In 1923, Secretary of the Treasury Andrew Mellon recommended in a budget request that the Coast Guard obtain twenty new cutters, 200 cabin cruisers and 91 motorboats with an additional 3,535 officers and men at a cost of $28,500,000 for the enforcement of prohibition. At the time the total annual budget for the Coast Guard was less than ten million dollars and Congress did not agree with the request. On 2 April 1924, a bill was signed into law that provided the Coast Guard a little over twelve million dollars to fund the renovation of twenty Navy destroyers and two minesweepers for prohibition enforcement as well as 223 cabin cruisers and 100 smaller motor boats. The law also provided for the addition of 149 commissioned officers, 418 warrant officers and 3,789 enlisted men but some of the officers provided under the law were only given temporary promotions and no increase in pay. As the Coast Guard prepared for changes in operations caused by the new law, Billard addressed the commissioned officers of the service in a printed circular:

"We can not, however, carry out this big undertaking to our full satisfaction unless I can count on the loyal and earnest support of each of you. So many conditions are bound to arise to try your devotion to a successful outcome in this matter and to test your interest and indeed your loyalty. Very many officers will have to be moved, maybe frequently, and often to stations or kinds of duty that may not be agreeable to them. Tours of shore duty may have to be curtailed or eliminated. Leaves of absence may have to be restricted or deferred. In short, conditions will be far from normal and may entail unusual discomforts and inconveniences. Furthermore, some mistakes are bound to be made, and Headquarters will probably do things that some of you think ill-advised, and experience may prove you right about them. Through it all, will you not bear in mind the big issues involved–the unsullied reputation of the Service for efficiency and devotion to duty."

Recruiting manpower for the enlarged "Rum Patrol" operation was simplified somewhat by high unemployment in some sections of the United States at the time. Training of new enlisted personnel was arranged by Billard through the Navy at Newport, Rhode Island and Hampton Roads, Virginia. Temporary commissions were offered to engineering college graduates and the class of 1925 of the Coast Guard Academy was graduated several months early to help fill much of the officer requirement.

The twenty destroyers that the Navy was to transfer under the 1924 budget legislation included some of the Navy's oldest destroyers, which had been built between 1910 and 1916 and seen service in World War I. They had been stored at the Philadelphia Navy Yard since the end of the war without extensive preservation and were not ready for immediate service. Boilers, turbines, condensers and auxiliary machinery had to be inspected and reconditioned where necessary. The 3-inch gun batteries, torpedo tubes and depth charge racks were deemed unnecessary for the prohibition mission and were removed and a one pounder was mounted forward to fire a warning shot at boats that might attempt to flee a boarding. Much of the reconditioning work was done by newly graduated recruits and the work went slow; the first destroyer out of the yard was not ready until late summer and the last was not commissioned until 1925.

In addition to the small craft that had been authorized, the service supplemented their small boat requirements with seized craft that were often faster than the original complement. These faster boats were often used by smugglers to ferry contraband liquor from "Rum Row" to the shore and often could outrun the service's vessels.

One of Billard's concerns during the prohibition period was that the number of court cases would cause the service harm by taking personnel off patrol duties to testify in court cases, as well as the negative publicity that could occur if it was necessary to fire on a vessel to enforce the law. He was assisted somewhat by various treaties made with foreign countries allowing a twelve-mile limit for search of contraband aboard foreign vessels.

As Commandant during the Prohibition Era, Billard established the Coast Guard's first intelligence center, designed to collect, evaluate, and disseminate information relating to smuggling practices and plans. The use of radio codes increased by both the service and the smugglers so the Coast Guard had to develop cryptanalysis skills to keep ahead of the smugglers. Radio direction finding equipment was installed on several Coast Guard vessels in late 1930. The original twenty destroyers were ending their expected service lives by 1930 and were replaced by newer craft that had been requested in 1926. Billard first used borrowed Navy aircraft in 1925 to track smugglers; this proved successful and in his 1926 budget requests he included the need for five aircraft at a cost of $152,000. With each improvement in detection and method of interdiction that the Coast Guard introduced, the smugglers would always find a different method of introducing contraband into the United States. Billard was concerned that Coast Guardsmen would succumb to enticements offered by the rum runners through either offers of liquor or cash, and there were several instances of this happening. Some service personnel were convicted at courts-martial of accepting bribes or improperly assisting liquor smugglers.

Education and morale
During his tours of duty as Superintendent of the Coast Guard Academy, Billard maintained an interest in the training of the officers that served under him. In 1926, the distinction between line and engineer cadets was abolished and all coursework was thereafter the same for every cadet. He repeated his budget requests each year funds for permanent facilities for the academy so that the inadequate Fort Trumbull quarters could be abandoned. In 1929, Congress finally granted his request of funds to establish a permanent academy and the city of New London donated to the U.S. government a tract of land adjacent to the Thames River for that purpose. In 1930, the course of instruction was increased to four years and the engineering curriculum was revised to include up-to-date methods and content. The cornerstone for Hamilton Hall, the first building, was laid on 15 May 1931 and the new academy was first occupied by cadets returning from the summer training cruise in September 1932.

Billard was not only concerned about officer education, as enlisted morale and education were first funded under his direction. Funds were provided for recreational equipment, radios, phonographs, film projectors and athletic equipment for duty stations and cutters serving in remote areas. In addition, libraries were established at most units through private donations and the American Merchant Marine Library Association. Correspondence courses were made available through the Navy's Bureau of Navigation and the Marine Corps Institute. Patterned after the Marine Corps Institute, the U.S. Coast Guard Institute was started at the academy in 1928. It distributed correspondence coursework and graded examinations to qualify enlisted Coast Guardsmen for advancement in rating and provided a degree of uniformity in the promotion process that had been lacking in previous years.

New cutters
During Commandant Billard's tenure, the Coast Guard sought a replacement cutter for the aging USCGC Bear which had been built in 1874 and was used for Arctic service. After consultation with 47 Coast Guard officers that had years of experience in Arctic waters, the Coast Guard named Newport News Shipbuilding of Newport News, Virginia to build the replacement vessel. The result was a steel-hulled cutter that was specifically designed for icebreaking and had a brigantine sail rig for emergency use in the event of ice damage to her propellers. USCGC Northland (WPG-49) was the last cruising cutter built with a sail rig and was commissioned 7 May 1927. Billard made it clear to Secretary Mellon in his budget requests that the addition of vessels used for prohibition enforcement did not satisfy the needs of the service for cruising cutters because the larger cruising cutters that were presently in service were fast approaching obsolescence and the smaller prohibition enforcement vessels served a different purpose. Accordingly, at Mellon's insistence, Congress authorized the construction of ten cutters in June 1926. The first five 250 ft Lake-class cutters were commissioned in the fall of 1928 and spring of 1929 with the other five being commissioned in 1930–1932. Other new cutters that were contracted during Billard's tenure included six 165 ft cutters that were designed for light icebreaking.

International Ice Patrol and oceanography
The International Ice Patrol (IIP) was reestablished in 1919 after being discontinued during World War I. President Wilson had established the Interdepartmental Board on International Service of Ice Observation, Ice Patrol, and Ocean Derelict Destruction in the fall of 1916 and the board included the Commandant of the Coast Guard, the hydrographer of the Navy, and the heads of the Weather, Standards, and Fisheries bureaus. The board had been directed to prepare a program of scientific studies to be carried out by the patrol cutters and to publish the reports of the researchers on the cutters. The Coast Guard Oceanographic Unit was established in 1923 and Billard directed Lieutenant Edward H. Smith to attend graduate studies in oceanography at Harvard University in 1924 and then to work with Vilhelm Bjerknes, a Norwegian meteorologist, and Norwegian oceanographers. Smith published Practical Means for Determining Ocean Currents in 1925 and sailed on the USCGC Tampa (WPG-48) as an observer in the 1926 ice patrol season. Smith and other Coast Guard oceanographers helped in the understanding of how pack ice affected the drift of icebergs, thus helping the IIP track the iceberg's movements in shipping lanes. During Billard's term of office, the USCGC Marion (WSC-145) was used as an oceanographic research vessel studying the waters near Greenland with hundreds of observations taken of water temperature and salinity as well as soundings. The soundings were used to correct nautical charts of the coastal waters. This would prove valuable information later during World War II when the Greenland Patrol was established.

Weather-related disasters
In September 1926 a hurricane hit the Florida coastline near Miami which killed 372 people. Billard organized a relief force of five cruising cutters and diverted four Rum Patrol destroyers to the area to aid hurricane victims. Crews patrolled the area to restore order and prevent looting, improvised hospitals for the wounded, searched for missing persons, and assisted local authorities. Coming just a few months after the hurricane, heavy spring rains caused the worst flooding along the Mississippi River and its tributaries known up until that time. Billard, as head of the Coast Guard, responded with relief efforts that included 674 officers and men, manning 128 vessels and boats. Over 44,000 people were rescued from the rising waters and 11,000 head of livestock were herded to safety. The service distributed food, clothing, medicine, and forage that was provided by the American Red Cross. Coast Guard vessels provided transportation for workers and materials needed for levee repair and served as escorts for the hundreds of public officials and news reporters that converged on the scene. Additionally, over 5,000 miles of levees were periodically inspected for damage. Even as the Coolidge Administration and several state governors questioned Federal government involvement in state affairs and the Federal government had not involved itself with disaster relief to any great extent before, Coast Guard search and rescue efforts in Florida and along the Mississippi Valley were conducted at the direction of Billard as one of the normal responsibilities assigned to the service.

Navy Cross Citation

"The President of the United States of America takes pleasure in presenting the Navy Cross to Captain Frederick C. Billard, United States Coast Guard, for distinguished service in the line of his profession as Commanding Officer of the U.S.S. APHRODITE, engaged in the important, exacting and hazardous duty of transporting and escorting troops and supplies through waters infested with enemy submarines and mines, during World War I."

Death
Billard was appointed by U.S. President Herbert Hoover to a third four-year term as Commandant in January 1932, but died of pneumonia nearly four months later on 17 May. He is buried at Arlington National Cemetery alongside his wife, Clara Prentis Billard. Billard was succeeded as Commandant by the appointment of Rear Admiral Harry G. Hamlet.

Legacy
Billard presided over most of the Prohibition period with all of the required changes in personnel, vessels and rapidly-changing technology. He kept the service focused on its missions and the welfare of its men. He was noted for an interest in his men's education, morale and welfare. His insight into using updated technology to complete a diverse set of missions resulted in improvements in cutter design, increasing use of radios, and gave Coast Guard aviation a practical start. He insisted on absolute integrity for his officers and men so that the service's reputation would not be harmed during the prohibition era.

As CGA Superintendent in 1920, Billard established the school's motto, Scientiae Cedit Mare (The Sea Yields to Knowledge).

Billard moved the academy from Fort Trumbull to its current location in 1932, and expanded officer training to four years. His establishment of the Coast Guard Academy in New London helped put officer education on a solid footing.

An academy athletics facility completed in 1932 was named for him. Brillard Hall is used for wrestling competition, and has fitness facilities and weight training equipment.

title: Frederick C. Billard


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Second mortgage

Second mortgages, commonly referred to as junior liens, are loans secured by a property in addition to the primary mortgage. Depending on the time at which the second mortgage is originated, the loan can be structured as either a standalone second mortgage or piggyback second mortgage. Whilst a standalone second mortgage is opened subsequent to the primary loan, those with a piggyback loan structure are originated simultaneously with the primary mortgage. With regard to the method in which funds are withdrawn, second mortgages can be arranged as home equity loans or home equity lines of credit. Home equity loans are granted for the full amount at the time of loan origination in contrast to home equity lines of credit which permit the homeowner access to a predetermined amount which is repaid during the repayment period.

Depending on the type of loan, interest rates charged on the second mortgage may be fixed or varied throughout the loan term. In general, second mortgages are subject to higher interest rates relative to the primary loan as they possess a higher level of risk for the second lien holder. In the event of foreclosure, in which the borrower defaults on the real estate loan, the property used as collateral to secure the loan is sold to pay debts for both mortgages. As the second mortgage has a subordinate claim to the sale of assets, the second mortgage lender receives the remaining proceeds after the first mortgage has been paid in full and therefore, may not be completely repaid. In addition to ongoing interest repayments, borrowers incur initial costs associated with the origination, application and evaluation of the loan. The charges related to the processing and underwriting the second mortgage are referred to as the application fee and origination fee respectively. Borrowers are also subject to additional costs which are charged by the lender, appraiser and broker.

When refinancing, if the homeowner wants to refinance the first mortgage and keep the second mortgage, the homeowner has to request a subordination from the second lender to let the new first lender step into the first lien holder position. Due to lender guidelines, it is rare for conventional loans for a property having a third or fourth mortgage. In situations when a property is lost to foreclosure and there is little or no equity, the first lien holder has the option to request a settlement for less with the second lien holder to release the second mortgage from the title. Once the second lien holder releases themselves from the title, they can come after the homeowner in civil court to pursue a judgement. At this point, the only option available to the homeowner is to accept the judgment or file bankruptcy.

Lump sum
Second mortgages come in two main forms, home equity loans and home equity lines of credit. A home equity loan, commonly referred to as a lump sum, is granted for the full amount at the time of loan origination. Interest rates on such loans are fixed for the entire loan term, both of which are determined when the second mortgage is initially granted. These close ended loans require borrowers to make principal-and-interest repayments on a monthly basis in a process of amortisation. The interest repayments are the costs associated with borrowing whilst the principal paid reduces the loan balance. With each subsequent repayment, the total amount remains constant however the portion related to the interest cost decreases whilst the amount corresponding to the principal increases. This ensures the loan is completely paid off at the end of the payment schedule. Home equity loans are commonly used for debt consolidation or current consumption expenditures as there is generally lower risk associated with fixed interest rates.

Line of credit
Home equity lines of credit are open ended loans in which the amount borrowed each month may vary at the homeowner's discretion. These loans offer flexible repayments schedules and are subject to variable interest rates that may potentially increase or decrease during the loan term. Borrowers have access to the line amount which is predetermined at the time of loan origination but are not required to draw amounts if they do not wish to. The revolving credit facility provides borrowers the flexibility of drawing down amounts only when required to avoid interest on unnecessary credit. This ensures a minimum debt level is maintained as monthly repayments correspond only to the amounts used rather than the full amount available. Home equity loans are commonly used when borrowers anticipate future consumption expenditures as well as credit shocks which affect access to credit in the future.

Standalone second mortgage
Second mortgages can be structured as either a standalone deal or a piggyback loan. Standalone second mortgages are opened subsequent to the primary mortgage loan to access home equity without disrupting the existing arrangement. Typically, the home buyer purchases a primary mortgage for the full amount and pays the required 20 percent down payment. During the loan term, monthly mortgage repayments and appreciating real estate prices increase the property's equity. In such instances, standalone second mortgages are able to use the property's equity as collateral to access additional funds. This financing option also offers competitive interest rates relative to unsecured personal loans which reduce monthly repayments. With reference to unsecured personal loans, lenders are exposed to a greater level of risk as collateral is not required to secure or guarantee the amounts owed. If the borrower were to default on their repayments, the lender is not able to sell assets to cover the outstanding debt. Accordingly, second mortgages not only ensure access to greater amounts but also lower interest rates comparative to unsecured loans. With increased cash flow, second mortgages are used to finance a variety of expenditures at the discretion of the borrow including home renovations, college tuition, medical expenses and debt consolidation.

Piggyback second mortgage
Piggyback second mortgages are originated concurrently with the first mortgage to finance the purchase of a home in a single closing process. In a conventional mortgage arrangement, homebuyers are permitted to borrow 80 percent of the property's value whilst placing a down payment of 20 percent. Those unable to obtain the downpayment requirement must pay the additional expense of private mortgage insurance (PMI) which serves to protect lenders during the event of foreclosure by covering a portion of the outstanding debt owed by the buyer. Hence, the option of opening a second mortgage is specifically applicable to buyers who have insufficient funds to pay a 20 percent down payment and wish to avoid paying PMI. Typically, there are two forms in which the piggyback second mortgage can take. The more common of the two is the 80/10/10 mortgage arrangement in which the home buyer is granted an 80 percent loan-to-value (LTV) on the primary mortgage and 10 percent LTV on the second mortgage with a 10 percent down payment. The piggyback second mortgage can also be financed through an 80/20 loan structure. In contrast to the previous method, this arrangement does not require a down payment whilst still permitting home buyers 80 percent LTV on the primary mortgage and 20 percent LTV on the second mortgage.

Ongoing interest repayments
Varying interest rate policies apply to different types of second mortgages. These include home equity loans and home equity lines of credit. With regard to home equity loans, lenders advance the full amount at the time of loan origination. Consequently, homeowners are required to make principle-and-interest loan repayments for the entire amount on a monthly schedule. The fixed interest rate charged on such loans is set at the time of loan origination which ensures constant monthly repayments throughout the loan term. In contrast, home equity lines of credit are open-ended and based on a variable interest rate. During the borrowing period, homeowners are permitted to borrow up to a predetermined amount which must be repaid during the repayment period. Whilst variable interest charges may permit lower initial repayments, these rates have the potential to increase over the duration of the repayment period. Second mortgage interest rate payments are also tax deductible given certain conditions are met. This advantage of second mortgages reduces the borrower's taxable income by the value of the interest expense. In general, total monthly repayments on the second mortgage are lower than that of the first mortgage. This is due to the smaller amount borrowed in the second mortgage compared to the primary loan rather than the difference in interest rate. Second mortgage interest rates are typically higher due to the related risk of such loans. During the event of foreclosure, the primary mortgage is repaid first with the remaining funds used to satisfy the second mortgage. This translates to a higher level of risk for the second mortgage lender as they are less likely to receive sufficient funds to cover the amounts borrowed. Consequently, second mortgages are subject to higher interest rates to compensate for the associated risk of foreclosure.

Closing costs
Second mortgagors are subject to upfront fees associated with closing cost of obtaining the mortgage in addition to ongoing payments. These include application and origination fees as well as charges to the lender, appraiser and broker. The application fee is charged to potential borrowers for processing the second mortgage application. This fee varies between lenders and is typically non-refundable. The origination fee is charged at the lender's discretion and is associated with the costs of processing, underwriting and funding the second mortgage. Also referred to as the lender's fee, points are a percentage of the loan that is charged by the lender. With each point translating to one percentage of the loan amount, borrowers have the option to pay this fee in order to decrease the loan interest rate. Whilst paying points increases upfront payments, borrowers are subject to lower interest rates which decrease monthly repayments over the loan term. Second mortgages are dependent upon the property's equity which is likely to vary over time due to changes in the property's value. Professional appraisers who assess the market value of the home result in an additional cost to potential borrowers. A broker fee, associated with the service of providing advice and arranging the second mortgage, is also incurred by borrowers.

Real estate prices
Escalating real estate prices are common in low interest rate environments which increase borrowing capacity, in addition to lower underwriting standards and mortgage product innovation that provide greater access to credit. These factors contribute to an increase in real estate demand and housing prices. The implication of such environments is the increase in cost of purchasing a property in terms of down payments and monthly mortgage repayments. Whilst conventional primary mortgages permit home buyers to borrow up to 80 percent of the property's value, they are conditional on a 20 percent down payment. Home buyers who have insufficient funds to meet this requirement must pay primary mortgage insurance (PMI) in addition to interest on the primary loan. This expense can vary in cost depending on the size of down payment, credit score and type of loan issued. For this reason, second mortgages are particularly attractive in appreciating housing environments as they permit home buyers with a less than 20% down payment to borrow additional amounts to qualify for a primary mortgage without the purchase of PMI. These non-traditional mortgage products can decrease the cost of financing a home or enable homebuyers to qualify for more expensive properties. From a lender's perspective, increasing real estate prices create the incentive to originate mortgages as the credit risk is compensated by the increasing value of the property. For the same reason, existing homeowners have access to greater home equity, which can be used as a source for additional funds by opening a second mortgage. In aggregate, as the prices in the real estate market continues to rise, the demand for second mortgages and other non-traditional mortgage products tends to increase.

Interest rates
Lower interest rates increase the capacity to sustain a given level of debt, encouraging homeowners to withdrawal housing equity in the form of second mortgages. Specifically, lower interest rates reduce the interest charged on loans and decrease the total cost of borrowing. In the context of mortgage markets, this translates to reduced monthly mortgage payments for homeowners and additional incentives for potential home buyers to increase borrowing. This affects the loan amount granted in addition to the number of applicants who qualify for higher levels of debt. With respect to a decreasing interest rate, low-income home buyers who were previously ineligible, are able to qualify for cheaper home loans despite higher debt-to-income levels.

Australia
Prior to financial deregulation in the 1980s, the Australian mortgage market was dominated by a small number of banks and lending institutions. This imposed limited competitive pressures as the financial system was closed to foreign banks and offshore transactions. Due to stringent regulatory practices in the 1960s, banks were competitively disadvantage relative to non-bank financial intermediaries which led to a loss in market share. This continued until the mortgage market was financially deregulated in the 1980s which permitted banks to operate more competitively against finance companies, merchant banks, and building societies. Following this, the mortgage market was additionally exposed to international competition which granted greater levels of credit to financial institutions. During this period the use of financial brokers between borrowers and lenders increased as mortgage brokers entered the market. This component of the non-banking sector grew significantly during the 1990s and contributed to 10 percent of all housing loans written. Due to high real estate demand, housing loans became extremely profitable which increased competition for incumbent banks. Whilst existing lenders began to offer honeymoon loans with discounted interest rates for the first year, they were hesitant to lower standard variable rates as this would decrease interest rates on existing loans. In contrast, mortgage brokers utilised securitisation to obtain cheap funding and offer rates 1 to 1.5ppt lower than existing lenders. By originating loans and selling them to securities, mortgage brokers obtained commissions and fees for origination without retaining the risk of low quality loans. This created strong financial incentives to originate large volumes of loans regardless of the risk and was reflected in the minimal entry qualifications for participants, the use of commissions for the remuneration for brokers, lack of accountability and poor advice provided to consumer clients. In combination with poor mortgage origination standards and practices, the non-banking sector also offered a variety of financial products in excess of traditional loans and mortgages. The products included second mortgages, non-conforming loans, reverse mortgages, share equity mortgages, internet and phone banking, mobile mortgage lenders, redraw facilities, offset accounts and debit cards linked to mortgages. As the growth of financial provision increased, banks were pressured to utilise these products and accept lower margins.

United States
Poor underwriting standards by banks and lending institutions played a significant role in the rapid increase of second mortgages during the early 2000s prior to the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) in 2007. This was heavily influenced by economic incentives and opportunities that arose during the United States housing bubble which encouraged riskier loans and lending practices. Mortgage brokers and lenders offered affordability products with 100 percent LTV. This permitted potential homeowners to purchase properties with zero down payment and limited borrower documentation. Additionally, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac provided similar deals to low-income borrowers including loans with LTV ratios exceeding 90 percent of the property's value. As lending standards continued to relax, LTV ratios extended to 107 percent which reflected home buyers rolling application and origination fees onto their mortgage loans.

Documentation
Obtaining a second mortgage is similar to purchasing a home, with the lender requiring a variety of information and documentation to make a decision on the application:
 * Pay stubs
 * Tax returns
 * Bank statements
 * Completed loan application
 * Bad Lending Practices

Second mortgages often present potential problems that are not typical with a conventional home purchase.
 * Balloon payments
 * Voluntary insurance
 * Prepayment penalties

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Second mortgage


text:
Strathmore Heights, Victoria

Strathmore Heights is a suburb in Melbourne, Victoria, Australia, 12 km north-west of Melbourne's Central Business District, located within the City of Moonee Valley local government area. Strathmore Heights recorded a population of 1,047 at the 2021 census.

Strathmore Heights is located between Essendon Airport, the Albion–Jacana freight railway line, Moonee Ponds Creek and the Moonee Ponds Creek Trail.

History
Strathmore Heights was developed in 1960 by Strathmore Heights Proprietary Limited, a company promoted by Bruce Small, famed for his proprietorship of Malvern Star bicycles and sponsorship of world champion cycling athlete, Sir Hubert Opperman. From 1945, Bruce Small had also owned adjacent land at Gowanbrae, north of Strathmore Heights.

Being just north of Essendon Airport, which was the original Melbourne International Airport, many of the streets have aviation names such as:

 * Boeing Road
 * Lockheed Street
 * De Havilland Avenue
 * Fokker Street
 * Vickers Avenue
 * Caravelle Crescent
 * Douglas Court
 * Northrop Court

Public transport
Strathmore Heights, being remote from the rail system, is serviced solely by the following bus route:
 * 469 Moonee Ponds – Niddrie SC via Essendon RS, Strathmore, Airport West Shoppingtown. Operated by Kastoria Bus Lines.

Tram route 59, operating between Airport West and the city, Glenroy and Oak Park railway stations are the nearest form of rail-based public transport.

Demographics
According to data from the :

 * The most common ancestries in Strathmore Heights were Australian 23.0%, English 22.4%, Irish 8.5%, Italian 8.3% and Scottish 7.0%.
 * In Strathmore Heights, 77.0% of people were born in Australia. The most common countries of birth were Italy 2.4%, England 1.7%, Greece 1.6%, Sri Lanka 1.6% and New Zealand 1.3%.
 * The most common responses for religion in Strathmore Heights were Catholic 36.7%, No Religion, so described 25.0%, Anglican 10.1%, Not stated 7.1% and Eastern Orthodox 6.8%. In Strathmore Heights, Christianity was the largest religious group reported overall (66.6%) (this figure excludes not stated responses).
 * In Strathmore Heights, 75.4% of people only spoke English at home. Other languages spoken at home included Greek 4.8%, Italian 3.3%, Arabic 1.8%, Sinhalese 1.7% and Turkish 1.4%.

title: Strathmore Heights, Victoria


text:
Ross Bagdasarian Jr.

Ross Dickran Bagdasarian Jr. (born October 25, 1949) is an American actor, singer, animator, and producer, known for his work on the Alvin and the Chipmunks franchise. He is the son of the franchise's creator, Ross Bagdasarian.

Early life
Bagdasarian was born in Fresno, California, the son of Armenian-American parents Armenuhi Bagdasarian (née Kulhanjian) and Ross Bagdasarian (1919–1972). As a child, he worked with his father on The Alvin Show by helping edit and coordinate the soundtracks and falsetto voice-overs of the Chipmunks.

Career
Bagdasarian graduated from law school. He succeeded his father as president of Bagdasarian Productions in 1972 after the death of the elder Bagdasarian. The company had fallen into obscurity after significant success between 1958 and the late 1960s. Bagdasarian was also admitted to the California bar as an attorney in 1975.

Under Bagdasarian's supervision, new Chipmunks records were created shortly after his marriage to Karman, including Chipmunk Punk. In 1981, the Chipmunks returned to television in the cartoon special A Chipmunk Christmas. Two years later, Ruby-Spears Productions' Alvin and the Chipmunks Saturday morning cartoon series debuted on NBC. Based on that series, a feature film, The Chipmunk Adventure was released in 1987. Bagdasarian voices Alvin, Simon, and Dave Seville, and Karman voices Theodore and the Chipettes (Brittany, Jeanette, and Eleanor).

Bagdasarian and Karman hold tight creative and financial control over the Chipmunk franchise, reviewing each and every business contract in great detail. In the mid-90s, Bagdasarian bought out his brother's and sister's portions of the Chipmunk rights, to take complete control of the franchise.

Universal Pictures lawsuit
Bagdasarian licensed the rights to the Chipmunk characters to Universal Pictures in 1996, resulting in a string of Universal-produced direct-to-video films. Four years later, he and Karman sued them for breach of contract, claiming that Universal failed to properly utilize, market, and merchandise the characters and hence resulting in a loss of royalties to Bagdasarian. The case was decided in Bagdasarian's favor. "For us, it was a custody battle", Karman said. "They finally realized 'OK, these two are really fighting for their kids'."

Personal life
Bagdasarian married Janice Karman in 1980. She is co-president of Bagdasarian Productions.

title: Ross Bagdasarian Jr.


text:
Message submission agent

A message submission agent (MSA), or mail submission agent, is a computer program or software agent that receives electronic mail messages from a mail user agent (MUA) and cooperates with a mail transfer agent (MTA) for delivery of the mail. It uses ESMTP, a variant of the Simple Mail Transfer Protocol (SMTP), as specified in RFC 6409.

Many MTAs perform the function of an MSA as well, but there are also programs that are specially designed as MSAs without full MTA functionality. Historically, in Internet mail, both MTA and MSA functions use port number 25, but the official port for MSAs is 587. The MTA accepts a user's incoming mail, while the MSA accepts a user's outgoing mail.

Benefits
Separation of the MTA and MSA functions produces several benefits.

One benefit is that an MSA, since it is interacting directly with the author's MUA, can correct minor errors in a message format (such as a missing Date, Message-ID, To fields, or an address with a missing domain name) and/or immediately report an error to the author so that it can be corrected before it is sent to any of the recipients. An MTA accepting a message from another site cannot reliably make those kinds of corrections, and any error reports generated by such an MTA will reach the author (if at all) only after the message has already been sent.

One more benefit is that with a dedicated port number, 587, it is always possible for users to connect to their domain to submit new mail. To combat spam (including spam being sent unwittingly by a victim of a botnet) many ISPs and institutional networks restrict the ability to connect to remote MTAs on port 25. The accessibility of an MSA on port 587 enables nomadic users (for example, those working on a laptop) to continue to send mail via their preferred submission servers even from within others' networks. Using a specific submission server is a requirement when sender policies or signing practices are enforced.

Another benefit is that separating the MTA and MSA functions makes it easier for an MTA to deny relaying, that is to refuse any mail that is not addressed to a recipient at a domain that is served locally. This is a strategy used by ISPs to prevent the sending of spam from virus-infected client computers. By contrast, an MSA must generally accept mail for any recipient on the Internet, though it only accepts such mail from authors who are authorized to use that MSA and who have established their identity to the MSA via authentication. In times when both mail submission and acceptance of incoming mail were usually accomplished using the same protocol and the same server, the ability to send mail to arbitrary destinations without authentication allowed spammers to use MTAs as a means of distributing spam (since a single message transaction can request that an MTA relay a message to a large number of recipients), and also made it more difficult to trace a message to its origin.

Moreover, MSAs and MTAs can have different policies for filtering of spam. Most MSAs require authentication in the form of a username and password provided by the author. Any messages received by such an MSA are therefore traceable to an author who has a direct relationship with the MSA, and who can be held accountable for his actions. This allows the MSA to have either no spam filtering, or more permissive spam filtering than an MTA that exists for the purpose of accepting incoming email from other domains. It is difficult to establish trust in mail sent between arbitrary domains, because there is generally no direct relationship between those domains via which trust, or even identity, can be established. In the absence of such trust, an MTA must generally rely on heuristics and third-party reputation services to distinguish spam from legitimate traffic, and both of these mechanisms have a history of being error-prone. The separation of MSA and MTA therefore avoids the use of unreliable spam recognition mechanisms during mail submission, and increases the probability for legitimate mail to be delivered successfully.

Configuration
While recent email clients use port 587 by default, older ones still propose port 25. Users have to change the port number manually in the latter case. It is also possible that the MUA may automatically discover which server provides the MSA for a given domain, looking up the SRV records for that domain. Domain example.com can publish its record like so:

_submission._tcp.example.com. SRV 0 1 587 mail.example.com.

Mandatory authentication
RFC 6409 requires that clients are authorized and authenticated to use the mail submission service, e.g., as described in SMTP-AUTH (ESMTPA), or by other means such as RADIUS, public key certificates, or (the mostly obsolete) POP before SMTP.

Policy enforcement
The MSA must check that the submitted mail is syntactically valid and conforms to the relevant site policies. RFC 6409 contains some optional features:

 * Enforce submission rights guarantees that the envelope sender address is valid and authorized with the used authentication. This in essence complies with the SPF model specified in RFC 7208.
 * May add sender permits to add a Sender address header field if the envelope sender address does not match any author address in the "From" header field. This roughly complies with the Sender ID model specified in RFC 4406 – ignoring the tricky case of Resent-From header fields not covered in RFC 6409.

title: Message submission agent


text:
WVKC

WVKC (90.7 FM) is a 1,000-watt radio station in Galesburg, Illinois. Knox College is the station licensee, authorized by the Federal Communications Commission.

WVKC is a student-operated radio station of Knox College. The call letters were originally chosen to stand for "The Voice of Knox College", although that catchphrase is not in active use. WVKC was known as "Radio-Free Galesburg" until as recently as 2005, when students decided on "No Sale Radio," again emphasizing that WVKC is a non-commercial, not-for-profit organization. In 2006, students opted to change the name to simply "The Voice," a slogan used by the station in the 1970s and 1980s.

Format
According to station lore, WVKC's official mascot is "Zippy the wonder bat." Though appearances are uncommon — usually occurring in the station's library — there are many bats living on the fourth floor of Knox's George Davis Hall, the same space that currently houses WVKC.

Any student is welcome to become a DJ, with no experience necessary, and are free to play music of any genre. Members from the community have also contributed to the on-air schedule, contributing rock, jazz, gospel, and latin formats.

The station also features live web broadcasting for remote listeners.

History
Founded as an experimental AM radio station in the 1920s. WVKC has been operating continuously for more than 50 years, making it one of the oldest college radio stations.

 * December 1924 - Knox College first operates an experimental AM radio station, WFBZ, until 1928.
 * 1950s - WKC (WVKC's direct predecessor) operated as a carrier current radio station, broadcasting to selected locations on campus.
 * 1961 - WVKC (a fourth letter having been added by the call sign) was granted by the FCC for a Low power FM station on 90.5 MHz. This was a Class D station at 10 watts ERP.
 * 1979 - Due to planned renovation and transfer to a developer of the station's location since 1961 (basement of Whiting Hall on W. Tompkins Street), the college granted the station space on the fourth floor of George Davis Hall (then vacant, and the original location of Knox's radio studio in the 1920s).
 * 1980 - The station acquired a refurbished Collins transmitter and moved into the fourth floor of George Davis Hall. Along with new studios, the station's power was increased to 1,000 watts ERP.
 * 1984 - Began broadcasting in stereo using a prototype Harris exciter.
 * 1990 - In cooperation with the FCC and to accommodate an increase in ERP by Augustana College's WVIK at 90.3 MHz in the Quad Cities area, as well as reducing adjacent channel interference with WVIK, WVKC changed its FM frequency to 90.7 MHz.
 * 2007 - WVKC entered into a partnership with Tri-States Radio to bring regular NPR programming to Galesburg radio market.
 * 2013 - A 20-year management agreement was reached for Tri States Radio to operate Knox College’s student-run WVKC as a full-time NPR station for the Galesburg market. Knox College will retain its license to WVKC. Student programming will be distributed as an Internet-only stream and HD Radio channel. Tri States Radio is providing equipment and technical support to beef up the school’s capacity to deliver a high-quality audio stream

title: WVKC


text:
Ludwig Heinrich von Jakob

Ludwig Heinrich von Jakob (26 February 1759 – 22 July 1827) was a German philosopher, political scientist and economist. During the French occupation of Germany, he worked as a consultant and professor in Russia.

Biography
He was born at Wettin, Duchy of Magdeburg; in 1777 he entered the University of Halle. In 1780 he was appointed teacher at the gymnasium, and in 1791 professor of philosophy at the university. He was very popular as a lecturer on metaphysics, but after 1800 turned his attention especially to political economy.

The suppression of the University of Halle having been decreed by Napoleon, Jakob left for the Russian Empire, where in 1807 he was appointed professor of political economy at Kharkoff University (now in Ukraine). In 1809, he was appointed a member of the government commission to inquire into the finances of Russia. He distinguished himself in this inquiry and received various tokens of regard from Alexander I. In 1810, he became president of the commission for the revision of criminal law, and at the same time he obtained an important office in the finance department, with the rank of counsellor of state.

In 1816, he returned to Halle to occupy the chair of political economy. He died at Lauchstädt.

Works
Shortly after his first appointment to a professorship in Halle, Jakob had begun to turn his attention rather to the practical than the speculative side of philosophy, and in 1805 he published at Halle Lehrbuch der Nationalökonomie, in which he was the first to advocate in Germany the necessity of a distinct science dealing specially with the subject of national wealth. His principal works are:

 * Grundriss der allgemeinen Logik und kritische Anfangsgründe der allgemeinen Metaphysik (“Outline of basic logic,” Halle, 1788; 3rd ed., Frankfurt, 1794; 4th ed., 1800)
 * Grundsätze der Polizeigesetzgebung und Polizeianstalten (“Foundations of the making of police laws and police forces,” Leipzig, 1809)
 * Grundriss der Erfahrungsseelenlehre (4th ed., 1810)
 * Einleitung in des Studium der Staatswissenschaften (“Introduction to the study of political science,” Halle, 1819)
 * Entwurf eines Criminalgesetzbuchs für das russische Reich (“Proposal for criminal law statutes for the Russian Empire,” Halle, 1818)
 * Staatsfinanzwissenschaft (“Public finance,” 2 vols., Halle, 1821).
 * Lehrbuch der Nationalökonomie (“Primer of political economy,” Halle, 1805; 3rd ed., 1825)

Literature

 * Vladimir Abashnik, Ludwig Heinrich von Jakob. In: The Dictionary of eighteenth-century German philosophers. General editors: Heiner F. Klemme, Manfred Kuehn. In 3 vol. London: Continuum International Publishing Group Ltd., 2010, Vol. 2: H – P, pp. 590–594.

title: Ludwig Heinrich von Jakob


text:
Talk:Hyperbolic discounting

Difficult wording
The sentence "Whether high rates of hyperbolic discounting precede addictions or vice-versa is currently unknown, although some studies have reported that high-rate discounting rats are more likely to consume alcohol[12] and cocaine[13]" was difficult to read. The first part of the sentence can probably be omitted. Correlation does not imply causation.

Agree with the comment below from two years ago. The graph is totally conflitant with the text. If Im wrong, please explain why. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 164.85.67.80 (talk) 16:30, 20 October 2011 (UTC)

The latter picture is very misleading compared to the text of this article. The point of hyperbolic discounting is that it overdiscounts in the short-term and underdiscounts in the long term as compared to exponential discounting. This is not expressed at all in the graph and in fact it appears more like the opposite

Sprigint (talk) 06:42, 20 December 2009 (UTC)

While it may be "dynamically inconsistent" to choose $50 now instead of $100 a year from now, but when given the choice between $50 in five years or $100 choose $100 in six years, it seems that it could be rational. The reason is simply that if the other party is around 5 years and then pays you, they would likely also be around 6 years and pay you, but that they are around 1 day does not make it very likely that they will be around 365 days.

Assuming rational choice and working backwards it would even be possible to back-calculate how people estimate the probabilities that another party will be around time t from now. I would guess a convex function similar to what you would get if you assumed that disappearance is a Poisson-process.

Filur 21:58, 6 November 2006 (UTC)

 * So-called "experimenter trust effects" have been examined in the literature on discount functions, and they don't suffice to explain the diverse range of observed evidence. However, you are very correct that in principle they could explain the example quoted above. Jeremy Tobacman 16:46, 17 February 2007 (UTC)

 * I know you guys know a lot about this stuff, but the intro paragraph needs to be reworked. As a person with casual interest in economics it doesn't even make sense. Maybe a simple editing would be fine.After reading the intro am I supposed to believe that hyperbolic discounting means as a human I prefer smaller payments sooner when I could get larger payments later? --69.140.59.32 16:37, 11 July 2007 (UTC)

agree with above. first paragraph is confusing. it may make sense to you but not to everyone else, which is kind of the point of the first paragraph. so it needs to be re-worked. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 84.13.249.253 (talk) 03:53, 25 December 2007 (UTC)

I deleted the claim that there is now evidence that quasi-hyperbolic preferences are more accurate. While there was a reference, the referenced paper does not actually prove this claim. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 98.207.93.141 (talk) 03:59, 15 May 2009 (UTC)

Pigeon studies
In the first section pigeon studies are mentioned: "In studies of pigeons, for example the pigeon is given two buttons: button A provides a small amount of food quickly while button B provides more seed but after a delay. The bird then experiments for a while and settles on preferring A or B."

But what does this say about hyperbolic discounting??? Please clarify, otherwise it should be removed. Lova Falk    talk   17:02, 23 May 2010 (UTC)
 * I removed the section. The paragraph didn't even describe the results of the study, which would be essential to call it hyperbolic discounting. But even the setup described wouldn't produce results which would reveal preference profiles across time. The study just dealt with discounting in general it seems. In any case, even if the study was relevant, it was so tangential it shouldn't have been in the lead section in the first place. MarginalCost (talk) 18:40, 2 December 2010 (UTC)

Hyperbolic discounting paradigms couched in hypothetical situations ignore the probability of black swan events, why is that. For example, I am fifty years old and no one has ever walked up and said, hey would you like $100.00 today or $101.00 tomorrow? This black swan event has the present probability of 1/(365 days x 12 months x 50 years). Now to expect this black swan event to occur on two consecutive days would have a probability of 1/(365 x 12 x 50 x 2). The rational question is $100.00 today = a probability of 1, or waiting until tomorrow = 1/(365 x 12 x 50 x 2) = 1/438000 = p(0.000002). p = 1 vs. p = 0.000002?. Something seems to be missing from the conversation. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 69.47.135.131 (talk) 22:21, 6 March 2012 (UTC)

Discount rate
What does discount rate even mean in the context of hyperbolic discounting? According to the first source cited in the article, in the conventional discounted utility model, the discount factor is 1/(1+ρ), where ρ is the discount rate. Hyperbolic discounting means the discount rate in this expression decreases with time. The sentence "The rate depends on a variety of factors, including the species being observed, age, experience, and the amount of time needed to consume the reward." however implies that there is such a thing as a single discount rate in hyperbolic discounting. Can someone clarify? — Preceding unsigned comment added by Allion (talk • contribs) 21:40, 12 November 2012 (UTC) --Allion (talk) 23:02, 12 November 2012 (UTC)
 * Hyperbolic discounting does not have a constant discount rate but, as you correctly say, one that decreases with time. It is still true that the rate is affected by a variety of factors. MartinPoulter (talk) 16:31, 22 March 2014 (UTC)

Problem with current illustration
Unless parameters are used which show these curves crossing we don't see missing the main point here which is preference reversal. BO | Talk 01:20, 16 September 2013 (UTC)

I'm removing this graph, as it does not reflect the importance of hyperbolic discounting in the context of behavioral economics, and actually confuses the matter. If someone wants to create an appropriate illustration, it's important to fit the curve parameters to reflect the actual use of hyperbolic discounting by humans/animals. See for example, figures 1A and 1B at http://www.picoeconomics.org/HTarticles/Bkdn_Precis/Precis2.html Trevyn (talk) 08:56, 29 August 2017 (UTC)

Interactive graphs
I create interactive learning materials for economics as part of my job, and two are about this article's topic. I won't add them as external links myself because of conflict of interest, but see and. They are free works with a CC-BY licence. MartinPoulter (talk) 12:52, 15 March 2014 (UTC)

Prior distribution in Bayes example
How was the prior chosen? — Preceding unsigned comment added by Surement (talk • contribs) 04:00, 18 March 2016 (UTC)

Equation clarification
in the equation "(y/[(1 + r%)^n)" I don't understand the "/[" notation. Should it be "(y/[(1 + r%)^n])?" — Preceding unsigned comment added by Lakeadam (talk • contribs) 12:29, 31 March 2016 (UTC)

Step-by-step example
The "step-by-step example" subsection is not clear at all. I made some corrections to the formula, but it is still unclear how these calculations explain the time inconsistency. --Erel Segal (talk) 15:52, 15 November 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:Hyperbolic discounting


text:
Janice Karman

Janice Karman Bagdasarian is an American actress, singer, producer, writer, and director. She is the co-owner of Bagdasarian Productions with her husband Ross Bagdasarian Jr.

Early life
Karman was born in Los Angeles, California. Her father was psychologist Harvey Leroy Karman (born Harvey Walters). Her mother, Felice Karman, was also a psychologist. Karman played the role of Bunny in the 1975 film Switchblade Sisters (alternate title: The Jezebels), and Hank in the 1976 exploitation film Slumber Party '57.

Bagdasarian Productions
The focus of Bagdasarian Productions company is on creating albums, cartoons, and other products based on the Alvin and the Chipmunks characters, who were created by Bagdasarian's father Ross Bagdasarian Sr., besides helping to produce the records and cartoons. Karman provides the singing voices of Theodore and the members of the female spin-off group The Chipettes: Brittany, Jeanette, and Eleanor (since 2015, she replaces Dody Goodman as the voice of Miss Beatrice Miller).

In 1983, Karman, as writer and producer, assisted with the creation of an Alvin and The Chipmunks version of the Christmas Carol. This version of the film is available on DVD.

In Little Alvin and the Mini-Munks, Janice also got to play the role of La-Lu. She originally voiced Theodore in the film series, but for promotional reasons Theodore was re-recorded by the singer and actor Jesse McCartney. However, her singing was kept in.

Personal life
Karman and her husband Ross Bagdasarian Jr. were married in 1980, together they have two children, a daughter Vanessa and a son Michael.

title: Janice Karman


text:
William E. Reynolds

William Edward Reynolds (11 January 1860 – 25 January 1944) served as the fifth Commandant of the United States Coast Guard, from 1919 to 1924.

During the early part of his military career, Reynolds spent much of his time aboard various vessels in the Revenue Cutter Service and its successor agency, the United States Coast Guard. He took an active interest in the education of officers as superintendent of the Revenue Cutter Service School of Instruction by increasing and modernizing the curriculum. The period after World War I when he served as Commandant was one of manpower shortages and personnel problems as well as questions about whether the Treasury Department or the Navy Department should control the Coast Guard. Reynolds was able to guide the service through the difficulties of control and actually increased the number of vessels and men serving under him.

Early life and career
Reynolds was born in Montgomery County, Maryland. He was appointed at age eighteen as a cadet to the Revenue Cutter Service School of Instruction at Curtis Bay, Maryland, on 24 May 1878 and after two years training was commissioned as a third lieutenant on 17 July 1880. He was in the second class graduated from the School of Instruction. As a member of the crew of USRC Corwin, in 1881, he participated in the search for the missing exploration steamer USS Jeannette along the northern coast of Siberia using a sled team. On 12 August 1881 he was a member of the expedition which claimed Wrangel Island for the United States while searching for Jeannette.

On 24 December 1884 Reynolds reported aboard the School of Instruction's training cutter, USRC Salmon P. Chase as one of the instructors at the school. On 1 June 1885 Reynolds was promoted to second lieutenant. He remained assigned to the Chase until 21 April 1888. On 15 April 1889, he returned to the Chase for a little more than one year, leaving on 19 May 1890. On 18 January 1896 Reynolds was promoted to first lieutenant. Coincidentally, on that same date, the court-martial of Captain Michael "Hell Roaring Mike" Healy for conduct unbecoming of an officer and hazarding the safety of his vessel, the USRC Bear, by being intoxicated; began in San Francisco, California, and Reynolds had been appointed as prosecuting officer. He was successful and Healy was convicted on all charges on 5 March 1896.

At the beginning of the Spanish–American War, Reynolds was serving as captain of the USRC Louis McLane in the North Atlantic Fleet under Navy Rear Admiral William T. Sampson. Based at Key West, Florida, McLane guarded the submarine telegraph cable that ran from Key West to Sanibel Island.

On 6 November 1902 Reynolds assumed the assignment of superintendent of the Revenue Cutter Service School of Instruction and the command of the training cutter USRC Chase. On 31 January 1903 Reynolds was promoted to captain. Under his leadership, the School of Instruction added a third year of training, adding to the curriculum more science and mathematics. At the direction of Congress the school provided for the appointment of cadet engineers for a six-month training program. Candidates were to have had at least six months practical experience in marine engineering and upon graduation they filled positions as second assistant engineers. To help with the training of engineers, Reynolds requested that the  Chase be replaced with a more modern steam powered cutter. During Reynolds' tenure at the school, a new training cutter was acquired; USRC Itasca was the former USS Bancroft, a former U.S. Naval Academy training vessel. Reynolds commanded her on her initial training cruise to the Mediterranean during the summer of 1907. On 23 January 1909, as captain of USRC Seneca, he responded to the collision of White Star passenger liner SS Republic with the Italian liner SS Florida, 26 miles southeast of Nantucket, Massachusetts, assisting USRC Gresham with the rescue of passengers and crew of the Republic. On 9 July 1909 Reynolds was promoted to senior captain. As Captain Commandant Worth G. Ross indicated that he was going to retire in 1911 because of ill health, speculation as to who would succeed him as Captain Commandant became a campaign by several senior officers in the Revenue Cutter Service. Although he didn't actively seek the position, Reynolds name was mentioned a possibility by other senior captains, but eventually the campaign by Senior Captain Ellsworth P. Bertholf would succeed.

When the United States entered World War I on 6 April 1917, Senior Captain Reynolds was commanding the Coast Guard's southern division at San Francisco. He was directed to report to the Commander, Twelfth Naval District for assignment where he was put in charge of harbor patrols for the district but also retained his old assignment. On 11 September 1917, he was reassigned as the district chief of staff, in addition to his former assignments. He remained as district chief of staff for the remainder of the war.

Commandant
As the most senior officer after the Captain Commandant of the Coast Guard, Reynolds had the strong recommendation of Bertholf to succeed him as Captain Commandant. Bertholf wanted to retire, but was hesitant to do so because the Navy wanted to retain the control over the Coast Guard that they had gained during the war. Secretary of the Navy Josephus Daniels actively sought control at committee hearings in Congress. Secretary of the Treasury Carter Glass finally met with President Woodrow Wilson who issued Executive Order 3160 on 28 August 1919 stating that "it is hereby directed that the Coast Guard shall on and after this date operate under the Treasury Department."

The Campbell bill
With a recommendation by Bertholf, Glass appointed Reynolds as Captain Commandant. Reynolds assumed command of the Coast Guard with the rank of commodore effective 2 October 1919. He replaced Bertholf who had retired from the service on 30 June.

As Commodore Commandant of the Coast Guard one of Reynolds first concerns was a renewed effort by the Navy to control the Coast Guard by congressional action and a bill was introduced by Pennsylvania Representative Guy Campbell to accomplish a transfer to the Navy. Many Coast Guard officers felt they had better pay and advancement opportunities if they were transferred to the Navy and they actively supported the legislation by drumming up support for it through shipping trade organizations. The legislation was ultimately defeated through the efforts of the recently retired Bertholf, who had many political connections and Glass, who had resigned his Treasury position to accept appointment as Senator from Virginia.

Personnel problems
Serious personnel problems developed during the first years of Reynolds' tenure as commandant. Most of the enlistments in the Coast Guard made during World War I were voluntary and most of the men wanted discharged from the service as soon as possible. Efforts to replace discharged personnel were not very successful even with the offer of one year enlistments and greatly increased recruiting activity. Because the enlisted Coast Guardsmen could only be held in service for three months after a formal peace treaty was signed with Germany, many of them felt they were being unfairly treated. When a peace treaty was signed, problems would be compounded by those left in the service because the pay schedules would revert to a law passed in 1908 that covered pay for the Coast Guard when not assigned to the Navy. Disciplinary problems increased during this period and were not completely solved by legislation enacted in May 1920 that equalized pay with Navy pay schedules.

A shortage of officers occurred post war despite a law requiring the Coast Guard to adopt the Navy's rank structure. The problem was that temporary wartime officer promotions were to be rescinded in 1921 leaving many to be reduced in rank. Reynolds attempted to reduce the shortage of officers by asking the Navy to allow some of their new graduates from the Naval Academy to transfer to the Coast Guard. The Navy claimed they needed all of the graduates for their manning problems, so no transfers were made. Because of the shortage of personnel, six cutters of the Atlantic fleet had to be decommissioned in order to man the cutters assigned to the Bering Sea Patrol.

Fleet modernization
Because of the requirements necessary to help the Navy during World War I, many of the cutters acquired during the 1890s were outdated and unable to perform the missions the Navy envisioned for them during time of war. In addition, the Coast Guard had lost three cutters to enemy action during the war. While construction was suspended on cutters designed before the war due to a lack of yard capacity, Reynolds did manage to fund the construction of four new truly "multi-mission" large cutters. The USCGC Tampa (WPG-48), USCGC Haida (WPG-45), USCGC Mojave (WPG-47), and USCGC Modoc (WPG-46) were designed for use in law enforcement, ice patrol, search and rescue, derelict destruction and towing and used newly developed steam powered turbo-electric drives that were similar to the Navy's main drive engines used on battleships of the period, however they were more compact because of the limited engineering spaces on the smaller cutters. In addition to the large cutters, USCGC Shawnee (1922), a 158 ft ocean-going tug was added to the fleet.

Prohibition
With the passage of the Eighteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution and the enabling law known as the Volstead Act, the enforcement of national prohibition after 16 January 1920 fell to the Treasury Department's Bureau of Internal Revenue. Treasury Secretary David F. Houston created a Prohibition Unit within the bureau, but he did not include the Coast Guard in the unit's makeup. Because the Coast Guard was not a part of the Prohibition Unit and Congress did not appropriate funds for the Coast Guard to use in prohibition enforcement, Reynolds did little to stop liquor importation before 1922. He suggested that if the Prohibition Unit wanted to pay for the crews and costs of operation of nine Coast Guard-operated 110 ft submarine chasers, that the Coast Guard would then be interested in more enforcement of the prohibition laws. Reynolds requested in his 1923 budget proposals an increase in personnel manning levels of 3,535 officers and men and the acquisition of twenty new cutters, 200 cabin cruisers, and 91 motorboats Congress thought the request was excessive, but did fund twenty destroyers and two minesweepers as well as 223 cabin cruisers, and 100 smaller motorboats with an additional 4,356 officers and men to operate the vessels. The destroyers and minesweepers were surplus World War I Navy vessels and Congress felt that the older vessels could be overhauled cheaper than new cutters. In addition, some of the officers to command the vessels were given temporary promotions, but without an increase in pay and allowances.

Promotion
On 12 January 1923, by act of Congress, Reynolds became the first Coast Guard officer to hold the rank of Rear Admiral. He retired as Commandant of the Coast Guard on 11 January 1924, and was succeeded by Rear Admiral Frederick C. Billard, his former aide.

Retirement and death
The same law that promoted Reynolds to rear admiral in 1923 also allowed Coast Guard officers to retire with the rank and retired pay of the next higher grade if they had more than 40 years of service. Reynolds initially did not receive this tombstone promotion since the commandant already held the highest pay grade in the Coast Guard, which was equivalent to a Navy rear admiral (lower half) when Reynolds retired on January 11, 1924, upon reaching the statutory age limit of 64. The pay of the commandant was raised to that of a Navy rear admiral (upper half) in 1930, and when a 1936 law provided the retired pay of that grade for every former commandant except Reynolds, he petitioned for his tombstone promotion, which the Court of Claims eventually granted in December 1941, along with additional retired pay for the six years prior to his petition.

Reynolds died 25 January 1944.

title: William E. Reynolds


text:
Mugu

Mugu may refer to:

 * Mugu District, one of the seventy-seven districts of Nepal
 * Point Mugu, California
 * Point Mugu State Park
 * Naval Air Station Point Mugu
 * A nickname for Spanish-Venezuelan professional tennis player Garbiñe Muguruza

title: Mugu


text:
Jakun people

Jakun people or Orang Ulu/Orang Hulu (meaning "people of the upstream") are an ethnic group recognised as Orang Asli (indigenous people) of the Malay Peninsula in Malaysia.

The Malaysian government recognises 18 different sub-groups of Orang Asli, including three broad divisions: the Negrito (Semang), Senoi and aboriginal Malays (Proto-Malay). The Jakun people are the largest sub-group in the Proto-Malay division, and the second-largest Orang Asli sub-group overall, after the Semai.

In the past, the name Jakun was used as a term that encompasses all sub-groups in the Proto-Malay division, including the Temuan people of the southwest and centre of the Peninsula and several coastal communities of the south of the Peninsula, including the Orang laut (Orang Seletar, Orang Kuala) and Orang Kanaq.

In terms of anthropological characteristics, the Proto-Malay are southern Mongoloid, generally taller and having lighter skin than other groups of Orang Asli.

In standard Malay, the name "jakun" carries a derogatory connotation meaning "slave" or unsophisticated person.

Settlement areas
Jakuns are mostly located in the southern region of the Malay Peninsula, in the interior of the southwest Pahang and north Johor All Jakun settlements are located near the jungle, and their population is more or less dependent on jungle resources. The geography of this region varies from a wet swampy area to dense tropical jungles. The local climate is determined by high humidity and seasonal monsoons.

Jakun live in villages belonging to different categories. This development is the Rancangan Pengumpulan Semula (RPS, "Regrouping Plan") settlement, a regrouping scheme for undeveloped settlements and those that are developing. In RPS settlements, all residents have individual house, built by the government where they are provided with electricity and water supply, communication facilities, public halls, shops, schools, children's and medical institutions, asphalted roads are laid for them. People from different settlements located in or near the jungle were moved to such villages. Much of the people still continue to live in old settlements. Usually there is no electricity there, water is taken from natural sources, and there are only a few houses built out of durable building materials. Access to these villages are through earthen roads and jungle paths.

Some of the settlements that the Jakun people are located includes:-
 * Kampung Sayong Pinang, Kota Tinggi District, Johor
 * Kampung Semangar, Kota Tinggi District, Johor
 * Kampung Pasir Intan, Kota Tinggi District, Johor
 * Kampung Peta, Endau-Rompin National Park, Johor
 * Kampung Batu 10, Gunung Arong, Mersing, Johor
 * Bekok, Segamat District, Johor
 * Kampung Cendahan, Chini Lake, Pekan District, Pahang
 * Kampung Buluh Nipis, Muadzam Shah, Kuantan, Pahang
 * Kampung Langkap, Rompin, Pahang
 * Kampung Batu Tiga, Rompin, Pahang

Population
The Jakun people are the second largest ethnic group among the Orang Asli and the largest among the Proto-Malay people group. They are numbered at 31,577 people as of 2010.

The population dynamics of the Jakun people are as the following:

Distribution of the Jakun population by states (1996, JHEOA statistic):

Appearance
The Jakuns are taller than the other aboriginal peoples of the Malay Peninsula, the Semang and Sakai tribes. Jakun people typically have olive-brown to dark copper skin color. Some have intermarried with ethnic Malays or Chinese. Those who marry or assimilated with Malays usually adhere or convert to Islam, and end up abandoning their culture and traditions. While families with Chinese heritage may practice Chinese folk religion in addition to Jakun customs.

Language
Jakuns speak Jakun language, a Malayic language of the Malayo-Polynesian languages group, closely related to Malay. Perhaps it should be considered as one of the archaic dialects of the Malay language. It does not have its own written language, is gradually replaced by Malay and is under threat of disappearance.

The Malaysian radio on the Asyik FM channel broadcasts separate Jakun programs daily.

History
It is traditionally believed that the ancestors of Jakun people, like other Proto-Malay people, arrived in the Malay Peninsula from the southern Chinese province of Yunnan some 5,000 years ago. The ancestors of the other two groups of Orang Asli were living here are the Semang and Senoi people.

The first Malay people arrived on the peninsula much later, probably around 1,500-2,000 years ago from Taiwan. Initially, the Malay people initially established trade relations with the local population, but later began to dominate the land. The Malay people often mixed with the Jakun people, and the aborigines became part of the Malay population. Those indigenous people who opposed the outsiders were eventually moved to the interior regions and retained a significant part of their traditional culture.

For a period of long time the Jakun people continued to live mostly in isolation from the outside world.

Jakun people living along the Endau River in Johor recall with horror how during the Second World War, pillars of Japanese soldiers were passing their jungle.

The active penetration of the state government and individuals into traditional Jakun areas began in the mid-1980s, and intensified in the 1990s. In 1987, there was a land conflict between local Jakun settlers and the other settlers in Pasir Asam, near Kota Tinggi, Johor. The state government was favouring the settlers and offered the Jakun settlers to move to a new settlement specially built for the indigenous people.

The state government regards the Orang Asli as poor and marginalized ethnic minorities that are far from center of developments. Their socioeconomic activity, which is closely linked to the surrounding natural resources, is considered to be backward. For a better life, they are offered to move to permanent residence in villages based on the model of Malay peasants. As a result of the implementation of government programs under the resettlement scheme, most Jakun people were forced to leave their traditional villages and found themselves in specially constructed for them new state-owned so-called RPS (Rancangan Pengumpulan Semula, the "Regrouping Plan") sites whose settlers are provided with basic amenities. Although they were placed in new state-funded houses in already existing villages, the provision of amenities and infrastructure is noticeably lagging behind. Jungles that are cut down near Jakun villages were replaced with other commodity crop plantations that are not theirs, but the Jakun people still receive revenues from these plantations.

The resettlement of Jakun people to new settlements has often occurred in relation with some natural disasters. Such as the villagers of Selingkong and Meranti in Pekan District, Pahang moved here after a major flood in 1971. Another group of Jakun people living in the jungles of Endau, left their native land through a cholera outbreak settled in the Segamat District and Kota Tinggi District in the state of Johor, as well as in Rompin District in the state of Pahang.

Now their villages are far from the forest, they are deprived of their native environment, where they collected rattan, root crops, looked after their forest plants. This is also added with a significant depletion of the remaining natural resources.

There are areas of Jakun settlements that found themselves in the areas of attention in the tourism industry. Tourists are attracted primarily by "untouched nature" of the locals. A popular place for ecotourism, particularly Lake Chini, with its legend about the immersion of an ancient city of Khmer Empire under water. However, due to the depletion of the local natural resources, the flow of tourists has decreased. In 2007, they managed to attract only 17,000 people.

Traditional economy
In the past, the Jakun people were hunter-gatherers. The nutritional diet are based on fish and wild animals. Animals such as wild boars, indigenous deer species (pelandok, kancil and kijang), lizards, monkeys and other small animals are hunted. Blowguns (sampit) are employed in hunting; which is usually made of bamboo tubing with sharpened tip bamboo darts that are pre-dipped in poison. Jakun hunters can shoot their blowgun with deadly precision of 30 meters.

Cage traps (bubu) made of bamboo and bounded by rocks are used to catch fish in rivers or streams. The type and shape of the cage trap depends on the size and type of fish they are going to catch.

Jungle produce such as wild fruits, rattan, wood, rubber, wax, camphor and herbs are gathered. A significant portion of these produce are then exchanged for other commodities.

In some areas, the Jakun people also engage in primitive agriculture. They had small farms in the jungle. For this purpose, the land was cleared by slash-and-burn method. Rice and tuber-based crops like sweet potatoes are grown. They practice shifting cultivation where after two seasons of land cultivation had passed, they would move on to another plot of land and start everything again from the beginning. They would only return to the old plot of land after many years.

However, most Jakun people prefer not to engage in farming but to exchange foods from the Malay and Chinese people with their jungle produce such as kemenyan, gaharu, dammar gum and rattan by barter. Thus they also received clothing, tobacco, salt, gambier and areca nut palm.

In using natural resources, the Jakun people must take into account the ownership of specific communities in a certain territory. Although they do not physically demarcate it, everyone knew well the limits of the possessions of their neighboring communities. People hunted animals, caught fish, cultivated farms, or collected grass only within their own territory. In addition, they do not take anything superfluous in regards to using natural resources, because they understood that the jungle should not be harmed.

The traditional house of the Jakun people is hut made of bamboo flooring, tree bark or wooden plank walls and Nipah roofing.

In the past, Jakun people wore loincloth around the hips made from the bark of trees with their own hands and did not buy clothes.

Beliefs
Most Jakun people adhere to their animistic beliefs that are closely related to their natural surroundings. They believe that not only people have souls but animals, plants, and even inanimate objects (mountains, hills, settlements, rivers, rocks, caves, and so on) as well.

The personality of Orang Asli is closely linked to the nature and the land on which they live. It is the basis of their material and spiritual being, as well as the source of their physical and emotional nourishment. Jakun people do not consider themselves as a higher being higher than animals. They speak with animals too, as if they can understand them. There is great respect for every living thing, from the big elephant to the tiny cicada.

Jakun people are very superstitious, as they believe that misfortune awaits due to violations of rules established by nature for people.

Jakun people believe that the forces that "live" in natural objects are so powerful that they can bring about inconceivable things at first glance. In their beliefs, one could only just touch a leaf of a certain plant, and it can heal a sick person or make one crave a certain desire, because that leaf has the power of the spirit. For that reason, the Jakun people believe in the strength found in traditional medicine based on herbs and roots that they find in the wild.

It is believed that souls can leave their hosts, and they can be tempted or coerced by magic. A Jakun bomo (bomoh in Malay language meaning, "healer" or "sorcerers") are able to "communicate" with spirits, and because of this they are respected and revered by society. Sometimes they are more influential than rural heads. In order to communicate with supernatural forces or ancestral spirits, the bomo would hold special ceremonies.

In carrying out the policy of Islamization of the indigenous population; which became intensified after 1980, Muslim missionaries began to operate in Orang Asli communities. As a result, a certain part of the Jakun population was converted to Islam. According to JHEOA statistics in 1996, a total of 16,637 Jakun people totaled 1,324 Muslims (8%). In the state of Johor, the results of Islamization were more prominent with 20% of the Jakun people are Muslims, while in Pahang there are only 5%.

The Islamization of the Jakun people is often superficial. They regard themselves as Muslims only to receive certain benefits. There is also a psychological factor involved. Jakun people who live in close contact with the Malay people, would almost always say that they are Muslims. But they usually do not know any Muslim prayer, nor do they go to a mosque, and do not adhere to the laws of Islam.

Changes under the influence of the present
Under the influence of integration into modern economy, the life of the indigenous peoples of Malaysia experience a transformation. Before the colonial era, many Jakun people would enter the jungle on a seasonal basis to harvest jungle produce. The Jakun people are now torn off from the jungle, although from time to time they would still harvest jungle produce. Traditional activities are no longer a source of income for them. Most Jakun communities in the modern age have a settled lifestyle and live in permanent villages practicing agriculture. Much of the Jakun people are collective owner of the rubber and oil palm plantations; the main commodity produced in the region. From these plantations, they receive monthly earnings. These funds, as well as government monetary assistance, are fully used to cover their daily expenses. In addition, people have plots of land in the village where groats (yams, lemongrass, cassava, bananas) are grown and animals are raised.

At the same time, due to the increased demand for jungle produce, some Jakun people have resumed harvesting of rattan, bamboo, wood, wild bush, roots and medicinal plants. The collected products are for sale.

Jakun people still use traditional traps for fishing. Although they are familiar with fishing rods, they only perceive their use for leisure. Unless there is really a need to catch fish, they would still use fish traps.

Some of the Jakun people work in the tourism field, especially among those that lived in the national park territories. They conduct excursions or services for tourists. Some of the locals began to organize tourist attractions in their villages with elements of local traditions such as arranging traditional greetings, selling traditional handmade products, provide training classes on local ways of hunting for tourists, fishing and jungle trekking.

Most children would go to school. Their parents have a positive attitude towards schooling, because they believe that education will improve the chances of children to have a better life. But like many other Orang Asli groups, however, they suffer from inadequate access to public schools, which can be far away from the communities.

Many of the young people work in cities. If the work brings them good income, then they will not settle back in their native villages.

Jakun people are becoming more and more modernized and they are no longer seen as a stereotypical indigenous people as they are dressed as like any ordinary Malaysians, watch television, listen to radio, drive cars, ride motorcycles and speak the Malay language. At the same time, the security of Jakun people's everyday amenities is still insufficient. Many of the Jakun villages do not have water supply and electricity. The poverty rate in many of their communities is one of the highest in the country. Young people also do not have enough business opportunities.

Society
A Jakun village usually consists of several families. Those families are grouped into a village community headed by a village head, chieftain, leader or elder called, Batin. Unlike the Malay people, the Jakun community is an informal association of fully autonomous families. In the past, the village head often headed the group only during their wanderings in the jungles and hunting. At the same time, in areas closer to Malay settlements, such a leader gradually turned into a hereditary Batin leader.

The nucleus family; which usually consists of five or six individuals, predominates. The Jakun people live in close contact with their relatives, brothers and sisters, parents and children are usually standing next to each other. Here they attach special importance to the institution of the family, such as values of respect for the elders, as well as the character of each person. The family is very stable and intact. Before marriage, children live with their parents, until they would start their own new family. Although they live separately, they would often visit their parents.

Family life begins about 17 years old. When a boy chooses a girlfriend, his family sends a matchmaker to arrange a marriage and set the value of the dowry for the young. According to Jakun's customs, the bride's family later in the form of a gift returns to the bridegroom's family for about half of the dowry. A dance is performed during the wedding day, in the middle of which the bride would dash off into the jungle followed by the bridegroom to chase her. Should he failed to return without the bride, the wedding would be called off and he would be jeered by the attendees of the wedding. During the wedding ceremony, young couple must feed each other with rice.

Usually after a marriage, when the young couple do not have their own house, the husband goes to live with his wife's parents. According to tradition, every wife must visit their husband's parents for at least three days each year. This event is celebrated injunction with traditional holidays.

Jakun people are usually monogamous, and divorces occur extremely rarely among them. In cases of adultery, punishment may even be death. Traditionally, the man would have his wife; who have committed the offence tied to a tree in front of his house, and then hides in the bushes with three spears. Her lover; whom she had committed the offence with should try to free her and bring her into her husband's house. At this point, the husband throws the spear out in ambush and to take the life of either his wife or her lover. If the lover can manage to bring woman into the house, then she cannot be killed anymore, but she can still be driven out of her husband's house. A wife in the same way cannot punish her unfaithful husband in an event of adultery. If the man divorces his wife, then he will lose his dowry unless if the woman divorces her husband, then she must return the dowry to her husband.

Men and women in Jakun society are equal. The husband is the head of the household, therefore it is he who is responsible for ensuring the material needs of the family, which in most cases he works outside of the home. The woman on the other hand mainly deals with housework, including cooking, washing and taking care of children. In the field, there are representatives of both sexes. Besides housework, women are engaged in rubber tapping, collecting wild fruits, herbs and oil palm fruits. Despite the fact that men dominate the economic field, the role of women here is also gradually increasing. There are already female entrepreneurs. If in regards to the outside world, Jakun communities are predominantly men, whereas decision making at the family level is usually carried out by women. Women are not silent and reduced here, as it is with Malay Muslim women, they are actively involved in all conversations and discussions.

The birth of a child changes the identity of the child's parents and grandparents; of which they move up to a more respectable category. Their name changes accordingly, since this time the parents are called by the name of their eldest child with the addition of "father" or "mother". A new name is also given to newly-born's grandmother and grandfather, now that their name is named after their grandson in the same manner.

Usually Jakun people are referred to as quiet, kind and timid people. They have dislike of strangers and try to avoid contact with them. The Aboriginal Peoples Act of 1954, which, with some changes, continues to operate today, contributes to the preservation of the barrier between Orang Asli and other groups of the population. The law defines the criteria by which a person may be considered Orang Asli, the main of which one belongs to an indigenous community and their adherence to traditional customs, language, beliefs and lifestyles. However, Jakun people often interact with other Orang Asli groups, as well as Chinese and Malay people, and residents of the surrounding villages. Occasionally, there are mixed marriages.

Preservation of traditional knowledge
The Orang Asli, living in wet tropical jungles, have formed a distinctive and unique culture. They have a high level of knowledge about the environment, formed on the basis of empirical experience. This knowledge is inherited from their ancestors, and passed through the ages from generation to generation. Loss of jungles, degradation of the natural environment and change in the way of life of the Jakun people lead to the loss of their traditional knowledge and skills, and with them, to the loss of their identity as a separate people. The wanderings through the jungle still brings moral satisfaction and pleasant memories to the older generation, but for the young people it is forgotten traditions.

Some international and Malaysian organizations are attempting, on a commercial basis, to introduce activities based on traditional knowledge and skills of the people in Jakun communities. An example could be the introduction of cultivation of local medicinal plants of commercial value, the production of mats for sale, rugs from Pandan leaves, baskets handbags and so forth.

The Jakun people, possessing traditional knowledge and having the appropriate experience, can make a significant contribution to the conservation of jungles. In general, they have a positive attitude to these processes, but it is specific. On one hand, the jungle is in their blood, they perceive it as a refuge of their traditional knowledge, as their heritage. On the other hand, the jungle for them is a source of livelihood. Therefore, they consider the conservation of jungles as a guarantee of the well-being of their future generations. Hence, the Jakun people do not perceive nature conservation in the sense of restricting activities in the jungle. They refer to these problems purely from practical considerations and the conservation of jungles is considered from the point of view of quantitative assessment of the benefits that they will derive from.

title: Jakun people