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Interstate 395 (Maryland)

Interstate 395 (I-395) is an auxiliary Interstate Highway in the US state of Maryland. Known as Cal Ripken Way, the highway runs 1.98 mi from I-95 north to Howard Street and Camden Street in Downtown Baltimore, where it provides access to the Inner Harbor and the Baltimore Convention Center. The Interstate also serves the Camden Yards Sports Complex, which contains M&T Bank Stadium and Oriole Park at Camden Yards, homes of the Baltimore Ravens and Baltimore Orioles, respectively. I-395 also serves as the southern terminus of Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard, an urban arterial that provides a western bypass of Downtown Baltimore and connects I-95 with U.S. Route 40 (US 40), US 1, and I-83. The Interstate is maintained by the Maryland Transportation Authority (MDTA) and, like all Interstates, is a part of the National Highway System.

Route description
I-395 begins at a directional T interchange with I-95 that is entirely elevated above the Middle Branch of the Patapsco River, an estuary that receives Gwynns Falls just west of the interchange. The two-lane ramps from northbound I-95 to northbound I-395 and southbound I-395 to southbound I-95 pass over ramps from southbound I-95 to the southbound Baltimore–Washington Parkway and from the northbound parkway to northbound I-95. The one-lane ramp from southbound I-395 to northbound I-95 splits from the southbound I-95 ramp where the Interstate becomes a viaduct over land. I-395, which carries six lanes, passes to the west of the Federal Hill neighborhood and to the east of M&T Bank Stadium and begins to parallel Maryland Transit Administration's Baltimore Light RailLink and CSX Transportation's Baltimore Terminal Subdivision railroad line, which carries MARC Train's Camden Line.

East of the stadium, two-lane flyover ramps from northbound I-395 to Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard and from the boulevard to southbound I-395 leave and join the mainline. I-395 curves to due north as a four-lane freeway that gains one additional lane in each direction as the viaduct ends and the highway approaches its signed, limited access terminus at Conway Street adjacent to Camden Station, the northern terminus of the Camden Line. The train station is just to the east of the Baltimore & Ohio Warehouse at Camden Yards, which is just to the east of the Oriole Park at Camden Yards. Conway Street heads east toward Light Street and the Inner Harbor. I-395 officially continues one block north along the western edge of the Baltimore Convention Center to a northern terminus at Camden Street adjacent to Sports Legends Museum at Camden Yards, which is in the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad's original Camden Station building. The roadway continues north as Howard Street through Downtown Baltimore.

History
In 1969, the Design Concept Team, a multidiscipline group assembled in 1966 by the city government to help design freeway routings that would not disrupt the city's fabric, published the Baltimore 3-A Interstate and Boulevard System. In the 3-A system, I-395 was planned as a freeway spur from I-95 to the south edge of the central business district, connecting to a new route named Harbor City Boulevard (now known as Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard). As routed in the 3-A System, I-95 would act as a bypass of the central business district, with I-395 providing direct access. On May 30, 2008, the Eastern Branch was officially dedicated for Cal Ripken Jr., the Hall of Fame baseball player who played for the Baltimore Orioles from 1981 to 2001 and was elected to the Baseball Hall of Fame in 2007. The Eastern Branch is now called Cal Ripken Way from I-95 to Conway Street.

Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard

Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard, a related road, is a 2.5 mi controlled-access boulevard that passes along the west side of Downtown Baltimore. The boulevard begins at a partial interchange with I-395 south of downtown and ends at Howard and Chase streets north of downtown. The first 0.65 mi of Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard, from I-395 to Russell Street, is unsigned I-395A and is maintained by MDTA. The remainder of the highway from Russell Street to Howard Street is maintained by the Baltimore City Department of Transportation. The boulevard is a part of the National Highway System between I-395 and US 40.

Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard begins as a pair of two-lane freeway ramps to and from southbound I-395 and northbound I-395, respectively. Before the northbound ramp crosses I-395, an exit ramp splits from the main flyover for Lee Street, which leads to Russell Street and parking for M&T Bank Stadium and the Oriole Park at Camden Yards. The boulevard curves to the west, crosses over the Baltimore Terminal Subdivision and Baltimore Light Rail lines, and passes between the two stadiums. Each direction of Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard receives a ramp from northbound Russell Street before it crosses over the state highway. At the west end of the bridge over Russell Street, maintenance changes from state to city. The boulevard curves northwest and the southbound direction has an exit ramp for southbound Russell Street before the freeway section ends at a signalized intersection with Washington Boulevard.

Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard continues as a six-lane controlled-access boulevard. The boulevard passes between the Pigtown neighborhood to the west and Ridgely's Delight on the east. The highway veers north at Lombard Street and passes along Old Saint Paul's Cemetery, which is adjacent to the University of Maryland, Baltimore, campus. Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard has intersections with Franklin and Mulberry streets, which act as the ramps of a diamond interchange with a short freeway segment of US 40 that was formerly I-170. North of US 40, the boulevard passes Perkins Square Gazebo as it curves northeast. Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard has intersections with Druid Hill Avenue and McCulloh Street, which form the southbound and northbound directions, respectively, of Maryland Route 129 (MD 129). The boulevard passes to the east of State Center, a collection of state office buildings, before intersecting Howard Street at the northern end of that street's integration with the Baltimore Light Rail. At Howard Street, Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard splits into separate roadways that rejoin at their five-way intersection with Park Avenue, which is one-way northbound, and Chase Street, which is one-way westbound. The boulevard continues one more block to its official northern terminus next to the Joseph Meyerhoff Symphony Hall; this intersection's west leg is an east-heading disjoint segment of Park Avenue and its east leg is one-way eastbound Biddle Street (which is paired with the westbound-running Preston Street in this area).

The Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard-initiated arterial route continues north along a four-lane undivided, two-block disjoint segment of Cathedral Street separate from the portion of Cathedral Street that complements Charles Street to the south. Cathedral Street reaches its northern terminus at an intersection with Mount Royal Avenue between the former Mount Royal Station of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad to the west and the Lyric Performing Arts Center to the east. One direction of Mount Royal Avenue, a four-lane boulevard, heads east through the University of Baltimore campus before paralleling I-83 to its eastern terminus at Guilford Avenue. The arterial follows Mount Royal Avenue northwest, intersects the light rail at-grade, crosses over Howard Street, and passes along the northeast side of the Bolton Hill neighborhood. Mount Royal Avenue reaches its western terminus at US 1 and US 40 Truck (North Avenue) at their interchange with I-83 (Jones Falls Expressway). North of here, Mount Royal Terrace runs one way alongside the southbound side of I-83, between Druid Park Lake Drive and North Avenue; it is complemented by a northbound collector-distributor road on I-83 that connects to eastbound 28th Street and westbound Druid Park Lake Drive.

title: Interstate 395 (Maryland)


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Monge (crater)

Monge is a lunar impact crater that lies along the southwestern edge of the Mare Fecunditatis. It was named after French mathematician Gaspard Monge. The outer rim is somewhat irregular in shape, with an outward bulge to the east and smaller bulges to the north and northwest. The interior floor is somewhat irregular in the eastern half, and there are accumulations along the bases of the sloping interior walls. The nearest named crater is Cook to the northeast, while the larger Santbech is located to the west-southwest.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Monge (crater)


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Make Poverty History

Make Poverty History were organizations in a number of countries, which focused on issues relating to 8th Millennium Development Goal such as aid, trade and justice. They generally formed a coalition of aid and development agencies which worked together to raise awareness of global poverty and achieve policy change by governments. The movement has existed in Australia, Canada, Denmark, Finland, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, Romania, South Africa, Ireland, the United Arab Emirates, the United States of America, and the United Kingdom. The various national campaigns were part of the international Global Call to Action Against Poverty campaign.

British and Irish campaign

The Make Poverty History campaign in Great Britain and Ireland is a coalition of charities, religious groups, trade unions, campaigning groups and celebrities who mobilise around Britain's prominence in world politics, as of 2005, to increase awareness and pressure governments into taking actions towards relieving absolute poverty. The symbol of the campaign is a white "awareness bracelet" made of cotton or silicone. Usually, on the band the words would be written in black, with the "Poverty" word a lighter shade. A "virtual" white band was also available to be displayed on websites.

Television advertisements ran for many months, urging people to speak to their representatives about stopping poverty. However, the Office of Communications (Ofcom) banned the ads, deciding that the ads were "wholly or mainly political" in nature, since they aimed to "achieve important changes".

The three demands of the campaign were: None of these aims were new (there were many attempts over the preceding decades to promote them), but the scale of the 2005 campaign dwarfed previous efforts.
 * "Trade Justice"
 * Drop the debt
 * More and "better" aid

On January 31, 2006, the majority of the members of the campaign passed a resolution to disband the organisation, arguing that the British coalition had only agreed to come together formally for a limited lifespan, to correspond with Britain holding the presidency of the EU and G8. Approximately forty groups argued against the dissolution.

On January 23, 2013, the Enough Food For Everyone IF campaign was launched, by a group of over 100 aid organisations and religious groups. Sometimes called Make Poverty History 2, or simply the IF campaign, the new undertaking is the biggest of its kind since the original make poverty history campaign of 2005. It coincides with Britain once again assuming presidency of the G8. The central theme of the campaign concerns ending hunger, with four strands aimed at tackling the root causes:

The launch of the campaign was welcomed by Britain's prime minister David Cameron, and supported by international figures such as Bill Gates and Archbishop Desmond Tutu. On June 8, the IF campaign mobilized about 45,000 people to demonstrate in Hyde Park, while a hunger summit underway elsewhere in London saw £2.7 billion in new commitments made to tackle hunger. Speaking on the eve of the June 2013 G8 summit at Lough Erne, the Archbishop of York delivered a message on behalf of the IF campaign, calling on world leaders to take substantive action to relieve hunger, saying it is a scandal that malnutrition is allowed to lead to the death of a child every ten seconds.
 * the need for wealthy nations to keep their promises on aid.
 * the need to combat tax avoidance.
 * the need to combat land grabs
 * the need for greater transparency from governments and large corporations, concerning their actions that impact on hunger.

The IF campaign coalition commissioned an external evaluation of the campaign. The evaluation report assesses progress against objectives and captures learnings for future work.

Events
Make Poverty History set out a timescale revolving around the 31st G8 summit in Gleneagles, Scotland on July 6, 2005.

The campaign was given a high-profile launch on British television on New Year's Day 2005 in a special edition of The Vicar of Dibley, written by Richard Curtis, who pledged support for the campaign during 2005. The same issues were highlighted in Curtis' television drama The Girl in the Café, in an episode broadcast on June 25 on the BBC One channel in the UK on the HBO channel in the U.S. and on ABC TV in Australia.

 * Britain assumed presidency of the G8 on January 1, 2005, and hosted the summit with poverty in Africa being, at least nominally, a major topic for discussion.
 * The Commission for Africa, launched by Tony Blair in February 2004, aimed to help create a strong and prosperous Africa. Their report, published in March 2005, was a focal point for the British presidency of the G8.
 * In the second half of 2005, Britain held the EU presidency.
 * July 1, 2005, was the first international "White Band Day", a worldwide day of action.
 * July 2 – Over 225,000 protesters demonstrated in Edinburgh to promote the campaign's demands. On the same day, the Live 8 concerts took place before the G8 summit to encourage activism and debate within the G8 member countries, with the aim of increasing political pressure on the leaders.
 * July 3 – boats set off to Cherbourg in France to pick up protesters as part of Sail 8
 * July 6 – The final Live 8 concert, named Edinburgh 50,000 – The Final Push rocks Edinburgh in the final strike to persuade G8 Leaders to double aid in Africa. Demonstrators walked overnight up to 20 miles to reach Gleneagles as the A8 had been closed.
 * The 20th anniversary of Live Aid was on July 13, 2005.
 * September 10 was the second international "White Band Day".
 * The United Nations General Assembly Special Summit on the Millennium Development Goals, September 2005. This summit reviewed the progress since 2000 of the Millennium Development Goals, including halving the proportion of people living in poverty by 2015.
 * December 10 was the third international "White Band Day".

Member organizations
The British campaign had over 540 member organisations including many faith groups, trade unions and charities. It was coordinated by British Overseas NGOs for Development (Bond).

Whilst the anti-war group CND was a member, the Stop the War Coalition (StWC) asked to join but was refused. Make Poverty History's governing body, the coordination team, cited the substantial political party affiliations of the governing body of StWC as the primary reason. They also gave the grounds that the issues of economic justice are separate from those of Iraq War, and STWC participation in Edinburgh on July 2 would confuse the message. In a highly critical article in Red Pepper magazine, Stuart Hodkinson asserted that this was ironic since Oxfam a member of the coordination team "is currently leading a worldwide campaign for an international arms treaty on the basis that uncontrolled arms fuels poverty and suffering."

The movement was characterised by rifts between Oxfam and the other participating organisations, partly over tactics and partly due to concerns that Oxfam was too close to Tony Blair and New Labour.

Canadian campaign
The Canadian Make Poverty History campaign was launched in February 2005 by a coalition coordinated by Gerry Barr, President and CEO of the Canadian Council for International Co-operation. The campaign is supported by a coalition of charities, trade unions, faith groups, students, academics, literary, artistic and sports leaders such as actor Mary Walsh, musician Tom Cochrane, Olympian Anna van der Kamp, actors Roy Dupuis and Pascale Montpetit, and United Nations special envoy Stephen Lewis.

Make Poverty History has four main objectives in Canada:
 * More and better foreign aid
 * Trade justice
 * Cancellation of all debts owed by poor countries to developed countries like Canada
 * Elimination of child poverty in Canada

The French-language version of the Make Poverty History is "Abolissons La Pauvreté". While this literally translates to "let's abolish poverty", neither the English- nor French-language versions of the Canadian campaign should be confused with End Poverty Now. The former represents the Canadian Make Poverty History campaign; the latter is a stand-alone organization that, while remaining affiliated with the campaign, was created independently by a small grouping of MPH Canada's member base.
 * See related article, Poverty in Canada

US "ONE" Campaign
In April 2005, a commercial began airing in the United States with several celebrities in black and white stating the pledge of the American ONE Campaign, their version of Make Poverty History. The commercial featured 33 celebrities and personalities; names as diverse as religious leaders Pat Robertson and Frank Griswold; singers including Bono, P. Diddy, Mos Def and Jewel; and various actors including Brad Pitt, Susan Sarandon, Al Pacino and Antonio Banderas. At the end, Tom Hanks states, "We're not asking for your money. We're asking for your voice."

The general goals of the ONE campaign in the United States are to end extreme poverty, hunger and AIDS.

The founding sponsors of ONE are Bread for the World, CARE, DATA, International Medical Corps, International Rescue Committee, Mercy Corps, Oxfam America, Plan USA, Save the Children US, World Concern, and World Vision. They have strong ties with the NBA, MTV's Rock the Vote, and the United Nations Millennium Campaign.

Norwegian campaign
The Norwegian campaign was started by Norwegian Church Aid on June 9. Haakon Magnus, Crown Prince of Norway and Kjell Magne Bondevik are some of the celebrities in Norway that wear a white Make Poverty History band.

The three demands of the Norwegian campaign are:
 * "Trade justice"
 * Drop the debt
 * More and "better" aid

The shops in Norway that sell Make Poverty history bands are Cubus and Dressman, two Norwegian clothing shops.

Nigerian campaign
The Nigerian campaign was started by Gospel to the Poor Agency on October 18, 2007, as a public action at their 7th annual anti-poverty rally called Walk4Jesus.

Walk4Jesus is the largest youth anti-poverty rally in Nigeria, where more than 7 million campaigners participated in StandUp Against Extreme Poverty. Gospel to the Poor Agency jumpstarted the Make Poverty History campaign in Nigeria which led to the official registration of the Make Poverty History Initiative in Nigeria as an NGO by April 2008. Aligning with the Global Call to Action against Poverty (GCAP) and the United Nations Millennium Campaign (UNMC), the Make Poverty History Initiative brought more than 350 organizations, faith groups, churches, youths, civil societies and NGOs across Africa that keep the MDGs Campaign and advocacy a formidable coalition in Africa. The same year, Make Poverty History Nigeria led the largest campaign in Nigeria at the StandUp Against Poverty Campaign with a 10,000 man march to the governor's office in Lagos, Alausa to demand the fulfillment of the MDGs.

In 2019, Make Poverty History Initiative Country Director Joseph O. Peters initiated remarkable programs and impactful projects that facilitated the MDGs – most especially Goal 1, 2, 3 and 7 through community-based development programmes, skill and business development training, massive advocacy for human capital development in Africa, and partnerships to sponsor the education of hundreds of impoverished schoolchildren – known as Project Eduguide. Nigeria has 13.5 million children out of school.

Australian campaign
The Australian campaign is coordinated by the Australian Council for International Development (ACFID) and is a coalition of more than 60 member organisations, drawn mainly from the Non Government Aid and development sector, including World Vision, Oxfam, Caritas, The Oaktree Foundation and Engineers Without Borders.

In November 2006, Melbourne hosted the Make Poverty History Concert to align with the G20 Summit. Since then, the Make Poverty History campaign has continued to create awareness for the need for increased overseas aid and greater measures of effectiveness, through the yearly Stand Up Against Poverty campaign, as well as major campaigns for the federal elections in 2007 and 2010, including Make Poverty History Roadtrips.

They also continue to incite social mobilisation among people in Australia, often being present at social and music events such as Falls Festival and Big Day Out, as well as having a great range of opportunities to organise their own campaigning events.

Criticisms
Some critics, such as Theodore Dalrymple, allege that debt relief and aid are used to fund lavish lifestyles for the ruling class (although efforts are made to exclude these countries from the G8 debt relief).

Other critics were Mariéme Jamme of Africa gathering and Dambisa Moyo. Moyo argues that a campaign to reduce poverty in Africa should be undertaken by Africans, and the Make Poverty History was not, thereby undermining the leadership of African rulers.

Others were critical of the ending of the Make Poverty History coalition; the academic Alex Callinicos wrote in the Socialist Worker newspaper that "disbanding of MPH has a lot to do with the interests of the big NGOs that dominated it" and that "scrapping MPH was an utterly shameful decision. It can only promote the belief that those who currently dominate the world are benevolent figures who will, with a few pushes from below, continue to take 'small steady steps forwards'".

Some criticism also emerged from the campaign's wristbands, specifically from the fact that some of these were proven to have been produced by forced labourers in Chinese sweatshops.

title: Make Poverty History


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Volatility smile

Volatility smiles are implied volatility patterns that arise in pricing financial options. It is a parameter (implied volatility) that is needed to be modified for the Black–Scholes formula to fit market prices. In particular for a given expiration, options whose strike price differs substantially from the underlying asset's price command higher prices (and thus implied volatilities) than what is suggested by standard option pricing models. These options are said to be either deep in-the-money or out-of-the-money.

Graphing implied volatilities against strike prices for a given expiry produces a skewed "smile" instead of the expected flat surface. The pattern differs across various markets. Equity options traded in American markets did not show a volatility smile before the Crash of 1987 but began showing one afterwards. It is believed that investor reassessments of the probabilities of fat-tail have led to higher prices for out-of-the-money options. This anomaly implies deficiencies in the standard Black–Scholes option pricing model which assumes constant volatility and log-normal distributions of underlying asset returns. Empirical asset returns distributions, however, tend to exhibit fat-tails (kurtosis) and skew. Modelling the volatility smile is an active area of research in quantitative finance, and better pricing models such as the stochastic volatility model partially address this issue.

A related concept is that of term structure of volatility, which describes how (implied) volatility differs for related options with different maturities. An implied volatility surface is a 3-D plot that plots volatility smile and term structure of volatility in a consolidated three-dimensional surface for all options on a given underlying asset.

Implied volatility
In the Black–Scholes model, the theoretical value of a vanilla option is a monotonic increasing function of the volatility of the underlying asset. This means it is usually possible to compute a unique implied volatility from a given market price for an option. This implied volatility is best regarded as a rescaling of option prices which makes comparisons between different strikes, expirations, and underlyings easier and more intuitive.

When implied volatility is plotted against strike price, the resulting graph is typically downward sloping for equity markets, or valley-shaped for currency markets. For markets where the graph is downward sloping, such as for equity options, the term "volatility skew" is often used. For other markets, such as FX options or equity index options, where the typical graph turns up at either end, the more familiar term "volatility smile" is used. For example, the implied volatility for upside (i.e. high strike) equity options is typically lower than for at-the-money equity options. However, the implied volatilities of options on foreign exchange contracts tend to rise in both the downside and upside directions. In equity markets, a small tilted smile is often observed near the money as a kink in the general downward sloping implicit volatility graph. Sometimes the term "smirk" is used to describe a skewed smile.

Market practitioners use the term implied-volatility to indicate the volatility parameter for ATM (at-the-money) option. Adjustments to this value are undertaken by incorporating the values of Risk Reversal and Flys (Skews) to determine the actual volatility measure that may be used for options with a delta which is not 50.

Formula

 * $$\operatorname{Call}x = \mathrm{ATM} + 0.5\operatorname{RR}x + \operatorname{Fly}x$$

 * $$\operatorname{Put}x = \mathrm{ATM} - 0.5 \operatorname{RR}x + \operatorname{Fly}x$$

where:

 * $$\operatorname{Call}x$$ is the implied volatility at which the x%-delta call is trading in the market
 * $$\operatorname{Put}x$$ is the implied volatility of the x%-delta put
 * ATM is the At-The-Money Forward vol at which ATM Calls and Puts are trading in the market
 * $$\operatorname{RR}x = \operatorname{Call}x - \operatorname{Put}x$$
 * $$\operatorname{Fly}x = 0.5(\operatorname{Call}x + \operatorname{Put}x) - \mathrm{ATM}$$

Risk reversals are generally quoted as x% delta risk reversal and essentially is Long x% delta call, and short x% delta put.

Butterfly, on the other hand, is a strategy consisting of: −y% delta fly which mean Long y% delta call, Long y% delta put, short one ATM call and short one ATM put (small hat shape).

Implied volatility and historical volatility
It is helpful to note that implied volatility is related to historical volatility, but the two are distinct. Historical volatility is a direct measure of the movement of the underlying’s price (realized volatility) over recent history (e.g. a trailing 21-day period). Implied volatility, in contrast, is determined by the market price of the derivative contract itself, and not the underlying. Therefore, different derivative contracts on the same underlying have different implied volatilities as a function of their own supply and demand dynamics. For instance, the IBM call option, strike at $100 and expiring in 6 months, may have an implied volatility of 18%, while the put option strike at $105 and expiring in 1 month may have an implied volatility of 21%. At the same time, the historical volatility for IBM for the previous 21 day period might be 17% (all volatilities are expressed in annualized percentage moves).

Term structure of volatility
For options of different maturities, we also see characteristic differences in implied volatility. However, in this case, the dominant effect is related to the market's implied impact of upcoming events. For instance, it is well-observed that realized volatility for stock prices rises significantly on the day that a company reports its earnings. Correspondingly, we see that implied volatility for options will rise during the period prior to the earnings announcement, and then fall again as soon as the stock price absorbs the new information. Options that mature earlier exhibit a larger swing in implied volatility (sometimes called "vol of vol") than options with longer maturities.

Other option markets show other behavior. For instance, options on commodity futures typically show increased implied volatility just prior to the announcement of harvest forecasts. Options on US Treasury Bill futures show increased implied volatility just prior to meetings of the Federal Reserve Board (when changes in short-term interest rates are announced).

The market incorporates many other types of events into the term structure of volatility. For instance, the impact of upcoming results of a drug trial can cause implied volatility swings for pharmaceutical stocks. The anticipated resolution date of patent litigation can impact technology stocks, etc.

Volatility term structures list the relationship between implied volatilities and time to expiration. The term structures provide another method for traders to gauge cheap or expensive options.

Implied volatility surface
It is often useful to plot implied volatility as a function of both strike price and time to maturity. The result is a two-dimensional curved surface plotted in three dimensions whereby the current market implied volatility (z-axis) for all options on the underlying is plotted against the price (y-axis) and time to maturity (x-axis "DTM"). This defines the absolute implied volatility surface; changing coordinates so that the price is replaced by delta yields the relative implied volatility surface.

The implied volatility surface simultaneously shows both volatility smile and term structure of volatility. Option traders use an implied volatility plot to quickly determine the shape of the implied volatility surface, and to identify any areas where the slope of the plot (and therefore relative implied volatilities) seems out of line.

The graph shows an implied volatility surface for all the put options on a particular underlying stock price. The z-axis represents implied volatility in percent, and x and y axes represent the option delta, and the days to maturity. Note that to maintain put–call parity, a 20 delta put must have the same implied volatility as an 80 delta call. For this surface, we can see that the underlying symbol has both volatility skew (a tilt along the delta axis), as well as a volatility term structure indicating an anticipated event in the near future.

Evolution: Sticky
An implied volatility surface is static: it describes the implied volatilities at a given moment in time. How the surface changes as the spot changes is called the evolution of the implied volatility surface.

Common heuristics include:
 * "sticky strike" (or "sticky-by-strike", or "stick-to-strike"): if spot changes, the implied volatility of an option with a given absolute strike does not change.
 * "sticky moneyness" (aka, "sticky delta"; see moneyness for why these are equivalent terms): if spot changes, the implied volatility of an option with a given moneyness (delta) does not change. (Delta means here "Delta Volatility Adjustment", not Delta as Greek. In other words, relative volatility adjustment to ATM strike volatility which always set to be 100% moneyness as closest to the current underlying asset price and 0 for delta volatility adjustment.)

So if spot moves from $100 to $120, sticky strike would predict that the implied volatility of a $120 strike option would be whatever it was before the move (though it has moved from being OTM to ATM), while sticky delta would predict that the implied volatility of the $120 strike option would be whatever the $100 strike option's implied volatility was before the move (as these are both ATM at the time).

Modeling volatility
Methods of modelling the volatility smile include stochastic volatility models and local volatility models. For a discussion as to the various alternate approaches developed here, see and.

title: Volatility smile


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Interstate 395 (Maine)

Interstate 395 (I-395) is a 4.99 mi auxiliary Interstate Highway in the U.S. state of Maine. The western terminus of the route is at a cloverleaf interchange with I-95 near downtown Bangor, where I-395 continues west as US Route 2 (US 2) and State Route 100 (SR 100). The eastern terminus is at US 1A in Brewer.

Route description
I-395 begins as an extension of Hammond Street at an at-grade intersection with US 2 and SR 100 on the south side of Bangor International Airport. US 2 and SR 100 turn north from the intersection onto Odlin Road, while I-395 reaches a cloverleaf interchange with its parent route, I-95, immediately to the east. The four-lane freeway is joined by SR 15 and travels east around the south side of Bangor, also becoming concurrent with US 202 near the Beal University campus. I-395 then intersects Main Street, carrying US 1A and US 202, near the Cross Insurance Center on the west side of the Penobscot River.

The freeway crosses the Penobscot River on the Veterans Remembrance Bridge, which carries four through lanes and two auxiliary lanes from Bangor to Brewer. SR 15 leaves I-395 at a junction on the east bank of the river, while the freeway continues southeast through the outskirts of Brewer. I-395 travels into the rural outskirts of the Bangor area and turns northeastward to terminate at a partial cloverleaf interchange with Wilson Street (part of US 1A) east of Brewer. US 1A continues southeast towards the Down East region of the state, serving Ellsworth and several coastal towns.

The freeway primarily serves as a bypass of Bangor and Brewer for travelers wishing to access the Down East/Bar Harbor region of Maine. It also connects I-95 to the region via US 1A. It is designated by the Maine state government as part of Highway Corridor Priority 1, which includes all Interstate Highways in the state as well as other important roads. Traffic volumes on the highway, measured in terms of annual average daily traffic by the Maine Department of Transportation (MaineDOT), ranged in 2017 from a minimum of 8,470 vehicles near its eastern terminus to a maximum of 17,090 vehicles on the Veterans Remembrance Bridge.

History
I-395 was originally named the Bangor Industrial Spur and was intended to relieve traffic on Hammond and Union streets in the city's industrial area. Construction began on December 2, 1957, and was part of a larger project to construct I-95 around Bangor. The first section of the highway, from Hammond Street to Main Street in southern Bangor, opened on September 24, 1959, and was formally dedicated on October 29. It was the first Interstate Highway to be completed with federal funding under the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956 and cost an estimated $3.79 million (equivalent to $ in ) to construct.

The 1550 ft Veterans Remembrance Bridge, connecting Bangor to Brewer over the Penobscot River, was dedicated on November 11, 1986. It was designated in 1985 by the state legislature following disagreements between local groups over which person or war should be honored by the name. The extension of I-395 over the bridge and through Brewer to Wilson Street (US 1A) opened to traffic on November 17. During its first days of public use, the Brewer section was targeted for speed enforcement due to its 55 mph speed limit and low traffic.

Future
Plans to extend I-395 to connect it to SR 9 began as early as 2001. In February 2008, MaineDOT suggested five possible routes to extend I-395 to SR 9, with two in particular designated as "State's Choice" and "Holden's Choice". The state's choice route would cut through the middle of Holden and connect to SR 9 in east Eddington; Holden's choice would run along the Brewer–Holden border and join SR 9 earlier. Since then, the state eliminated the "State's Choice" route and began work on the "Holden's Choice" route, designated 2B-2. Despite all three affected communities issuing resolutions in 2014 opposing this route, the state went forward with the project as a super two rerouting of SR 9. Design completed in 2021, and construction commenced in 2022.

title: Interstate 395 (Maine)


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Category:Auxiliary Interstate Highways

 * In this category, the Interstate highways are listed in numerical order, based on the last two digits and then the first digit.

title: Category:Auxiliary Interstate Highways


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Talk:Texas panhandle

Entomology
How is a square section of a state considered a pan handle? Ought not the region be called the pot? or something like "the area below Oklahoma's panhandle?" Perhaps Texas has an interesting claim to the originals of why it is the panhandle? Perhaps not? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.230.145.35 (talk) 06:44, 14 September 2013 (UTC)
 * The Texas Panhandle's aspect ratio isn't quite as extreme as those of Oklahoma or Florida or Alaska, but it is still a narrower, roughly rectangular protrusion from a wider, more rounded central body of land, and thus a panhandle. (Nebraska's even has an aspect ratio below unity, but is still a panhandle.) -Bryanrutherford0 (talk) 18:02, 8 April 2015 (UTC)

Untitled
This needs a list of counties. Morwen - Talk 17:04, 21 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Act of Accession
This bit repeats a misconception about Texas. The Constitution allows ANY state to subdivide under certain circumstances. Indeed, the act of accession states that subdivision shall comply with the requirements of the constitution. Perhaps the only difference between Texas and other states is that Texas is limited to five subdivisions whereas there is no such limitation on other states. Acsenray 16:03, 6 January 2006 (UTC)

Can you cite the part of the Constitution that allows for that? JustSayin 01:01, 6 March 2006 (UTC)

 * Article IV, Section 3 "New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new States shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress." Implication being that with the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as Congress these new States may be formed. I suppose the difference is that in the case of Texas, Congressional consent has already been granted (for up to five) so would require only the consent of the Texas legislature. ArtIV, Sec3 on WikiSource Mr Weeble  Talk  tv 11:11, 2 April 2007 (UTC)

Southern boundary
In the current revision it is stated that the southern boundary of Swisher County is regarded as the southern boundary of the region. While I have no doubt that this is true, why would Swisher County be singled out, as the five other counties have the same southern boundary as far as I can see? Backspace 05:32, 26 April 2007 (UTC) For smart people only

Counties And Cities
There is a missing county/city. Lubbock is a a big part of The Texan Panhandle. It is a county for several cities and has 2 colleges in its county. It should either be emmited as a county or city.

"State of Jefferson"?
The "State of Jefferson" refers to a proposal to unite southern Oregon and northern California. Official Jefferson State Website. Not the texas panhandle. Deleted. Psydude (talk) 19:46, 21 September 2008 (UTC)
 * I added a citation to the Handbook of Texas that describes the historical context of the "State of Jefferson" with respect to Texas. Greydream (talk) 18:49, 10 January 2009 (UTC)

Major Cities
I see a long list of major cities listed in this article, and looked at one. It had a population of 3,000. How can a town that size be considered a major city? I propose changing the header to "Cities over 10,000 people" and adjusting the list accordingly. 65.167.146.130 (talk) 14:33, 13 November 2008 (UTC)

Move discussion in progress
There is a move discussion in progress on Talk:Connecticut Panhandle which affects this page. Please participate on that page and not in this talk page section. Thank you. —RMCD bot 20:35, 7 January 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Texas panhandle


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Ettison Clio

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was DELETE. dbenbenn | talk 21:55, 10 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Ettison_Clio
I'd argue that this is a band that few people outside of their region know and they don't really merit a Wikipedia entry given that they're "trying to get signed." — Anarchivist
 * Looks like band vanity to me. As if we don't get enough of this stuff. Delete. -R. fiend 18:37, 23 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete bandity. Andrew Lenahan - St ar bli nd 23:51, Feb 23, 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep for meeting Notability and Music Guidelines, specifically by undertaking a national tour, which appears to be verified by googling (3790 hits, FYI). Tuf-Kat 04:59, Feb 27, 2005 (UTC)

This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Talk:Delran Township, New Jersey

Question on name
I'm Mr DELRAN Jacques and I live in the center of France.Some days ago I wrote my name in the Google bar and I was very surprised to discover that a township in the New Jersey had the same name than I.

So,could someone answer me why and how the name of DELRAN was given to your township and are there any people with that name yet? My full addres is: Mr & Mrs DELRAN Jacques 30,Rue Saint-Exupéry 63190-LEZOUX FRANCE

and my e-mail is:

delran.jacques@9online.fr

The naming of Delran
Comes from the convergence of the Delaware River and the Rancocas Creek, both of which border Delran.

External links modified
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External links modified
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title: Talk:Delran Township, New Jersey


text:
Peter Corroon

Peter Maitland Corroon (born July 16, 1964) is an American politician, former Utah Democratic Party chair, and the former mayor of Salt Lake County, Utah. He was the unsuccessful Democratic nominee for governor in the 2010 election. Corroon is a first cousin to Howard Dean, former Vermont governor and former head of the Democratic National Committee.

Early life, education and career
Corroon graduated from Carnegie-Mellon University with a bachelor's degree in civil engineering in 1986. He obtained a Juris Doctor degree from Golden Gate University School of Law and a master's from New York University in real estate. For a time, Corroon ran a small development company.

Political career
In November 2008, Corroon was re-elected to a second term as Salt Lake County Mayor over Republican challenger Michael Renckert with 66% of the vote. In January 2010, Corroon announced his candidacy for governor of the state of Utah to challenge incumbent Republican Gary Herbert. In May, he announced his running mate would be Republican State Representative Sheryl Allen. Despite their eventual defeat in the 2010 Election, they were the first "bipartisan" gubernatorial ticket in Utah history.

In addition to being mayor of Salt Lake County, Corroon also serves as a board member for the National Association of Counties, the United Way, the Economic Development Corporation of Utah, the Utah Technology Council and the Utah State Board of Tourism.

title: Peter Corroon


text:
Rob Jellett

Robert Jellett (born c. 1960) is a former Ottawa City Councillor. He represented the large Cumberland Ward, located at the city's eastern edge from 2003 to 2010. Jellett worked as a reporter, news anchor and Assistant News Director with local radio stations CFMO and CFRA for eighteen years. He then became the assistant to Cumberland councillor Phil McNeely in 2000. When McNeely was elected to the provincial legislature Jellet ran to replace him in the 2003 Ottawa election. Running against Garry Lowe the main issue was the construction of an industrial hog farm in the village of Sarsfield. Jellett was strongly opposed while Lowe supported the idea. Jellett ended up winning by a substantial margin, however a court later ruled the city could not stop the project. Jellett, who describes himself as a Red Tory, was also forced to abandon his pledge not to raise taxes due to the difficulties surrounding the 2004 budget. Jellett served as the Chair of the city's Agriculture and Rural Affairs Committee and sat on eight other city committee's and advisory boards.

title: Rob Jellett


text:
XDCAM

XDCAM is a series of products for digital recording using random access solid-state memory media, introduced by Sony in 2003. Four different product lines – the XDCAM SD, XDCAM HD, XDCAM EX and XDCAM HD422 –  differ in types of encoder used, frame size, container type and in recording media.

None of the later products have made earlier product lines obsolete. Sony maintains that different formats within XDCAM family have been designed to meet different applications and budget constraints.

The XDCAM range includes cameras and decks which act as drop-in replacements for traditional VTRs allowing XDCAM discs to be used within a traditional videotape-based workflow. These decks can also serve as random access computer hard drives for easy import of the video data files into non-linear editing systems (NLE) via FireWire (IEEE 1394) and Ethernet.

In September 2008, JVC announced its alliance with Sony to support the XDCAM EX format.

In August 2009, Convergent Design began shipping the nanoFlash Portable Recorder, which uses the Sony XDCAM HD422 codec. In November 2012, VITEC began shipping the FS-T2001 Portable Recorder, which uses Sony XDCAM HD422 and XDCAM HD codec.

Compression methods
The XDCAM format uses multiple video compression methods and media container formats.

Video is recorded with DV, MPEG-2 Part 2 or MPEG-4 compression schemes. DV is used for standard-definition video, MPEG-2 is used both for standard and high definition video, while MPEG-4 is used for proxy video.

Audio is recorded in uncompressed PCM form for all formats except proxy video, which uses A-law compression.

Equipment that uses Professional Disc as well as XDCAM 4:2:2 on SxS cards as recording media employs MXF container to store digital audio/digital video streams. Tapeless camcorders that record onto solid-state memory cards, use MP4 container for high definition audio/video, and DV-AVI container for DV video. JVC camcorders that use XDCAM EX recording format, are also capable of recording into QuickTime container besides using MP4 container.

Recording formats
DVCAM uses standard DV encoding, which runs at 25 Mbit/s, and is compatible with most editing systems. Some camcorders that allow DVCAM recording can record progressive-scan video.

MPEG IMX allows recording in standard definition, using MPEG-2 encoding at data rate of 30, 40 or 50 megabits per second. Unlike most other MPEG-2 implementations, IMX uses intraframe compression with each frame having the same exact size in bytes to simplify recording onto video tape. Sony claims that at 50 Mbit/s it offers visual quality that is comparable to Digital Betacam MPEG IMX is not supported in the XDCAM EX product line.

MPEG HD is used in all product lines except for XDCAM SD. This format supports multiple frame sizes, frame rates, scanning types and quality modes. Depending on product line or a particular model, not all modes of this format may be available.

MPEG HD422 doubles the chroma horizontal resolution compared to the previous generations of high-definition video XDCAM formats. To accommodate the improved chroma detail, video bitrate has been increased to 50 Mbit/s. This format is used only in XDCAM HD422 products.

MPEG SHD422 XDCAM-SHD422 stands for "Super HD" and has been introduced later on to preserve more details. It maintains the 4:2:2 planar chroma sampling as well as the same resolution of MPEG HD422, but it increases the bitrate to 85 Mbit/s. This format has never become widely used and a very limited set of devices support it.

Proxy AV is used to record low resolution proxy videos. This format employs MPEG-4 video encoding at 1.5 Mbit/s (CIF resolution) with 64 kbit/s (8 kHz A-law, ISDN-quality) for each audio channel.

XDCAM formats
1 720p @ 19 Mbit/s is offered by JVC and is equivalent to HDV 720p XDCAM-SHD422 has a very limited support.

Professional Disc (XDCAM and XDCAM HD)

The Professional Disc was chosen by Sony as its medium for professional non-linear video acquisition for a number of reasons, outlined in their white-paper Why Sony Adopted Professional Disc. This disc is similar to Blu-ray Disc and holds either 23 GB of data (PFD23, single-layer, rewritable), 50 GB (PFD50, dual-layer, rewritable), 100 GB (PFD100TLA, triple-layer, rewritable) or 128 GB (PFD128QLW, quad-layer, write-once).

Essentially, the Professional Disc format was deemed to be a suitable, cost effective and easy step forward. The discs are reliable and robust, suitable for field work (something which has previously been a problem with many disc-based systems). Additionally, the cost of media is comparable to existing professional formats.

SxS

In 2008, Sony introduced a new recording medium to their XDCAM range – SxS Pro (pronounced "S-by-S"). It is a solid-state memory card implemented as an ExpressCard module. The first camera to use this media was the Sony PMW-EX1 professional video camera.

In December 2009, Sony introduced the more affordable SxS-1. This unit is designed to have the same performance as the SxS Pro card however its life expectancy is shorter at an estimated 5 years of life when used every day to the card's full capacity.

In early 2013, Sony has introduced SxS Pro+ cards. These have a 1.2 Gbit/s read and write speed to support the PMW-F55 in storing 4K 60p acquisition.

Memory Stick
Memory Stick cards can be used in Sony XDCAM EX camcorders via the MEAD-MS01 adapter.

Secure Digital
Secure Digital memory cards can be used in Sony XDCAM EX camcorders via the MEAD-SD01 adapter. JVC camcorders that record in XDCAM EX format use Secure Digital memory cards natively.

XQD
XQD memory cards can be used in Sony XDCAM EX camcorders via the QDA-EX1 ExpressCard adapter.

title: XDCAM


text:
Talk:Rape/Archive 2

"I changed the link"
I'm the one who changed the Abu Ghraib link. The changes are my only contributions because they are simply my first contributions to Wikipedia.

The section describes societies and governments in which rape and sexual torture is a standard practice of the police and military. Linking to Abu Ghraib suggests this is a normal policy of the United States. To question the inclusion of the Saddam link by suggesting one would have to list all dictators would also apply to the inclusion of Abu Ghraib--there are plenty of much worse cases of rape and sexual torture that would better illustrate the information being presented. In fact, to say Abu Ghraib is simply more "notable" in the press doesn't matter if another example is more applicable. Saddam's Iraq was simply more applicable, as it was a government that was notorious for using rape and torture against the citizens of its society as a practice of its authority, which was the kind of rape described in that section. Abu Ghraib is an isolated military incident, not a standard policy of the government, in which captured terrorits were abused by their captors in various ways such as nude photography, but none were as egregious as the incidents of Saddam's Iraq. I assumed the link to Abu Ghraib was given because it was something "in the news," and going on that reasoning, Saddam's Iraq was also "in the news" but also more applicable to the information. Quite simply, the section was about governmental and social policies of rape and sexual torture, and Iraq under Saddam was a more accurate case of this than linking to Abu Ghraib, which suggests rape is a standard social and governmental American policy. To suggest such might constitute a political argument at this point in time.

As a resolution, I've instead linked to the Nanjing Massacre, also known as the Rape of Nanking, as a better historical example of government rape and torture of citizens, much more notable and egregious than both Abu Ghraib and Saddam's Iraq.

-- Rd syringe 20:26, 1 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I see your point that the section wording does seem to imply that rape as sexual torture is only found in countries "where torture is tolerated or accepted as part of the normal behaviour of police or security", and that this implies that the existence of Abu Ghraib means torture is considered normal for the U.S. Army. To my mind, this argues for changing the section text to clarify that where torture is found, sexual violation is frequently included as a component, whether that torture is an isolated military incident or set forth as explicit policy.

 * I still contend, however, that a better example than Abu Ghraib of the concept under discussion has not yet been found or suggested. This includes the Rape of Nanking, which will probably always be a better-known historical event than the prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib.  Even though the sexual violations at Nanjing were horrible war crimes that certainly outdid what happened at Abu Ghraib both quantitatively and qualitatively, no one has suggested that the Japanese soldiers committed rape there for any reason except that they could, and they wanted to.

 * This is in sharp contrast to Abu Ghraib; while there was certainly an element of self-entertainment for those who engineered the abuses, what they testified was that they were under orders to "loosen up" inmates for questioning, and that their actions were geared towards that goal. That is the central point:  cases of rape committed by military or security forces are not, by any means, hard to find in the annals of history or in the world today.  But what Abu Ghraib is the most notable example of is not 'sexual violation committed by military or security forces' but 'sexual violation committed by military or security forces as a means to coerce detainees.'  I considered whether the infamous rape camps of Bosnia were perhaps a better example, but even there, there is no suggestion that rape was practiced specifically for the purposes of torture. -- Antaeus Feldspar 22:33, 1 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I acknowledge your point and do understand the reasoning behind linking to Abu Ghraib, as the situation is applicable to that section for the most part. I simply respectfully disagree about the impact the incident has as a historical illustration of the subject matter in comparison to other incidents in history of military rape and abuse.  While inethical and wrong, Abu Ghraib was not as egregrious as other major incidents in history.  Using rape against political dissidents to "soften them up" so to speak certainly occured on a wider scale under Saddam's Iraq, for instance.  You mentioned that Abu Ghraib was the most notable example right now and therefore the most valid reference to make.  I argue that Saddam's Iraq is simply a more accurate example, regardless of the level of publicity each event received.  Also, it's difficult to avoid charges of political bias--a reader might wonder, "Why use Abu Ghraib as an example when there are bigger ones in history?  Why discuss government torture policies and then link to Abu Ghraib as though it is standard policy of the US military?"  Regardless of the motives of the writer, it is a politically-charged topic at this point in time, and some people who disagree with the Iraq war use Abu Ghraib as an example against the military actions of the Bush Administration.  However, just about everyone agrees Saddam's Iraq was bad, regardless of political affiliation.  Using that reasoning, it seemed a more suitable link in order to avoid potential political argument.  But I stress that the main reason for changing the link was simply for accuracy.

 * You are right that editing the section text could have made the link more applicable. However, I just chose to use, in my opinion, a more applicable link.  Saddam's Iraq was an obvious example that came to mind.

 * Linking Nanjing was an attempt to please both sides, but you are right that there is little on the Nanjing page linked to that discusses whether the rapes were carried out because of direct orders from higher officials (and also, it raises arguments about whether rape was "tolerated or accepted as part of the normal behaviour of police or security" in Japan at the time...another point to be made for clarification of the section text). But given that the rapes were committed by military troops during the occupation of Nanjing, the rapes were therefore a practice of the troops and were tolerated and not stopped by higher officials who were in authority at the time.  As an illustration of widespread military practice, it would seem to apply better than Abu Ghraib, in my opinion.

 * I agree that some clarification of focus in that section would be helpful. --Rd syringe 08:17, 4 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Treason

 * "...It is regarded by many as one of the most grievous crimes, surpassed only by murder and treason."

This seems rather arbitrary (and not to mention POV). Are there statistics showing that more people consider treason worse than rape? Perhaps just replace with something along the lines of: "It is regarded by many as one of the most grievous crimes a person may commit."   — Asbestos | Talk 11:01, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Treason is way worse than rape, which can be evidenced by it being punished with the death penalty. If you want to measure the seriousness w which a crime is taken, measure the penalty. [[User:Sam Spade|Sam Spade Wants you to vote!]] 11:11, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * How the state prosecutes something and how people regard it is not the same thing at all (and anyway, the article itself mentions that rape is punishable by death in many countries, and treason, btw, is not punishable by death in most countries. Or were you referring only to the US and the UK?). Absolute measures of the grievousness of different crimes do not exist. I still say that the statement is a point-of-view, and could be replaced by something neutral.   — Asbestos | Talk 11:19, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I would argue that the legal system (and religious law as well) are the best system of measurement of severity of crime which we can here quantify, and ought be mentioned. As far as death for treason, I am pretty sure that is the standard punishment in most parts of the world, but am open to informations to the contrary. "Absolute measures of the grievousness of different crimes do not exist." is your POV, and should stay out of the article. Many feel otherwise, altho I am not taking a stand on that here. I am merely pointing out that state and religious law is a measure, absolute or no. [[User:Sam Spade|Sam Spade Wants you to vote!]] 12:02, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * As the article mentions, many other countries do use the death penalty for rape, so that argument is irrelevant. I'd also like a citation from the bible, koran or other religious text claiming that treason is worse than rape, or that argument is also irrelevant. But more importantly, I can't quite follow your reasoning for keeping the statement. Is an article on rape somehow better for saying that treason is worse than rape?   — Asbestos | Talk 12:07, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Heavy POV in this article?
"Clearly, an environment in which no one is prosecuted for filing false reports is an environment that encourages the filing of false reports."

Regardless of the merit of this claim, it is obviously POV. It is easy to object to the "logic" that absence of punishment automatically encourages a given act (indeed there are cases in which the converse is true), but even if this was a hard claim to hold wikipedia should not be in the business of making claims like this. This claim is not fact, it is speculation, and it is speculation being written as though it is the voice of wikipedia itself, given that it is not being attributed to anyone. And this gets worse:

" Even under these conditions, which would strongly tend to eliminate any false positive "false recantations","

Says who? Why are we going to assume that given the difficulty and humiliation in pursuing charges and the fact that any woman who does so would live with the fear of facing retribution, that a minor threat of fine or jail time would be "strongly tend" to rule out false positives? Most women are raped by someone they know, living a life in fear of that person while knowing that the judicial system can do very little to protect them is a very strong motivational factor to retract an allegation. But again, even if this were not true wikipedia should simply not be inserting such strong bias as this statement indicates, much less doing so without attribution. More junk:

"In localities where these factors do not apply, it might be expected that false allegations might be made more easily, and thus more often."

Not only pure speculation, but very questionable speculation at that. All in all there are about three paragraphs in this section which have no justification for existing, and the rest needs to be cleaned up. Whoever is putting this forward, please step up and explain how this is not POV pushing. Kev 12:38, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Please review the edit history of the article and the discussion that has taken place on this very page so that you understand why the material is there. If you think you can write a more neutral version that makes the same points to the degree they need to be made, we'd all like to see that, but since the version of that section that is in place now is just about the least POV-pushing version we've had since the section came into existence, it might be more challenging than you think.  If you still feel up to the challenge, why not work on it on a temp article, like Rape/temp1?  Then if consensus can be reached that it really is less POV and still covers the important points that need making it can go into the article. -- Antaeus Feldspar 19:17, 5 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * What are these supposedly important points? That removal of punishment for false allegations will obviously -encourage- false allegations?  That is a load of BS, not an important point.  Or how about the important point of how these conditions would strongly tend to remove false positives, which is total speculation and easy to disagree on?  Or the speculation about how false reporting would be greater in other localities?  This is just a load of BS piled one on top of the other.  You tell me what these supposedly important points are and I will try my best to "save" them while removing all the trash around them.  It is not an excuse to say that this is the "least POV version", when it is in such a bad state, it isn't acceptable to have wikipedia push such bias "while we wait" for consensus.  Kev 00:20, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I agree that the paragraphs you noted appear to be POV (even if the facts are true, the sections have been written in a manner that appears to push an agenda). The best way to change them, though, would be to try to re-write them yourself (possibly, as Antaeus Feldspar says, at Rape/temp1).   — Asbestos | Talk 18:58, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Done. Anything not already mentioned here is discussed on the talk page for rape/temp1.  Kev 21:13, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Victim Blaming
This article is currently overflowing with unattributed speculation and POV pushing that needs to be either removed or justified. Here is more:

"Some people even attribute all incidents of false reporting, no matter how well-documented the falsity, to victim blaming."

First, this statement currently implies that these "well-docmented" cases were false. No matter how well documented the case or how convinced we are as wiki editors, wikipedia is not here to declare the cases false, the reader can do that on their own. Perhaps more importantly, there is no attribution. Who are these people who attribute all incidents of false reporting to victim blaming? Quote them and this junk can stand.

"Clearly, this is an extreme position, to believe that men can regularly make the criminal decision to commit the act of rape, but that no woman could ever make a false accusation."

Clearly, some wiki editor likes to use the word clearly as a warning sign for the rest of us that the voice of wikipedia is now being used to push his/her POV speculation.

"A commonly held belief is that even entertaining the possibility that even the most suspicious accusations of rape could be false would be an automatic deterrent to the low reporting rate for sexual assault"

Evidence? Is there a representative poll here, some survey amongst a particular group of people we are drawing this from?

"here are no other crimes for which it is argued that the policy of investigating to determine the truth of the charges would result in fewer true reports being brought."

This talk page already includes other instances in which this is the case, so it is already demonstrably false, and thus needs removal. Step up, step up, cause this junk is going away very soon otherwise. Kev 01:08, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I see you haven't taken the suggestion to do your research, otherwise you'd already know the answer to some of the questions you're asking rhetorically. I must say the confrontational manner in which you're approaching this certainly doesn't argue well for your ability to deliver on your promise of a more balanced, more NPOV section. -- Antaeus Feldspar 03:46, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * You seem to be missing the point. Regardless of the validity of the claims being made, their presentation here is totally unacceptable.  I have asked you to list the points you think are essential, please feel free to do so before I remove the blatant POV.  Kev 06:28, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Custodial Rape
"Male-on-male rape in western cultures is believed to occur primarily in coercive institutional settings, chiefly prisons and detention facilities, but presumably also occurs in same-sex relationships."

The way this sentence is currently written it implies that male-male rape only occurs in prison or in same-sex relationships. It will thus be rewritten. Also, why is wikipedia presuming anything? Since when does an encylopedia presume? Finally, who believes that this occurs primarily in prisons and detention facilities, why is this "belief" being left unattributed? Kev 01:08, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I have removed this sentence entirely given that no support is offered for it and it was followed by a dead link. The rest of my objections are now worked through in the sandbox of rape/temp1.  Kev 21:15, 6 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * If you want any constructive feedback it would be very nice if you could give the Wikipedia principles of assume good faith and no personal attacks a try. You seem to forget that even if you're right and those who came before you didn't create as NPOV a version of the sections that bother you as you can, it doesn't mean they didn't try.  It doesn't mean they didn't care.  It certainly doesn't mean that they deserve the insults you've been throwing. -- Antaeus Feldspar 05:47, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * ? To my knowledge I haven't insulted anyone.  I have been extremely critical to the point of insult concerning the text, and I do apologise if I hurt someone's feelings in the process, but the text deserves the criticism.  Kev 09:03, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Not "to the point of" insult. You've been directly accusing those who came before you of "POV-pushing", of "trying to play very naughty" by seeing different parts of a quote as significant than you did, of being "partisans", using Wikipedia as a sounding-board.  That's not being "extremely critical to the point of insult concerning the text".  That's goddamn slapping in the face the people who managed to eke out and preserve as much NPOV in the text as there was when you found it, in the face of repeated blatant POV-pushing assaults like this, this, this, this, this, this, this, this, this, and this.

 * If you'd taken seriously the suggestion to tone down your accusations and look at the history of the article then you might have gotten a better idea why the section as currently written stresses points that in a better world would not have to be stressed: False reports can and do indeed get made.  The fact that (insert arbitrary information source) says the percentage is X% and does not mention any controversy over the figure does not mean that is automatically the correct figure that makes all others lies.  The fact that (insert authority figure) refuses to regard false reporting as anything but a myth does not mean it is a myth, especially not when that authority figure is referring to a proven instance of false reporting that happened right in her metaphorical front yard and is still referring to it as a myth.  The fact that astoundingly few prosecutions for false reporting occur does not mean that astoundingly few false reports occur, not when you realize that there are district attorneys whose duty to the public is to prosecute crime and yet who have declared as a public statement that this particular crime is one they will never prosecute.  You cannot simultaneously look at the crime of rape, say "this is a horrible thing to do and it often has severe consequences for the rapist, but some people will still do it" and then turn and argue about the crime of false reporting "this is a horrible thing to do and it often has severe consequences for the false reporter, therefore clearly no one ever does it."

 * In a better world, these points would not need to be stressed. In a better world, one could simply say "false reports do exist" and one would not automatically be accused of victim-blaming.  And perhaps in that better world, people who can research and say "Ah, I would have chosen to include the whole* of this quote, so whoever it was before me that did not choose to quote the whole* of her remarks must have done it in a 'very naughty' attempt to 'shove' POV 'into the mouth of Wikipedia" could instead say, "Hmmmm, I wonder why this section seems so POV, and I've been told that if I looked into the history of the article I could find out why it's so strongly written" and would actually do so.  But nah, that's all an elaborate fantasy on my part.  That would never happen when it's so much easier and rewarding to say that the text is junk and that those who wrote it could only have been trying to push an agenda.

 * * 'whole' meaning "the portion of it that the one source I found it in chose to quote", clearly, since there are different sources which chose to quote different portions of Ms. Wallace's remarks.

 * -- Antaeus Feldspar 21:38, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

POV
I have reverted POV from the 4.166 IP range. Be careful in watching for this IP on the article. Mike H 06:49, Dec 6, 2004 (UTC)

My edits
I made substantial edits to the page, and would be interested in hearing comments. One area that clearly needs improvement is the discussion of FBI statistics on false reporting, and a discussion of the controversial statistics applied to rape (like the "1 in four women have been raped", which altho commonly used, I have heard debunked). Concepts like 0% - 100% of rapes are false reports need to be cited or removed, they don't give us much credibility. Also we should seriously consider if the concept that False reporting is "impossible", and particularly the quote by carol wallace, have a legitimate place here. I happen to know that false reporting is quite common, not only of rape, but of a whole host of disturbing crimes. The psychological motivations are complex, but not impossible to understand. Some men (perhaps many) do everything possible short of rape to have sex, and then immediately lose all interest in their partner, sometimes imediately after sexual intercourse. This can be very hurtful. Also there is the factor of alchohol, w many young people drinking heavilly and doing things (often sexual) which they later regret (indeed, the previously mentioned "1 in 4" figure is based on including both consensual sex under the influence of drugs or alcohol, AND consensual sex which is later regretted, as "rape"). This is clearly a very delicate subject, but it also needs to be expressed a bit better. Thank you for your time, [[User:Sam Spade|Sam Spade Wants you to vote!]] 11:46, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

medical emergency
Can you justify "Rape is a medical emergency"? That's a strong sentence, requiring that every single rape is a medical emergency. I don't think that's true. --Khendon 12:49, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Hunh... I thought rape always being a medical emergency was an obvious fact, so... I don't know what I else I can say. Lets allow some others to join in, and then respect consensus. Can you explain why you think it isn't a medical emergency, or when it might not be one? [[User:Sam Spade|Sam Spade Wants you to vote!]] 13:03, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Well, suppose a rape takes place in a relatively unviolent manner; perhaps the victim doesn't struggle, and the offender isn't particularly aggressive. The result may be physically indistinguishable from consensual sex; where does the emergency lie? --Khendon 13:22, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I guess it's not ipso facto a medical emergency. I suppose that having sex with a 17-year-old might be statuatory rape in many places, but might not constitute a medical emergency.   — Asbestos | Talk 13:37, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

An even better example, thanks --Khendon 13:44, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Mental health. Psychological trauma requires emergency attention as well. If the woman isn't traumatized, its hard for me to understand how a rape occured. for example, statuatory rape is a misnomer. It doesn't fit the standard definition of rape, that much is sure. IMO it cheapens the importance of the term. [[User:Sam Spade|Sam Spade Wants you to vote!]] 13:51, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Sam Spade writes, "If the woman isn't traumatized, its hard for me to understand how a rape occured." I don't follow this. Rape is the taking of sex without consent. A victim will very probably experience distress in such circumstances, of course, but it's still possible she may not be emotionally traumatised, but nevertheless legitimately feel that her rights have been violated. The existence of 'trauma' is not essental to the definition of rape - and it's rather dangerous o make it so, I think.  Paul

 * I agree with you, but I also agree with Khendon that rape isn't by definition a medical emergency. Perhaps something like "Rape is usually a medical emergency", or something along those lines? I think that we should be careful not to cheapen those instances of rape that occur that are not medical emergencies, saying that if it isn't an emergency it isn't rape.   — Asbestos | Talk 20:25, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I think rape is always a medical emergency, but I'll respect the current concensus, you may make your proposed changes without my opposition. [[User:Sam Spade|Sam Spade Wants you to vote!]] 20:43, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * You could simply change the statement to read "Rape can be a medical emergency." That would state that not all rapes are medical emergencies while getting across that the possibility of being a medical emergency is there.  Words like "probably" or "usually" should be avoided unless there are cited percentages to back it up. Rd syringe 23:58, 7 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * "Can be" is a particularly bad wording, IMO. Nobody is suggesting that they are often not, indeed I am suggesting they always are, and others are suggesting unusual circumstances in which they would not be. [[User:Sam Spade|Sam Spade Wants you to vote!]] 01:22, 8 Dec 2004 (UTC)

I've put "Some believe that rape is always a medical emergency" in; how's that?

 * I think that's also poorly worded, actually. "Some" might be only you. We need statistics here. I agree with Khendon and Asbestos -- I can easily think of several other situations where what is legally described as "rape" would not be a medical emergency. Consider things that are indisputably medical emergencies like heart attack, spinal trauma, and acute peritonitis. Rape can be violent and result in physical or mental trauma, but I think it's really stretching it (and NPOV) to suggest that it is always or usually a "medical emergency" without some numbers to back that up. I think "rape can be a medical emergency if force is used or ... .. .." (however you want to construct the sentence) would be better. Jeeves 23:57, 8 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Howsabout, "When rape occurs, the victim should seek medical attention immediately. Most instances of rape are considered medical emergencies.  Even when no serious physical harm has come to the victim, law enforcement officials blah blah physical evidence blah blah catch the rapist blah."  Well, obviously not those exact words, but I think you can all see what I'm getting at.  Being concise is a good thing, but it's not the end of the world if it takes three or four short sentences to say something, especially when it's a complicated issue like this. --Corvun 17:53, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I agree. [[User:Sam Spade|Sam Spade Wants you to vote!]] 18:01, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)

I disagree. I don't think we should be saying "should"; wikipedia shouldn't advise particular courses of action. --Khendon 18:30, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Except for possibly Christian Scientists and others who oppose medical attention regardless of the circumstances, I can't think who would oppose that course of action. I don't think it would be particularly controversial to phrase it as "Authorities almost universally agree that the victim should seek medical attention immediately" or something of that nature.  -- Antaeus Feldspar 19:34, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I also disagree. I hate to be the wet-POV-blanket, but I imagine the number of deaths annually as a direct complication of sexual assault is rather lower than the number of deaths from heart attack, stroke, head injury etc. Thus I keep balking at "most instances of rape are considered a medical emergency". Let's do away with the term "medical emergency" altogether and just say something like "The victim should seek immediate medical attention if s/he is injured. Even if s/he is not injured, the victim should consider visiting a hospital or trauma center so that evidence can be collected promptly." Or something like that. Jeeves 20:23, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I think the problem here lies not in the nature of rape itself and the damage it does, but in our disagreement as to what constitutes a "medical emergency". Clearly there are some of us who believe that a medical emergency must be potentially fatal, and while I would mostly agree, there are exceptions to this.  For instance, I personally know a few doctors who would consider a cluster headache a medical emergency, since even though it is benign (non-fatal), the level of pain experienced by the sufferer far exceeds what any ethical doctor would allow a person to endure without immediate medical attention.  A broken leg, though usually not fatal even without medical attention, is considered a medical emergency because if left untreated it can lead to serious disfigurement.  From a legal perspective, any instance of rape would be considered a "medical emergency" since immediate attention is needed, if for no other reason, than to gather evidence while the evidence is still there.

 * I still like my suggestion, but I now think we should see what the medical authorities have to say on the matter. Does a sizeable majority of the medical community feel that "most instances of rape" should be treated as "medical emergencies"?  If so, I would reiterate my original suggestion and also Antaeus' ammendment.  If not, we need to figure something else out and possibly do away with the term "medical emergency" as Jeeves suggests. --Corvun 20:44, 13 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * On second thought, perhaps this would work better: "When rape occurs, most doctors agree the victim should seek medical and psychological attention immediately. Most instances of rape are considered medical emergencies until the severity of physical harm (if any) can be determined. Even when little or no physical harm has come to the victim, serious mental disturbance often results, and law enforcement officials blah blah physical evidence blah blah catch the rapist blah."  Or something to that effect.  --Corvun 00:22, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Best phrasing yet, IMHO. -- Antaeus Feldspar 18:01, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I had the opportunity to ask a paramedic about it, and he was quite resolute in saying that he considers it to be a medical/psychological emergency. So perhaps I'm being too pedantic here. Corvun's suggestion above is a good one; let's go with that unless there are more issues. Jeeves 23:58, 14 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * Don't be so hard on yourself Jeeves. You were just being a perfectionist, trying to make sure we had the best and most accurate possible phrasing.  While that may cause friction here on the talk pages, it eventually leads to one hell of a damn good article that is as exacting and as precise as it can be, and provides people with unambiguous information.  We should all be so careful.

 * Now, does anyone have any suggestions as to what we replace "law enforcement officials blah blah physical evidence blah blah catch the rapist blah" with? I ain't so good at the legalese. --Corvun 00:51, 15 Dec 2004 (UTC)

According to the American College of Emergency Physicians (ACEP) in the US, rape is a medical emergency. http://www.acep.org/1,32848,0.html  NuclearWinner 05:38, 17 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * I like Sam's inclusion of this reference much better than the previous wording. --Khendon 13:07, 17 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Yes, thanks much NuclearWinner, its amazing how much good a reference can do :) [[User:Sam Spade|Sam Spade Wants you to vote!]] 13:19, 17 Dec 2004 (UTC)

FBI stats on false reporting
Figures vary wildly on the issue of false reporting, with no apparent consensus. There is even widespread disagreement on what the published FBI statistics of false reporting of rape are, though this is a matter of public record: lawyer Alan Dershowitz has claimed that the FBI statistics show rape to be the most frequently falsely reported crime, at a rate of 8.6 percent; yet in numerous places one can find it listed as a "myth" that rape is falsely reported with any frequency, and claims that FBI statistics show it to be falsely reported at 2%, no more often than any other violent crime, or even less often.

 * what are the real statistics? We shouldn't be talking about how often they are misrepresented if we don't even know what they are... [[User:Sam Spade|Sam Spade Wants you to vote!]] 23:51, 12 Dec 2004 (UTC)

 * The real statistics are unknown, just as they are for incidence of rape in the first place. Any study can be easily skewed one way or the other, or simply subject to outside factors. Likewise, do you count only those who recanted their story, or those whose accusations were found to be groundless, or those who simply lost their court battle? Either way, it's a very real occurance and I believe it deserves its own wikipedia entry, just for false accusation rape (and perhaps domestic violence), including reasons that women false accuse, impact of accusation and so on. To make a detailed section on the rape page itself would probably piss feminists off no end, and it doesn't really belong as rape and false accusation are hardly the same thing (but both serious crimes in their own right). User:Merrick (sig added by 18:46, 14 Jan 2005 (UTC))

 * We largely agree, altho I could give a flip about what facts might annoy PC feminazi's. 18:46, 14 Jan 2005 (UTC)

Please protect against run-in edits
Because of this Slashdot post, it looks like we're going to get a flood of run-in editors who have not been following the talk page discussion and who don't understand NPOV but think that they should come here and remove the link to Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse because they heard half the story and thought they heard all. I don't think we want to set a precedent for run-in editors suddenly rushing in to ignore the ongoing discussion and edit according to their political agenda (since, of course, Rd syringe was kind enough to omit several important details for why his link-removal was opposed -- like the wording he keeps referencing even now having changed -- and instead characterize it as "politically motivated" "hardcore guys with an agenda" who opposed him. Thanks, Rd.)  I'd suggest that short-term page protection might even be in order. -- Antaeus Feldspar 18:37, 3 Jan 2005 (UTC)

Causes of Rape
This article needs to include a discussion about the causes as well as the effects of rape. It is by knowing the unbiased truth about such causes that we have a chance of preventing rape. To see absurd statements like 'rape is a crime of power but not of sex' shows me that the cause of rape is being used as a political weapon. We need to study the science of rape here and use evidence to back up claims. Susan Brownmiller's ideas on rape have been challenged by feminists and others and seem to have no basis in fact. 128.111.95.55 00:00, 31 January 2006 (UTC)

title: Talk:Rape/Archive 2


text:
Domenico Vandelli

Domenico Agostino Vandelli (Padua, 8 July 1735 – Lisbon, 27 June 1816) was an Italian naturalist, who did most of his scientific work in Portugal.

He studied at the University of Padua, from which he received a doctorate in Natural Philosophy and Medicine in 1756. While active as naturalist in Italy he began a correspondence with the Swedish naturalist Carl von Linné, which continued for several years. In 1763 he was invited by Catherine the Great of Russia to join the faculty of the University of St. Petersburg, but he declined.

In 1764 Vandelli moved to Portugal, where in 1765 he was appointed lecturer in chemistry and natural sciences at the University of Coimbra. He was the first supervisor for the orientation of the Botanical Garden of the University of Coimbra, being followed in 1791 by Félix Avelar Brotero. One of his major works he published was the Tractatus de thermis agri patavini in 1761. In about 1793 he became the first director of the Botanical Gardens at the Palácio da Ajuda in Lisbon. He was one of the mentors of the Sciences Academy of Lisbon.

Domenico Agostino Vandelli should not be confused with Domenico Vandelli (1691-1754), an Italian cartographer, scientist, and mathematician.

Contributions to zoology
In the field of herpetology he is known for having described the world's largest living turtle, the leatherback sea turtle (Dermochelys coriacea) and an amphisbaenian, Blanus cinereus.

His contributions to zoology have been recognized by another species of Blanus named after him, Blanus vandellii, (although he is cited in the description as Domingos Vandelli).

title: Domenico Vandelli