text:
Talk:Wirtschaftswunder

Band
The link for the band "Wirtschaftswunder" seems inappropriate - does anyone have any suggestions for actual references? --Onlyemarie 01:13, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Talk from the "Marshall Plan
My personal take on the subject would be (should anyone care) that, as the industrial heart of Europe, Germany was necessary for European recovery. Once the U.S. stopped mucking about with lowering the German standards of living, as ordained in the occupation directive, the JCS 1067, the West Germans bootstrapped themselves and pulled the rest of Western Europe up with them. Without the JCS 1067, which was finally scrapped in July of 1947 and which explicitly forbade efforts which could help the West German economy recover, we finally have the currency reform which takes place in 1948 and gets the economy going again. The slowing down of the programme of dismantling of German factories also helps a lot. By using the Marshall plan loans to pay for the reparations they have to pay they can effectively push the reparations forward in time, until they have a functioning economy again. As General Clay, military governor of the U.S. occupation zone said: "We began to slowly wipe out JCS-1067. When we were ordered to put in a currency reform this was in direct controvention of a provision of JCS-1067 that prohibited us from doing anything to improve the German economy. It was an unworkable policy and it wasn't changed just without any discussion or anything by those of us who were in Germany. It was done by gradual changes in its provision and changes of cablegrams, conferences, and so on." Still, the Germans were not very happy with the policies that remained.
 * Picture of demonstration against dismantling (7 June 1949) Workers in the Ruhr demonstrate against the dismantling of their factories by the Allied forces of occupation.
 * Picture: Another Demonstration, August 1949
 * Picture: dismantling the German Iron and Steel Industry
 * Dismantling list for the western Allied forces (17 October 1947)  Stor stark7 03:44, 23 April 2006 (UTC)

 * Letter from Konrad Adenauer to Robert Schuman (26 July 1949) Warning him of the consequences of the dismantling policy.
 * Letter from Ernest Bevin to Robert Schuman (30 October 1949) Brittish and French foreign ministers. Bevin argues that they need to reconsider the Allies' dismantling policy in the occupied zones

Turning Germany into an Agricultural and Pastoral state

 * Proposed post surrender plan for Germany (September 1944)
 * Roosevelt and Churchill Signed a version of this plan at the second Quebeq conference. Churchill removed some and added the word "pastoral" to make the deal sound less brutal.
 * When the press got wind of it and all hell broke loose, President Roosevelt pretended it was raining and denied signing it.

 * Still:

 * General Eisenhower, military governor of the U.S. occupation zone, and later U.S. President distributed one thousand copies of it to his officers in Germany.
 * (Stephen Ambrose, Eisenhower: Soldier, General of the Army, President-Elect, p.422.)
 * Sort of a "hint, hint, nudge, nudge..."

 * Two years later,in early 1947, this kind of thinking was aparently still so ingrained in large parts of the U.S. administrations thinking that former U.S. President Herbert Hoover had to make this warning in one of his situation reports on Germany.

'There are several illusions in all this "war potential" attitude.
 * a. There is the illusion that the New Germany left after the annexations can be reduced to a "pastoral state". It cannot be done unless we exterminate or move 25,000,000 people out of it. This would approximately reduce Germany to the density of the population of France.
 * ...'

The Morgenthau Plan was broadly implemented, not just dividing Germany by three (DDR, FRG and Austria) but also by dismantling whole sectors of the German industry, stealing hundreds of patents and factories. The contribution of German high tech to the post-War American Wirtschaftswunder was ten times larger than the money Germans got back through the Marshall Plan. American Aircraft and Aerospace industry was based on German patents, German brain drain and German engeneering, including the Apollo XI Program which send Armstrong to the Moon thanks to Werner von Braun. --81.37.38.195 (talk) 14:16, 11 June 2009 (UTC)

More Spam/Voices on Allied Economic policy towards Germany 1945 - 1950

 * Gunther Harkort Representative of the Federal Republic of Germany to the Economic Cooperation Administration (ECA), 1949-52.

QUESTION: At what stage, in your view, was it recognized that German recovery was essential to full European recovery?

HARKORT: The waiver of implementation of the Morgenthau Plan and its toned-down offshoots -- (Directive JCS 1067, Potsdam Conference, Industrial Plans) -- points out the beginning of the realization that without including Germany we cannot make Europe viable again. In the Harriman Report of November 1947 this is stated quite clearly (p. 117): "No part of the economic aid requested by the CEEC (the later OEEC) countries is more fundamentally necessary to the recovery of Western Europe than the aid asked for the rehabilitation of German industry, agriculture and transport."

 * Charles P. Kindleberger Chief, Division German and Austrian Economic Affairs, Department of State, Washington, 1945-48

MCKINZIE: Of course, I should explain, one reason that I keep asking you about the positions that your office was taking is that I am aware that you got documents of a kind of conflicting nature. You got the Morgenthau business from the Treasury Department on one hand, and on the other hand there was residue of all of that planning that was done in the State Department by Leo Pasvolsky’s people, which did envision a rather early return of Germany into some sort of European economy. Dean Acheson says in his book that he didn't realize that Europe without a reconstructed Germany was analogous to a body without a heart. He and other people had felt that perhaps Great Britain could assume the economic role that had been played by Germany previously, and somehow this was all your heritage or the legacy that was dumped into your office.

KINDLEBERGER: I would allow no member of my staff to use the cliche "the heart of industrial Germany" for the Ruhr. I wasn't worried about that. If Acheson did it he was out of line. No, it's true that we very quickly became aware of the role of Germany in Europe. The Germans had problems of their own. The coal question is one I spoke of. Very quickly it became the repair of mining machinery in Poland--Poland acquired Silesia, the Silesian mines.

As all the capital equipment of Europe was very far depreciated it needed to be replaced and renewed and the Poles couldn't do it. How are you going to get Polish mining going without helping the German machinery industry. And we found ourselves in this very fast.

So what we tried to do was to convert the Morgenthau doctrine in U.S. economic policy toward Germany into a statement which said, "The Germans have sinned. They have gotten way out of line and they have hurt people, therefore, we are going to pull them down quickly to the level of the neighboring countries and it's going to be short, sharp, quick, surgical," but then we let them go. Now the Russians never would agree to this as far as I know, and we had to agree that there were some industries which they could not operate. But that was the interpretation and I think that's a reasonable way to sort of thread your way. We also would add, by the way, in the spring of ‘47 when food was scarce, that the Germans were last in line. Food got terribly scarce worldwide and the Marshall plan I think was in large part a response to a very bad harvest.

 * E. Allan Lightner, Jr. Assistant Chief, 1945-47, and Associate Chief, 1947-48, of the Central European Affairs Division, Department of State

MCKINZIE: Kindleberger contends that sometime in 1946 the economic people came around to the view that there would have to be some reconstruction of German industry even above the level of industry agreement, which was being hassled around about then or had been hassled around previously.

LIGHTNER: Well, to us those months between V-E Day and mid-'46 seemed a long time. That's when much of the dismantling was taking place. It was a crucial period when much time was being lost in restoring the economy and our group in CE found that we were being opposed at every turn by those who wanted to carry out literally the provisions of JCS-l067. You know, Jimmy Riddleberger was the one who sweated out this whole business of dealing with the Civil Affairs Division of the War Department during the days of planning for the occupation of Germany, and also later on in dealing with the Kindleberger group.

MCKINZIE: You look at the period between the Morgenthau plan and the Marshall plan, one of which represents a "salted earth" policy, and the other an industrial development policy. The question of historians who are always concerned with pinning things down to precise things inevitably comes down to: what was the turning point? Was there any particular event or any absolutely crucial time period in which the change from the Morgenthau plan to the direction of the Marshall plan was made?

LIGHTNER: I think it was fairly gradual. I think the military had their directives based, as I said before, very much on the philosophy of the Morgenthau plan, the basic JCS-l067. They had to accomplish the main chores, which everyone agreed had to be done at first, the denazification and the demilitarization. Germany never was to be in a position to wage war again. But how does one prevent a modern state from ever waging war again? Easy answer -- you strip it of its industries and you make it economically unable to produce the weapons of war. But that was overlooking a whole lot of other features, which made that concept impractical and unwise, Yet that was not apparent to the proponents of the Morgenthau idea at the beginning; but they found in practice, in administering defeated Germany, that it wasn't enough to prevent "disease and unrest;" the Germans could not live on that basis in the modern world. You couldn't hold them down to that point; we weren't that kind of conquerors. Anyway, it gradually became clear to our people who had favored the Morgenthau plan that in our own interest, in terms of our ability to accomplish our political goals in Germany, you had to give them hope for the future. How could we make them a democratic country by treating them as the Romans treated the Carthaginians. I guess the turning point was Secretary Byrnes' speech in Stuttgart in September 1946. By that time after the experience of running occupied Germany for a year, the more Draconian policies of JCS-1067 were being interpreted differently. More and more people along the line were coming to see that we had to help the Germans restore their economic life, their industries and so on. We were breaking up cartels, we were shipping some reparations to the Russians (dismantled industrial equipment), but at the same time with the other hand we were helping small industries and encouraging other forms of economic activity.

One of the reasons why it took so long to get the economy of Germany going after our own policy changed, was that the Germans took some time to recover from the effects of their defeat. Furthermore, you had an untenable situation in that Germany was divided into four zones -- four economic units. Potsdam said it should be one economic unit, but that wasn't the way it worked. There were four economic units, like little countries, with barriers between them, and it was impossible for them to have a viable economy under the circumstances. So, first you had two zones getting together for economic reasons -- the British and American. And finally, in the spring of 1948 on the eve of the London negotiations which led to the decision to create the Federal Government of Germany, all three Western zones came together as trizonia. This was nearly two years after the Stuttgart speech and the economic situation in Germany was still at a very low ebb. But the big upturn, the start of the economic miracle of West Germany's recovery was in sight. At least what sparked the recovery of Germany was the currency reform, the revaluation of the currency in Western Germany on a ten to one basis in May 1948. For the first time since the end of the war the Germans began to have some confidence in their future. The stocks that they had sitting on their shelves began to move off the shelves to be sold.

 * General William H. Draper Jr. Chief, Economics Division, Control Council for Germany, 1945-46; Military Government Adviser to the Secretary of State, Moscow Conference of Foreign Ministers, 1947; Under Secretary of War, 1947; Under Secretary of the Army, 1947-49;

We were more hardboiled than anybody except the Russians. The British were the most sensible. The French were even better than we were, although they were pretty severe, too. The Russians went even beyond the Morgenthau plan. They were basing their tough attitude on the fact that their whole country had been ravaged and millions of their people killed. They had been invaded, and you have a certain point of view when that happens. They were there to take it out on Germany, I guess, and we were pretty near as bad, although we hadn't been invaded. Anyway, the level of industry was finally determined on a level that didn't last long; it wasn't realistic. It took about two years to change. It was after I was back in Washington as Under Secretary before that directive was finally officially revoked.

In the meantime, we didn't pay as much attention to it as perhaps we should from the point of view of military discipline. There were several efforts to pull me back and have me charged with not carrying out the directive.

General Clay always defended me. He knew perfectly well that such a policy couldn't last just as well as I did. We fought it out and finally persuaded Washington. General Marshall himself defended me in testimony before a Congressional Committee. So, it finally worked out. The real turning point came when the currency was devalued or revalued in 1948. At that time we gave the Russians the opportunity to do the same to revalue the mark in their sector, in their zone; they refused. I was back in Washington before this -- when they walked out of the four power council meeting -- the Kommanditura. A few days later they declared the blockade of Berlin.

 * Joseph D. Coppock Economic adviser, International Trade Policy, Department of State, 1945-53

I don't know just when the change of attitude shifted the other way, but I would guess that it came in the course of '46 or '47. That was the '46-'47 winter, which was bad; it became clear to some that you simply couldn't have a stripped down, poverty stricken Germany. Here I would say that Kennan and Nitze, and the political officers in the Department, were right. Emergency aid and then the Marshall plan were the answers.

Well, let's see, where were we?

MCKINZIE: Well, we had gotten off on the problems of Germany. I didn't want to interrupt you there.

COPPOCK: I don't know the exact timing, but certainly whatever support there had been for the pastoral Germany disappeared pretty largely during 1946, because it became very evident that the overriding question was which side Germany was going to be on in the postwar situation. The threat of the Russians was evident enough, very evident indeed to those of us who had been through the OSS experience and were in the State Department. And all this time we hoped for, but did not expect, a cooperative Russia.

 * General Lucius D. Clay Deputy to General Eisenhower, 1945; deputy military governor, Germany (U.S.) 1946; commander in chief, U.S. Forces in Europe and military governor, U.S. Zone, Germany, 1947-49; retired 1949.

MCKINZIE: It also makes it difficult, doesn't it, in matters of policy setting, because you had JCS-1067, which was as I understand it, a compromise between the War Department and the Department of State on how...

CLAY: JCS-1067 would have been extremely difficult to operate under. If you followed it literally you couldn't have done anything to restore the German economy. If you couldn't restore the German economy you could never hope to get paid for the food that they had to have. By virtue of these sort of things it was modified constantly; not officially, but by allowing this deviation and that deviation, et cetera. We began to slowly wipe out JCS-1067. When we were ordered to put in a currency reform this was in direct controvention of a provision of JCS-1067 that prohibited us from doing anything to improve the German economy. It was an unworkable policy and it wasn't changed just without any discussion or anything by those of us who were in Germany. It was done by gradual changes in its provision and changes of cablegrams, conferences, and so on.

MCKINZIE: You must have had some backstopping in Washington to be able to do that.

CLAY: At that time I happened to have been very close to Mr. Byrnes, having worked for him. I could go to Mr. Byrnes (he was very close to the President), and he would go to the President. We'd get this thing resolved in short order.

MCKINZIE: Did you discuss with Mr. Byrnes the deteriorating situation with the Soviets before he made his very famous speech, now called the Stuttgart speech, in September of 1946?

CLAY: I urged him in the first place to come to Stuttgart. I had written him a letter about my own views of the situation and it was that letter which he used as the basis for this speech. He visited me in Berlin and we went over together. He had that passage in there, "as long as any other foreign country's troops are in Germany we're going to be there," which was the most important part of the speech. He tried all of that morning to get hold of the President by telephone to get his approval, and then left word that he was going to put this in if he didn't hear anything to the contrary. I'm sure that whatever he said there he had assurance that President Truman approved.

At that time their relationships were very close.

//

MCKINZIE: In the winter of 1946-47, you were under a directive that the German standard of living couldn't be any higher than that of France, in particular. Do you recall when you began to think in terms of rebuilding Germany as a part of solving a larger problem?

CLAY: In 1946 we got authority, as we brought food into Germany, to sell it to the Germans for German marks. We could use this money as we saw fit; for our own support, but also to aid and help the German economy. When we put in the currency reform in 1948, I saw a Germany where the people were working; which was going to come back quicker than the rest of Western Europe. I, of course, saw that that would never be allowed to happen.

My interest in having a revived Western Europe came from my realization that we could not have an economic recovery in Germany unless it was done as a part of all of Western Europe. It was about this time that the congressional committee came over studying the Marshall plan, the Herter Committee. We preached this to this committee all the time. As a matter of fact, one of the members of that committee, who spent a whole month in Germany at that time, was Everett Dirksen. He came back a very strong supporter of an economic program that would apply to all of Western Europe, including West Germany. I would say that this came to me, in a reverse sense, in '46. I began to realize that we couldn't develop Germany faster than Western Europe. On the other hand, if we left an economic vacuum in Germany, Western Europe could never come back.

 * Clifford C. Matlock Economist and political officer, U.S. Dept. of State, 1946-62; Political adviser, European Coordinating Committee, London, 1949-50;

MATLOCK: Yes, the German problem was the heart of the Europe problem.

MCKINZIE: Yes.

MATLOCK: That's a quote from Churchill about 1952 and I happen to agree with it as of that date.

MCKINZIE: Until 1950 it appeared that very many people in the State Department did not particularly see it that way.

MATLOCK: You mean they didn't favor German rearmament?

MCKINZIE: They didn't favor German rearmament or German industrial redevelopment very much.

MATLOCK: That's right, the whole U.S. policy until 1950 was to hold Germany down and deny it military strength. The British were still dismantling German industry as reparations when I went to London. They were getting the stuff out. Germany was trade competition. The British always thought about trade. They don't much anymore, but they did then. So they were among the last I think to stop dismantling German industry.

Well, you know, I was just a staff man, I didn't raise any objections to the demilitarization policy. I don't remember thinking there was anything wrong with it.

MCKINZIE: There was some talk too that unless Germany were given a full part in NATO that the influence of the occupying powers would begin to decline, that there was a kind of natural life of occupation after which you get out and make friends or you...

MATLOCK: That's right. Well, there was a real issue within Draper's immediate staff, and David Bruce's staff, involving me and Tommy Tomlinson and some others. One point of view, which I espoused, was that the occupation was over. The Contractual Agreements had not been signed, but I said, "The occupation in substance is over. We have told Germany (the West German Federal Republic of course) that we want it for a partner in alliance against Russia. The occupation is therefore over,

 * After six months of silence from your audience I conclude that nobody cares for your personal take on German's post-war economic recovery. Cheers. -Ashley Pomeroy 14:15, 13 December 2006 (UTC)

The Morgenthau Plan and the American post-War Wirtschaftswunder
The Morgenthau Plan which was broadly implemented after WWII, meant the stealing of hundreds of German patents by the U.S. and the USSR and the dismantlement and transfer of factories to both nations.

Whole German industries like Aircraft and part of the Chemical and Pharmeceutical industries were robbed and sent to America and Russia. In fact, these patents and the brain drain were the base of the American Apollo XI and Saturn Projects to send an American to the Moon, a project headed by the German Werner Von Braun, as everybody knows.

Germany just received through the Marshall Plan 10% of the wealth stolen. Whole sectors of the economy like Aircraft never recovered but they were essential to the American post-War Wirtschaftsunder.--81.37.38.195 (talk) 14:11, 11 June 2009 (UTC)

 * Also, I wonder where you get your figures (10% of wealth stolen). Nevertheless, what you're saying is - this is a case of the term really fitting, the Wirtschaftswunder was a true Wunder. --Bezzemek (talk) 20:30, 4 July 2009 (UTC)

Discussion page
I find some parts of this page not to be objective, the use of words like "steal" "stolen" and soforth, are highly SUBJECTIVE and biased. It also does not take into account the reasoning behind these actions; this nation-state started a war of conquest/aggression and lost, many of its leaders were convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity, therefore some if not most of this punishment was retribution that the other countries were owed as well as to remind their future leaders what happens to those who commit such crimes and the nations the govern/rule. Talk of no help with reperations, well, that is as absurd as bank bailouts! " The Marshall Plan made up only 10% of reperations paid" Reperation are paid as a penaly for wrong-doing, not as an agreed upon debt, thus are SUPPOSED to punative. This was interesting, informative, but highly biased, as if the German nation governed by the NAZI party was an innocent bystander to a war they just happened to be drawn into, whne in fact, they started and then proceeded to plunder the nations they captured as well as terrorizing and killing their citizens. Otherwise, this was a fine article. — Preceding unsigned comment added by SloanerOboner (talk • contribs) 17:29, 15 February 2011 (UTC)

reasons
"The West German Wirtschaftswunder was partly due to the economic aid provided by the United States and the Marshall Plan, but mainly due to the currency reform of 1948 which replaced the Reichsmark with the Deutsche Mark as legal tender, halting rampant inflation." Neither was the reason for the economic upswing, the Wirtschaftswunder. The Marschall Plan was mostly a morale boost and had quite small impact on the economic development. In fact, it had a smaller volume than reparations to the U.S. and came later than the obvious beginning of the recovery. The overemphasis on the Marschall Plan is a federal republican myth (among Germans) and a result of U.S.-centric point of view (among Americans). The currency reform was no reason either - it was rather the removal of an obstacle. The real reason is simple macroeconomics; see the Solow-Swan model, for example. A strong growth was unavoidable in that situation because of high savings rates and skilled workforce; the nation accumulated capital quickly and therefore the economy grew quickly. The British state had not defaulted on the war debt, financed a military in 1946-1954 and strangled its economy with taxation plus the economy started at a point of much less destruction in 1945. That's why the British hadn't such a growth. 84.44.254.115 (talk) 18:09, 17 October 2009 (UTC) Lastdingo (talk) 18:09, 17 October 2009 (UTC)

 * Lastdingo, you have some good points that would be good for the article. It could really benefit from further elaboration on the factors that DID cause the Wirtschaftswunder. Udibi (talk) 09:00, 30 March 2010 (UTC)

I disagree with this explanation. See Michael Hudson's "Super Imperialism", which explains that the real reason was primarily the forgiveness of debt--the key difference from the Treaty of Versailles--together with the Korean War and increases in worldwide demand (but Germany was better able to respond to increased demand than France or the UK, for instance, due to debt forgiveness that was not available to France or the UK). — Preceding unsigned comment added by 67.51.122.18 (talk) 22:05, 28 July 2011 (UTC)

 * I have this draft, which I think explains it well:Lastdingo (talk) 09:42, 3 May 2011 (UTC)

The fundamental reason for the quick economic recovery of West Germany can be found in the Exogenous growth model. West Germany had a skilled workforce and a high technological level in 1946, but its capital stock had largely been destroyed during the war. This small capital stock as well as production conversion back to civilian goods, monetary and regulatory problems led to an unusually low economic output during the first post-war years. These initial problems were overcome by the time of the currency reform of 1948 which replaced the Reichsmark with the Deutsche Mark as legal tender, halting rampant inflation. This act to strengthen the German economy had been explicitly forbidden during the two years that the occupation directive JCS 1067 was in effect. JCS 1067 had directed the U.S. forces of occupation in Germany to "…take no steps looking toward the economic rehabilitation of Germany". The Allied dismantling of the West German coal and steel industries decided at the Potsdam conference was virtually completed by 1950; equipment had then been removed from 706 manufacturing plants in the west and steel production capacity had been reduced by 6,700,000 tons. Although the industrially important Saarland with its rich coal fields was returned to West Germany in 1957, it remained economically integrated in a customs union with France until 1959 and France extracted coal from the area until 1981.
 * Beginning of draft

West Germany proceeded after 1948 to quickly rebuild its capital stock and thus to increase its economic output at stunning rates. The very high capital investment rate thanks to low consumption and a very small need for replacement capital investments (due to the still small capital stock) drove this recovery during the 1950's.

In addition to the physical barriers that had to be overcome for the German economic recovery (see the Morgenthau Plan) there were also intellectual challenges. The Allies confiscated intellectual property of great value, all German patents, both in Germany and abroad, and used them to strengthen their own industrial competitiveness by licensing them to Allied companies. Beginning immediately after the German surrender and continuing for the next two years the U.S. pursued a vigorous program to harvest all technological and scientific know-how as well as all patents in Germany. John Gimbel comes to the conclusion, in his book "Science Technology and Reparations: Exploitation and Plunder in Postwar Germany", that the "intellectual reparations" taken by the U.S. and the UK amounted to close to $10 billion. During the more than two years that this policy was in place, no industrial research in Germany could take place, as any results would have been automatically available to overseas competitors who were encouraged by the occupation authorities to access all records and facilities.

The Marshall Plan gave a moral boost, but very little actual financial assistance until the recovery was already in full swing.

Meanwhile thousands of the best German researchers and engineers were being put to work in the Soviet Union and in the U.S. (see Operation Paperclip)

Contrary to popular belief, the Marshall Plan, which was extended to also include Western Germany after it was realized that the suppression of the Western German economy was holding back the recovery of the rest of Europe, was not the main force behind the Wirtschaftswunder. Had that been the case, other countries such as the United Kingdom (which received higher economic assistance from the plan than Germany) should have experienced the same phenomenon. One must never underestimate the effect of the "unofficial contributions" of 150,000 U.S. troops earning as much as 4 Deutsche Marks to the dollar, depending on the exchange rate. These marks were consumed within Germany to buy food, luxury items, beer and cars, as well as entertaining the locals and for prostitutes. During exercises such numbers of soldiers would swell to over a quarter-million. However, France did experience a similar phenomenon (known as Trente Glorieuses). Nonetheless, the amount of monetary aid (which was in the form of loans) received by Germany through the Marshall Plan (about $1.4 billion in total) was far overshadowed by the amount the Germans had to pay back as war reparations and by the charges the Allies made on the Germans for the ongoing cost of occupation (about $2.4 billion per year). In 1953 it was decided that Germany was to repay $1.1 billion of the aid it had received. The last repayment was made in June 1971.

The Korean war (1950-53) led to a worldwide increased demand for goods, and the resulting shortage helped overcome lingering resistance to the purchase of German products. At the time Germany had a large pool of skilled and cheap labour, partly as a result of the deportations and migrations which affected up to 16.5 million Germans. This helped Germany to more than double the value of its exports during and after the war. Apart from these factors, hard work and long hours at full capacity among the population in the 1950s, 1960s and early 1970s and extra labour supplied by thousands of Gastarbeiter ("guest workers") provided a vital base for the sustainment of the economic upturn with additional workforce.

From the late 1950s onwards, West Germany had one of the world's strongest economies. The East German economy also showed strong growth, but not as much as in West Germany, due to the bureaucratic system, emigration of working-age Germans to West Germany and continued reparations to the USSR in terms of resources.

Ludwig Erhard, who served as the Minister of the Economy in Adenauer's cabinet from 1949 until 1963 and later became Chancellor, is often associated with the German Wirtschaftswunder.
 * End of draft

Btw, I have a West German university degree in economics, including focus classes on economic growth & wealth distribution, fiscal policy and economic policy. Back in about '99, the exogenous growth model was taught to me by a prof as the primary explanation for the Wirtschafstwunder. Lastdingo (talk) 09:42, 3 May 2011 (UTC)

 * implemented Lastdingo (talk) 14:22, 17 June 2011 (UTC)

Daniel Yergin's take
In the book (and later in the PBS documentary) The Commanding Heights, Yergin credits Ludwig Erhard for having unilaterally abolished all the price controls (established under the Nazi regime and retained under the Marshall Plan). Erhard undertook this action partly in keeping with the economic policies of the Christian Democratic Party and partly in retribution for General Clay's having withheld notification about the currency reform from him. While Yergin's objectivity might be questioned (he's definitely a free-market, pro-Hayek economic historian), there is no questioning the fact that Germany was suffering from hyperinflation, and that the black and gray markets easily accounted for 50% of all economic activity. The *official* currency was worthless; the *real* currency was cigarettes (for small purchases) and cognac (for larger purchases)...and this remained the case even *after* the currency reform. The German markets simply didn't function correctly, and per Yergin, this was a simple, direct consequence of the price control system.

The currency reform took place in June 1948. Hyperinflation remained. Within a week, Erhard abolished all price controls. Virtually overnight, hyperinflation vanished, as did the black and gray markets. This, then, would seem to be the event that actually touched off the Economic Miracle. (See pp. 16-19 of The Commanding Heights.)

Note that this explanation also works over a longer term. Investment is credited with building the Miracle, but investment was encouraged by the abolishment of price controls. A tightly-controlled economy is, historically, the most significant factor in producing investment risk aversion.

So I'd like to see more emphasis placed on deregulation in creating the Miracle. This would certainly be consistent with more recent Miracles that have occurred in India, China, Great Britain, and elsewhere. Would there be great objection to me including the deregulation angle? I'll happily field suggestions as to placement and wording (although the text need not be any more expansive than the first two paragraphs of this comment).

Byff (talk) 00:30, 2 June 2011 (UTC)
 * That looks like a good idea. (Of course, subjects like this can attract some rather distorted coverage, so be careful with sources) bobrayner (talk) 08:34, 2 June 2011 (UTC)
 * Deregulation merely removes a limiter from the economic potential. Other factors actually drive potential up. To say that deregulation lets an economy grow is like saying that releasing the brakes accelerates a car. 10:56, 2 June 2011 (UTC) — Preceding unsigned comment added by Lastdingo (talk • contribs)

 * I tried to get the ball rolling, 12 years later. I don't know that I did a great job. I hope someone fixes any stylistic errors I may have made, instead of just deleting it. Benevolent Prawn (talk) 05:42, 7 September 2023 (UTC)

Article seems terribly biased
I believe this article fails to maintain an unbiased viewpoint or neutrality. It has many opinions stated as facts, cited by partisan sources. Just because you have a book that says one thing, doesn't make it true - especially something difficult to prove. For example: this article says the Marshall plan was extended to West Germany because the poor economic conditions in West Germany were holding the rest of Western Europe back (and therefore not at all interested in West Germany's well-being), but completely ignores the well accepted fact that the Marshall Plan was extended to West Germany to beef up the country widely considered as the buffer between the East and the West. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 74.110.179.229 (talk) 04:02, 19 December 2012 (UTC)

I agree, and the tone is not neutral at all. Joyninja (talk) 04:26, 25 August 2019 (UTC)

Why isn't this page titled German economic miracle?
I thought wikipedia had a policy of using english? Jishiboka1 (talk) 13:42, 30 March 2022 (UTC)

 * "Wirtshaftwunder is probably the common name in English too. See: WP:ESTABLISHED. Schierbecker (talk) 21:36, 30 March 2022 (UTC)

Requested move 8 December 2023

 * The following is a closed discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review after discussing it on the closer's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

The result of the move request was: not moved. (closed by non-admin page mover)  The Night Watch     (talk)   23:20, 24 December 2023 (UTC)

Wirtschaftswunder → German economic miracle – Clear WP:COMMONNAME, WP:RECOGNIZABLE title (t · c)  buidhe  23:50, 8 December 2023 (UTC) — Relisting. Extraordinary Writ (talk) 20:45, 17 December 2023 (UTC)

Some of the results of #1 include other economic miracles, but looking through the results it's clear that most of them (certainly more than 1/4) are referring to this topic. And other phrasings such as "West Germany's economic miracle" "economic miracle in the Bonn Republic" and the like support the use of a descriptive, English language title. (t · c)  buidhe  23:50, 8 December 2023 (UTC)
 * German "economic miracle" 2,200 results on Google Scholar since 2022
 * Wirtschaftswunder 451 results excluding most German language publications
 * Oppose. While I usually prefer English translation, "Wirtschaftswunder" is sufficiently well established in English usage to refer to this event.  "German economic miracle" is ambiguous - firstly, it is inaccurate (it was West Germany not Germany), secondly, it is not sufficiently distinct from 1890s industrialization, which is also sometimes characterized as an economic miracle.  Also G-scholar hits are not reported correctly. "German economic miracle" has only 201 hits on G-scholar.  It is a 2:1 ratio in favor of Wirschaftswunder.  Walrasiad (talk) 17:51, 10 December 2023 (UTC)
 * I don't think it's reasonable to exclude other phrasings of the English translation when calculating the common name. Wirschaftswunder is equally ambiguous since it just means "economic miracle" in German. In English language sources, it can also refer to other periods of rapid growth in German economic history, or even other countries like Japan and Spain. The unambiguous term would be "West German economic miracle", which I would also support. (t · c)  buidhe  05:46, 11 December 2023 (UTC)
 * "Wirthschaftswunder" is not a mere translation, but has become a proper term in English to refer specifically to the post-war economic miracle in Western Germany, and nothing else. Other uses of the term are trying to make a deliberate allusion to it. By contrast, "economic miracle" is a generic term, that could apply to, say, Italy or Singapore.
 * While "economic miracle" is more descriptive, it is not distinctive. And in English, the post-war economic miracle in West Germany has become distinctly known as "Wirtschaftswunder", and is immediately recognizable by that name.  Our own "Economic miracle" list page  refers to it as "Wirtschaftswunder"; while those of other countries or eras are given different names.
 * It is not the first time an untranslated foreign word has acquired a meaning in English to refer to a specific time and place, e.g. "Belle Époque". Walrasiad (talk) 04:18, 16 December 2023 (UTC)

The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.
 * Weak oppose, Ngrams shows Wirtschaftswunder is used sufficiently in English, whereas search results for "German economic miracle" cannot be exactly relied on as the first page of that search includes results to a Dutch economic miracle and a Brazillian Agribusiness economic miracle. Searching the specific "German economic miracle" term results in only 202 results, since 2022 as above, but it is understandable that trying to prove a descriptive name is more common is difficult. If there were multiple names for this, with no clear common name, then a descriptive name may be a suitable alternative, but Wirtschaftswunder is used in English and per comments above.  Dank Jae  03:40, 18 December 2023 (UTC)
 * Oppose per Walrasiad and DankJae. -- Necrothesp (talk) 14:13, 19 December 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Wirtschaftswunder


text: User talk:67.113.5.236

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:67.113.5.236


text: User talk:12.203.251.151

title: User talk:12.203.251.151


text:
User talk:Bjadter

I'm thinking that the problem with users that use various false identities to vandalise the wiki could be solved by use of a cookie. Basically if a user was a persistant problem the sysadmin would send a cookie to their system during an edit in progress. The presence of that cookie would then tell the wiki to ignore any changes proposed to any articles, but to cache a copy of the new submittals and send that cached item back to the computer with the cookie.

This way changing IP addresses would not let a person get back into the system.

Granted, it wouldn't work with an internet cafe, but I think a lot of vandals are using their home computers for this.

February 9, 2005.

title: User talk:Bjadter


text:
Malcolm Pearson, Baron Pearson of Rannoch

Malcolm Everard MacLaren Pearson, Baron Pearson of Rannoch (born 20 July 1942) is a British businessman and politician who was leader of the UK Independence Party (UKIP) from 2009 to 2010. He currently sits as an independent member of the House of Lords. A Eurosceptic, he was a staunch supporter of pro-Brexit campaign Leave Means Leave.

Background
Prior to entering politics, Pearson had a career in international insurance. During the Cold War, he was a leading critic of totalitarianism in the Soviet Union and supported Soviet dissidents. He worked closely with Russian author and dissident Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn to ensure that funds reached other artists and dissidents working inside the Soviet Union, and hosted Solzhenitsyn on his 8,000-hectare Rannoch Estate in Perthshire, Scotland. In 1984, Pearson established the Rannoch Charitable Trust, which funded many refugees escaping from the Soviet Union. In recognition of his efforts, Pearson was awarded in 2007 the Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson Award For Values and Vision in Politics. Pearson became treasurer of the degree-awarding body to the polytechnic sector, the Council for National Academic Awards, serving from 1983 to 1992.

Member of House of Lords
Pearson was created a life peer on 18 June 1990 as Baron Pearson of Rannoch, of Bridge of Gaur in the District of Perth and Kinross, sitting as a Conservative. He entered the House for services to the insurance industry, particularly his anti-corruption stance on the Savonita affair. In February 1997, Hugo Gurdon published an interview in The Daily Telegraph with Pearson, discussing his metaphysical and political beliefs and motivations.

Pearson is a Eurosceptic of long standing. In May 2004, he called for voters to back the UK Independence Party (UKIP). Pearson criticised the Conservative Party's leadership for being "silly", and argued that they should try to get UKIP members back into the fold by adopting more eurosceptic policies themselves. Along with three other Conservative peers, he was then expelled by the Conservative Party on 30 May. He tabled a number of unsuccessful bills in the House of Lords demanding Britain's withdrawal from the European Union. In November 2006, he tabled the European Union (Implications of Withdrawal) Bill, which called for an official cost benefit analysis of UK's EU membership. He threatened to quit the Conservatives to join UKIP, which he did on 7 January 2007, along with Lord Willoughby de Broke, citing David Cameron's refusal to tell the British people about the disadvantages they suffer because of Britain's membership of the EU.

Leader of the UK Independence Party
In September 2009, Lord Pearson of Rannoch announced his candidacy in the 2009 UKIP leadership election. He won the election and was announced the new leader of UKIP on 27 November 2009. He led the party through the 2010 general election, appearing on BBC News' Campaign Show with Jon Sopel on 19 April 2010. During the interview, to talk about the party's recently launched manifesto, he appeared to have limited knowledge of what was in the manifesto, saying that he was not prepared to discuss the "minutiae" of his party's policies. He added, "I haven't remembered it all in great detail. I didn't come on to talk about this sort of thing."

Pearson resigned his leadership in August 2010, saying he was "not much good at party politics" and that UKIP "deserved a better politician to lead it".

In October 2019, Pearson resigned from UKIP to sit as an independent.

Expenses
Shortly after Pearson's election as UKIP leader in 2009, the Daily Telegraph reported that he had claimed more than £115,000 in Parliamentary expenses between 2001 and 2007, having designated his estate in Scotland as his main residence, although his £3.7m house in London was designated as his principal residence for tax purposes, and he was thus not liable for £275,000 in capital gains tax when he sold his London house in 2006.

In reply, Pearson argued that he spent "half the year" at his Scottish estate, stating that the sum covered several years in expenses and that working as a public servant had cost him "millions" as a result of having to give up salaried work.

Criticism of Islam
In 2009, Lord Pearson and cross-bencher Baroness Cox invited the Dutch Freedom Party leader, Geert Wilders, to show the anti-Islam film Fitna before the House of Lords. Jacqui Smith, then Home Secretary, subsequently excluded Wilders from entry to the UK. In response, Pearson and Cox accused the then Government of "appeasing" militant Islam. Wilders appealed successfully against his exclusion, and the film was eventually shown in the Lords in 2010.

Pearson warned in 2013 that UK Muslim communities were home to "thousands of potential home-grown terrorists". He said Sharia law was "running de facto in our land" and that calls for violence were not simply coming from a "few extremists", stating: "These people hate us with frightening religious fervour and we are right to fear them." His comments were condemned by Sayeeda Warsi, the Minister of State for Faith and Communities, who responded by stating: "It points at best to an ignorance about Islam and at worst a deliberate attempt to perpetuate a distorted image of the faith."

In 2014, Pearson suggested that the Quran had inspired the Murder of Lee Rigby, referring to "the violence in the Qur'an – and indeed in the life and the example of Muhammad". Member of Parliament Yasmin Qureshi called Pearson's words "lies" and "nonsensical rubbish", while another MP, Khalid Mahmood, called them Islamophobic and said: "Obviously he hasn't read the Qur'an. Islam is about submission to the Almighty. It is not about war against anybody else."

Pearson invited Tommy Robinson to Parliament in 2018. A UKIP spokesperson said that Pearson had invited journalists to report on a question he asked in the House of Lords about grooming gangs and that Robinson was one of 160 people contacted by Pearson.

In 2023 it was revealed that Pearson and Baroness Cox were members of a secret group called the New Issues Group, which had been operating out of the House of Lords for over a decade and collaborated with far-right anti-Muslim activists. Pearson has been described as a part of the counter-jihad movement.

Personal life
Pearson has been married three times, first to Francesca Frua de Angeli in 1965, with whom he had one daughter, Silvia Lady Le Marchant (born 1966) and whom he divorced in 1970. Secondly to the Hon. Mary Charteris (daughter of the Baron Charteris of Amisfield) in 1977, with whom he had two daughters (Marina and Zara) and whom he divorced in 1996. Thirdly, he was married to Caroline St Vincent Rose in 1997.


text:
List of parks in San Francisco

This is a List of parks in San Francisco

Federal
National Park Service United States Fish and Wildlife Service
 * Golden Gate National Recreation Area (partially), including
 * Alcatraz
 * China Beach
 * Fort Funston
 * Fort Mason
 * Fort Miley (partially)
 * Lands End
 * Ocean Beach
 * The Presidio, including
 * Baker Beach
 * Crissy Field
 * Fort Point
 * San Francisco National Cemetery
 * Sutro District, including
 * Cliff House
 * Sutro Baths
 * Sutro Heights Park
 * San Francisco Maritime National Historical Park, including
 * Aquatic Park
 * Hyde Street Pier
 * Farallon National Wildlife Refuge

National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration
 * Gulf of the Farallones National Marine Sanctuary (partially)

State
California Department of Parks & Recreation
 * Angel Island State Park (partially)
 * Candlestick Point State Recreation Area

California Department of Fish and Game
 * Farallon Islands State Marine Conservation Area

University of California
 * Mount Sutro Open Space Reserve

City
San Francisco Recreation & Parks Department

 * Alamo Square
 * Alta Plaza
 * Balboa Park
 * Bayview Park
 * Bernal Heights Park
 * Boeddeker Park
 * Buena Vista Park
 * Candlestick Park
 * Cayuga Park
 * Corona Heights Park
 * Crane Cove Park
 * Dolores Park
 * Duboce Park
 * Francisco Park
 * Garfield Square
 * Glen Canyon Park
 * Golden Gate Park, including
 * AIDS Memorial Grove (affiliated with the National Park Service as a national memorial)
 * California Academy of Sciences
 * Conservatory of Flowers
 * Japanese Tea Garden
 * Kezar Stadium
 * M. H. de Young Memorial Museum
 * Music Concourse
 * Polo Fields
 * San Francisco Botanical Garden
 * Grand View Park
 * Harding Park Golf Club
 * Heron's Head Park
 * Holly Park
 * Huntington Park
 * In Chan Kaajal Park
 * Lincoln Park, including
 * California Palace of the Legion of Honor
 * Lafayette Park (San Francisco)
 * Lake Merced
 * Larsen Park
 * McLaren Park (John McLaren Park)
 * Marina Green
 * Mount Davidson Park
 * Mount Olympus
 * Mountain Lake Park
 * Palace of Fine Arts
 * The Panhandle
 * Park Presidio Boulevard (roadway maintained by Caltrans)
 * Pine Lake Park, including
 * Pine Lake
 * Pink Triangle Park
 * Pioneer Park, including
 * Coit Tower
 * Portsmouth Square
 * Precita Park
 * San Francisco Zoo
 * Sigmund Stern Recreation Grove
 * South Park
 * Sue Bierman Park
 * Twin Peaks
 * Union Square
 * Warm Water Cove
 * Washington Square

Mini Parks

 * 10th Avenue & Clement Mini Park
 * 24th & York Mini Park
 * Alioto Mini Park
 * Beideman & O'Farrell Mini Park
 * Broadway Tunnel East Mini Park
 * Broadway Tunnel West Mini Park
 * Brotherhood & Chester Mini Park
 * Bush & Broderick Mini Park
 * Cayuga & Lamartine Mini Park
 * Coleridge Mini Park
 * Coso & Precita Mini Park
 * Cottage Row Mini Park
 * Fallen Bridge Park
 * Fillmore & Turk Mini Park
 * Golden Gate & Steiner Mini Park
 * Guy Place Mini Park
 * Head & Brotherhood Mini Park
 * Howard & Langton Mini Park Community Garden
 * Hyde & Vallejo Mini Park
 * Joost & Baden Mini Park
 * Joseph Conrad Mini Park
 * Kelloch & Velasco Mini Park
 * Lakeview & Ashton Mini Park
 * LeConte Mini Park
 * Lessing & Sears Mini Park
 * Mullen & Peralta Mini Park
 * Muriel Leff Mini Park
 * Noe and Beaver Mini Park Community Garden
 * Page & Laguna Mini Park
 * Palou Phelps Mini Park
 * Prentiss Mini Park
 * Ralph D. House Community Park
 * Randolph & Bright Mini Park
 * Selby & Palou Mini Park
 * Seward Mini Park
 * Shoreview Park
 * Turk-Hyde Mini Park
 * Utah & 18th Mini Park
 * Washington & Hyde Mini Park

Port of San Francisco

 * China Basin Park

Office of Community Investment and Infrastructure (former San Francisco Redevelopment Agency)

 * Mission Creek Park
 * Rincon Park
 * South Beach Park
 * Yerba Buena Gardens

Private

 * Oracle Park
 * Ghirardelli Square
 * Levi's Plaza

Privately-Owned Public Open Spaces
In certain districts, private developers must account for and maintain public spaces within their facilities. These Privately-Owned Public Open Spaces (POPOS) take many forms and have varying hours of operation.

 * 55 2nd St - A, B, C
 * 101 2nd St
 * 235 2nd St
 * Marriott - 299 2nd St
 * Courtyard A
 * Courtyard B
 * Courtyard C
 * Marathon Plaza - 303 2nd St
 * 1 Bush Street
 * 345 California St
 * A
 * East B
 * West C
 * 1 California St
 * 50 California St
 * 100 California St
 * 150 California St
 * 200 California St
 * 555 California St
 * 600 California St
 * 650 California St
 * Empire Park - 648 Commercial St.
 * Embarcadero Center West 1, 2, & 3
 * 611 Folsom St
 * 14 Fremont St
 * Foundry Square - 400, 405, 500 Howard St
 * Intercontinental Hotel  - 888 Howard St.
 * Pacific Terrace
 * Bay Terrace
 * 25 Jessie St
 * 1 Kearny St
 * 333 Market St
 * 425 Market St
 * 444 Market St
 * 525 Market St
 * 555/557 Market St
 * 595 Market St
 * Westfield Sky Terrace - 845 Market St
 * Golden Gate University - 536 Mission St
 * 555 Mission St
 * 560 Mission St
 * 456 Montgomery St
 * 100 Pine St
 * 1 Post St
 * Citigroup Center - 1 Sansome St
 * 343 Sansome St
 * 49 Stevenson St
 * 71 Stevenson St
 * Crocker Galleria - 165 Sutter St
 * Trinity Alley - at 333 Bush St
 * 77 Van Ness Ave
 * Redwood Park - 535 Washington St

title: List of parks in San Francisco


text: User talk:67.172.38.65

title: User talk:67.172.38.65


text:
Eduardo Krieger

Eduardo Moacyr Krieger (born June 27, 1928, Cerro Largo, Rio Grande do Sul) is a Brazilian physician, physiologist and scientific leader, current president of the Brazilian Academy of Sciences.

Life
Krieger was born to a family of German origins, in the small city of Cerro Largo, in the southernmost state of Brazil, Rio Grande do Sul. In 1946, he moved to Porto Alegre to study medicine at the Medical School of Porto Alegre. There, while he was a student, he began working with Prof. Rubens Maciel at the Cardiology Department and decided to pursue a university career in the clinical area.

In 1954, he started a training program for new physiologists, created by CAPES in Porto Alegre under the coordination of Prof. Maciel. Since Brazil had few physiological research labs at the time, the program was partly supervised by Argentine physiologists, under Prof. Bernardo Houssay's leadership (Nobel Prize, 1947). Having made himself noted for his brilliance and dedication, young Eduardo was invited to work on experimental hypertension with Prof. Eduardo Braun-Menéndez in Porto Alegre and Buenos Aires, at the famous Instituto de Biología y Medicina Experimental created by Houssay. This opportunity represented a major influence on his later professional career. He then completed his training in cardiovascular physiology with Prof. W. Hamilton at the University of Georgia at Augusta, U.S., from 1956 to 1957.

Back in Brazil, he was invited to work at the Department of Physiology of the recently created School of Medicine of Ribeirão Preto of the University of São Paulo, in the city of Ribeirão Preto, state of São Paulo. His sponsor was Prof. Miguel Rolando Covian, the new departmental chairman and an Argentine neurophysiologist who had belonged to Prof. Houssay's group and who became very impressed with Krieger during his formative years in Porto Alegre and Buenos Aires. Covian was not disappointed: Krieger completed his doctoral dissertation at Ribeirão Preto under the supervision of Prof. Covian and quickly matured as a strong scientific leader by himself. Besides heading an internationally renowned research group on experimental hypertension, he created the department's cardiovascular physiology group, which became a very influential school for many new physiologists in Brazil. As a result, new laboratories headed by Krieger's former pupils were created in several other universities, in Ribeirão Preto, São Paulo, Belo Horizonte, Vitória, Porto Alegre and Recife.

Dr. Krieger retired in 1983 from the Medical School of Ribeirão Preto, and since then has been working in hypertension research at the Heart Institute of the Faculty of Medicine of the University of São Paulo, in São Paulo City, having under his direction a multidisciplinary research group, including molecular biologists, physiologists and clinical physicians. He is married and has a son and a daughter, both scientists and research professors.

Professor Krieger is Co-President designate of the 2014 World Health Summit.

Research
Dr. Krieger's main research field is the study of experimental hypertension in animal models and the physiological mechanisms of blood pressure regulation, mainly its neurogenic mechanisms. He described a method for performing the denervation of the sino-aortic baroceptor in the Norwegian rat which is widely used. His studies on the baroreceptor adaptation in hypertension and hypotension are widely recognized and have been published in the main scientific journals of the field. Dr. Krieger is one of the most highly cited Brazilian researchers.

He was also a pioneer in using the rat as a model for the study of blood pressure regulation in sleep and exercise, as well as in the neural recording of electrical activity of the sympathetic system in physiological conditions. In collaboration with Prof. Sérgio Henrique Ferreira in the last phase of the discovery of a new ACE inhibitor extracted from Bothrops venom, he demonstrated experimentally its efficacy in the reversion of experimental hypertension, thus opening the way for the eventual development of a new antihypertensive drug, captopril (trademarked Capoten) by Squibb scientists.

Scientific leadership
Along with his activities as a professor and researcher, Dr. Krieger has also made great contributions to the development of science and higher education in Brazil. He participated in the university reform at USP from 1968 to 1969, and cooperated with many research grants committees of CNPq (Brazilian National Research and Development Council, Ministry of Education (CAPES) and the São Paulo Foundation for Research Support (FAPESP). He was one of the founders and a President of the Brazilian Society of Physiology (1979-1985), founder and the first President of the Brazilian Federation of Societies of Experimental Biology (FESBE - 1985-1991), and founder and first President of the Brazilian Society of Hypertension (1992-1994). He is one of the three editors who founded and directed the Brazilian Journal of Medical and Scientific Research, one of the best international scientific journals of best quality in the country. He belongs to both the Brazilian Academy of Sciences and to the Brazilian Academy of Medicine (elected 1998).

At the international level, Prof. Krieger is a Director of the Committee on Science and Technology in Developing Countries (COSTED) since 1998, and a member of the Third World Academy of Sciences (TWAS) since 1995, and was a President of the Inter-American Society of Hypertension,

Dr. Krieger has published more than 120 full papers in international journals. Under his supervision, 19 graduate students got their master's degrees and 23 their doctoral degrees.

Among his many prizes and awards, Prof. Krieger holds the national decorations of the National Order of Scientific Merit by the Presidency of the Republic of Brazil (1994) and the Comenda da Legião do Mérito do Engenheiro Militar (Commend of the Legion of Merit of Military Engineer, 1999), the Lifetime Achievement Award of the Interamerican Society of Hypertension (1997), the Almirante Álvaro Alberto em Medicina e Saúde Pública Award (National Science Award) by the National Council of Scientific and Technological Development (1998), and the Anísio Teixeira Award by the Ministry of Education (2001).

Selected bibliography

 * KRIEGER, E. M. 1970. Time-course of baroreceptor resetting in acute hypertension. American Journal of Physiology. vol. 218, p. 486-490.
 * KRIEGER, E. M., SALGADO, H. C., ASSAN, C. J., GREENE, L. J. and FERREIRA, S. H.. 1971. Potential screening test for detection of overactivity of renin-angiotensin system. The Lancet. vol. 6, p. 69-271.
 * KRIEGER, E. M. 1984. Neurogenic hypertension in the rat. In Handbook of Hypertension. Elsevier Science Publishers: vol. 4, p. 350-363. In: JONG, W. DE (ed.) Elsevier Science Publishers B.B. "Experimental and Genetic Models of Hypert
 * MICHELINI, L. C. and KRIEGER, E. M. 1986. Aortic caliber changes during development of hypertension in freely moving rats. American Journal of Physiology. vol. 251, p. 662-671.
 * KRIEGER, E. M. 1986. Neurogenic mechanisms in hypertension: resetting of the baroreceptors - State of the Art Lecture. Hypertension. vol. 8, p. 7-14. April
 * FRANCHINI, K. G. and KRIEGER, E. M. 1992. Carotid chemoreceptors influence arterial pressure in intact and aortic-denervated rats. American Journal of Physiology. vol. 262, p. 677-683.

title: Eduardo Krieger


text:
Mariposa Folk Festival

Mariposa Folk Festival is a Canadian music festival founded in 1961 in Orillia, Ontario. It was held in Orillia for three years before being banned because of disturbances by festival-goers. After being held in various places in Ontario for a few decades, it returned to Orillia in 2000. Ruth Jones, her husband Dr. Crawford Jones, brother David Major and Pete McGarvey organized the first Mariposa Folk Festival in August 1961. The inaugural event, covered by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, featured all Canadian performers. The festival grew in popularity, size and rowdiness until the popularity of the 1963 festival (with over 8,000 advance tickets sold), and the lack of sufficient security, led to a backlash from town locals. The city of Orillia secured a court injunction to prevent the festival from continuing in the town limits. The first festival held in the Toronto area, in 1964, was at Maple Leaf Stadium. The subsequent three festivals were held at Innis Lake in Caledon, northwest of the city. In the 1970s it was held on the Toronto Islands before shifting to Harbourfront (Toronto) and Bathurst Street and later Molson Park in Barrie. In 2000, the Mariposa Folk Festival was invited back to Orillia by city councilors Tim Lauer and Don Evans. The festival continues to be held in Orillia. As well as folk music, the festival highlights other aspects of folk culture including dance, crafts, storytelling.

Festival timeline
The Mariposa Folk Festival has been held in these Ontario locations with these artistic directors:
 * 1961 – 64, Oval Park, Orillia
 * 1964, Maple Leaf Stadium, Toronto
 * 1965 – 67, Innis Lake, Caledon
 * 1968 – 79, Centre Island, Toronto
 * 1980 – 81, no festival
 * 1982, Harbourfront, Toronto
 * 1983, small event at Christie Pits park, Toronto
 * 1984 – 91, Molson Park, Barrie
 * 1992 – Ontario Place, Toronto
 * 1993 – 1995, Olympic Island & Downtown, Toronto
 * 1996, Annie Williams Park, Bracebridge, and Victoria Park, Cobourg
 * 1997, Annie Williams Park, Bracebridge
 * 1998 - Bracebridge
 * 1999, Parkdale, Toronto
 * 2000 – present, Tudhope Park, Orillia

Artistic directors:
 * 1961 - 64, Ted Schaefer
 * 1964 – 77, Estelle Klein
 * 1978, Ken Whiteley
 * 1979, Estelle Klein
 * 1982, Tim Harrison
 * 1984, Michael Cooney
 * 1985, Ian Bell
 * 1986, Rick Bauer
 * 1987 – 88, Drago Maleiner
 * 1989 - 92, Richard Flohil
 * 1993 - 94, David Warren
 * 1995, Jeff Cohen
 * 1996, Artistic Committee: David Warren, Dianne Myers, Karen Carlson-Oriotis, Randi Fratkin
 * 1997, Neil Hutchinson
 * 2000 - 2006, Randi Fratkin
 * 2006 - 2017, Mike Hill
 * 2017–Present, Liz Scott

In addition, over the years there have been some alternative concerts and festivals, splinter groups, sub-festivals, and spin-offs, such as Mariposa-in-the-City in Toronto in 2000.

Early years
The idea for the Mariposa Folk Festival was created by Ruth McVeigh and her husband Dr. Casey Jones, after hearing a presentation by John Fisher. The name for the festival was borrowed from Stephen Leacock's Book Sunshine Sketches of a Little Town, set in the fictional town of Mariposa which was inspired by the real-life town of Orillia.

Mariposa Folk Festival was held for the first time in 1961.

In 1964 the festival moved unexpectedly to Toronto. Backlash from Orillia and Medonte township community members prevented the festival from continuing in its original location. Due to these circumstances as well as inclement weather, many people who had bought tickets to the festival did not attend.

In 1966 the festival's format changed, under the direction of Estelle Klein. It became more workshop-based and featured multiple stages so that different performances could occur simultaneously.

1968 was the first year that the festival started on a Friday night. It was advertised with a focus on workshops rather than on headlining acts.

In 1969 CBC filmed throughout the weekend of the festival, and created a documentary entitled “Mariposa: A Folk Festival”, which aired on September 28, 1969.

1970s
In 1970 the "Native People area" at the festival was expanded, and was a success with festival visitors. This year also featured workshops investigating instrumental styles, music of specific regions and song exchanges.

In 1971 there were no evening concerts or main stage performances. The festival was fully focused on workshops and small stage performances in order to promote smaller acts as well as already well known performers.

The 1972 festival experienced heavy rainfall, but that did not affect festival attendance. Some well known musicians came to watch the festival including Joni Mitchell, Neil Young, Gordon Lightfoot, Bob Dylan and Jackson Browne and some of them were interested in performing. The festival organizers were unsure if they should include these performers because the festival was no longer focused on big name acts. Ultimately, Murry McLauchlan offered Joni Mitchell part of his performance time. Bruce Cockburn did the same for Neil Young.

The 1973 festival featured musicians from around the world including Bai Konte from West Africa, Martin Carthy from England, Ardoin Family from Louisiana in the United States and the Boys of the Lough from Ulster and North England.

1975 was International Women's year, so the festival added many more female performers.

In 1976 the festival received a government grant so that they could include a special group of Indigenous performers from the prairies.

In 1977 the festival focused on the origins of North American folk music. The large variety of music was represented under four themes: black, Spanish, francophone and English.

The 1979 festival featured a special pavilion of Labrador craftspeople, musicians and storytellers. It also increased its folk music activities for children.

50th anniversary
In 2010, Mariposa celebrated its 50th festival by fielding a lineup of classic Mariposa artists and young developing talent. Gordon Lightfoot, Murray McLauchlan, Ian and Sylvia, and The Whiteley Brothers took the main stage on the festival's final day. Three new performers passed an audition to perform via the "up and coming showcase" program. The 2010 edition also featured Jason Collett and Serena Ryder, who headlined the mainstage on Friday and Saturday respectively.

To mark the 50th anniversary of the festival, York University's Clara Thomas Archives and Special Collections launched an online exhibit highlighting a selection of archival material from the 1960s and 1970s. York acquired the Mariposa Folk Fest archives, which includes sound recordings and publicity documents, in 2007.

Notable performers

 * Jackson Browne
 * Bruce Cockburn
 * Leonard Cohen
 * Leon Redbone
 * Edith Fowke
 * Gordon Lightfoot
 * Joni Mitchell
 * Alanis Obomsawin
 * Buffy Saint-Marie
 * Neil Young
 * John Prine
 * Arlo Guthrie

Mariposa in the Schools
In the mid-1970s the Mariposa Folk Festival began featuring children's concerts and musical workshops. In addition to this, the year round program "Mariposa in the Schools" was created in order to bring folk musicians to local Ontario schools for musical programming. The Mariposa in the Schools program ended in 2018. However, the Festival continues to have children's programming on the festival weekend in their Folkplay area.

Publications
In 1977, editors Bill Usher and Linda Page-Harpa published an anthology in celebration of the festival titled "For what time I am in this world" : stories from Mariposa.

In 2013, Sija Tsai published a doctoral thesis on the history of the festival, titled Mariposa Folk Festival: The Sounds, Sights, and Costs of a Fifty-Year Road Trip.

In 2017, Michael Hill, the artistic director and the vice-president of Mariposa, and an organizer with the festival since 2000, published a book on the festival.

title: Mariposa Folk Festival


text:
Talk:Wigner–Ville distribution

http://www.cbi.dongnocchi.it/glossary/WignerVille.html

title: Talk:Wigner–Ville distribution


text:
Polyphonic HMI

Polyphonic HMI is a music analysis company jointly founded in Barcelona, Spain by Mike McCready and an artificial intelligence firm called Grupo AIA. Its principal product is called "Hit Song Science" (HSS) which uses various statistical and signal processing techniques to help record companies predict whether a particular song will have commercial success.

The software correctly predicted the success of Norah Jones' debut album Come Away with Me months before it topped the charts, contradicting skeptical studio executives.

title: Polyphonic HMI


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Footprint Travel Guides

Footprint Travel Guides is the imprint of Footprint Handbooks Ltd, a publisher of guidebooks based in Bath in the United Kingdom. Particularly noted for their coverage of Latin America, their South American Handbook, first published in 1924, is in its 90th edition and is updated annually. The company now publish more than 200 titles covering many destinations. Since 2008, all handbook guides are published in lightweight hardback.

The initial focus on travel broadened to include activity and lifestyle guides on topics such as travel photography, travelling with children, mountain biking, diving, surfing, skiing, snowboarding and body and soul retreats. The range currently offered by Footprint includes: Footprint Handbooks, Footprint Focus, Footprint Dream Trip, Footprint with Kids, Footprint Activity and Lifestyle Guides, and Footprint Full-Colour Guides.

Globe Pequot Press acquired Footprint in 2007. When Globe Pequot was sold by parent Morris Communications to Rowman & Littlefield, Footprint was retained.

In 2019, Footprint was acquired by Bradt Travel Guides.

History
The company was incorporated in December 1922 as Trade and Travel Publications Ltd.

South American Handbook
In 1924 the company published the South American Handbook, a new edition of a guide for business travellers first published in 1921 by the Federation of British Industry and entitled the Anglo-South American Handbook.

The handbook remained the company's only guidebook for the next 65 years. Over the years the handbook expanded its coverage to include all the countries of South America, Central America, Mexico and the Caribbean. It continued to include data for businessmen, but by the 1970s was increasingly aimed at leisure travellers, particularly backpackers following the Gringo Trail. In 1989 the 65th edition was almost 1400 pages long.

In 1990 the handbook was split. The Mexico & Central America Handbook and the Caribbean Islands Handbook were published as separate volumes, and during the 1990s the company started developing a new travel guide series using the South American Handbook title as the flagship.

Footprint imprint
Trade and Travel Publications changed its name to Footprint Handbooks Ltd in August 1996. By 1997 there were over a dozen guides in the series.

The series grew quickly and in 2004, Footprint launched its first thematic guide: Surfing Europe. This was followed by further thematic guides such as Diving the World, Snowboarding the World, Body and Soul escapes, Travel with Kids and European City Breaks. In 2013 a brand new series, Footprint Dream Trip, was launched.

Official History
The official history of the company is included in the majority of Footprint’s publications.

title: Footprint Travel Guides


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Melanie Wood

Melanie Matchett Wood (born 1981 ) is an American mathematician and Professor of Mathematics at Harvard University who was the first woman to qualify for the U.S. International Mathematical Olympiad Team. She completed her PhD in 2009 at Princeton University (under Manjul Bhargava). Previously, she was Chancellor's Professor of Mathematics at UC Berkeley, Vilas Distinguished Achievement Professor of Mathematics at the University of Wisconsin, and spent 2 years as Szegö Assistant Professor at Stanford University.

She is a number theorist; more specifically, her research centers on arithmetic statistics, with excursions into related questions in arithmetic geometry and probability theory.

Early life
Wood was born in Indianapolis, Indiana, to Sherry Eggers and Archie Wood, both middle school teachers. Her father, who taught mathematics, died of cancer when Wood was six weeks old.

While a high school student at Park Tudor School in Indianapolis, Wood (then aged 16) became the first female American to make the U.S. International Mathematical Olympiad Team, receiving silver medals in the 1998 and 1999 International Mathematical Olympiad. Wood was also a cheerleader and student newspaper editor at her school.

Awards
In 2002, she received the Alice T. Schafer Prize from the Association for Women in Mathematics.

In 2003, Wood graduated from Duke University where she won a Gates Cambridge Scholarship, Fulbright fellowship (declined to accept the Gates Cambridge Scholarship), and a National Science Foundation graduate fellowship, in addition to becoming the first American woman and second woman overall to be named a Putnam Fellow in 2002.

During the 2003–2004 school year, she studied at Cambridge University. She was also named the Deputy Leader of the U.S. team that finished second overall at the 2005 International Mathematical Olympiad.

In 2004, she won the Morgan Prize for work in two topics, Belyi-extending maps and P-orderings, making her the first woman to win this award.

In 2012, she became a fellow of the American Mathematical Society.

In 2017, she received an NSF CAREER Award.

In 2018, she received the AWM-Microsoft Research Prize in Algebra and Number Theory from the Association for Women in Mathematics.

From 2019 to 2021, Wood was an American Mathematical Society (AMS) Council member at large.

In 2021, she received the NSF Alan T. Waterman Award.

In 2022, she was awarded a MacArthur Fellowship.

Selected publications

 * Wood, Melanie (2019). "Nonabelian Cohen-Lenstra moments. With an appendix by the author and Philip Matchett Wood". Duke Math. J. 168, no. 3, 377–427. MR 3909900.
 * Vakil, Ravi; Wood, Melanie (2015). "Discriminants in the Grothendieck ring". Duke Math. J. 164, no. 6, 1139–1185. MR 3336842.
 * Wood, Melanie (2010). "On the probabilities of local behaviors in abelian field extensions". Compos. Math. 146, no. 1, 102–128. MR 2581243
 * Wood, Melanie (2010). "On the probabilities of local behaviors in abelian field extensions". Compos. Math. 146, no. 1, 102–128. MR 2581243

title: Melanie Wood


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Anti-Islam

Anti-Islam or anti-Muslim may refer to:
 * Criticism of Islam, criticism of the current or historical Islamic religion, its actions, teachings, omissions, structure, or nature
 * Counter-jihad, a political current that views Islam as a threat to Western civilization
 * Islamophobia, the prejudice against, hatred, or bigotry towards the religion of Islam and Muslims
 * Persecution of Muslims, religious persecutions inflicted upon followers of the Islamic faith
 * War on Islam controversy, a perceived campaign to harm, weaken or annihilate the societal system of Islam

title: Anti-Islam


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Oriola

Oriola may stand for:

 * Oriola (grape), another name for the French wine grape Uva Rara
 * Orihuela or Oriola, a city in the province of Alicante, Spain
 * Oriola (Portugal), a parish in the municipality of Portel, Portugal
 * 701 Oriola, an asteroid discovered by Joseph Helffrich
 * Bukola Oriola (born 1976), Nigerian American journalist
 * Christian D'Oriola (1928–2007), French foil fencer

title: Oriola


text: User talk:68.73.113.121

title: User talk:68.73.113.121


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Taco rubio

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. Rje 18:06, Feb 20, 2005 (UTC)

Taco rubio
To be honest, I'm not sure what to make of this article. It seems to be either a vanity piece about a person with this handle, or an ad for an "upskirt museum". A search for "Taco rubio" OR "taco rubio" gets about 213 hits. --Deathphoenix 01:28, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC) This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.
 * Delete, reads like fictional nonsense, article provides no context otherwise. Wyss 02:11, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete a handle on secondlife.com or something like that. There is no reference for that site, so a user can't be that important. The Jacobin 02:53, Feb 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Someone's user name in an online game. -Goldom 03:04, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete unless there's an entry for Rubio's Baja Grill that this can be redirected to. That's a Southern California chain specializing in fish tacos.  Good eats. - Lucky 6.9 03:35, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete people's MMORPG chat avatars are not notable by definition. Andrew Lenahan - St ar bli nd 12:48, Feb 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Comment Ah, the wonderful world of privacy invasion in fictitious worlds. I'm a little surprised at a lack of wiki for anything relating to the whole Mr. Bungle MUD incident which was one of the first major controversies in the domain- might have to get onto that myself. This one's also pretty interesting and could become as big a deal, but doesn't appear to have had quite the same splash in terms of Google hits, but it's still quite recent, so I'm torn. For now, no vote from me. --Lawlore 18:59, Feb 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Dude, Mr. Bungle definately needs an article (I'm surprised Wikipedia doesn't have one). I'm not voting on this one for now, either.  --L33tminion | (talk) 01:30, Feb 14, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Non-notable. Carrp | Talk 04:06, 15 Feb 2005 (UTC)


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Kópavogur College

Kópavogur College (Menntaskólinn í Kópavogi ) is an upper-secondary school in Kópavogur, Iceland, founded on September 22, 1973.

title: Kópavogur College


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Talk:Lawn sign

Missing template
I noticed that the template was missing, shouldnt that be added? Ringhloth —Preceding comment was added at 16:18, 11 February 2008 (UTC)

SimonP, I don't understand why you reverted me. This is an international encyclopedia and as I don't live in the USA I have never seen one of these "most visible features of an election campaign", therefore they are not international and some geographical context is needed. If I wrote an article that said "Inca Kola is one of the most popular soft drinks" you would be entirely justified in adding the qualifier "in Peru", since without it the statement would not hold true for readers from other countries and would look bizarre and parochial, as this article does to me. If lawn signs exist elsewhere then say so, but don't just leave the opening sentence as a universal statement, because it's simply untrue. — Trilobite (Talk) 01:29, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * I'm Canadian and they certainly exist here and they are also used in Australia. Saying they are only used in the United States is false. - SimonP 02:41, Feb 10, 2005 (UTC)

Suburban phenomenon
Aren't these very much a suburban phenomenon? In cities, the vast majority of political advertizing is on streetlamps, with a few in shop windows or on outside walls. Do we need a more general article at political campaign poster?--Pharos 05:20, 18 October 2005 (UTC)

Cheap and effective or not?
As it is, the article calls lawn signs "important" and "cheap and effective" immediately before talking about how much campaign coordinators hate them and how expensive they are. Since no cites are provided for either claim, somebody should probably try to make this a little more internally consistent, or at least make it clear that two different points of view are being presented. -Cheapestcostavoider 04:22, 18 June 2006 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just added archive links to 1 one external link on Lawn sign. Please take a moment to review my edit. If necessary, add after the link to keep me from modifying it. Alternatively, you can add to keep me off the page altogether. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/20100905214540/http://www.campaigntrailyardsigns.com:80/about-campaign-yard-signs/campaign-yard-signs-needed/ to http://www.campaigntrailyardsigns.com/about-campaign-yard-signs/campaign-yard-signs-needed/

When you have finished reviewing my changes, please set the checked parameter below to true to let others know.

Cheers.—cyberbot II  Talk to my owner :Online 15:21, 7 January 2016 (UTC)

Interesting placement of a sign
Charles Juvon (talk) 23:24, 17 October 2020 (UTC)

Merger proposal
I propose merging Sign war into Lawn sign. I think the content in SW can easily be explained in the context of LS, and a merger would not cause any article-size or weighting problems in LS. Thenightaway (talk) 19:25, 27 May 2022 (UTC)
 * I tentatively vote no. You would not be able to include the information on business sign wars in the Lawn sign article. From a preliminary google search, business sign wars seem to be the main type of "sign war." Nonetheless, I recognize that section of the Sign War article is rather weak as it is. Muttnik  talk 13:22, 28 May 2022 (UTC)
 * Closing, given the uncontested objection and no support with stale discussion. Klbrain (talk) 15:43, 21 September 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Lawn sign


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Hlinka Guard

The Hlinka Guard (Hlinkova garda; Hlinka-Garde; abbreviated as HG) was the militia maintained by the Slovak People's Party in the period from 1938 to 1945; it was named after Andrej Hlinka.

The Hlinka Guard was preceded by the Rodobrana (Home Defense/Nation's Defense) organization, which existed from 1923 to 1927, when the Czechoslovak authorities ordered its dissolution. During the crisis caused by Hitler's demand for the Sudetenland (in the summer of 1938), the Hlinka Guard emerged spontaneously, and on October 8 of that year, a week after Hitler's demand had been accepted at the Munich conference, the guard was officially set up, with Karol Sidor (1901–1953) as its first commander.

The Hlinka Guard was known for its participation in the Holocaust in Slovakia; its members appropriated Jewish property and rounded up Jews for deportation in 1942. In the post-war, under one of the Beneš decrees, No. 16/1945 Coll., membership of the Hlinka Guard was punishable by 5 to 20 years imprisonment.

Duties

The guard was the Hlinka party's military arm for internal security, and it continued in that role under the autonomous government of Slovakia in federated Czecho-Slovakia. The Hlinka Guard were Slovakia's state police and most willingly helped Hitler with his plans. It operated against Jews, Czechs, Hungarians, the Left, and the opposition. By a decree issued on October 29, 1938, the Hlinka Guard was designated as the only body authorized to give its members paramilitary training, and it was this decree that established its formal status in the country. Hlinka guardsmen wore black uniforms and a cap shaped like a boat, with a woolen pompom on top, and they used the raised-arm salute. The official salute was "Na stráž!" ("On guard!").

Membership
Until March 14, 1939, when Slovakia declared its independence, the Hlinka Guard attracted recruits from all walks of life. On the following day, March 15, Alexander Mach became its commander, retaining the post up to the collapse of the pro-Nazi regime in Slovakia in 1945. Its functions were laid down in a series of government decrees: it was to be a paramilitary organization attached to the party, fostering love of country, providing paramilitary training, and safeguarding internal security. By assuming these tasks, the guard was meant to counterbalance the army and the police. In 1941 Hlinka Guard shock troops were trained in SS camps in Germany, and the SS attached an adviser to the guard. At this point many of the guardsmen who were of middle-class origin quit, and thenceforth the organization consisted of peasants and unskilled laborers, together with various doubtful elements. A social message was an integral part of the radical nationalism that it sought to impart.

Deportation of the Jews
In November 1938, the Hlinka Guard participated in the deportation of thousands of Jews. In 1942, the guard was involved in the deportation of almost 60,000 Slovak Jews to occupied Poland. The victims were given only four hours' warning, to prevent them from escaping. Beatings and forcible shaving were commonplace, as was subjecting Jews to invasive searches to uncover hidden valuables. Some guards took advantage of their power to rape Jewish women.

Political competition
A small group called Náš Boj (Our Struggle), which operated under SS auspices, was the most radical element in the guard. Throughout its years of existence, the Hlinka Guard competed with the Hlinka party for primacy in ruling the country. After the anti-Nazi Slovak National Uprising was crushed in August 1944, the SS took over and shaped the Hlinka Guard to suit its own purposes. Special units of the guard (Hlinka Guard Emergency Divisions – POHG) were employed against partisans and Jews.

Legacy
In the 2010s, the Hlinka Guard's uniforms made a reappearance in Slovakia as the preferred dress of far-right politician Marian Kotleba and his Our Slovakia party. Kotleba's group made minor alterations to the uniforms, as wearing the original uniforms remains illegal in Slovakia.

title: Hlinka Guard


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User talk:Jjkataoka

Welcome!

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, you can sign your name on Talk and vote pages using three tildes, like this: ~~~. Four tildes (~~~~) produces your name and the current date. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Again, welcome! --JYolkowski 01:33, 10 Feb 2005 (UTC)
 * How to edit a page
 * Editing, policy, conduct, and structure tutorial
 * Picture tutorial
 * How to write a great article
 * Naming conventions
 * Manual of Style

title: User talk:Jjkataoka