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Don Rendell

Donald Percy Rendell (4 March 1926 – 20 October 2015) was an English jazz musician and arranger. Mainly active as a tenor saxophonist, he also played soprano saxophone, flute, and clarinet.

Career
Rendell was born in Plymouth, England, and raised in London where he attended the City of London School, to which he gained a choral half-scholarship. The school was evacuated during the Second World War to Marlborough College, where Rendell heard Jazz for the first time. His father, Percy, was the musical director of the D'Oyly Carte Opera Company; his mother Vera (née Trewin) was also a musician. His father died when Rendell was 16.

Rendell had begun to play the piano aged five, but switched to saxophone in his teens. While he began his working life in the Southgate branch of Barclay's Bank, he soon left to become a professional musician. He began his career on alto saxophone but changed to tenor saxophone in 1943. During the rest of the 1940s, he was in the bands of George Evans and Oscar Rabin. Beginning in 1950, he spent three years in a septet led by Johnny Dankworth. He performed with Billie Holiday in Manchester, England, before playing in the bands of Tony Crombie and Ted Heath. After touring in Europe with Stan Kenton, he played in Cyprus with Tony Kinsey. He was a member of Woody Herman's Anglo American Herd in 1959. During the late 1950s and early 1960s he led bands, including one with Ian Carr that lasted until 1969, one with Barbara Thompson in the 1970s, and as the sole leader in the 1980s and 1990s. In particular, the Rendell-Carr Quintet gained an international reputation. It performed at the Antibes Festival, France and was the Band of the Year for three years in succession in the Melody Maker poll. He performed in festivals in England and France and worked with Johnny Dankworth, Michael Garrick, and Brian Priestley.

Rendell taught at the Royal Academy of Music for three years in the early 1970s. The 1972 the Don Rendell Quintet LP Space Walk was his last to be produced by Denis Preston, and his last as a leader on a major label (EMI Columbia). It included four original compositions from Rendell. In 1976, his group called the Don Rendell Five, which featured saxophonist Barbara Thompson, issued Just Music on the small Spotlite label, showcasing Thompson. The group began touring and playing festivals while winning acclaim at home for their style of post-bop music. Rendell kept his session work up, appearing on the 1976 album A Lover and His Lass by Cleo Laine & the Johnny Dankworth Seven. Two years later, in 1978, he issued a double-A-side 12" single with the Don Rendell Five which again included Barbara Thompson as a member of "Roundabouts and Swings" b/w "Blues for Adolphe Sax." In 1979 the saxist issued his Ambitious live nonet project, Earth Music, performed at that year's Greenwich Festival. While it resonated with older fans, it became lost with the British music press's attention to the punk and post-punk music of this period.

In 1984 he began tuition at the Guildhall School of Music and Drama. He also wrote instruction books on flute and saxophone. His private pupils included the actor Warren Mitchell, an amateur saxophonist.

Personal life and death
A Jehovah's Witness convert in 1956, Rendell said his new outlook meant he felt like an ordinary person for the first time in many years.

Rendell died at the age of 89 on 20 October 2015 in London after a short illness. He was survived by his wife, Joan (née Yoxall), whom he married in 1948, his daughter, Sally, his sister, Doris, and three grandchildren.

As leader/co-leader

 * Meet Don Rendell (Tempo, 1955)[10"]
 * Playtime (Decca, 1958)
 * Roarin'  (Jazzland, 1961)
 * Shades of Blue with Ian Carr (Columbia, 1965) – rec. 1964
 * Dusk Fire with Ian Carr (Columbia, 1966)
 * Phase III with Ian Carr (Columbia, 1968)
 * Change Is with Ian Carr (Columbia, 1969)
 * Live with Ian Carr (Columbia, 1969)
 * Greek Variations & Other Aegean Exercises with Ian Carr, Neil Ardley (Columbia, 1970)
 * Space Walk (Columbia, 1972)
 * Live at the Avgarde Gallery Manchester with Joe Palin (Spotlite, 1975) – live rec. 1972
 * Just Music with Barbara Thompson (Spotlite, 1976)
 * Earth Music (Spotlite, 1979)
 * Time Presence (DR, 1988)
 * If I Should Lose You (Spotlite, 1992)
 * What Am I Here For? (Spotlite, 1996)
 * Reunion (Spotlite, 2002)
 * Live in London with Ian Carr (Harkit, 2003) – live rec. 1965
 * Phase III / Live with Ian Carr (BGO, 2004) – rec. 1967–68
 * Touch Links of Gold & A Portuguese Portrait (Spotlite, 2004)
 * Original 1964-68 Recordings/Live from the Antibes Jazz Festival with Ian Carr (Spotlite, 2007)
 * Live at the Union 1966 with Ian Carr (Reel Recordings, 2010) – live rec. 1966
 * Live at Klooks Kleek (Record Collector Magazine, 2017)[2LP]

As sideman
With Neil Ardley
 * A Symphony of Amaranths (Regal Zonophone, 1972)
 * On the Radio: BBC Sessions 1971 (Dusk Fire, 2017)

With Johnny Dankworth
 * Lifeline (Philips, 1973)
 * Movies 'n' Me (RCA, 1974)
 * A Lover and His Lass with Cleo Laine (Esquire, 1976)

With Amancio D'Silva
 * Integration (Columbia, 1969)
 * Konkan Dance (Vocalion, 2006)

With Michael Garrick
 * Black Marigolds (Argo, 1966)
 * A Jazz Cantata (Erase, 1969)
 * The Heart Is a Lotus (Argo, 1970)
 * Mr. Smith's Apocalypse (Argo, 1971)
 * Home Stretch Blues (Argo, 1972)
 * Troppo (Argo, 1974)
 * Parting Is Such (Jazz Academy, 1995)
 * Prelude to Heart Is a Lotus (Gearbox, 2013)
 * A New Serious Music (Rhythm & Blues, 2021)

With Stan Tracey
 * The Latin-American Caper (Columbia, 1969)
 * We Love You Madly (Columbia, 1969)

With others
 * Kenny Graham, Presenting Kenny Graham (Vocalion, 2008)
 * Joe Harriott, Genius (Jazz Academy, 2000)
 * Ted Heath, Our Kind of Jazz (Decca, 1959)
 * Richard Hewson, Love Is... (Splash, 1978)
 * Mike Nevard's British Jazzmen, Leonard Feather Presents Cool Europe (Verve, 1994) – Split album with Jutta Hipp
 * Brian Priestley, Love You Gladly (Cadillac, 1988)
 * Cyril Stapleton, All Time Big Band Hits (Richmond, 1959)
 * Guy Warren, Afro-Jazz (Columbia, 1969)

title: Don Rendell


text: Portal:Music

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Portal:Music


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Telelogophobia

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. Joyous 02:22, Feb 13, 2005 (UTC)

Telelogophobia
Neologism that doesn't seem to have widespread usage. 2 hits, one being Urban Dictionary, which seems like a more appropriate place for it. Niteowlneils 19:58, 6 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Redirect to -phobia, no merge. -- Francs2000 | Talk 20:00, 6 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. —Mar·ka·ci: 2005-02-6 23:12 Z
 * Delete. Looks like nonsense. RJFJR 23:59, Feb 6, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Looks like a joke. JoaoRicardo 03:29, 7 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * I'd just like to comment that my hearing is apparently in good working order. ☺ Uncle G 04:24, 2005 Feb 7 (UTC)
 * This is one of my first articles I wrote from scratch, and apparently it offended more than a few other users, and I apologize. I'm new at this, and you hold much higher standards than I thought. I won't damage your community any further with more contributions. 63.226.184.127 12:04, 2005 Feb 7 (according to history Uncle G 05:23, 2005 Feb 8 (UTC))
 * Comment. I am sorry if you got the impression we don't want your contributions. You shouldn't see this as something against you, but against the article. Many people here believe articles are a product of the comunity and therefore have no single authors. So they may not see this as your article, but simply as an article that should get deleted. As least that is how I think. I am a newbie on Wikipedia, and I have done things which others have undone afterwards. It may seem harsh at first, but we get used to this processes. I hope you stay. JoaoRicardo 19:42, 7 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Just to echo JoaoRicardo: My very first article ever, back when I was anonymous instead of pseudonymous, was nominated for deletion as soon as I wrote it. I didn't take it personally.  (After all, I was anonymous.)  I argued the case for the article on its merits (as an anonymous user, no less), all the while editing and expanding it in response to the VFD discussion, and at the end of the process the article was in fact retained.  Uncle G 05:23, 2005 Feb 8 (UTC)
 * Comment: actually it's not the article that's the problem, it's the topic, which is a phenomenon that sounds funny and gets almost no google hits. The article is actually much better written than a large proportion of wikipedia. So please don't get upset that it was (mis)identified as nonsense or a joke, because we do get a lot of those around here. Kappa 01:28, 8 Feb 2005 (UTC)

 * Comment: Many people may have construed this article as a joke, but it isn't. It's an unusual phenomenon, but it does exist. There are certain people who have unusual or irrational phobias, that are so unbelievable, you naturally dismiss it as a joke. There are even weirder phobias. You may have seen talk shows about this topic, where people speak out about fearing for their lives in the presence of dogs, clowns, or are even afraid of touching mushrooms, or lettuce! These strange, offbeat phobias are reality, and this article is legit, trust me. And the existence of those Yahoo groups devoted to the subject, with hundreds of members, should back up the article's credibility. And yes, some members of those groups are extreme telelogophobics who have even had nightmares involving certain "scary" logos. Just thought I'd shed some light on this.
 * Delete: prank. "This article is legit, trust me." Sure buddy. Wile E. Heresiarch 04:45, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Well, delete the damn thing then. See if I care. So much for "free content" and "diversity". Sheesh! I mean I try to explain the whole thing and get flamed for it. Just shows what kind of people frequent this site.

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


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Angelika Beer

Angelika Beer (born 24 May 1957 in Kiel) is a German politician.

Life
2004 to 2009 she was a Member of the European Parliament for Alliance 90/The Greens, part of the European Greens. She was chair of the delegation for relations with Iran and a member on the delegation for relations with Afghanistan and the Delegation for relations with the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, the Foreign Affairs committee and the Subcommittee on Security and Defence.

In January, she was not reelected on a place on the European Parliamentary election list for Alliance 90/The Greens. She left the Green Party at the end of March 2009. As a reason for her exit, she criticised the Green Party's aspiration after power and the loss of its pacifistic orientation.

In November 2009 she became a member of Pirate Party Germany. In May 2012 she was elected as one of six Pirates to become a member of the state parliament of Schleswig-Holstein. Angelika Beer is married since 2003 with Bundeswehr Colonel lieutenant Peter Matthiesen.

title: Angelika Beer


text:
John Francis Hamtramck Claiborne

John Francis Hamtramck Claiborne (April 24, 1809 – May 17, 1884) was a member of the U. S. House of Representatives from Mississippi. He published History of Mississippi in 1880.

Biography
Claiborne was named after Jean François Hamtramck and was the son of Ferdinand Claiborne. He was also a nephew of William Charles Cole Claiborne and Nathaniel Herbert Claiborne, grandnephew of Thomas Claiborne, great-grandfather of Herbert Claiborne Pell, Jr., great-great-grandfather of Claiborne de Borda Pell, and great-great-grand-uncle of Corinne Claiborne Boggs.

He was born in Natchez, Mississippi and attended school in Virginia, where he studied law. He was admitted to the bar in 1825, and commenced the practice of law at Natchez. He owned slaves. He was a member of the state House of Representatives from 1830 to 1834, then moved to Madison County, Mississippi, and was elected as a Jacksonian to the Twenty-fourth Congress, where he was a Representative from March 4, 1835 to March 3, 1837.

Claiborne presented credentials as a member-elect to the Twenty-fifth Congress and served from July 18, 1837, until February 5, 1838, when the seat was declared vacant as the result of a contested election. He then engaged in newspaper work in Natchez. In 1842, Claiborne served as a commissioner on the Choctaws Claim Commission which was set up to disperse land after the Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek. Claiborne was given his position on the commission due to the fact that he was owed $30,000 by William M. Gwin and Abram A. Halsey, who were also on the commission. Gwin and Halsey planned to give Claiborne 32,000 acres of Choctaw lands to cover their debts. The land deal was never completed and due to a public feud, Claiborne was removed from the commission. In 1844, he moved to New Orleans, Louisiana and resumed newspaper interests.

He was appointed United States timber agent for Louisiana and Mississippi in 1853. He was the author of several historical works including his 1880 History of Mississippi.

He returned to his estate, "Dumbarton", near Natchez, and died there on May 17, 1884. He is buried in Trinity Churchyard, Natchez, Mississippi.

title: John Francis Hamtramck Claiborne


text:
Talk:John Francis Hamtramck Claiborne

Untitled
The text of article was obtained from public domain site. Darwinek 21:55, 6 Feb 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:John Francis Hamtramck Claiborne


text:
Duke of Edinburgh's Royal Regiment

The Duke of Edinburgh's Royal Regiment (Berkshire and Wiltshire) was an infantry regiment of the British Army.

Earlier history
The regiment was formed on 9 June 1959 after defence cuts implemented in the late 1950s saw the amalgamation of the Royal Berkshire Regiment (Princess Charlotte of Wales's) and Wiltshire Regiment (Duke of Edinburgh's), forming the Duke of Edinburgh's Royal Regiment (Berkshire and Wiltshire). The amalgamation parade to create the new regiment took place at Albany Barracks, Isle of Wight, when it also received its first set of Colours, presented by its Colonel-in-Chief, the Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh.

Until the early 1980s, the regiment's administrative headquarters (RHQ) was at Brock Barracks, Reading, Berkshire, with a secondary or subsidiary headquarters at Le Marchant Barracks, Devizes, Wiltshire, but by 1982 a single RHQ had been permanently established in the Cathedral Close at Salisbury, Wiltshire, with the DERR regimental museum, - including the museum collections of the former Royal Berkshire Regiment and the Wiltshire Regiment - established on the ground floor of the same historic building, which had for several centuries been known locally as The Wardrobe.

The regimental badge of the new regiment was a silver cross patee (from the badge of the former Wiltshire Regiment), at the centre of which was a silver Chinese-style dragon (from the badge of the former Royal Berkshire Regiment). The Chinese dragon was surrounded by a gilt/gold double coil of naval rope (commemorating the service of the former regiments' service as marines, especially that of the 49th Regiment of Foot at the Battle of Copenhagen in 1801). This rope coil was surmounted by the ducal coronet of the regiment's Colonel-in-Chief in gilt/gold. The badge was invariably set upon a piece of red material known as the Brandywine Flash (commemorating the regiment's action at the Battle of Brandywine in 1777, during the American Revolutionary War). This red backing was configured as a square (with the red colour showing between the four arms of the cross patee) where the badge was worn as a collar badge or on a peaked cap, but as an inverted triangle approximately 2 X 2.5 inches in size where it was worn on the beret.

The first posting for the 1st Battalion (1 DERR) in 1959 was in Tidworth, Wiltshire and it was from there in June 1960 that B Company arrived in the Bahamas to augment the in-place garrison unit in the Caribbean, the 1st Battalion the Royal Hampshire Regiment (1 R HAMPS). The following year, ethnic violence in British Guiana saw 1 DERR send a company to assist the re-establishment of order. In December 1962 the battalion arrived in Malta for a deployment that would last just over three years. While based there, 1 DERR deployed to Cyprus in February 1964, a month before the establishment of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNIFICYP), returning to Malta in April, although subsequently the battalion did carry out further operational deployments to Cyprus. Malta became independent from Great Britain on 21 September 1964 and the battalion fulfilled a major role in the ceremonial parade and associated events staged for this occasion. In January 1966, 1 DERR arrived in Minden, West Germany as part of the British Army of the Rhine (BAOR) for a three-year posting as a mechanized infantry battalion. In West Germany the battalion formed part of the 11th Infantry Brigade. From that location its soldiers trained in Libya, Norway, and France. The battalion moved to Catterick in June 1969, and thereafter successive companies carried out deployments to the Central American colony of British Honduras. In addition, A Company trained in Malaysia in 1969 and the entire battalion trained in Canada in 1970. In August 1969 C Company was sent to Derry to reinforce the 1st Battalion of the Queen's Regiment (1 QUEENS) at the start of many years of violent turmoil that were in due course termed The Troubles. C Company remained in Northern Ireland until December. The following year, B Company was dispatched to Belfast to support 1st Battalion the Royal Scots (1 RS). In 1971 1 DERR deployed to Derry for its first tour of duty in Northern Ireland as a complete battalion.

Later history
Between 1969 and 1993 the battalion saw extensive service in Northern Ireland, completing a number of operational tours of duty and, in the process, losing nine men (including two while serving away from 1 DERR on detached duty). Returning briefly to Catterick after its 1971 tour in Northern Ireland, 1 DERR next moved to West Berlin, an enclave deep within and therefore entirely surrounded by Communist East Germany, where the battalion joined the British Berlin Brigade, serving alongside two other British infantry battalions and the allied US and French troops who together bore responsibility for the defence of West Berlin throughout the Cold War period. One of the battalion's duties included guarding the last remaining prisoner at Spandau Prison, Adolf Hitler's former deputy Rudolf Hess. From West Berlin the battalion carried out annual training deployments to West Germany and southern France. From Berlin, 1 DERR returned yet again to Northern Ireland in mid-1973. In 1975, following its eighteen-month posting to Abercorn Barracks in Ballykinler, Northern Ireland, 1 DERR moved to Shoeburyness, Essex. In August that year the battalion deployed to Cyprus on an Emergency Tour, returning in February 1976. Subsequently, it assumed a new role as the Infantry Demonstration Battalion, based at Warminster, Wiltshire. In August 1978 the battalion moved to Osnabrück, West Germany, again joining BAOR, this time as a mechanized battalion of the 12th Armoured Brigade of the 1st British Corps. There it remained until 1983, when it moved back to the United Kingdom and barracks in Canterbury, Kent. However, while in Osnabrück, it did carry out a further operational tour in Northern Ireland in 1979. In addition, a few months after its arrival at Canterbury, 1 DERR began an operational tour in South Armagh, Northern Ireland, from June to October 1983.

In 1984 the battalion was presented with new Queen's and Regimental Colours by its Colonel-in-Chief, the Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh. That December it joined UNFICYP in Cyprus, returning home again in June 1985. In February 1988, following another lengthy tour of duty based at Aldergrove in Northern Ireland between 1985 and 1988, 1 DERR was posted to Hong Kong for two years, joining the colony's military garrison as the single non-Gurkha infantry battalion within the 48th Gurkha Infantry Brigade. Based at Stanley Fort on Hong Kong Island, the battalion carried out a wide range of internal security duties, which included patrolling the border with the People's Republic of China to deter and prevent illegal immigration into Hong Kong. From Hong Kong, 1 DERR returned to the United Kingdom and Catterick in July 1990, where it joined the 24th Airmobile Brigade. Another operational tour in County Fermanagh, Northern Ireland followed from December 1990 to May 1991.

On 23 July 1991, it was announced that (together with a number of other regiments) the Duke of Edinburgh's Royal Regiment would be required to amalgamate with another infantry regiment, in accordance with government decisions taken to expedite the Options for Change reductions in the army consequent upon the end of the Cold War. In 1 DERR's case it was required in due course to amalgamate with the 1st Battalion the Gloucestershire Regiment (1 GLOSTERS), at which time both of these regiments would cease to exist as individual regiments or battalions.

The last tour of duty carried out by 1 DERR in Northern Ireland was from March 1993, during which 1 DERR lost two men before the battalion finally returned to Catterick in September. The wider regiment, but specifically its 1st Battalion (1 DERR), ceased to exist on 27 July 1994, when 1 DERR amalgamated with 1 GLOSTERS, to form the 1st Battalion the Royal Gloucestershire, Berkshire and Wiltshire Regiment (1 RGBW).

Authorized history
In 1998 an authorized history of the Duke of Edinburgh's Royal Regiment (Berkshire and Wiltshire) was published, this work having been commissioned by the regimental committee a few years earlier, in the wake of the 1994 amalgamation. This comprehensive account of the regiment focuses extensively upon 1 DERR, describing all aspects of its life and times, and its numerous operational, peacetime and training activities and tours of duty about the world, as well as placing these subjects within wider military/political contexts of the period 1959-1994, especially those involved with aspects of the Cold War. The work also includes details of regimental insignia, uniforms, battle honours, the Queen's and Regimental Colours, the origins and development of the RHQ and museum, the regimental march, regimental traditions and officers' mess customs, and listings of the Colonels of the Regiment, and the Commanding Officers and Regimental Sergeant Majors of 1 DERR. There is also a regimental Roll of Honour showing details of the nine soldiers who fell while serving with 1 DERR on operations between 1973 and 1993, or while serving with other units elsewhere.

Other information

 * Colonel-in-Chief: The Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh

Band
During its existence, the regiment maintained a regimental band and a corps of drums. It took part in many different ceremonies on behalf of the regiment, including the Beating Retreat with the Pipes & Drums of the Ulster Defence Regiment. In August 1979, members of the regimental band were hurt in the 1979 Brussels bombing on the Grand-Place, carried out by volunteers belonging to the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA). The bombing injured seven bandsmen and eleven civilians. Fatalities were avoided as only some of the band's 30 members arrived (the rest were stuck in city traffic) and the band members that were there were dressing away from the stage.

Alliances
Alliances included:
 * The Lincoln and Welland Regiment—Canada (1959–1994)
 * The Algonquin Regiment—Canada (1959–1994)
 * The Hawke's Bay Regiment—New Zealand
 * The Duke of Edinburgh's Own Rifles—the former Union of South Africa Defence Forces
 * 7th Battalion (Wellington (City of Wellington's Own) and Hawke's Bay), Royal New Zealand Infantry Regiment
 * 13th Battalion, Frontier Force Regiment—Pakistan

Freedoms
The regiment received the Freedom of several locations throughout its history; these include:

 * 🏴 1960: Windsor and Maidenhead

title: Duke of Edinburgh's Royal Regiment


text:
Friedrich-Wilhelm Graefe zu Baringdorf

Friedrich-Wilhelm Graefe zu Baringdorf (born 29 November 1942 in Spenge) was Member of the European Parliament for the German political party Alliance 90/The Greens, part of the European Greens, from 1984 to 1987 and 1989 to 2009, and from 1996 to 2012 chairperson of the Arbeitsgemeinschaft bäuerliche Landwirtschaft (ABL),  an association for peasant-based or family-farming in Germany.

Graefe zu Baringdorf owns and operates the farm "Berninghof" in Baringdorf, a small ribbon-built village in the municipality Spenge. The family farm traces its heritage back several centuries. In 1992, he converted the farm to ecological farming. Potatoes, bread cereals and vegetables grow on the fields, and pigs and chickens give meat and eggs. The produce is marketed primarily in the shop on the farm itself and via stands on street markets in Bielefeld and nearby Spenge.

title: Friedrich-Wilhelm Graefe zu Baringdorf


text: User talk:70.112.102.19

title: User talk:70.112.102.19


text:
File:IndependenceLDS1.jpg

Original photo by John Hamer

title: File:IndependenceLDS1.jpg


text:
Ashtons

Ashtons was a housebuilder in Yorkshire in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s.

History
Norman Ashton started his Leeds-based housebuilding business in 1933, and it was incorporated in 1938 as Norman C Ashton Ltd. Following the outbreak of war in 1939, the company was restricted to contracting for local authorities; it also established a motor repair business. Private housebuilding resumed after the war and when Ashton was floated in 1964 it claimed to be one of the largest housebuilders operating in the West Riding. Growth was only modest thereafter and Ashton was acquired by Orme in 1972.

The company constructed many homes in northern England during the 1960s and 1970s. It was one of several pioneers of the British three bed semi, a style of house used frequently from the 1940s until the 1970s, they also built many four and five bedroomed detached houses. Most Ashtons housing were built in close proximity with council housing; Holt Park in Leeds was a joint project between Ashtons and Leeds City Council. Ainsty in Wetherby is also a large mixed development with many Ashtons and Leeds City Council houses. Knottingley, Mirfield and Washington also include many Ashtons houses.

Controversies
The company was at the centre of a controversy concerning a covenant on one of their early developments in 1956. This resulted in the Bell v Norman C. Ashton Ltd (1956) P&CR 359 case which came before the Leeds Courts. Ashton had purchased land with a covenant that meant they could not build on it.

title: Ashtons


text: User talk:202.152.227.4

title: User talk:202.152.227.4


text: Category:Homeopathy

title: Category:Homeopathy


text:
Cem Özdemir

Cem Özdemir (, ; born 21 December 1965) is a German politician who currently serves as Federal Minister of Food and Agriculture since 2021. He is a member of the Alliance 90/The Greens party.

Between 2008 and 2018, Özdemir co-chaired the Green Party, together with Claudia Roth and later Simone Peter. He has been a Member of the German Bundestag since 2013, previously holding a seat between 1994 and 2002. From 2004 to 2009, he served as a Member of the European Parliament. Alongside Katrin Göring-Eckardt, he stood as one of the top two Green candidates in the 2017 federal election. From 2018 until 2021, he chaired the Bundestag Committee on Transport. Since 8 December 2021, he has been Minister of Food and Agriculture in the cabinet of Chancellor Olaf Scholz.

Life and work
Born in Urach, a small town in the hills between Stuttgart and Ulm, Cem Özdemir is the son of Gastarbeiter ("guest worker") parents from Turkey. Özdemir's father is of Circassian origin and is originally from Tokat. Özdemir's mother is of Turkish origin and comes from a middle-class family in Istanbul; her father was an officer in the Turkish War of Independence. In 1983 Özdemir and his immigrant parents acquired German citizenship. After graduating from a German Hauptschule and a Realschule Özdemir completed an apprenticeship, becoming an early childhood educator. After qualifying for advanced technical college entrance he studied social pedagogy at the Evangelical University of Applied Science in Reutlingen, Germany. After completing his studies in 1987, he worked as an educator and a freelance journalist.

Özdemir describes himself as a "secular Muslim" and is married to Argentine journalist Pía María Castro. They have two children: a son and a daughter. Özdemir is a vegetarian.

Beginnings
Özdemir has been a member of the Green Party since 1981, originally in the district chapter of Ludwigsburg. Between 1989 and 1994 he was a member in the State Executive (Landesvorstand) of the Green Party in Baden-Württemberg. During that time he was one of the founding members of Immi-Grün – Bündnis der neuen InländerInnen, an alliance of InländerInnen (locals), as opposed to the German word Ausländer (foreigners).

Member of the German Bundestag, 1994–2002
From 1994 until 2002, Özdemir was a member of the German Bundestag; along with Leyla Onur of the Social Democrats, he was the first person of either Turkish or Circassian descent ever elected to the country's federal parliament. From 1998 until 2002, he was a member of the Committee on Home Affairs and served as his parliamentary group's spokesperson on this issue. In this capacity, he advocated for reforms to Germany's citizenship laws. In addition, he was the chairman of the German-Turkish Parliamentary Friendship Group. (See list of the German Parliamentary Friendship Groups and the pages from the German Bundestag website that describes their purpose  and their membership as at January 2024.

In 1999, nine months after the Greens for the first time joined a German federal government under Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, Özdemir was among 40 younger party members of the self-described "youth of the second generation" who declared in a controversial manifesto "[that] we cannot and will not idly watch the moralizing know-it-alls in our party from the founding generation" around Jürgen Trittin.

In 2002, Özdemir was accused of violating parliamentary regulations for retaining "Miles & More" frequent-flier miles accrued during official travel as a member of the Bundestag for personal use. He was also criticised for having taken out a credit with Moritz Hunzinger, a German PR consultant and lobbyist, in order to overcome personal financial issues. This affair was also associated with Rudolf Scharping, former German Minister of Defence (1998–2002). Subsequently, Özdemir resigned as spokesman for domestic affairs and as a member of the Bundestag.

In 2003, Özdemir joined the German Marshall Fund of the United States in Washington, D.C., and Brussels as a Transatlantic Fellow. During his fellowship he gave various speeches and brown bag lectures at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, on the issue of Turkey and Europe. He also researched on the ways that minority groups in the United States and Europe organize themselves politically.

Member of the European Parliament, 2004–2009
From 2004 until 2009, Özdemir was a Member of the European Parliament in the parliamentary group The Greens/European Free Alliance (Greens/EFA). During that time he served as the group's spokesperson on foreign policy and a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET). In addition, he served as the European Parliament's rapporteur on Central Asia and as vice chair of the Permanent Ad Hoc Delegation for Relations with Iraq.

Between 2006 and 2007, Özdemir also served as vice president of the "CIA Committee" (Temporary Committee on the alleged use of European countries by the CIA for the transport and illegal detention of prisoners).

Co-chair of the Green Party, 2009–2013
On 2 June 2008, Özdemir announced his candidacy as co-chair of his party. Özdemir's rival candidate was Volker Ratzmann, leader of the Green parliamentary group in the Berlin House of Representatives, who eventually withdrew his candidacy on 4 September 2008 for personal reasons.

In the run-up to the party co-chair elections, Özdemir also ran for a promising party list position for the 2009 German elections at the federal state party conference of Baden-Württemberg. In two separate runs he lost to his respective direct opponents. Nevertheless, Özdemir adhered to his candidacy for the party chairmanship.

Since 15 November 2008, Özdemir has been one of two co-chairs of Alliance 90/The Greens. He received 79.2 percent of the delegate votes. In the 2009 elections, Özdemir was not elected to the Bundestag. As a candidate in the constituency of Stuttgart I, which covers south Stuttgart he polled 29.9%, but lost to Stefan Kaufmann, the candidate of the CDU.

Member of the German Bundestag, 2013–present
Özdemir re-entered the Bundestag as a result of the 2013 elections. He served as deputy chairman of the German-Chinese Parliamentary Friendship Group. In 2017, Özdemir ran for the male top candidacy of the Greens in the subsequent federal election and narrowly won the party membership election over Schleswig-Holstein Deputy Minister-President Robert Habeck and Bundestag parliamentary leader Anton Hofreiter by only 75 votes. He led the Greens into the federal election alongside parliamentary leader Katrin Göring-Eckardt. Following the election, the Greens were first expected to form a government with the CDU and the FDP, in which Özdemir was widely expected to become the Minister of Foreign Affairs. However, when the FDP abruptly ended the negotiations, this fell apart. Özdemir had already declared not to stand for reelection as party leader (with Robert Habeck succeeding him), and the parliamentary leadership had been reelected directly after the federal election, so there was no leadership post left for him. Instead, from 2018 until 2021, he chaired the Bundestag Committee on Transport. Nevertheless, Özdemir remained one of the most popular politicians of the country and at times even was the most popular politician, placed before Angela Merkel.

In September 2019, Özdemir unsuccessfully challenged incumbents Katrin Göring-Eckardt and Anton Hofreiter at the middle of the legislative term and announced his candidacy to co-chair the Green Party's parliamentary group, together with Kirsten Kappert-Gonther. Following the announcement of Fritz Kuhn to not seek re-election as Mayor of Stuttgart in 2020, Özdemir was widely considered a potential successor. Shortly after, he decided not to run for the position. In the negotiations to form a coalition government under the leadership of Minister-President of Baden-Württemberg Winfried Kretschmann following the 2021 state elections, Özdemir was a member of the working group on economic affairs, labor and innovation.

In May 2021, several months ahead of the national elections, various media outlets reported that Özdemir had been late to declare to the German Parliament's administration a total of €20,580 in additional income he had received over the course of five years – 2014 through 2018 – in his capacity as leader of the Green Party. In the negotiations to form a so-called traffic light coalition of the Social Democrats (SPD), the Green Party and the FDP following the 2021 federal elections, Özdemir led his party's delegation in the working group on economic policy; his co-chairs from the other parties were Carsten Schneider and Michael Theurer.

Minister of Food and Agriculture, 2021–present
Following the 2021 German federal election, the Greens entered government as part of a traffic light coalition led by Social Democrat Chancellor Olaf Scholz, and Özdemir was sworn in as Food and Agriculture Minister on 8 December 2021. The appointment of Özdemir, instead of outgoing parliamentary leader and biologist Anton Hofreiter by the party leaders Robert Habeck and Annalena Baerbock came after infighting within the party over the Agriculture Ministry, and was seen as somewhat surprising, since he had no prior experience in agriculture policy and was considered to be a moderate within the Greens, while Hofreiter was left-leaning. However, Özdemir had also been one of the most prominent and popular politicians in Germany for several years.

Özdemir is the only minister in the Scholz cabinet to come from an ethnic minority, and is the first government minister of Turkish descent in Germany's history.

In October 2023, Özdemir participated in the first joint cabinet retreat of the German and French governments in Hamburg, chaired by Scholz and President Emmanuel Macron.

In its ruling of 15 November 2023, the Federal Constitutional Court declared the second supplementary budget for 2021 as unconstitutional and therefore invalid. This resulted in a budget deficit of 17 billion euros for the 2024 federal budget. Özdemir announced one element of the government's response - the abolition of subsidies for agricultural diesel and the introduction of a vehicle tax for agricultural vehicles. This led to farmers' protests across the country.

Political positions
Within the Green Party, Özdemir is associated with the centrist "Realo" faction.

European integration
In 2011, Özdemir called for European Union citizens to get more direct influence in European affairs via plebiscites on key policy issues.

Amid the 2013 Cypriot financial crisis, Özdemir proposed making an EU bailout for Cyprus conditional on reviving talks about reunification of the island divided since 1974.

Relations with Belarus
On 16 December 2020, he undertook patronage over Katsiaryna Barysevich, Belarusian journalist and political prisoner. On 31 May 2021, he took over the godparenthood of Raman Pratasevich, Belarusian political prisoner.

Relations with Russia
In 2011, Özdemir stepped down from the Quadriga Award's board of trustees to protest the nonprofit group's decision to honor Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of Russia. The groups decision sparked a public outcry and the annual prize ceremony was later canceled. After a two-day visit to Armenia, Özdemir tweeted in reference to Armenia's recent accession into the Eurasian Economic Union that "The closer Yerevan moves towards Putin's Russia, the less freedom for media, NGOs, LGBT. People want open society."

Relations with Turkey
Özdemir opposes the accession of Turkey to the European Union under President Erdogan. When Özdemir criticised Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan of Turkey in a speech he delivered in Cologne in May 2014, Erdoğan personally targeted Özdemir during one of his party's group meetings in the parliament declaring him "a so-called Turk" and described his criticisms as "very ugly". Upon Erdoğan's attacks, the Turkish ambassador in Berlin, Hüseyin Avni Karslıoğlu, was summoned to the German Foreign Office and was informed about Germany's unease on the prime minister's remarks. Soon after, Özdemir told Spiegel Online it would be "irresponsible" for German intelligence services not to target Turkey given its location as a transit country for Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant militants from Europe.

Özdemir was a driving force behind the Bundestag's recognition of the Armenian Genocide in June 2016, which angered Turkey. He has also been critical of Turkey's mass arrests and crackdown on dissent following a failed coup attempt in July 2016. Özdemir condemned the Turkish invasion of northern Syria aimed at ousting U.S.-backed Syrian Kurds from the enclave of Afrin. He met with Turkish officials during the 2018 Munich Security Conference, during which he was reportedly called a "terrorist" and received various other threats from the Turkish delegation. As a result, Özdemir received special police protection.

Relations with Saudi Arabia
Özdemir called for the German government to stop giving contracts to the American consultancy firm McKinsey & Company, which was accused of gathering information for the Saudi Arabia's regime about its critics.

Armenian genocide
On 5 April 2001, in a statement published in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung newspaper, Özdemir said, "The German parliament should not follow in the footsteps of the French parliament and should not define the mass death of Armenians as genocide. It is not for parliaments to give official definitions to historical events. That is the job of historians. The Bundestag is not the authority to decide on the injustices of the past."

On 12 March 2015 Özdemir visited the Armenian Genocide memorial in Yerevan, Armenia and declared his formal recognition of the Armenian genocide and called on Turkey to recognize it as well. In an interview he stated: "I think that Germany should obviously refer to the Armenian genocide issue. As a friend of two countries, we should help to open the Armenian-Turkish border. As a friend of both countries, we should exert effort, so that the Armenian-Turkish relations become like the French-German or Polish-German relations."

In 2016 Özdemir initiated a resolution in the Bundestag that would formally classify the 1915 massacres as genocide. The resolution passed on 2 June 2016 with what Speaker Norbert Lammert called a "remarkable majority". At the time, Özdemir emphasized that the resolution was not designed to point fingers at others but rather to acknowledge Germany's partial responsibility for the genocide. In 1915, the German Empire was an ally of the Ottoman Empire and failed to condemn the violence. After the Bundestag's approval of the resolution, Turkish media "waged a war" against him and he received multiple death threats.

Legalization of cannabis
Özdemir advocates legalizing cannabis. In December 2014, his parliamentary immunity from prosecution was lifted when Berlin prosecutors opened an investigation into suspected growing of drugs after an Ice Bucket Challenge video showed him with a cannabis plant in the background. In a subsequent interview with Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, Özdemir stated that "in a free society it should be up to each individual person to decide whether they want to consume cannabis and take the associated risks."

The United Nations
Özdemir is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which campaigns for democratic reformation of the United Nations. He believes it is necessary "to give voice to every citizen, woman and man, all over the world; to create legitimacy by true representation, and to enhance political responsibility of the states' leaders."

Speed limit
Özdemir is in favour of a general speed limit on German Autobahns. According to him, "The introduction of a maximum speed on motorways in Germany would have only advantages: fewer traffic fatalities, immediate climate protection and practically no costs". Furthermore, he stated that "A speed limit would be a requirement of common sense for an enlightened society in the 21st century". He compared the debate of speed limits in Germany with that of the right to bear arms in the United States.

Corporate boards

 * Landwirtschaftliche Rentenbank, Deputy Chair of the Supervisory Board (since 2021)
 * KfW, Ex-Officio Member of the Board of Supervisory Directors (since 2021)
 * Deutsche Telekom, Yes, I can! Initiative for Children and Young People, Member of the Board of Trustees

Non-profit organizations

 * Peace of Westphalia Prize, Member of the Jury (since 2022)
 * German Foundation for Active Citizenship and Volunteering (DSEE), Member of the Board of Trustees (since 2022)
 * Deutsche Nationalstiftung, Member of the Senate
 * Berlin office of the American Jewish Committee (AJC), Member of the Advisory Board
 * Das Progressive Zentrum, Member of the Circle of Friends
 * European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR), Founding Member
 * German Association for Small and Medium-Sized Businesses (BVMW), Member of the Political Advisory Board
 * German-Turkish Forum of Stuttgart, Member of the Board of Trustees
 * Heinrich Böll Foundation, Member of the Europe/Transatlantic Advisory Board
 * Stiftung neue verantwortung, Member of the Presidium
 * Theodor Heuss Foundation, Member of the Board of Trustees
 * Amadeu Antonio Foundation, Founding Member
 * Berlin Center for Torture Victims, Member of the Advisory Board (1998–2002)
 * ZDF, Member of the Television Board (2009–2013)

Recognition

 * 2018 – Ramer Award for Courage in the Defense of Democracy
 * 2011 – Foreign Policy List of Top Global Thinkers
 * 2009 – Honorary doctorate of the Tunceli University
 * 1996 – Theodor Heuss Medal

title: Cem Özdemir


text:
Talk:Jim Taricani

Untitled
This page was voted on for deletion at Votes for deletion/Jim Taricani. The consensus was to keep it. dbenbenn | talk 07:56, 12 Feb 2005 (UTC)

I'm concerned that this page represents promotion of a stand on a US political issue.

I've added a little to the introduction. As originally written, it didn't even say what country this reporter was from. Food for thought?

I now see that, as justification for the article's being encyclopedic, we have had added to it:

''On November 19, 2004, U.S. Senator Christopher Dodd introduced the Free Speach Protection Act of 2004. If passed, this legislation would create a federal shield law.''

I notice that Dodd is a Democrat, and his various websites contain quotes such as We can't afford four more years of Bush and ''Everyone knows the workers of Sikorsky make the best helicopters in the world. Sikorsky should have won this contract hands down.''.

I'm a long way away from this, but it seems to me unlikely on the information I do have that this shield bill will pass. If I'm wrong in this, then the article should say that it has bipartisan support. If I'm right, then this bill is not IMO encyclopedic information, and should be removed from this article. It's just a bit of the daily manouvres of US politics. If it's the best that can be produced to defend the importance of this man and his imprisonment, then the article should go too.

More food for thought? Andrewa 20:09, 6 Feb 2005 (UTC)

A few comments on these: --Sdfisher 16:13, 7 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Let's get this out of the way first: any who ascribe a political motivation to this article are incorrect. I do not even live in the United States.
 * I actually found the bill via google on a Republican editorial talking about how important the bill was. That said, I really don't know how likely the bill is to pass, since I don't know to what degree that editorial represented the policy of the Republicans. If you know a way to look up who is supporting it at this stage, feel free to do so and add that. (Frankly, your political system is very much a mystery to me.)
 * I don't really feel the other content of Dodd's website is relevent. He introduced the bill, and that's the PR link. Not linking to him would be a lot like not linking to Microsoft's site from the Windows article. If, on the other hand, you can find a link to how great this conviction was, by all means add it.

More comments: --Sdfisher 16:22, 7 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * I found the editorial again, in case it helps you determine the extent of the support: Springfield Republican
 * Unless there are two Rhode Islands or two NBCs, the original article did say which country Taricani was in.
 * Overall, I'm just wondering why you're attributing my errors to malice rather than incompetence. I freely admit to being new here. I'm trying hard not to talk accusations of political bias in a country I don't live in personally. :)

I'm genuinely sorry I've offended you, but you don't seem to have addressed the points raised. No accusation of malice was intended.

I certainly spoke of bias. Your not living in the USA doesn't make you ipso facto unbiased IMO, any more than my living in Australia does, nor does your basing your contribution on a political editorial that says in part Taricani is being threatened with jail time for reporting on the news, which appears inaccurate. The threat is for refusing to provide evidence that would help investigate criminal activities, as currently required under US law. The Wikipedia article similarly blurs this distinction. What the US constitution guarantees is freedom of speech. What Taricani seeks (and many other reporters the world over do too) is special powers of investigation, and specifically the right to guarantee the anonymity of their sources.

Both this article and the editorial you quote still seem to me to be political essays. Andrewa 01:49, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Alright, I'll accept that I was too touchy on that subject. Your last post explains your concerns to me more, and I can see what you mean. I'm not sure how to fix it, though. If you have an idea, please go ahead! --Sdfisher 03:34, 12 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Bias?
This page is completely and utterly biased, especially the last few sentences. Not that I dont agree with it, but personal views or interpretations do not belong on Wikipedia. Can someone fix this, please? 198.7.249.227 (talk) 23:42, 22 March 2008 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Jim Taricani


text:
Portal:Music/Featured article

Instructions
The layout design for these subpages is at Portal:Music/Featured article/Layout.
 * 1) Add a new Featured article to the next available subpage.
 * 2) *The list should only contain articles that have been given a quality rating of Featured articles
 * 3) The "blurb" for all Featured articles should be approximately 10 lines, for appropriate formatting in the portal main page.
 * 4) Update "max=" to new total for its Random portal component on the main page.

Archive
The portal used to display one featured article at a time; a new selection was chosen every month or so. An archive of the old selections is at Portal:Music/Featured articles.

Nominations

 * Adding articles
 * Feel free to add Featured quality Music articles to the above list.
 * If you are unsure or do not know how to add an entry, feel free to post a question, suggestion or nomination here below, or at the talk page Portal talk:Music.

title: Portal:Music/Featured article


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/LaserNet

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. Joyous 02:22, Feb 13, 2005 (UTC)

LaserNet
Nothing more than an advertisement for the product. EagleOne 20:10, Feb 6, 2005 (UTC)

 * Delete advert. Rje 20:12, Feb 6, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete CDC   (talk)  21:44, 6 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete--ZayZayEM 01:50, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. -- AllyUnion (talk) 05:44, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Electronic colonialism

Electronic colonialism sometimes abbreviated to eColonialism, was conceived by Herbert Schiller as documented in his 1976 text Communication and Cultural Domination. In this work, Schiller postulated the advent of a kind of technological colonialism, a system that subjugates Third World and impoverished nations to the will of world powers such as the United States, Japan, and Germany, given the necessary "importation of communication equipment and foreign-produced software". As scholarship on this phenomenon has evolved, it has come to describe a scenario in which it has become normal for people to be exploited through data and other forms of technology. It draws parallels to colonialism in the historical sense when territories and resources were appropriated by the wealthy and powerful for profit.

Background
Similar to the expansion and establishment of territorial colonies and protectorates by European colonial powers during the New Imperialism era (as exemplified by the Scramble for Africa), the Information Revolution ushered in a new era of socialization. Like the notion of traditional colonialism, this revolution urged multimedia conglomerates (empires) to regard audience demographics (territories) as obtainable colonies. Spurred into existence by the "demise of Communism," market globalization and rapid innovation within the communication technology sector, Electronic Colonialist Theory posits a contemporary form of neo-imperial reign. This is based not on expansive military acquisition and procurement, but rather on capturing the mind share and consumer habits of the target demographic — a psychological empire. According to the theory, as the world becomes more dependent on 21st-century communication streams and lives become inextricably entangled with cyberspace and the Internet of things (IoT), the multimedia hegemonic control will scale in stride and continue to proliferate in the future.

History
With the conclusion of World War II in 1945, the multimedia and communications sector began its trans-border expansion as the advent of television became a cornerstone of advertising and consumerist trends. Prior to 1945, "there was no international communication theory." It was only after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the early 1980s that electronic colonialism began to manifest in its contemporary form. During this era, United States President Ronald Reagan implemented his policy of "privatization, liberalization and deregulation," during what was coined the Privatization Revolution — a recasting of the American view on market forces (i.e. aggregate supply and demand), free enterprise, Laissez-faire capitalism and economic entrepreneurship. It was through this that the virulence of the multimedia inroads was magnified. The increased cross-border media flow during and after the Reagan era spurred a flurry of merger and acquisition activity. This led to a movement toward corporate consolidation that would later define the media industry's predominant growth tactic well into the 21st century (e.g. WarnerMedia).

Digital colonialism and the Global South
The origination of the concept draws on early colonialists' arrival on African shores to make profit and fulfill imperial objectives through enslavement and exploitation of local labor to obtain the maximum amount of natural resources and raw materials present. This also was achieved through the building of crucial infrastructure to attain these goals and facilitate imports and exports. Colonialism in the electronic age, on the other hand, takes place through the use of digital devices, mediums and systems. According to this version, communication systems such as social media platforms and infrastructures that enable network connectivity in the Global South are present exclusively for data harvesting, profit generation, storage and analysis. These platforms act as nets that capture ordinary occurrences so that they can be marketed. Furthermore, digital colonialism can be defined as the retrieval and control of data from individuals without obtaining clear consent from them, "through communication networks developed and owned by Western tech companies." In these scenarios, individuals often develop the data that is ultimately extracted by monitoring their own activities. Sometimes this is done on their own accord, but in other instance it can be a job or contract requirement.

Through digital colonialism, Western forces such as the United States or other world powers like China construct critical and extensive digital infrastructure in the Global South to extract this data and gain monopoly over it. Large corporations design software, apps and other types of digital technology to fortify their hold on the data, as well as their stake in the tech ecosystem. In this context, the resource extracted from the continent becomes data itself. Limited data protection laws and infrastructure ease this process. This has led to a type of “tech hegemony” where technological elites in the United States have convinced people that the public must follow a ruling-class layout for operating in the digital world.

As the concept of digital colonialism has evolved, so has the way in which scholars have studied it. While some authors have looked at it as an extension of existing forms of colonialism, others have looked at it as a totally new form of oppression. The latter looks specifically at the colonialism of data, and how this practice combines the predatory nature of colonialism in the classic sense with the abstract ways value is determined in the digital age. A key idea of this theory is how it views data as natural resources that are abundant, easy to take, available to be profited from and whose exhaustion is not a problem. This views data as a byproduct of people's lives that cannot be owned, much like the air people exhale. Big Data justifies its actions by framing the work people do to create posts or disseminate other personal information as “just sharing.” This personal information is viewed as a raw material that is readily available and potentially valuable. Corporations such as Google, Amazon, Apple, Facebook, Baidu, Alibaba and Tencent claim they are the only ones capable of processing such data and thus can make society a better place through this process — much like how those who perpetrated colonialism in the historical sense claimed it was a “civilization” project. In reality, people are encouraged to share their data through self-tracking platforms that put a premium on likes and followers, standout performance or gamification.

The accumulation of this information into Big Data results in the generation of a digital profile for millions of users, which carry sensitive and valuable insight into the individuals. The financial weight of this information is in the ability to sell it to data brokers, which is then transformed into targeted advertising aimed at the users through the third party corporations that acquire it. This digital revolution has created a scenario in which it is not always unique people who are being targeted and influenced, but rather “data doubles.” Through constant data harvesting and processing, corporations can create a digital version of consumers that can be manipulated. Platforms like Netflix structure their content and marketing around this information to suggest ways to make the streaming service easier or more personalized for its users. Research on the topic indicates a possible pitfall with machine-to-machine communication in that it is actual people tied to potential discrimination developed by algorithms. Thus, decisions on who gets a better price at a grocery story or approved for a housing loan could be subject to potentially flawed data that was collected from a data double.

The practice of interpreting this mass data generated by the infrastructure, and extracting coherent and specialized insight from it, is incredibly difficult to do. This is why only a handful of corporations dominate the sphere, and there is a subsequent lack of competition. When the force of this position is exerted on regions with limited infrastructure and data protection laws, the researchers in the area submit that the "business model transitions into a form of digital colonialism." Various projects by companies like Facebook and Alphabet specifically geared towards Africa, such as FreeBasics, ProjectAires, Project CSquared, and the now-defunct Project Loon demonstrate a further expansion of profit seeking. The idea of digital colonialism is the replication of early colonialists' infrastructure projects today in the form of digital/network connectivity infrastructure, a form of technological evangelism, according to some. In this scenario, companies such as Facebook and Alphabet generate profit from their software and online services in the region, rather than actually engaging in the development in long-term, local infrastructure to provide steady economic growth in the Global South.

Digital neo-colonialism
As the concept of digital colonialism has evolved, so has the manner in which it has been studied. While this concept includes the harvest of data, it has expanded to other areas of the digital realm such as the hardware and infrastructure that powers the internet. This has helped bring about a need for the concept of digital neo-colonialism. Historically, the concept of neo-colonialism came about as a way to describe how Western powers exerted dominance over their former colonies despite formal independence. In turn, digital neo-colonialism illuminates more subtle, indirect forms of domination that function by pushing a “new normal” concept and involves a complicated network of public and private participants. This is the main difference from digital colonialism, which describes direct control of individuals in the digital realm by corporations/governments/state actors. It is important to note, however, that digital neo-colonialism did not replace digital colonialism. Rather, both forms of digital imperialism are very much present at the same time. A key tenet of digital neo-colonialism is in how some platforms validate their actions, particularly with “terms of service” agreements. Here, platforms present themselves as services people can voluntarily opt out of, giving the illusion of control in the scenario. The case of the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) provides an example of this. ICANN is a nonprofit made up of multiple stakeholders dedicated to ensuring the safety and stability of the internet by maintaining and operating a number of databases, including IP address and domain name systems. Originally under the auspices of the United States, over the years it became clear that ICANN was marginalizing the Global South. Even after the U.S. gave up direct control of the nonprofit to multiple stakeholders in 2016, the country's free-market principles and corporate culture remained largely baked into the structure of the organization. Thus, many of ICANN's decisions continued to marginalize the Global South despite the United States not having direct control of the organization.

Methods of resistance
A number of scholars have offered possible options for resisting digital imperialism, with most noting that more research needs to be conducted in the field. The most common refrain is a need for awareness. Understanding that digital colonialism exists and how it functions is a critical first step toward resistance. Decentralization of the internet away from hubs like the United States and China also is seen as a possible avenue for resisting digital colonialism. Some authors have explored more active solutions to resistance, including data-flooding software designed to confuse algorithms and wearable masks or tattoos that can befuddle facial recognition. In another example, coding designed to alter databases have been placed over license plates by drivers to trick traffic enforcement cameras. Rather than record the license plate, the coding instructs the traffic software to delete its database. Legislation that prevents large technology corporations from capitalizing on user data is viewed as a more realistic avenue for making a lasting impact.

Notes and references

 * McLuhan, M. (1964) Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company.
 * McPhail, T. (1981) Electronic Colonialism: The Future of International Broadcasting and Communication. Newbury Park: Sage.
 * McPhail, T. & McPhail, B. (1990) Communication: The Canadian Experience. Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman.
 * McPhail, T. (2002) Global Communication: Theories, Stakeholders, and Trends. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
 * McPhail, T. (2014) Global Communication: Theories, Stakeholders, and Trends. (4th ed.) London: Blackwell.
 * Raley, R. (2004) eEmpires. Cultural Critique, 57, 111–150.

title: Electronic colonialism


text:
British Boxing Board of Control

The British Boxing Board of Control (BBBofC) is the governing body of professional boxing in the United Kingdom.

History
The British Boxing Board of Control was formed in 1929 from the old National Sporting Club and is headquartered in Cardiff.

Until 1948, it had a colour bar in effect by means of its Rule 24, which stated that title contestants "must have two white parents".

The British Boxing Board of Control initially refused to grant Jane Couch a professional licence on the sole ground that she was a woman, and argued that PMS made women too unstable to box. Claiming sexual discrimination and supported by the Equal Opportunities Commission, Couch managed to have this decision overturned by a tribunal in March 1998.

The British Boxing Board of Control gives out the British Boxer of the Year award. Natasha Jonas became the first woman to win this award upon winning it for the year of 2022.

Councils
The Board divides the country into seven Area Councils: the Scottish Area, the Northern Ireland Area, the Welsh Area, the Northern Area, the Central Area (including the Isle of Man), the Southern Area, and the Midlands Area. There was previously a Western Area, which was merged with the Southern Area.

Lonsdale Belt
The Board also sanctions bouts for British boxing's most prestigious title: the Lonsdale Belt. The Lonsdale Belt is awarded to the champion of the United Kingdom in each respective weight class and to win the belt outright it must be defended against a British challenger on at least three occasions.

Scoring
The Board is known for its unique scoring system. Except for title fights (where the bout is scored by three judges, none of whom serve as fight referee), the referee is the sole scorer. After the bout (if the fight goes to points decision), the referee hands his decision to the MC and the winner is announced, the referee then raising the arm of the winner – or, in the event of a draw, both boxers' arms.

title: British Boxing Board of Control


text:
Premier League of Bosnia and Herzegovina

The Premier League of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Premijer liga Bosne i Hercegovine; Premijer liga Bosne i Hercegovine; Премијер лига Босне и Херцеговине), officially known as the Wwin League of Bosnia and Herzegovina for sponsorship purposes, is the top tier football league in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and is operated by the Football Association of Bosnia and Herzegovina. As the country's most prestigious level of football competition, the league changed format in the 2016–17 season and is contested by 12 clubs with the last two teams relegated at the end of every season.

As of the 2024–25 season, the league is represented by four clubs in European competition. The winner of the Premier League starts from the UEFA Champions League first qualifying round. The winner of the Bosnian Cup as well as the runner-up and third placed team on the table starts from the first qualifying round of the UEFA Conference League.

The bottom two teams are relegated at the end of the season, while the winners of the First League of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the First League of the Republika Srpska are promoted to the Premier League.

War period (1992–1996)
After the breakup of Yugoslavia, and following proclamation of independence in late winter 1992, many clubs from Bosnia and Herzegovina left the Yugoslav First League. In April 1992, the N/FSBiH applied for membership with FIFA and UEFA. Meanwhile, due to the outbreak of the Bosnian War in April 1992, no games were played in the 1992–93 season. In late 1993 some parts of the country re-launched football competitions with reduced scope. But just as the country was divided along ethnic lines, so was football.

In 1993, Bosnian Croats launched the Football Federation of Herzeg-Bosnia and its First League of Herzeg-Bosnia, in which only Croat clubs competed on parochial scale within the limits of West Herzegovina and a few other enclaves. In the same year Bosnian Serbs also organized their own First League of the Republika Srpska, on a territory held by Republika Srpska at the time. Only football on a territory under the control of the then Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina institutions and auspices of N/FSBiH, at the time consequently with Bosniak majority, apart from a brief competition for the 1994–95 season (won by Čelik Zenica), came to a standstill. Competition under auspices of the N/FSBiH did not resume until the 1995–96 season when the First League of Bosnia and Herzegovina was launched.

Post-war period (1996–2000)
These three separate football leagues were operating in Bosnia and Herzegovina until 1998, and 2000. Since FIFA and UEFA showed support only for the association operating under patronage of the official and internationally recognized state institutions, during the war and prior to the Dayton Agreement, as well as after its signage, they endorsed unification of all three organizations as the N/FSBiH. This also came as a consequence of FIFA's decision to recognize the N/FSBiH already in July 1996, while in the same year UEFA admitted the N/FSBiH as an adjacent member until 1998 when they recognized its full membership. This meant that only N/FSBiH clubs and its national team could compete at the international and official level.

Final unification was preceded by several stages. At first, a play-off was created where clubs were playing for the title under N/FSBiH auspices. The idea was that a play-off under unified N/FSBiH auspices should bring together clubs competing under three separate organizations for the first time but was rejected by the Serb association, leaving clubs from the Croat football association and the N/FSBiH participating the play-off for the seasons 1997–98 and 1999–00, while the 1998–99 play-off was canceled due to the Croat's association hesitation on the decision on which stadiums games should be played. Next season the play-off was resumed for the last time prior to the full and final agreement on a unified N/FSBiH and its competition, the Bosnian Premier League (Premijer Liga), in the fall of 2000.

Premier League creation (2000)
The first 2000–01 season saw clubs from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina entity only, while clubs from the Republika Srpska entity continued to compete in their own separate league as their entity association still refused to join the agreed unified N/FSBiH and its new competition. However, UEFA and FIFA never intended to recognize this separate organization nor its competition, which meant clubs could not compete outside the territory of the entity and would not compete internationally. This situation forced clubs to insist that their organization also join the N/FSBiH, and two years later they became part of the competition for the 2002–03 season. Ever since the year 2000 the Premier League is the top tier of Bosnia and Herzegovina football, with two entity-based leagues, the First League of Republika Srpska and the First League of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, being pushed to the second tier of the Bosnian football pyramid and serve as feeder leagues to the Premier League.

Liga 12 (2016–present)
During the seasons 2016–17 and the 2017–18, the league had entirely changed its format, reducing the number of clubs from 16 to 12, thus sometimes referred to as "Liga 12" (League 12), with the calendar also modified accordingly, reintroducing the play-offs (also known as the "title playoffs") and introducing the play out.

The number of matches was played by each club during the regular season after which, according to their position, they entered to the play-offs or the play out. The play-offs were contested by the top six clubs in the regular season, with each club playing each other twice for the title, which guaranteed Champions League qualifications, while second and third place guaranteed Europa League qualifications berths. The play out was contested by the bottom six clubs to avoid relegation, with the last two teams being relegated.

Since the 2018–19 season, after all the 12 clubs have played against each other two times, once home and once away, they play against each other one more time, playing either home or away depending on how the schedule is made. With that, the league season has 33 full rounds, instead of the 22 rounds and an additional 10 rounds in the relegation and championship games in the 2016–17 and 2017–18 seasons.

Liga 10
In May 2024, the N/FSBiH decided that the number of teams competing in the Premier League will be reduced to ten, starting from the 2025–26 season.

Sponsorship
On 31 July 2012, the Football Association of Bosnia and Herzegovina signed a two-year deal with BH Telecom regarding the sponsorship of the league, effectively renaming the league BH Telecom Premier League. The deal was extended once more before the start of 2014–15 season. On 24 July 2020, it was announced that Mtel had become the new league sponsor for the next three years with an estimate 23 Million BAM worth, renaming the league m:tel Premier League.

On 9 February 2024, a five-year deal with gambling company Wwin was signed by the Bosnian FA, officially changing the league's name to the Wwin League of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Clubs
Forty clubs have played in the Premier League of Bosnia and Herzegovina from its inception in 2000, up to and including the 2024–25 season. Željezničar, Sarajevo, Zrinjski Mostar and Široki Brijeg are the only clubs in the Premier League to have never been relegated.

2024–25 season
Twelve clubs are competing in the 2024–25 season – top ten from the previous season and two promoted from each of the second-level leagues.

International competitions
In the qualifiers for the 2002–03 UEFA Champions League, Željezničar gained the first big success in Bosnian post-war club-football, going all the way to the last qualifying round for the most important club competition in Europe. After big wins over ÍA Akraness and Lillestrøm, however, they were held by Newcastle United. In the first match, held in Sarajevo, Newcastle won 0–1 with English team defeating Željezničar 4–0 in England.

The second time a Bosnian club moved into the last qualifying round of the UEFA Champions League was FK Sarajevo in 2007–08, when they lost to Dynamo Kyiv 0–4 on aggregate, after going over Maltese Marsaxlokk and Belgian side Genk.

Another remarkable season for Bosnian clubs in Europe was 2009–10. The most memorable performances were marked by Sarajevo and Slavija. While Slavija surprisingly beat Aalborg in the second qualifying round but could not overcome MFK Košice in the third round, Sarajevo was able to reach the Play-offs for the Group Stage of the newly formed UEFA Europa League after beating Spartak Trnava and Helsingborg. However, they lost there unhappily 3–2 on aggregate to CFR Cluj. Sarajevo made it again in the 2014–15 UEFA Europa League, playing all the way to the play-off round where they lost to Borussia Mönchengladbach. In the 2020–21 UEFA Europa League season, Sarajevo once again played in the play-off round, this time losing to Celtic.

After getting eliminated from the 2022–23 UEFA Champions League first qualifying round, Zrinjski Mostar made it to the 2022–23 UEFA Europa Conference League play-off round, where they got eliminated by Slovak club Slovan Bratislava following a penalty shoot-out, missing out on a chance to play in the group stage.

In August 2023, Zrinjski became the first ever club from Bosnia and Herzegovina to reach the group stages of a European club competition after eliminating Icelandic club Breiðablik in the 2023–24 UEFA Europa League third qualifying round, which assured Zrinjski of a group stage spot in the UEFA Europa Conference League as a minimum. After losing to LASK in the Europa League play-off round, Zrinjski dropped into the Conference League group stage, where they were drawn into Group E alongside Aston Villa, AZ and Legia Warsaw. On matchday one, Zrinjski pulled off an astonishing comeback against AZ. Trailing 3–0 at half time, the team made history and came back to win 4–3. This result also meant that they became the first ever Bosnian side to win a game in a UEFA club competition group stage. The team lost their next four games in the group, before ending their European campaign with a home draw against Aston Villa on 14 December 2023.

All time table
Counting only since the 2002–03 season, the season the league became a unified country-wide league. As of the end of the 2023–24 season. Teams in bold are part of the 2024–25 season.

Ssn = Number of seasons; Pld = Matches played; W = Matches won; D = Matches drawn; L = Matches lost; GF = Goals for; GA = Goals against; GD = Goal difference; Pts = Points; HF = Highest finish

1 In the 2004–05 season, Borac were deducted 1 point (Slavija were awarded 3–0 vs Borac in week 11).

2 In the 2006–07 season, Zrinjski were deducted 1 point (Orašje were awarded 3–0 vs Zrinjski).

3 In the 2013–14 season, Slavija were deducted 3 points.

4 In the 2019–20 season, Čelik were deducted 3 points (Željezničar were awarded 3–0 vs Čelik).

5 In the 2021–22 season, Velež were deducted 3 points (Borac were awarded 3–0 vs Velež).

6 In the 2023–24 season, Sarajevo were deducted 3 points.


text:
James R. Claiborne

James Robert Claiborne (June 22, 1882 – February 16, 1944) was an American lawyer and politician from St. Louis, Missouri. He represented Missouri in the U.S. House from 1933 until 1937.

Claiborne was born in St. Louis, attended the public schools and was graduated from the law department of the University of Missouri at Columbia in 1907. He was admitted to the bar the same year and commenced practice in St. Louis. He lectured in the law school at St. Louis University for several years.

He was an unsuccessful candidate for judge of the circuit court of the eighth judicial district in 1924; elected as a Democrat to the Seventy-third and Seventy-fourth Congresses. He was an unsuccessful candidate for renomination in 1936; engaged in the practice of law in St. Louis until his death in 1944, and is buried in the Oak Grove Cemetery there.

title: James R. Claiborne


text:
User:Mechonbarsa

Personal Data
Call Sign: Mechón Barsa

Born: November 27, 1977

Profession: Computer Engineer, Universidad de Chile

Job Description: Software Product Manager, Computing Consultant, Web Specialist

Wikipedian since: November 2004

title: User:Mechonbarsa


text:
Talk:James R. Claiborne

Untitled
The text of article was obtained from public domain site. Darwinek 22:10, 6 Feb 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:James R. Claiborne


text:
Talk:H-II Transfer Vehicle

Simplicity
I think that the assumption that the HTV is simpler than the Progress since it performs berthing rather than docking like the Progress is by itself a rather simplistic statement.

The berthing requires station keeping of the HTV in the vicinity of the ISS, which is a risky operation. Grappling of a 15-ton free flying object by the SSRMS is an operation, which has never been attempted before.

It is not comparable to grappling of a satellite by the Shuttle arm, because Shuttle offers direct visibility and more maneuverability than the ISS.

A probable source for this page would be http://www.jaxa.jp/missions/projects/rockets/htv/index_e.html

H-II series
There should be an H-II series article about the program and related rockets. 70.55.89.134 (talk) 07:41, 12 April 2008 (UTC)

NASA Statement on Inaccurate Reports About Japanese Cargo Services
see http://www.nasa.gov/home/hqnews/2008/jul/HQ_08181_HTV_statement.html —Preceding unsigned comment added by 213.249.61.38 (talk) 17:27, 21 July 2008 (UTC)

Need to list volume of craft
Volume is listed on other unmanned re-supply craft's pages. Pressurized: 14m3 Unpressurized: 16m3 Total Volume: 30m3  --Craigboy (talk) 22:08, 14 February 2010 (UTC)
 * Agreed. But that link for the source you gave has gone dead.  If you have a good source so a verifiable citation could be added, you should just add the claim to the article.  Wikipedia works best when everyone is an editor.  Cheers. N2e (talk) 17:17, 15 November 2010 (UTC)

RV variant
according to SpaceflightNow, Japan is considering a re-entry return vehicle variant. 76.66.197.151 (talk) 04:27, 7 September 2010 (UTC)

 * JAXA's study reports on HTV-R in Japanese are here and here. There was a study report on other proposals too, but the link is now broken.
 * --Shinkansen Fan (talk) 02:36, 8 September 2010 (UTC)

MERGE / Rename / Links
The HTV series of spacecraft doesn't appear to have a parent article. If it does, it's not linked very well, I can't find it. Possibly Merging HTV-I and HTV-II articles is a solution to create a parent article for the whole lot. Referring to the HTV is important in other articles. Am I missing anything, is there a parent article ? Penyulap  talk 06:07, 23 June 2011 (UTC)

 * As I understand it, H-II Transfer Vehicle is the parent article for the two vehicle articles, HTV-1 and Kounotori 2. Is that what you asked?
 * I just made a new navigation box which we could consider posting on all three articles, if it helps, at HTV spaceflight.
 * --Hroðulf (or Hrothulf) (Talk) 10:04, 23 June 2011 (UTC)

 * Actually there is already a navigation box that should help readers: H-II Transfer Vehicles. It wasn't on one of the articles, but now is on all three. Perhaps we need something else further up the page: a succession box perhaps. --Hroðulf (or Hrothulf) (Talk) 16:47, 23 June 2011 (UTC)

Info and news
"The ONSP’s logic for re-auditing the HTV-R is harsh. As it is too expensive to commercialize, the H-2B will be ditched as dead once its HTV duties are finished. As the HTV’s only purpose is to service the International Space Station, and Japan must minimize its costs, then logically the HTV, HTV-R and H-2B have no future beyond 2016 and the HTV’s seventh flight. Indeed, one industry source tells Aviation Week that Japan may launch perhaps two, at most, post-2016 missions."

--Craigboy (talk) 03:39, 27 April 2013 (UTC)

Demise of the ATV
With the final flight of the ESA ATV that leaves the HTV as the largest and most capable supply vehicle to ISS, like the ATV was post shuttle. I assume that'll be added to the article after ATV-5 is re-entered and a cinder. Doyna Yar (talk) 03:59, 14 August 2014 (UTC)

Final 4 flights needed for batteries to extend ISS operations
[https://oig.nasa.gov/audits/reports/FY14/IG-14-031.pdf Extending the Operational Life of the International Space Station Until 2024. Sept 2014] on page 29 ("19") says "Battery Replacement Dependent on Japanese Vehicle. Another large set of ORUs that will need replacing to extend ISS operations are the Ni-H2 batteries that provide electricity when the Station is in the eclipse portion of its orbit. The batteries had an expected operational life of 6.5 years, which has been extended to 10 years by reconditioning and lower-than-expected drainage rates. The oldest batteries on Station have been operating since 2006 and the newest since 2010. Accordingly, replacements will be needed to extend ISS operations beyond 2020. NASA plans to replace the Ni-H2 batteries with newly designed Lithium-Ion batteries, which have a greater capacity to store energy. One of the new batteries will replace two Ni-H2 models. NASA plans to deliver 24 of the new batteries in a series of four launches between 2017 and 2020 using Japan’s H-II Transfer Vehicle (HTV). The Japanese provide the HTV to NASA as part of a barter arrangement to offset their portion of ISS operational costs. During the course of this audit, the Japanese verbally agreed to delay two previously scheduled HTV launches to accommodate battery delivery missions in 2016 and 2017 and to fly two additional missions in 2019 and 2020 to transport the remaining batteries. However, NASA officials told us the Japanese are reluctant to continue production of the HTV beyond 2020 because of the high cost of producing and operating the vehicle. With no HTV missions scheduled after 2020, NASA will lose the largest cargo vehicle currently available. Accordingly, if additional radiators and solar arrays are needed, NASA will have to either reduce the size of the ORUs or hope that commercial cargo vessels capable of transporting larger equipment are available" (I dont have Japanese sources to confirm) - Rod57 (talk) 10:58, 5 May 2017 (UTC)

 * Please read H-II_Transfer_Vehicle. --Fukumoto (talk) 14:04, 5 May 2017 (UTC)
 * I have, but why ? Does it confirm or contradict the NASA PDF ? - Rod57 (talk) 07:11, 27 November 2018 (UTC)

Mass at launch
The given source dosn't say anything about mass at launch. I presume this is a sum of spacecraft mass and payload mass. But the source doesn't say whatever 10,5 Mg is a total structural mass or including fuel for spacecraft itself. So launch mass could be higher. Elk Salmon (talk) 11:07, 4 November 2018 (UTC)

 * For your info, H-IIB launch vehicle's launch capability is 16.5 t for the HTV orbit.

Protected during launch by the H2B payload fairing
Looks like it is always protected during launch by the H2B payload fairing - Article could say. - Rod57 (talk) 07:05, 27 November 2018 (UTC)

Cost
Article does not seem to give a cost for HTV. It says HTV-X is intended to reduce cost, but by how much ? - Rod57 (talk) 07:21, 27 November 2018 (UTC)

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the. —Community Tech bot (talk) 15:51, 16 February 2020 (UTC)
 * JAXA HTV-X.jpg

Splitting proposal
I propose that section H-II Transfer Vehicle be split into a separate page called HTV-X. --Fukumoto (talk) 12:45, 4 March 2021 (UTC)

 * Agree with split. Happy to do split. Gusfriend (talk) 07:33, 26 January 2022 (UTC)

 * The split has been completed and is now at HTV-X. Gusfriend (talk) 03:00, 30 January 2022 (UTC)

 * It is somewhat unfortunate timing since the delay of the development of H3 Launch Vehicle was announced recently, we don't know when the HTV-X1 is going to be launched. --Fukumoto (talk) 04:42, 30 January 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:H-II Transfer Vehicle


text:
WVUA-CD

WVUA-CD (channel 7) is a low-power, Class A television station licensed to both Tuscaloosa and Northport, Alabama, United States, affiliated with the classic television network Cozi TV. Owned by the University of Alabama, the station maintains studios and transmitter facilities within the Digital Media Center at Bryant–Denny Stadium on the university's campus in Tuscaloosa.

As WVUA-CD's broadcasting radius does not reach the entire Birmingham–Tuscaloosa–Anniston market, the station's programming is simulcast to the remainder of the area on full-power satellite WVUA (channel 23), which is also licensed to Tuscaloosa with its transmitter located atop Red Mountain, near the southern edge of Birmingham.

In addition to full-power WVUA, WVUA-CD's signal is relayed on low-power digital translator WDVZ-CD (channel 3) in Tuscaloosa.

Overview
Despite being owned by the University of Alabama System, the station is financially independent from the University of Alabama. WVUA is licensed and operates as a commercial television station, and as such, most of its funding is generated from advertising revenue; WVUA/WVUA-CD is one of only two commercial television stations in the United States that is owned by a public institution, alongside University of Missouri-owned NBC affiliate KOMU-TV in Columbia, Missouri. The station has a full-time paid professional staff including station and advertising sales executives, production and news department staff (including anchors, reporters and a news director), and relies heavily on University of Alabama students who act as on-air and production staff, and sales assistants.

History
The station's original construction permit, for operation on UHF channel 49, was issued by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) in 1994 under the call letters W49BO; the permit was held by Krypton Broadcasting, who intended to operate the station as a repeater of Birmingham independent station WABM (channel 68). Channel 49 first signed on the air in 1998 as WJRD-LP, broadcasting on UHF channel 49. It originally operated out of studio facilities located on Jug Factory Road in Tuscaloosa, that formerly housed the operations of WDBB (channel 17) until the shutdown of its news department in December 1995. The station became a charter affiliate of Pax TV (now Ion Television) when the network launched on August 31 of that year; in August 1999, WJRD-LP became the secondary Pax TV outlet for the Birmingham–Tuscaloosa–Anniston market, when the network's parent company Paxson Communications (now Ion Media) converted its CBS affiliate in Gadsden, WNAL-TV (channel 44), into a Pax owned-and-operated station under the callsign WPXH-TV.

The University of Alabama acquired WJRD-LP in 2001, as part of a $1 million gift from the family of Alabama Crimson Tide football coach Paul "Bear" Bryant. Once the donation was finalized, the station moved its operations to the University of Alabama campus. In January 2002, its call letters were changed to WVUA-CA (named after the call letters of the university-owned radio station WVUA-FM (90.7)), after its license was upgraded to Class A status; the station subsequently became an affiliate of America One at that time.

In November 2004, Channel 23 LLC filed an application with the FCC to donate full-power station, WLDM (channel 23), to the university. Shortly after that donation was finalized in March 2005, the station's call letters were changed to WUOA (for the University of Alabama), taken from the original call letters of the university-owned Alabama Public Radio station WUAL-FM (91.5); the University of Alabama then converted WUOA into a full-power satellite station of WVUA-CA in order to extend its signal deeper into most of the Birmingham market. In 2006, satellite providers Dish Network and DirecTV both began carrying WVUA-CA as part of their respective lineups of Birmingham area broadcast television stations.

In November 2008, WVUA-CA became a part-time affiliate of This TV, while continuing to carry syndicated programming and local newscasts to fill certain time slots during which the station does not air the network's programs (this results in periodic scheduling issues due to the network's movie-dominant schedule, as some films run into time slots where WVUA-CD runs syndicated programs depending on their length or scheduled airtime). Since the station did not carry all of This TV's programming on its main channel nor on one of its subchannels, WVUA-CD was the largest part-time affiliate by market size that did not carry the network's full schedule.

On May 8, 2015, the call sign of the full-power satellite station was changed from WUOA to WVUA. On June 3, 2015, WVUA-CA was granted a license to operate a digital signal on UHF channel 23, and amended its call letters to WVUA-CD.

In October 2020, WVUA's primary affiliation was with Cozi TV. This TV is now on the station's third subchannel.

Programming
WVUA carries Cozi TV part-time on its main channel, running only the network's overnight films and classic television programs, and daytime and early prime time films, with a more limited schedule on Saturdays and Sundays due to its carriage of syndicated and university-related sports programs.

Through its ownership by the University of Alabama, the station also carries most team-related magazine programs focused on the Alabama Crimson Tide (which are mainly produced by the university's commercial television production unit, Crimson Tide Productions), including the team's football coach's show The Nick Saban Show and the sports talk shows Tide TV This Week and Tider Insider.

News operation
Unlike most low-power or Class A television stations, WVUA-CD produces its own local newscasts, consisting solely of early-evening newscasts on Monday through Friday nights and a late-evening 10 p.m. newscast seven nights a week. The station presently broadcasts $8 1/2$ hours of locally produced newscasts each week (with $1 1/2$ hours each weekday, and a half-hour each on Saturdays and Sundays).

The station's news department began operations at WVUA-CD's sign-on in 1998, providing local news coverage to west-central Alabama for the first time since WDBB and WCFT-TV (channel 33, now WSES) shifted focus to the Birmingham area during the mid-1990s (the latter being a byproduct of WBRC's conversion into a Fox owned-and-operated station, which resulted in WCFT taking over the market's ABC affiliation as part of the "ABC 33/40" trimulcast arrangement involving Birmingham-based W58CK (channel 58, now WBMA-LD) and Anniston-based WJSU-TV (channel 40, now WGWW) in September 1996).

Approximately 80% of the staff employed with the station is made up of University of Alabama students, working in either paid or unpaid positions, with its operations drawing on the resources of the Department of Journalism and Creative Media of the University of Alabama College of Communication and Information Sciences; the remainder consists of non-student staff hired by the university. Students are involved in all aspects of the newsgathering and production process, with much of its reporting and most behind-the-scenes staff consisting of students in the Department of Journalism and Creative Media.

From its inception in 2002 until 2014, the station's operations were originally housed in the basement area of Reese-Phifer Hall. On June 12, 2012, WVUA began broadcasting portions of its local newscasts, particularly weather segments, in high definition. In April 2014, WVUA/WUOA migrated its operations into the newly completed Digital Media Center at Bryant–Denny Stadium.

Subchannels
The stations' signals are multiplexed:

Analog-to-digital conversion
Because it was granted an original construction permit after the FCC finalized the DTV channel allotment plan on April 21, 1997, the then-WUOA did not receive a companion channel for a digital television station. Instead, on June 12, 2009, the end of the conversion period from analog to digital transmissions for full-power television stations in the United States, WUOA was required to turn off its analog signal and flash-cut its digital signal into operation. The university was granted a construction permit for WUOA to move to channel 6, using virtual channel 23.

title: WVUA-CD


text: User talk:67.1.179.2

title: User talk:67.1.179.2


text:
Heide Rühle

Heide Rühle (born 5 November 1948, in Heilbronn) is a German politician and former Member of the European Parliament for Alliance '90/The Greens, part of the European Greens.

title: Heide Rühle


text: User talk:69.214.225.10

title: User talk:69.214.225.10


text: Category:Professional boxing organizations


text:
User:Chairos

I am an unemployed 24 year old writer from Tyler, Texas, USA.

Chairos
I'm currently writing a book entitled 'Chairos', hence the name. It is a gothic fantasy that takes place in an alternate mythological Greece. Most notably my book is an attempt to incorporate various mythologies into one tale of [Alchemy], [Greek Mythology], [Japanese Folklore], [Christian Demonology], and [Shamanism].

Greek Mythological Figures in 'Chairos'
[Hermes] [Hecate] [Circe] [Medea] [Selene] [Helios] [Taygete] [Chione] [Orithyia] [Boreas]

Demons in 'Chairos'
[Incubus] [Belial] [Eligos]

Races in 'Chairos'
[Harpy] [Gorgon] [Minotaur] [Satyr] [Nymph] [Vampire] [Hobgoblin]

Magic in 'Chairos'
[Alchemy] [Shamanism] [Necromancy] [Tarot]

"Tread softly because you tread on my dreams" - W.B.Yeats

title: User:Chairos


text: User talk:129.170.91.159

title: User talk:129.170.91.159


text:
User talk:Mrichman

Welcome!

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, you can sign your name on Talk and vote pages using three tildes, like this: ~~~. Four tildes (~~~~) produces your name and the current date. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Again, welcome!
 * How to edit a page
 * Editing, policy, conduct, and structure tutorial
 * Picture tutorial
 * How to write a great article
 * Naming conventions
 * Manual of Style

In addition, notable or not, could you please not create articles about yourself on wikipedia? I have moved the article you created about yourself to User:Mrichman. -- Francs2000 | Talk 20:17, 6 Feb 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Mrichman