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Terracina

Terracina is an Italian city and comune of the province of Latina, located on the coast 56 km southeast of Rome on the Via Appia (76 km by rail). The site has been continuously occupied since antiquity.

Ancient times
Terracina appears in ancient sources with two names: the Latin Tarracina and the Volscian Anxur. The latter is the name of Jupiter himself as a youth (Iuppiter Anxur or Anxurus), and was the tutelary god of the city, venerated on the Mons Neptunius (current Monte S. Angelo), where a temple dedicated to him still exists (see below). The name Tarracina has been instead pointed out variously as pre-Indo-European origin (Ταρρακινή in ancient Greek), or as Etruscan (Tarchna or Tarchuna, the name of the Tarquinii family): in this view, it would precede the Volscian conquest.

Terracina occupied a position of notable strategic importance: it is located at the point where the Volscian Hills (an extension of the Lepini Mountains) reach the coast, leaving no space for passage between them and the sea, on a site commanding the Pontine Marshes (urbs prona in paludes, "a city surrounded by marshes", as Livy called it) and also possessing a small harbour. During the 600s BC, it joined the Etruscan League of twelve cities. In 509 BC Terracina was already under Roman supremacy as reported in the 1st treaty between Rome and Carthage. It was soon re-occupied by the Volsci and was not included in the list of the Latin league of 499 BC. In 406 it was recaptured by the Romans then lost in 402 and recovered in 400, unsuccessfully attacked by the Volsci in 397, and finally secured by the establishment of a colony of Roman citizens in 329 BC as Colonia Anxurnas.

The Roman City

As a colonia maritima the town frequently appears in history. The construction of the Via Appia in 312 BC added to its importance: the road at first crossed the hill at the back of the promontory by a steep ascent and descent. An attempt was made in 184 BC to get round it (by censor Lucius Valerius Flaccus) on an embankment thrown out into the sea: but it was probably not until early in Trajan's time (98-117 AD) that a cut in the rocks at the foot of the promontory (Pisco Montano) finally solved the problem. The depth of the cut is indicated by marks on the vertical wall at intervals of 10 Roman feet; the lowest mark, about 1 m above the present road, is CXX, corresponding to 36 m.

It was probably in consequence of this road cut that some of the more important buildings of the imperial period were erected on the low ground near the small harbour. The construction of the coast road, the Via Severiana, from Ostia to Terracina, added to the importance of the place. The Via Appia and the Via Severiana met some few miles east of Terracina, and the Via Appia then traversed the pass of Lautulae, between the mountains and the Lake of Fondi, where the Samnites defeated the Romans with losses in 315 BC. The natural environment and scenery of the promontory, with its luxuriant flora and views, had caused it to be frequented by the Romans as early as 200 BC.

Terracina became an important centre for the development of the fertile valley lying to the west, and started to grow new settlements at the foot of the hill which turned into a sanctuary area with some patrician mansions.

New public edifices were erected starting from the time of Sulla including a new theatre and forum, while the sanctuary was renovated. Marcus Favonius, the imitator of Cato the Younger, was born in Terracina, as was the emperor Galba (in 3 BC); both Galba and Domitian possessed villas in the area.

The port was built under Trajan and Antoninus Pius in the 2nd century AD. The last Roman construction was that of a new line of walls during the 5th century AD.

The nearby mineral springs by the coast, known to the Romans as Neptuniae aquae and later renamed Acqua Magnesia, are still in use, except one containing arsenic which was blocked up both by the ancients and again in 1839 as a precaution.

Middle Ages
Terracina is mentioned in the history of the Gothic War, and Theodoric is said to have had a palace here. It was sacked in 409 and 595. After the Lombards had conquered part of Italy in the late 6th century, Terracina remained an important military stronghold of the Eastern Roman Empire, and later became part of the Duchy of Naples. It was one of the northernmost outposts of Byzantine authority in the south. A monument bearing the name of Duke George of Naples stood there at the turn of the 20th century.

In 872, Pope John VIII brought it under the domination of the Holy See. However, after the crisis of papal authority in the following century, Terracina came to be ruled by local or Roman families (like that of Crescenzi, who built a massive castle, or the Frangipani, who occupied it from 1153 to 1202). In 1088 it was the seat of the first conclave held outside Rome. In the 11th and 12th centuries Terracina had a notable spurt of growth, and two new suburbs were built next to the two walled gates of Porta Maggio ("Cipollata"), Porta Albina, Porta St. Gregory and Porta Romana. A free commune was also instituted. In 1217 Pope Honorius III united its diocese to those of Sezze and Priverno.

The 1357 Costituzioni Egiziane ("Egyptian Constitutions") marked the beginning of a stronger papal authority, which however did not impede the growth of the king of Naples's influence, nor did it stop the city's internal struggles.

Modern era
The 16th century saw the communal freedoms steadily eroded, due both to the general decline of Terracina (aggravated by malaria in the increasingly marshy surrounding land) and the devastating attacks by pirates coming from North Africa. A malaria plague in 1520 contributed to this process. However, in this period the first Renaissance mansions began to be built by noble families like the Savio, Garzoni, Gottifredi, de' Romanis and others.

In the 17th century the popes began a program of repopulation of Terracina through the resettlement of families from the country nearby lured by tax exemptions. In this period the churches of St. John (formerly St. Lawrence) and Madonna delle Grazie were both rebuilt. In the two following centuries Terracina assumed its current appearance. Pope Pius VI started a program of draining the marshes and added a new quarter next to the channel-port.

During the Napoleonic occupation Terracina was at first annexed to the Circeo département, but revolted in 1798: the riot was suppressed by French and Polish troops, led by general Étienne-Jacques-Joseph-Alexandre MacDonald. After the end of the Napoleonic Wars, the position of Terracina at the border between the Papal States and the Kingdom of Naples was officially set by the Concordat signed by Pope Pius VII and Ferdinand I of Two Sicilies in 1818.

In 1839 and 1843 Gregory XVI visited the city, in which he instituted works for a new port.

In 1934 the city was removed from the province of Rome and added to that of Latina.

After the end of World War II, in which it suffered heavy damage, Terracina developed greatly, with a large new quarter developing towards the Via Appia and alongside the coast north to Monte S. Angelo. This is Borgo Marino, the "Marine Quarter".

Geography
The municipality borders with Fondi, Monte San Biagio, Pontinia, Sabaudia, San Felice Circeo and Sonnino. It counts the hamlets (frazioni) of Borgo Hermada, Frasso (shared with Sonnino), La Fiora and San Vito.

Main sights
The modern town occupies the site of the old one. The present piazza is the ancient Roman forum, and the Roman pavement of slabs of travertine with the inscription A. AEMILIUS A. F. in letters once filled in with bronze, is well preserved. The paving is supported by massive arched substructures, which extend under the surrounding houses.

Medieval buildings
Terracina Cathedral (Cattedrale dei SS. Pietro e Cesareo) (Duomo) is ensconced within a temple of Roma and Augustus, part of the side wall of which, with engaged columns, is still visible. The edifice was consecrated in 1074, and renovated in the 12th and 18th centuries. The Cosmatesque-inlaid vestibule is preceded by an eighteen-step staircase, and supported by ten ancient columns resting upon recumbent lions, with a mosaic frieze upon them, made by 12th century Sicilian-Norman artists. The brick campanile, in Gothic-Romanesque-style, has small columns with little pointed arches and Islamic majolica in the walls. The interior has a Cosmatesque pulpit supported by ancient columns resting on lions, a Paschal candlestick of 1245, and a pavement of the same period with beasts and dragons.

To the right of the Duomo is the Gothic Palazzo Venditti, from the first half of the 14th century. Nearby is also the Torre Frumentaria ("Wheat Tower", 13th century), which now houses the Museo Pio Capponi.

The town walls consist of Byzantine and medieval towers erected along the Volscian and Roman curtain wall, in "polygonal" style similar to those of Constantinople. Beyond a three-way crossing, next to Porta Nuova, is the Frangipane Castle or Rocca Traversa, which in 1202 became the symbol of the communal freedom of Terracina. It was damaged by Allied bombs on September 4, 1943.

Other churches are those of the Annunziata (13th century, with a decorated architrave over the portal by a Master Andrew of Priverno), San Domenico (erected in the first decades of the 13th century, and enlarged in 1298) and San Francesco (1222), which follows the Gothic Cistercian style of the Abbey of Fossanova.

Roman remains
Many Roman ruins were brought to light only after the World War II bombings. These include a quadrifrons arch, which served as entrance to the forum. Two sides can be still seen in good condition, 6.4 by wide. Under it is a well-preserved stretch of the ancient Via Appia.

Above the town are several massive terrace platforms for supporting buildings; these may well belong to the Roman period, and the latter even to the Empire. The summit of the promontory, elevation 227 m, is reached by the old line of the Via Appia, which is flanked by tombs and by remains of an ancient defensive wall with circular towers, the so-called Cinta Sillana (once attributed to Theodoric, but dating from the first decades of the 1st century BCE). The summit is occupied by a large terrace, supported by arcades of fine opus incertum (traditionally, but wrongly, called the "palace of Theodoric") on all sides except the east, with views seaward over the coast and over the Pontine Marshes.

On the terrace stood the Corinthian-order temple traditionally attributed to Jupiter Anxur (1st century BCE), about 35 by. The cella was decorated internally with engaged half-columns, and contained the pedestal for the statue of the Jupiter, who would have been venerated here as a child-god: this attribution is confirmed by the discovery of numerous leaden votive figures, like those later made for dolls' houses, in the favissae on the east of the temple. The interior cell measures 13 by with 6 half-columns per side. However, recently the attribution of the temple to Jupiter has been put under discussion, due to the discovery of inscriptions dedicated to Venus.

At the external of the temple is the "oracle", a kind of quadrilateral base with a hole from which, standing in a cave, the priests communicated the answers to the questions of the faithful. To the left of this great construction is the Small Temple, probably a civil edifice to be dated somewhat earlier than the former one.

The remains of another temple, the Capitolium, 16.5 by, with cells 9.5 by, lie on the street starting from Palazzo Venditti. Built in the mid-1st century BCE, it was dedicated to the Capitoline Triad of Jupiter, Juno and Minerva.

Of the lower town by the harbour, which had buildings of some importance of the imperial period (amphitheatre, baths, etc.), little is now visible, and its site is mainly occupied by a new quarter built by Pope Pius VI. Of the ancient harbour constructed by Antoninus Pius insignificant remains exist, and it is largely silted up. Close to it is the small modern port. In 1838, a marble bust of Sophocles was found near the amphitheatre. It is now in the Lateran Museum, Rome.

The commune of Terracina includes a considerable extent of territory towards the northwest with much undergrowth (macchia) valuable for charcoal burning, and a considerable extent of pasture and arable land. The ancient aqueduct, bringing water some 55 km from the slopes of the Volscian Hills, has been repaired and is in use. About 3 mi to the northwest, at the foot of Monte Leano, was the shrine of the nymph Feronia, where the canal following the Via Appia through the marshes ended. Along these three km of the Via Appia are numerous ancient tombs, and the fertile valley to the northeast was thickly populated in Roman days, before the intrusion of malaria.

Transport
The Terracina railway station is not on the main Rome-Naples railway line. The nearest stops are the station of Priverno-Fossanova or that of Monte San Biagio-Terracina Mare: the former has a shuttle rail connection to Terracina, which is discontinued since September 20, 2012 due to a landslide by which the rail was damaged.

Terracina can be reached by car from Rome by the old Via Appia, or by the more modern Via Pontina. The Via Flacca connects the city to Sperlonga and Gaeta to the south coast. A fast road link leads to the Frosinone exit of the A1 Milan-Rome-Naples motorway.

Ferries connect Terracina to Ponza

Twin towns – sister cities

Terracina is twinned with:

 * 🇩🇪 Bad Homburg vor der Höhe, Germany
 * 🇫🇷 Cabourg, France
 * Chur, Switzerland
 * 🇬🇧 Exeter, Devon, United Kingdom
 * 🇱🇻 Jūrmala, Latvia
 * 🇦🇹 Mayrhofen, Austria
 * 🇱🇺 Mondorf-les-Bains, Luxembourg
 * 🇭🇺 Pécs, Hungary

Notable people

 * Marcus Favonius (c. 90 BC–42 BC), Roman politician
 * Galba (3 BC- 69), Roman emperor

title: Terracina


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Funnel (ship)

A funnel is the smokestack or chimney on a ship used to expel boiler steam and smoke or engine exhaust. They are also commonly referred to as stacks.

Purpose
The primary purpose of a ship's funnel(s) is to lift the exhaust gases clear of the deck, in order not to foul the ship's structure or decks, and to avoid impairing the ability of the crew to carry out their duties.

In steam ships the funnels also served to help induce a convection draught through the boilers.

Design
Since the introduction of steam-power to ships in the 19th century, the funnel has been a distinctive feature of the silhouette of a vessel, and used for recognition purposes.

Funnel area
The required funnel cross-sectional area is determined by the volume of exhaust gases produced by the propulsion plant. Often this area is too great for a single funnel. Early steam vessels needed multiple funnels (SS Great Eastern had 5 when launched), but as efficiency increased new machinery needed fewer funnels.

Merchant ships
Merchant shipping companies (and particularly liner companies such as Cunard Line and ferries such as Red Funnel) were quick to recognise the publicity value of distinctive funnels, both in terms of shape, number of funnels, and the colours they were painted. In an era when ship hulls were uniformly painted black (to conceal inevitable dirt when loading the ship with coal) and superstructures were white (to control the temperature in the passenger accommodation in hot summers) the funnel was one of the few parts of the ship that a company could use to clearly differentiate its ships from those of its competitors. Each company would have their own "house colours", which were often used in publicity material as well as for recognition, making funnel colours an early form of trademark. Some companies became so closely associated with their funnel colours that their nickname became a de facto company name. For example, the shipping line actually registered as 'Alfred Holt & Company' was more widely known as the Blue Funnel Line. The Southampton, Isle of Wight and South of England Royal Mail Steam Packet Company has traded under the name Red Funnel for most of its 150+ year history. Other colours such as the red with black stripes of the Cunard Line and the all buff colour of P&O remain icons of their respective lines and have remained in use for over a century through many changes of corporate ownership.

Sometimes the shape of the funnel is used as distinguishing feature rather than just the colour. Cunard fitted ships of its Saxonia class with streamlined round tops to the funnels. Intended as an aerodynamic aid to keep exhaust clear of the deck the modification had very little practical effect but was retained because it made the four ships of the class immediately recognisable and gave Cunard a suitable modern image. There was a trend for 'designer funnels' on liners in the 1960s as fashion and aerodynamic advances combined to offer designers more options that the traditional cylindrical smokestack. The Italian Line fitted the liners Michelangelo and Raffaello with funnels topped by flat discs supported on exposed diagonal bracing while P&O's Oriana and Canberra had tall, thin funnels with aerofoil cross sections. In the late 19th and the first half of the 20th century the number of funnels became associated with speed and reliability. For this reason a number of the great liners carried additional false funnels that they did not need. Examples included the White Star Line's RMS Titanic, Hamburg America Line's SS Imperator, and later the French Line's SS Normandie. In most cases there was only a single false funnel placed as the aftermost of the funnels. The false funnels did have more uses than simply aiding aesthetics however - a stoker who survived the sinking of the Titanic escaped the boiler room by ascending the false funnel, the aft funnel of Normandie housed the passengers' dog kennels, and Disney Cruise Line's Disney Magic's forward funnel plays host to a teens-only club.

Naval ships
A key part of the deception practiced by ships carrying out commerce raiding during both the First World War and Second World War was to disguise their ship's outline, and this included using false funnels or by changing the height or diameter of the actual funnel(s).

Four naval ships with six funnels each were constructed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries: two Italia-class ironclad battleships operated by the Italian Navy from 1885 to 1921, and two Edgar Quinet-class armored cruisers operated by the French Navy from 1911 to 1932. Both had their funnels in two groups of three before and abaft of center.

Macks
A mack is a combined stack and mast, as fitted to some classes of 20th century warships. Although they can reduce top-weight, they have not gained universal popularity due to the problem of exhaust gases corroding electrical aerials and equipment.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Funnel (ship)


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Chief Minister of Penang

The chief minister of Penang is the head of government in the Malaysian state of Penang. According to convention, the chief minister is the leader of the majority party or largest coalition party of the Penang State Legislative Assembly. The chief minister's official residence is Seri Teratai in the capital city of George Town.

The 5th and incumbent chief minister is Chow Kon Yeow, who assumed office on 14 May 2018. Chow succeeds his party colleague, Lim Guan Eng, who had served as the chief minister between 2008 and 2018.

Appointment
According to the state constitution, the Yang di-Pertua Negeri of Penang shall first appoint the chief minister to preside over the Executive Council and requires such chief minister to be a member of the Legislative Assembly who in his judgment is likely to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the Assembly and must not a Malaysian citizen by naturalisation or by registration. The Yang di-Pertua Negeri on the chief minister's advice shall appoint not more than ten nor less than four members from among the members of the Legislative Assembly.

The member of the Executive Council must take and subscribe in the presence of the Yang di-Pertua Negeri the oath of office and allegiance as well as the oath of secrecy before they can exercise the functions of office. The Executive Council shall be collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly. The members of the Executive Council shall not hold any office of profit and engage in any trade, business or profession that will cause conflict of interest.

If a government cannot get its appropriation (budget) legislation passed by the Legislative Assembly, or the Legislative Assembly passes a vote of "no confidence" in the government, the chief minister is bound by convention to resign immediately. The Yang di-Pertua Negeri's choice of replacement chief minister will be dictated by the circumstances. A member of the Executive Council other than the chief minister shall hold office during the pleasure of the Yang di-Pertua Negeri, unless the appointment of any member of the Executive Council shall have been revoked by the Yang di-Pertua Negeri on the advice of the chief minister but may at any time resign his office.

Following a resignation in other circumstances, defeated in an election or the death of a chief minister, the Yang di-Pertua Negeri will generally appoint as chief minister the person voted by the governing party as their new leader.

Powers
The power of the chief minister is subject to a number of limitations. Chief ministers removed as leader of his or her party, or whose government loses a vote of no confidence in the Legislative Assembly, must advise a state election or resign the office or be dismissed by the Yang di-Pertua Negeri. The defeat of a supply bill (one that concerns the spending of money) or unable to pass important policy-related legislation is seen to require the resignation of the government or dissolution of Legislative Assembly, much like a non-confidence vote, since a government that cannot spend money is hamstrung, also called loss of supply.

The chief minister's party will normally have a majority in the Legislative Assembly and party discipline is exceptionally strong in Penang politics, so passage of the government's legislation through the Legislative Assembly is mostly a formality.

Caretaker chief minister
The legislative assembly unless sooner dissolved by the Yang di-Pertua Negeri with His Excellency's own discretion on the advice of the chief minister shall continue for five years from the date of its first meeting. The state constitution permits a delay of 60 days of general election to be held from the date of dissolution and the legislative assembly shall be summoned to meet on a date not later than 120 days from the date of dissolution. Conventionally, between the dissolution of one legislative assembly and the convening of the next, the chief minister and the executive council remain in office in a caretaker capacity.

List of chief ministers of Penang
The following is the list of chief ministers of Penang since 1957:

Colour key (for political parties):

title: Chief Minister of Penang


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Jędrzej Moraczewski

Jędrzej Edward Moraczewski (13 January 1870 – 5 August 1944) was a Polish socialist politician who, loyal to Józef Piłsudski and viewed as acceptable by both left- and right-wing Polish political factions, served as the second Prime Minister of the Second Polish Republic between November 1918 and January 1919. He had previously served as Minister of Communications. Subsequently, from 1925 to 1929, he served as Minister of Public Labour.

Moraczewski died on 5 August 1944 when he was hit by shrapnel fired by a Soviet soldier into his house. He was buried at Powązki Military Cemetery.

title: Jędrzej Moraczewski


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User talk:Shivian

Oh My Gods!
No, you didn't break any policies. Close, perhaps, to advertisement, but not near enough to qualify. It's a fairly decent article. DDerby 06:42, 12 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * Thank you, glad to hear it!, I appreciate the feedback and this is only the begining. Granted the article stays, I know that my fanbase will add to, modify, and improve it 10 fold.--Shivian Balaris 06:44, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)

Copyrights on images
You recently uploaded and. If you own the copyright on the images, then you need to give the wikipedia permission to use them. If you don't, you need to get permission from the copyright holder.

If you want to license these two images under the GNU-FDL like the rest of the wikipedia, then for each of the images, go to Edit this page and add on it's own line in each of the images. It will put a box under the image that looks like this:

There are more thourough directions and other licenses at Image_copyright_tags. --JeffAMcGee 07:01, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)

 * As creator of these images I grant full permission for the Wikipedia website to use them within their articles.
 * --Shivian Balaris 13:32, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)

Your User Page
I feel honored that you would use my user page to create yours.--Lzygenius
 * twas a good page - thanks for letting me!--Shivian Balaris 16:44, Apr 13, 2005 (UTC)
 * look again! I moved the to do box because I hated the code confliction.

Eris link
Just doing a disambig round, the links to Eris, im not sure what exactly you mean, go to Eris and pick the best one.Ω§|Blacksmith2 07:08, 16 June 2007 (UTC)

OMGs!!!
Are you the Shivian that created Oh my Gods?!?!?! i love this commic strip and i read it every day before i got locked up!! if you are this Shivian could you send me a few commics on my talk page?!?!?!

Love, Little Pagan GRL —Preceding unsigned comment added by Little Pagan GRL (talk • contribs) 17:13, 2 November 2008 (UTC)

Orphaned non-free media (Image:Omgs-2004-02-29.gif)
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title: User talk:Shivian


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Monetary-disequilibrium theory

Monetary disequilibrium theory is a product of the monetarist school and is mainly represented in the works of Leland Yeager and Austrian macroeconomics. The basic concepts of monetary equilibrium and disequilibrium were, however, defined in terms of an individual's demand for cash balance by Mises (1912) in his Theory of Money and Credit.

Monetary disequilibrium is one of three theories of macroeconomic fluctuations which accord an important role to money, the others being the Austrian theory of the business cycle and one based on rational expectations.

History of the concept
Leland Yeager's (1968) understanding of the monetary disequilibrium theory begins with fundamental properties of money.

The role of money as the generally accepted medium of exchange is one of the most important properties. The other two properties that Yeager emphasized are that the demand for money is a demand to hold real money balances and that the acquisition of money has a "routinenss" to it that distinguishes it from other goods. He actually made effective use of the cash balance approach to the demand for money. When we combine these two properties we get a distinction between actual and desired money balances. The differences between individuals' actual and desired holdings of money are the proximal causes of them affecting the level of spending in the macroeconomy. These differences between actual and desired money balances appear economy-wide when we have inflation or deflation.

It presents an alternative to the real business cycle model and the quantity theory of money considered only a long-run theory of the price level. While it is widely agreed in economics that monetary policy can influence real activity in the economy, real business cycle theory ignores these effects. The theory also addresses the effects of monetary policy on real sectors of the economy, that is, on the quantity and composition of output.

Monetary-disequilibrium theory states that output, not (or not only) prices and wages, fluctuate with a change in the money supply. To that degree, prices are represented as sticky. It is this “monetary disequilibrium,” that, the theory contends, affects the economy in real terms. Thus, changes in the money supply will result first in a change of output in the same direction, as distinct from merely a change in prices. Consequently, an increase in the money supply will induce workers and businesses to supply more, without being fooled into doing so. In a situation where the money supply contracts, businesses will respond by laying off workers. In this way, the theory accounts for involuntary unemployment. The disequilibrium between the supply and demand for money exists as long as nominal supply does not automatically adjust to meet the nominal demand. Monetary-disequilibrium is a short-run phenomenon as it contains within itself the process by which a new equilibrium is established i.e. through changes in the price level. If the demand for real balances changes, either the nominal money supply or price level can adjust to monetary equilibrium in the long run as seen from the figure. From the definition of monetary-disequilibrium movements in the demand for money are responded to the changes in the real money supply through adjustments in the nominal money supply as seen from the movement from point O to A in the figure and not the price level (movement from O to A' in the figure).

The demand for money means demand to hold real cash balances. If the money supply is increased to an amount beyond which the public desires to hold (from MS to MS'), this is interpreted as a movement from O to A, as illustrated in our figure. With the increase in supply of money, people find themselves with larger money balances than they wish to hold and thus reside temporarily at point A. If we assume that there has been no change in the demand for money, these excesses will be spent on goods, services or financial assets thereby increasing their prices, leading to a movement from point A to new equilibrium point B. The increase in the aggregate price level (P* < P') is associated with excess supplies of money which reflects these individual increases. The price level continues to rise with the increase in spending of the excess money balances and eventually reaches point B where the higher nominal supply of money is held at higher price (1/P', where P' > P*). In the long run any supply of money is an equilibrium supply. The long-run movement from equilibrium O to B is shown in the figure.

Early monetary-equilibrium theory
Swedish economist Knut Wicksell (1898) was one of the main propagators of the theory. He was primarily concerned with the behavior of the general price level, as influenced by interest rates. As described by Gunnar Myrdal in 1939, the definition given by Wicksell was based on the existence of three conditions.

First, among them is the equivalence of the "natural" rate of interest and the money rate of interest. The second condition of monetary equilibrium is equilibrium in the capital market. That is the equivalence between the supply of and demand for savings. Finally, the third condition of monetary-equilibrium concerns equilibrium in the commodity market defined as stable price level.

Myrdal however has a different stand all together on this. He does admit the possibility that an increase in savings might decrease the money interest rate thereby increasing the investment but does think this to be a very strong factor and therefore misses the equilibrating function of the interest rates in the capital market.

Two important points regarding monetary-equilibrium needs to be stated. Firstly, there is no necessary relationship between monetary and general equilibrium. It is totally compatible with disequilibria in various markets for goods and services. Secondly, monetary- equilibrium can be seen as a desirable policy goal by monetary regimes.

Monetary-equilibrium in the Austrian School
The concept of monetary-equilibrium is basically a European one. Much of the work on this doctrine has been done by Swedish, British and Austrian economists. The whole approach begins with the work of Knut Wicksell in the development of the concepts of natural and market rates of interest. Wicksell believed that if the two rates are equal then the price level will be constant and any difference in the two rates will manifest themselves as changes in the value of money. Wicksell's work had a clear Austrian connection as he relied on Eugen Ritter von Böhm-Bawerk's theory of capital in developing the concepts. The representative of the British monetary-equilibrium approach was mainly Dennis Robertson.

Mises relationship to the theory is ambiguous. According to Ludwig von Mises, monetary equilibrium happens first at the individual level. Each actor wants to keep a cash balance on hand for future transactions, say, both planned and contingent. This desired money balance of the individual constitutes his money demand and is based on his subjective valuation of holding money compared to their valuation of obtaining more goods and services. The amount of the money that the individual possess is his supply of money. Individuals will try to equate their desired and actual cash holdings through their spending behavior.

Synthesis of the Yeager and Austrian theory
Monetary disequilibrium theory has always been a part of the Austrian Monetary theory. Significant features of the monetary-disequilibrium theory except the inclusion of the stable price level have been present in the Austrian theory for a long time. Mostly modern Austrian economists emphasize the effects of inflation more than the harm caused by rapid deflation. This is mainly because inflation is a more immediate problem in the current system and deflation is a result of prior inflation.

Monetary-equilibrium, loanable funds and interest rates

In case of loanable funds market we need to discuss to concepts ex-ante and ex-post. Ex-ante is what people desire and ex-post is what happens in the market process. In case of market equilibrium what demanders wish to do is exactly equal to what suppliers wish to do. This has been shown in the figure. The equilibrium here is ex-ante. However it does not guarantee that ex-post will match it especially if entrepreneurs are prevented from finding the price that will bring equilibrium in the market. Let us take the case of price ceiling. At that price quantity demanded will exceed the quantity supplied resulting in an ex-ante disequilibrium.

If the market process proceeds in this scenario we will see that the amount bought equals the amount sold and there is an ex-post equality. This happens because demanders are unable to make their demands effective due to the price ceiling.

In loanable funds market equilibrium ex-ante plans of savers and investors match precisely. The monetary equilibrium has implications for the rate of interest as there is a distinction between market rate of interest and natural rate of interest. The market rate of interest is the rate that the banks are actually charging in the loanable funds market while natural rate of interest corresponds to the time preferences of savers and borrowers as expressed in demand-supply presentation for loanable funds (r* in the figure).

The monetary system is not a source of disturbance when there is monetary equilibrium but at the time of monetary disequilibrium the system becomes a source of disequilibrium by distorting the sources generated during the process of turning time-preferences into the demand and supply for loanable funds. For ex-ante and ex-post quantities to be equal someone has to lose out.In addition the adjustment process entails significant social costs. Now, let us suppose there is an excess supply in the market. Banks will create more loanable funds than people's real willingness to save as determined by their time preferences. This will result in a fall in the market rate of interest as banks will try to lure new borrowers with their excess money supply, but the natural rate remains the same as no additional supply of loanable funds have come from the public.

Monetary equilibrium, Classics and Keynes
The monetary-equilibrium framework is in some ways not at all different from the Classical model. The three central theories of the Classical School are Say's Law, Quantity theory of money and the role of interest rates.

Say's Law (supply creates its own demand) implies that aggregate supply would always be equal to aggregate demand. The argument was that the sales of goods in the market produces the necessary income to buy that supply. This view was a part of the belief in Laissez-faire that government intervention is not required to prevent general shortages. Say's Law finds its most accurate expression in monetary equilibrium. In monetary-equilibrium, production is truly the source of demand but if there is an excess demand for money this does not happen as some potential productivity has not been translated into effective demand. If there is an excess supply of money then demand comes not only from previous production but also from the possession of the excess supply.

The Quantity theory of money explained the general price level whereas other microeconomic factors explained relative prices. With relative prices being explained by resources and tastes, the possibilities of shortages excluded by Say's Law and Quantity theory of money being explained by the price level, the only missing factor was the intertemporal exchange.

Example
In the simplest model, income Y is made up of either Consumption (C) or Saving (S) while expenditure (Yi) were either on consumption or investment goods. Here, we ignore government and foreign trade. This can be seen from equation 1. Now, if the preferences of the income earners shift towards the future resulting in a fall in C and increase in S as shown in equation 2. In the simple classical model increase in savings cause a fall in the interest rates thereby inducing additional investment expenditure. This increase in Investment (I) implies a fall in (C) on the expenditure side as shown in equation 3. As given Ci= Ce, the increase in investment is equal to the increase in savings and a shift in intertemporal preferences does not disrupt the equality between income and expenditure and also there is no change in income. (Equation4)

 * 1. Yi = Ci + S = Ye= Ce+ I.
 * 2. Yi = C↓+S↑
 * 3. Ye = Ce↓+I↑
 * 4. If S = I then Yi = Ye.

Thus, we can see that monetary-equilibrium shares a lot with the classical model.

Problems with monetary-disequilibrium theory

 * 1) According to Yeager, monetary-disequilibrium is a part of the monetarist tradition which states that "money matters the most" which cannot be true as in terms of economic analysis actors matter most.
 * 2) The static definition of equilibrium at the heart of monetary-disequilibrium theory is flawed as he uses a very neoclassical definition on the macro-economic level i.e. he talks about constant price level.
 * 3) Yeager does not take into consideration that business cycles start not just with monetary-disequilibrium but happen when that disequilibrium enters the market for loanable funds and produces disequilibrium there, such that the supply of lonable funds exceeds real savings.
 * 4) As the name suggests the monetary-disequilibrium theory is a strictly monetary explanation of a set of economic phenomenon. It does not take into account the real economic factors like real savings or market processes that influence business cycles.

title: Monetary-disequilibrium theory


text:
Floyd Spence

Floyd Davidson Spence (April 9, 1928 – August 16, 2001) was an American attorney and a politician from the U.S. state of South Carolina. Elected for three terms to the South Carolina House of Representatives from Lexington County as a Democrat, in 1962 Spence announced his decision to switch to the Republican Party, as he was unhappy with shifts in the national party.

He lost a contested seat that year for United States Representative from South Carolina's 2nd congressional district to Democrat Albert W. Watson, who had the support of powerful senator Strom Thurmond. Watson shifted to the Republican Party in 1965 and ran unsuccessfully for governor in 1970. That year Spence won the congressional seat, and was re-elected for fourteen terms after this. He became ranking Republican on the House Armed Services Committee in 1993 and chairman in 1995. Spence died in office from cerebral thrombosis in Washington, D.C., in 2001.

Early life and education
Born in Columbia, the capital of South Carolina, Spence spent most of his life in nearby Lexington County. Shortly after graduating from high school, he enlisted in the United States Navy Reserve, from which he retired in 1988 as a captain. He graduated in 1952 from the University of South Carolina in Columbia with a degree in English. Four years later, he completed his law degree from the University of South Carolina School of Law.

Political career
After law school, Spence joined the Democratic Party. He was elected to the South Carolina House of Representatives in 1956 as a Democrat from Lexington County. He was reelected in 1958 and 1960, but on April 14, 1962, Spence announced that he was switching to the Republican Party, having become uncomfortable with the national Democrats' increasingly liberal platform. He also opposed a loyalty oath required by South Carolina Democrats. He was the first Republican to serve in either house of the state legislature since Reconstruction–an example of the political realignment that had begun in South Carolina and in the entire South during the 20th century.

On the same day, he announced that he would seek the Republican nomination for the state's 2nd congressional district, based in Columbia.

He had been urged by several friends to run before his switch, especially after the death of the previous congressman, John J. Riley, but declined to do so. Spence faced the Democratic nominee, fellow state representative Albert W. Watson of Columbia. Watson won his party nomination with 52 percent of the vote over Frank C. Owens, the former mayor of Columbia and the choice of party regulars. Watson defeated Spence with 53 percent of the general election vote, the closest congressional race in South Carolina in memory. The 2nd had a conservative bent; the area's old-line Democrats had begun splitting their tickets in national elections as early as the 1940s. Watson's win was helped by the support of U.S. Senator Strom Thurmond, the former governor who had run for president in 1948 as the nominee of the one-election only third party, the States Rights Party, popularly known as the Dixiecrats.

In 1966, Spence was elected to the South Carolina Senate; he became the minority leader of a six-member caucus. He was reelected to the senate in 1968.

In 1970, Spence ran for the 2nd congressional district seat again. Watson had become a Republican in 1965, a year after Thurmond's own switch; he was giving up his congressional seat ran in 1970 for governor. He was defeated by the Democratic lieutenant governor, John C. West. Spence won a narrow victory, becoming the first freshman Republican congressman elected from South Carolina since 1896; he was the second Republican to be elected from the state since Reconstruction (Watson was the first, elected as an incumbent after his switch to the Republican Party). Both he and Watson represented conservative whites, rather than the majority African-American Republicans in South Carolina who had supported the party of Abraham Lincoln. Spence was unopposed for reelection in the Nixon-Agnew landslide of 1972 and reelected fourteen times thereafter. In 1974, Spence defeated challenger Matthew J. Perry, an African-American Democrat who had made his reputation in civil rights cases.

Aided by Ronald W. Reagan at the head of the Republican ticket, Spence was reelected in 1980 with 55 percent of the vote. After cruising to reelection in 1982 and 1984, Spence found his margin reduced to seven percent in 1986. That year Carroll Campbell became the second Republican to win the South Carolina governorship since Reconstruction. Spence faced another tough campaign in 1988, but did not face major-party opposition again until 1998.

Congressional career
For his first eleven terms, Spence represented a relatively compact district in the central portion of the state. Redistricting after the 1990 census resulted in shifting most of Spence's African-American constituents to the 6th District, which was reconfigured as a black-majority district. That district was taken by Columbia resident and state human affairs commissioner Jim Clyburn, who became the first Democrat to represent Columbia since Watson's party switch in 1965.

To compensate for this loss in population, Spence's district was pushed to the south and west, as far south as the resort city of Hilton Head Island and as far west as the fringes of the Augusta suburbs. By this time, the district had become very racially polarized, with African-American voters making up much of the Democratic base while whites supported Republicans. The loss of most of the district's was a likely factor in the Democrats not running a candidate against Spence for most of the 1990s.

In 1993, Spence became the ranking Republican on the House Armed Services Committee, having been a member of the panel since his first term. The 2nd District includes Fort Jackson. He became the committee's chairman in 1995 after the Republicans under Newt Gingrich of Georgia gained their first majority in the House in forty years.

Spence renamed the House Armed Services Committee the "Committee on National Security" when he took over as chairman. He focused on military readiness, calling it "the best insurance we have both for peace and freedom." Spence was also a strong advocate of missile defense. He stepped down as chairman after the 106th Congress because of caucus-imposed term limits. He later served as chairman of the House subcommittee on military procurement.

Personal life
Spence married his first wife, Lula Hancock Drake, on December 22, 1952. She died in 1978. They had four sons. On July 3, 1988, he married his second wife, Deborah E. Williams.

Death and succession
Spence died in Washington, D.C., on August 16, 2001, at the age of seventy-three, from complications following brain surgery. He had been admitted to St. Dominic Hospital in Jackson, Mississippi, three weeks earlier for testing and treatment for nerve pain in his face. In 1988, he had received a double lung transplant at the University of Mississippi Medical Center. This standalone lung transplant (without heart transplant) was among the first in history, and at time of the procedure Spence was the oldest patient to have received it (at 60 years of age). At the time of his death 13 years after the lung transplant, he was the longest-surviving lung transplant patient without a re-transplant, and this was a record he had held for nearly 10 years. He was buried at the Saint Peters Lutheran Church Cemetery in Lexington, South Carolina.

Upon Spence's death, his former aide, Republican State Senator Joe Wilson, won the special election for the vacant seat.

title: Floyd Spence


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Ignacy Daszyński

Ignacy Ewaryst Daszyński (26 October 1866 – 31 October 1936) was a Polish socialist politician, journalist, and very briefly Prime Minister of the Second Polish Republic's first government, formed in Lublin in 1918.

In October 1892 he cofounded the Polish Social Democratic Party (Polish abbreviation: PPSD), a precursor to the Polish Socialist Party (PPS). In 1897 he was elected to the Austrian Parliament and remained there until 1918.

From 1903 he took part in several congresses and gatherings of the International Socialist Party, advocating for the independence and reunification of all Polish territories, as an integral part of the Polish socialist program. In 1912 he began a long collaboration with future Marshal and Chief of State Józef Pilsudski. He was appointed editor-in-chief of the Socialist newspaper Naprzód (Forward), published in Kraków.

Following World War I, Daszyński cofounded the Polish National Committee, and for a few days served as head of the Provisional People's Government of the Republic of Poland formed in the city of Lublin on 7 November 1918. On 26 January 1919 he was elected to the Polish Sejm, and was re-elected in 1922, 1928, and 1930. From July 1920 to January 1921 he served as deputy prime minister in a Government of National Unity led by politician and diplomat Wincenty Witos.

Though he strongly supported Józef Piłsudski during the May 1926 Coup, he later joined the center-left opposition. From 1928 to 1930 he was the third Marshal of the Sejm. When Piłsudski entered the Sejm chamber, accompanied by a sizable military escort, Daszyński refused to open the Sejm session. He ended his political career in 1930 when Piłsudski dissolved the Sejm.

In his journalistic and underground activities, he used the pseudonyms Daszek, Żegota, and Ignis.

Childhood
Ignacy Daszyński was born on 26 October 1866 in Zbaraż in the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria (now in Ternopil Oblast), which, following the Partitions of Poland, was then a part of the Austrian Empire. He came from a not very wealthy family of the gentry, one that cherished patriotic traditions. He was the son of Ferdynand Daszyński (1816–1875), an Austrian clerk, and Kamila, née Mierzewska (1834–1895). He had three brothers, one sister, and older half siblings from his father's first marriage.

In 1872 Daszyński began his education in a school run by Franciscans in Zbarazh. He was a very good student because he already knew how to read and write and, as he grew up in a multicultural environment, he knew several languages. From childhood, he could speak Ukrainian and Yiddish and understood German. On 6 December 1875, his father died and the family moved to Stanisławów. To improve their financial situation, his mother leased flats to secondary school students. Two years later, he entered secondary school. During this time he earned money by giving his colleagues private lessons.

At that time, he was under the strong influence of his older brother, Feliks, who taught him how to be a good Polish patriot. Together they performed minor subversive actions. Feliks wrote an anniversary poem in honour of Maurycy Gosławski, a poet who fought in the November Uprising. Ignacy made copies of the poem and scattered them around the poet's grave. The Austrian police started an investigation and Feliks was arrested, while Ignacy was released pending trial. However, they were both acquitted. Feliks still did not abandon his subversive activity. He created a conspiratorial group that drew Polish and Ukrainian teenagers from the Stanisławów area. Ignacy contributed to the group by establishing its rules.

In 1882 Ignacy Daszyński gave a patriotic speech to students during the long school break. This brought his expulsion from the school and an end to his family's easy life in Stanisławów. Their financial situation collapsed, and they had to move to Lwów. Feliks began studying chemistry at the Lwów Polytechnic. Soon Ignacy and his mother had to move again. They went to Drohobycz, where he began his first job, as a lawyer's secretary (no school was willing to enroll him). During this time he came into contact with the working class for the first time. Soon he started to write for the leftist biweekly Gazeta Naddniestrzańska (Dniester Gazette), in which he wrote about the hard conditions of workers employed by the petroleum industry in Stanisławów and Drohobycz.

In September 1884, when his mother moved to Przemyśl, Ignacy was left alone in Lwów. Again he was refused enrollment at school, and so studied at home.

Politics and diplomacy
At that time, Daszyński's socialist political views were already taking shape. In 1886, he became a tutor to some friends of his parents. On 8 April 1888, he was allowed to pass the Matura (school leavers' examinations) without attending the classes. He received his diploma on 22 September 1888 and went on to study philosophy at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków. Thanks to his brother Feliks, he was in touch with socialists in Kraków. In 1889, he met Ludwik Kulczycki, whom he helped in delivering socialist brochures in Congress Poland.

Daszyński soon had to abandon his studies because of financial problems. He became a tutor again, working under a false name for the Gniazdowski family from Czarnostaw. On the night of 2–3 May 1889, he was arrested by the Russian police and spent six months in jail in Pułtusk because he was mistaken for his older brother Feliks, who was engaged in the socialist movement abroad (he attended the Congress of the Second International in Paris). When Ignacy was released from jail he was expelled from Congress Poland and returned to Kraków. While there, he was accused of engaging in illegal political activities, but was acquitted under a statute of limitations. He returned to university, but had to give up his studies after taking part in a demonstration.

After these events, Daszyński decided to emigrate to Argentina. However, before leaving Europe he went to Switzerland to visit his brother Feliks and his wife Zofia. His brother had tuberculosis and was taking a cure in Davos. After meeting his brother, he went to Paris to buy a ticket to sail to Argentina, but on 9 April 1890 he was informed of Feliks's death. After this, Stanisław Mendelson and Aleksander Dębski persuaded him not to emigrate. He decided to study in Switzerland and was admitted to the University of Zurich. During his studies there, he was supported by Mendelson, who gave him 60 pounds per month.

In Switzerland, Daszyński continued his brother's socialist activity. He was one of the founders of the Polish Working Class Association "Zgoda" (Stowarzyszenie Robotników Polskich "Zgoda"). He collaborated with Julian Marchlewski, Rosa Luxemburg and Gabriel Narutowicz. His greatest achievement at that time was the creation of order-keeping services that protected socialist demonstrations. The ceremony of moving Adam Mickiewicz's ashes to Poland turned into such a demonstration, during which Marchlewski gave a speech.

Daszyński returned to Poland in October 1890. First he stayed in Kraków, then moved to Lwów, where he created a management center for the socialist movement in Galicia. He collaborated with Ukrainian socialist activists and attended the founding meeting of the Ruthenian-Ukrainian Radical Party (Rusko-Ukraińska Partia Radykalna), where he met the poet Ivan Franko.

Social Democratic Party
Daszyński wanted to unite all the working-class movements of Galicia. Particular groups were connected with two newspapers, Praca and Robotnik; he himself was a Praca journalist. At a meeting on 7 November 1890 in Lwów, socialist activists decided to create an official and legal Labour Party. The next step was to establish a new socialist poverty-relief and educational association, Siła ("strength" or "force"), on 15 February 1891. When the organization grew bigger, its presence reached Stanisławów and Kraków. At that time, he was very active as a journalist and politician. He delivered speeches at many rallies, such as the election rally on 1 May 1891 in Lwów, and he published a political brochure, O partiach politycznych w Galicji ("On the Political Parties in Galicia"), under the pseudonym Żegota on 30 April 1891. After its publication, he was charged with affiliation with an underground organization, but, since the Socialist Party was legal, the charge was dismissed. In June he became a Galician delegate at the Congress of the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Austria in Vienna.

From 16 to 23 April 1891, Daszyński led a delegation of Polish socialists to the Congress of the Second International in Brussels. He then went to Berlin, where he became editor-in-chief of the Polish newspaper Gazeta Robotnicza ("Workers' Gazette"). He worked there for six months. When he was leaving Berlin, he was arrested by the German authorities on charges of publishing seditious articles. However, since they could not prove that he was in fact their author, he was released.

In early 1892 he went to Lwów, where he played an important role in the first convention of the Polish Social Democratic Party of Galicia (I Zjazd Galicyjskiej Partii Socjalno-Demokratycznej). He delivered a speech about the party's political program and tactics. On his way back, he was arrested again and spent ten days in jail in Kraków. On his release, he returned to Lwów.

At the Third Congress of Austrian Socialists he argued for the separation of the Polish Social Democratic Party from the numerous Austrian organizations emphasizing pro-independence clauses in the party's Marxist political program, which aimed to put socialism into practice by abolishing private property. The first steps to achieve this aim were to be democratization of the election procedures (liquidation of privileges of the bourgeoisie) and introduction of an eight-hour working day. His dream of a separate Polish party partially came true when, in 1892, the Polish Socialist Party (Polska Partia Socjalistyczna or PPS) was created.

Daszyński met and fell in love with Felicja Nossig-Próchnik, with whom he allegedly had a son, Adam Próchnik. Between 1892 and 1893, Daszyński lived in the Carpathian Mountains, where he was resting. In 1893 he moved to Kraków, where he became editor of the socialist newspaper Naprzód ("Forward"). In March 1893 he attended the Second Socialist Congress in Kraków. The police broke up the meeting, and he spent five days in jail. In October he moved to Lwów again, where he published the brochure Krótka historia rozwoju partii socjalistycznej w Galicji (od maja 1890 do 1 maja 1894) ("A Short History of the Development of the Galician Socialist Party (from May 1890 to May 1894)"). Meanwhile, he returned to Kraków and resumed editorship of Naprzód. Later he attended the Third Socialist Congress of Galicia and Silesia and published another brochure, Bankructwo demokracji galicyjskiej ("The Bankruptcy of Galician Democracy"), in which he strongly criticized the bourgeoisie.

In 1895 Daszyński's mother died. In 1896 he attended the International Congress in London. In the autumn of 1896, the Polish Minister-President of Austria, Count Kazimierz Badeni, introduced a partial reform of the electoral law, such that 72 members of parliament were to be elected through a form of universal male suffrage. Daszyński believed that this gave a chance for socialist ideology to become more popular, as well as a chance to fight for his ideology in parliament. Constituencies were divided in such way that they included towns and villages. He was a candidate in the Kraków constituency, where he received 75% of the vote (22,214 out of 29,758 votes). He was supported by workers, peasants, students, many of them Jews. In 1897, he became a member of parliament and in the same year he married the actress Maria Paszkowska in Vienna.

Austrian Parliament

After entering parliament, Daszyński became chairman of a parliamentarian club which numbered 15 members.

In 1898, authorities introduced a state of emergency in part of western Galicia. Its aim was to weaken the workers' movement. Most liberties, such as freedom of assembly, were restricted. Daszyński fought against it, for example by giving a famous speech on 22 November, in which he protested against the government's actions. Later, he supported workers' strikes; however, he emphasized that they needed to be held legally. He also engaged in the democratization of the electoral law in parliament; among other things, he called for abolition of curial voting.

Daszyńki was a great speaker whose speeches attracted large crowds. He attacked conservatives and President-Minister Badeni. In 1898 he took part in huge demonstrations in Vienna, which resulted in Badeni being dismissed from his position by the Emperor.

In 1900, Daszyński was again elected to the Council of State. He focused his activities on circumventing censorship because, as a publicist, he was subjected to limitations on his freedom of speech.

Kraków City Council
On 12 May 1902, Daszyński became a member of the Kraków City Council. While on it, he focused on struggling against conservative and royalist members of the council.

Daszyński was also engaged in social matters and issues connected with Kraków's infrastructure. He was a member of municipal committees dealing with industrial affairs, coal and canals. On 2 February 1905, after the outbreak of the 1905 Russian Revolution, he took part in a demonstration on Kraków's Market Square, during which he burned a portrait of the Tsar. Police tried to disperse the demonstrators but failed to seize the council. In 1907, parliament passed a new electoral law allowing all men above 24 to vote in elections for the Council of State. In May of the same year, socialists achieved considerable electoral success while conservatives lost a significant number of parliamentary representatives.

1912–18
Just before World War I, the Polish Social Democratic Party (PPSD) came to an agreement with Józef Piłsudski's Polish Socialist Party – Revolutionary Faction (PPS – Frakcja Rewolucyjna). They decided that, in the coming conflict, Poles should support the Central Powers, which could lead to the creation of a unified Austria-Hungary-Poland. Daszyński co-authored the PPSD resolution, which stated that:

Daszyński recommended members of socialist parties to join Polish paramilitary troops. Thanks to this, these organizations were recognized as legal by the Austrian authorities. In November 1912, the PPS Revolutionary Faction and the PPSD joined the Temporary Commission of Confederated Independence Parties (Tymczasowa Komicja Skonfederowanych Stronnictw Niepodległościowych). Galician socialists were hoping to provoke an uprising after the outbreak of war in the Kingdom of Poland.

In August 1914, when World War I started, Daszyński became the deputy military commissioner in Miechów for a few days. He tried to urge the population to fight against Russia, but was unsuccessful and quickly returned to politics. After the creation of the Supreme National Committee by the parliamentary Koło Polskie (Polish Circle), Daszyński became one of the members of the Executive Department. This unit decided to form the Polish Legions.

In Daszyński's opinion, Poland should seek support from Austria-Hungary. He could not form a clear opinion of the Act of 5 November, which would guarantee the creation of an independent Kingdom of Poland. On the one hand, he was pleased that the act proclaimed Polish statehood; on the other, he felt angry that it ignored the issue of the Russian partition of Galicia. However, he participated in work on a future constitution. On 28 May 1917, he voted in the Austrian parliament in favour of a proposal from the Polish People's Party "Piast" (PSL "Piast"), claiming that "the only desire of the Polish nation is to regain an independent and united Poland with access to the sea". Influenced by the crisis and the imprisonment of Piłsudski in Magdeburg in July 1917, Daszyński became more firmly opposed to the Austria-Hungary monarchy. On 22 January 1918, he stated in parliament that Galicia wanted to become part of a united and independent Poland.

At the end of September 1918, on Daszyński's initiative, Polish members of parliament prepared and negotiated with the National Democracy movement a proposal which was introduced to the Austrian parliament on 2 October 1918, demanding restoration of an independent Polish state composed of areas from the three partitions, their own coast, and Silesia. They also recognized that the Poland issue was an international matter and called for Poland's participation in a peace conference "to decide Polish question". Daszyński gave his last speech on 3 October 1918, stating that:

Prime Minister of the Polish People's Republic

On 15 October 1918 Daszyński and other Polish deputies to the Austrian parliament adopted a document in which they declared themselves to be Polish citizens. Late October brought the first signs of collapse of the once mighty Austria-Hungary. On 28 October he became a member of the Polish Liquidation Committee, which was led by Wincenty Witos and headquartered first in Kraków, then in Lwów.

On 6 November, Daszyński and others proclaimed the "Polish People's Republic" (Tymczasowy Rząd Ludowy Republiki Polskiej), based in Lublin, with Daszyński as Prime Minister. Other members of the government included Wincenty Witos, Tomasz Arciszewski, Jędrzej Moraczewski, Stanisław Thugutt, and Colonel Edward Rydz-Śmigły as military commander. The government's manifesto called upon workers and peasants to take power into their own hands and build "the edifice of an independent and united People's Republic of Poland", in which all citizens would enjoy equal political and civil rights, especially freedom of conscience, speech and assembly. Within the framework of improving social conditions, there were promises of an eight-hour working day in industry, trade and craft, and of the nationalization of mines and large estates. The future country was intended to be a democratic parliamentary republic.

Setting itself up as the legitimate representative of the Polish people, Daszyński's government called on the Regency Council to be deposed. This move was repudiated by moderate forces in Warsaw, who now hoped for a return of Józef Piłsudski, who was still in custody in Germany. Already in October, the Regency Council had requested Piłsudski's release, and after deliberations mediated by Harry Graf Kessler, Piłsudski was allowed to return to Warsaw, where he arrived on 10 November. The following day – the day Germany signed the armistice – German troops in Warsaw were disarmed as they refused to fire on Polish insurgents. Both the Regency Council and the Daszyński government ceded all authority to Piłsudski.

Piłsudski asked Daszyński to form a government, but stressed the need to "strengthen the effectiveness of his cabinet's work through participation of eminent forces, regardless of political beliefs" and forbade him to prejudice the legislative work of the Sejm by radical social reforms or other legislative changes. Daszyński accepted, but failed to form a government, and resigned on 14 November. In a letter published the next day, Piłsudski thanked him for his "truly civic work" in helping to create the first Polish government and for not hesitating "to sacrifice himself for the good of the cause in order to reach an agreement among divergent factors".

Deputy to the Polish Sejm
Daszyński campaigned in the first post-war elections to the Polish Sejm, proclaiming: "The first legislative Sejm is the first administrator of Poland, its builder, the source of law and authority [in] a free, independent and united Poland." 36 members of the PPSD and PPS entered the Sejm and created a parliamentary group named Związek Polskich Posłów Socjalistycznych ("Union of Polish Socialist MPs"). Daszyński became its president.

He focused on promoting a socialist program. He advocated nationalizing some industrial sectors, for example creating state monopolies in coal and spirits. He proposed improvements in working conditions and protected workers' rights, as well as supporting development of the cooperative movement and education of peasants and workers.

On 26 April 1919, the PPSD, the PPS and the PPS Prussian Section united to form a unitary PPS. Daszyński joined its General Council and became one of its chairmen. He also edited its French-language publication Bulletin Official du Parti Socialiste Polonaise and the weekly magazine Trybuna. After the outbreak of the Polish-Soviet War, Daszyński was for concluding peace as fast as possible. He was opposed to the creation of the Council of National Defense, calling it an "abbreviation of the Sejm". However, on 24 July he joined the Government of National Defense (Rząd Obrony Narodowej) as Deputy Prime Minister (Witos was Prime Minister). He thought that this step (including peasant and socialist leaders) would increase the number of recruits. After victory in the Battle of the Niemen River, Daszyński was more and more in conflict with the rest of the government, especially with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He criticized diplomatic staff and Polish policy towards the East, in particular Tadeusz Rozwadowski's plans for an offensive. On 15 December, the PPS General Council asked the Prime Minister to dismiss Daszyński, but he resigned himself on 18 December. The Prime Minister accepted it very unwillingly, delaying till 4 January 1921.

After leaving government, Daszyński concentrated on working for the adoption of a new constitution. On 17 March 1921, the Sejm adopted the March Constitution of Poland, after which it dissolved itself. The socialist leader contributed to the democratic character of the constitution, for example by resisting the proposal of the conservatives that members could be appointed to the Polish Senate according to their position, without being elected.

Vice Speaker (1922–27)
On 5 November 1922, Daszyński was again elected to the Sejm. He received 52,874 votes in the constituencies of Kraków County, Chrzanów, Oświęcim, Olkusz and Miechów. On 9 December Daszyński's party put him forward as a candidate for President, but he received only 49 votes. Gabriel Narutowicz was elected President, to the disappointment of the right wing (Narutowicz was elected by members who represented national minorities). On the inauguration day of the president-elect, Daszyński and Bolesław Limanowski were attacked on their way to the ceremony by right wing fighting squads, and forced to barricade themselves inside a house. Daszyński later demanded an explanation for those events. He wrote:

After the assassination of President Narutowicz by Eligiusz Niewiadomski, a supporter of the National Democracy movement, the socialists planned to take revenge on right wing activists. Daszyński objected to their reasoning and forbade further escalation of the violence.

On 21 December 1922, at a meeting of the General Council, the PPS tabled a proposal to set up a nationwide worker's educational organization, the Towarzystwo Uniwersytetu Robotniczego (TUR) ("Society of the Workers' University"). On 21 January 1923, the Board of Directors of the TUR was established, headed by Daszyński. He held this position until his death. The creation of the TUR was one of his most important personal achievements. As he later described:

In February 1923, Daszyński fainted while making a speech in the Sejm, resulting in his withdrawal from ongoing operations. (In September 1926 he took the floor in the Sejm again). While staying in a sanatorium, he focused on journalism and writing memoirs. Despite the state of his health, during the 19th Congress of the PPS (30 December 1923 – 1 January 1924) Daszyński was re-elected Chairman of the PPS General Council. At the 20th Congress of the PPS (31 December 1925 – 3 January 1926) he was elected yet again.

On 26 November 1925, after Jędrzej Moraczewski joined the government of Aleksander Skrzyński, Daszyński succeeded Moraczewski as Vice-Speaker of the Sejm. At first, Daszyński supported the participation of PPS in Skrzyński's government, but Skrzyński's policies (increasing unemployment, hyperinflation) and plans resulted in sharp criticism. On 20 April 1926 the PPS withdrew from the government, which soon led to its collapse. On 10 May 1926, in place of Skrzyński's government, the right-wing government of Wincenty Witos was established, to which PPS stood in opposition.

On 12 May 1926, Józef Piłsudski carried out an armed coup d'état, later known as the "May Coup". Just a month after the coup, Daszyński attacked the new government, especially its project for a new constitution that aimed to reduce the role of the legislature. Later, he published a pamlet in which he stated:

On 10 November 1926, at the suggestion of Daszyński, CKW PPS took a "factual-oppositional" position towards the Piłsudski government and authorities. On 20 December 1926, after a stormy debate, the PPS General Council took a similar position, indicating that:

The PPS had specific objections to the appointment of Vilnius conservatives Aleksander Meysztowicz and Karol Niezabytowski to the government. At this time, Daszyński headed the editorial board of the new PPS magazine Pobudka ("Reveille").

On 28 November 1927, President Ignacy Mościcki dissolved the Sejm and the Senate.

1927–36
In March 1928, the PPS obtained 14% of the votes and 64 seats in the parliamentary elections. Daszyński received 77,470 votes in his constituency (Kraków, Chrzanów, Oświęcim, Olkusz, Miechów), an increase of 50% over 1922.

On 27 March 1928, at the first meeting of the parliament, Daszyński defeated Kazimierz Bartel, the representative of the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR), and Aleksander Zwierzyński of the Popular National Union in the election for the Speaker of the Sejm. He received 177 votes in the first round and 206 in the second (54.4%). After his election, Daszyński renounced his party functions as chairman of the PPS General Council and editor-in-chief of Pobudka, but continued as head of the Board of the TUR.

The choice of Daszyński as Speaker of the Sejm aggravated relations between the government and parliament. The reason for the conflict was the "Czechowicz case", named after Treasury Minister Gabriel Czechowicz, who was accused of overdrawing the budget for 1928. Some money came from the disposable fund of the Prime Minister. However, it was used by the BBWR during the election campaign. The Sejm passed a proposal to bring Czechowicz before the Polish State Tribunal, but did not venture to bring Piłsudski himself to account for it. Despite this, in June 1928 Daszyński met Piłsudski with a proposal to form a coalition of the BBWR, the PPS and the Polish People's Party "Wyzwolenie" (PSL "Liberation"). However, Piłsudski rejected this offer. As a result, in mid-September 1929, the Centrolew, an alliance of six parliamentary groups opposing rehabilitation was created.

On 31 October 1929 there was open conflict between Józef Piłsudski and the Parliament at a meeting of the Sejm's budget session. Instead of Prime Minister Kazimierz Świtalski, Minister of Military Affairs Józef Pilsudski turned up with over a hundred army officers. The Sejm deputies thought that Piłsudski had sent the soldiers to arrest them. After the convention had assembled, Daszyński, as Speaker of the Sejm, refused to open the session. A sharp exchange between Piłsudski and Daszyński took place, which, according to General Felicjan Sławoj-Składkowski, ran as follows:

Versions of the conversation differ depending on the source. However, on the evening of 31 October, Daszyński issued a statement to all deputies, saying: "Under the threat of officers' sabers, I cancel today's session."

The November session of the Sejm was postponed by President Ignacy Mościcki. On 5 December 1929 the members of the newly created Centrolew passed a vote of no confidence in the government of Prime Minister Kazimierz Świtalski by 243 votes to 119. On 29 March 1930, under pressure from members of the BBWR, Daszyński withdrew the Czechowicz case from debate in order not to escalate the conflict with Piłsudski.

On 29 June 1930, a congress on Defense of the Law and People's Freedom took place in Kraków. Daszyński sent a telegram to the congress as "the Speaker of the Sejm, condemned to inactivity".

On 29 August 1930, President Mościcki dissolved the Sejm and proclaimed new elections. Before the elections, many members were arrested and intimidated. Daszyński stood up for the detainees, sending an open letter to Irena Kosmowska, an ex-member of PSL "Liberation" who was being held in Lublin Castle.

Daszyński was a candidate for the districts of Kraków, Chrzanów, Oświęcim and Miechów. He was also the first on the national list of Centrolew. Although he got 80,000 votes, the Kraków election was annulled. Thus Daszyński was chosen as the member of parliament from the national list. After the election, his health deteriorated. After the conference of the PPS General Council on 18 January 1931, he went to the sanatorium in Bystra Śląska. He withdrew temporarily from the 12th PPS Congress (23–25 May 1931 in Kraków), but was nevertheless re-elected chairman of the PPS General Council. At the 13th PPS Congress (2–5 February 1934), he was elected honorary chairman of Polish Socialist Party. In spite of his stay in the sanatorium, he organized a "fund to fight seizures" for Robotnik.

He died on 31 October 1936 in Bystra Śląska.

Many thousands came to the funeral, which took place on 3 November 1936 in Rakowicki Cemetery, Kraków. There was a special train from Warsaw and the Ministry of Transport granted free return tickets to those who went to the funeral. On the day of the funeral, everybody in every workplace stopped work for five minutes.

On 22 November, Daszyński's last letter was published:

Family
Felix Daszyński (1863–90), brother of Ignacy, was a journalist and social activist who married women's rights activist and senator, Zofia Daszyńska-Golińska.

Ignacy Daszyński and his wife Maria Paszkowska had five children:
 * Felix, (a 2nd lieutenant in the reserves, imprisoned after 1939 in Starobielsk and probably murdered in the Katyn massacre);
 * Stefan (emigrated to the United States; died 1958);
 * Jan (died 15 May 1940 of tuberculosis);
 * Helena Rummel (died 1984 in London);
 * Hanna Borkowska (secretary to Tomasz Arciszewski; died 1953 in London);

Daszyński is alleged to have had an extramarital son, Adam Próchnik (born 1894), with Felicja Nossig-Próchnik.

Selected publications

 * Szlachetczyzna i odrodzenie Galicji, Lwów, 1899
 * O formach rządu. Szkic socjologiczny, Kraków, 1902
 * Polityka proletariatu. Kilka uwag o taktyce rewolucji w Polsce, Warsaw, 1907
 * Mowa o sprawie polsko-ruskiej, wygłoszona w Izbie Posłów d. 21 maja 1908 r., Kraków, 1908
 * Cztery lata wojny. Szkice z dziejów polityki Polskiej Partii Socjalistycznej Galicji i Śląska, Kraków, 1918
 * Z burzliwej doby. Mowy sejmowe wygłoszone w czasie od października 1918 do sierpnia 1919 roku, Lwów, 1920
 * Wielki człowiek w Polsce. Szkic polityczno-psychologiczny, Warsaw, 1925
 * Pamiętniki, vol. I Kraków, 1925; vol. II Kraków, 1926
 * Sejm, rząd, król, dyktator, Warsaw, 1926
 * W obronie praw przedstawicielstwa ludowego. Przemówienie sejmowe tow. Daszyńskiego, Warsaw, 1926
 * W pierwszą rocznicę przewrotu majowego, 1927
 * Czy socjaliści moga uznać dyktaturę proletariatu, Lublin, 1927

title: Ignacy Daszyński


text:
Talk:Erica Kane

Untitled
On April 8, 2005. Erica Kane was nominated for deletion. The result was Keep, after overwhelming consensus and the withdrawal of the nomination by the person bringing it up for discussion. Mike H 04:00, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)

Abortion
It says she had the first legal abortion on television, however Maude Findley had one in 1972, which would have put her before Erica Kane. --BrenDJ 00:50, 14 July 2006 (UTC)

 * Maude's abortion was legal only in that state. Erica had the first televised abortion which was legal nationally. Mike H. I did "That's hot" first! 02:54, 14 July 2006 (UTC)

 * Erica's abortion was the first on television after Roe v. Wade -- the first one when abortion was legal throughout the U.S. Mike H. is right -- abortion was legal in New York State (where Maude lived) at the time, although Maude's abortion was no less controversial. However, I must confess that I think AMC took a giant step backwards when it rewrote history to bring Erica's son on.The Invisible Man 22:19, 11 August 2006 (UTC)

The trivia section assumes that a woman's name changes automatically when she marries. That is incorrect. I'm not sure how to edit the section to reflect that and still keep the trivia. Then again, maybe that's a good reason to remove that section - trivia about a soap opera character that isn't even correct?

Fair use rationale for Image:EricaK AMC.jpg
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BetacommandBot 05:32, 27 October 2007 (UTC)

Manual of Style
Please take a look at the Manual of Style; decades are presented without apostrophes (1980s) and the word "and" should always be used rather than the ampersand symbol (&), which is actually never used unless part of a proper title, etc. It would be great for you to have a better understanding of some of these small nuances before you make further (incorrect) "corrections" as you did in Erica Kane. Thanks.— TAnthonyTalk 18:45, 19 March 2010 (UTC)

External links modified
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title: Talk:Erica Kane


text:
Sam Cureatz

Sammy Lawrence Cureatz (born August 20, 1948) is a former politician in Ontario, Canada. He was a Progressive Conservative member of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario from 1977 to 1990, and served as a cabinet minister in the government of Frank Miller.

Background
Cureatz was educated at the University of Toronto and Queen's University, earning a law degree from the latter institution. He worked as a barrister and solicitor before entering political life.

Politics
He was elected to the Ontario legislature in the 1977 provincial election, defeating Ontario New Democratic Party (NDP) incumbent Doug Moffatt by 122 votes in the riding of Durham East. He was re-elected by much greater margins in the elections of 1981 and 1985, and retained his seat in the Liberal landslide victory of 1987. He endorsed Dianne Cunningham's unsuccessful bid to lead the Progressive Conservative Party in 1990, and did not seek re-election in that year's provincial election.

Cureatz served as Deputy Speaker of the Ontario Legislature from 1981 to 1983. He appointed as a Minister without Portfolio in Frank Miller's government on May 17, 1985, but accomplished little of significance before Miller's government was defeated in the house.

Cureatz later sought election to the House of Commons of Canada, as a candidate of the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada. He ran in Durham in the federal elections of 1997 and 2000 but finished third on both occasions, behind Liberal Alex Shepherd and candidates of the Reform Party and Canadian Alliance.

After politics
Cureatz was appointed a Justice of the Peace in 2002.

title: Sam Cureatz


text:
Susanna

Susanna or Suzanna may refer to:

People

 * Susanna (Book of Daniel), a portion of the Book of Daniel and its protagonist
 * Susanna (disciple), a disciple of Jesus
 * Susanna (given name), or Suzanna, a feminine given name (including a list of people with the name)

Film and television

 * Suzanna (film), a 1923 American silent film
 * Susanna (1967 film), a Hong Kong film directed by Ho Meng Hua
 * Susanna (2000 film), an Indian Malayalam-language film directed by T. V. Chandran

Music

 * Susanna (Stradella), a 1681 oratorio by Alessandro Stradella
 * Susanna (Handel), a 1749 oratorio by George Frideric Handel
 * "Susanna" (song), English version of "Suzanne", by VOF de Kunst (The Art Company), 1984

Places

 * Susanna, Missouri, US

title: Susanna


text:
User talk:ColinJF

Welcome!

Hello,, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! Please sign your name on talk pages using four tildes (~~); this will automatically produce your name and the date. If you need help, check out Where to ask a question, ask me on my talk page, or place  on your talk page and someone will show up shortly to answer your questions. Again, welcome! Billhpike 18:35, August 28, 2005 (UTC)
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OurColony.net
Thanks for helping me keep OurColony.net up to date. -Jonamerica 04:04, 12 Apr 2005 (UTC)

AfD Nomination: RPG Toolkit
An editor has nominated the article RPG Toolkit for deletion, under the Articles for deletion process. We appreciate your contributions, but the nominator doesn't believe it satisfies Wikipedia's criteria for inclusion, and has explained why in the nomination (also see What Wikipedia is not and Deletion policy). Your opinions on why the topic of the article meets inclusion criteria and what should be done with the article are welcome: participate in the discussion by editing Articles for deletion/RPG Toolkit. Add four tildes like this ˜˜˜˜ to sign your comments. You can also edit the article RPG Toolkit during the discussion, but do not remove the "Articles for Deletion" template (the box at the top of the article), this will not end the deletion debate. --WikiSlasher 14:09, 23 October 2006 (UTC)

Greetings
Hello Mr. Fitzpatrick. Did I spell you name right this time? Klcacalg 01:20, 1 June 2007 (UTC)

title: User talk:ColinJF