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Mediterranean and Middle East theatre of World War II

The Mediterranean and Middle East Theatre was a major theatre of operations during the Second World War. The vast size of the Mediterranean and Middle East theatre saw interconnected naval, land, and air campaigns fought for control of the Mediterranean, North Africa, the Horn of Africa, the Middle East and Southern Europe. The fighting lasted from 10 June 1940, when Italy entered the war on the side of Germany, until 2 May 1945 when all Axis forces in Italy surrendered. However, fighting would continue in Greece – where British troops had been dispatched to aid the Greek government – during the early stages of the Greek Civil War.

The British referred to this theatre as the Mediterranean and Middle East Theatre (so called due to the location of the fighting and the name of Middle East Command), the Americans called it the Mediterranean Theater of War and the German informal official history of the fighting is the Mediterranean, South-East Europe, and North Africa 1939–1941. Despite the large size of the theatre, the various campaigns were not seen as neatly separated areas of operations but part of a vast, contiguous theatre of war.

Fascist Italy aimed to carve out a new Roman Empire, while the Allies aimed to retain the status quo. Italy entered the war on 10 June 1940, and immediately invaded France and bombed Malta, which would remain under siege for over 2 years. Italian forces then attacked Greece, but it was not until the introduction of German forces that it and neighbouring Yugoslavia were overrun. Allied and Axis forces fought back and forth across North Africa, while Axis interference in the Middle East caused fighting to spread as far as Palestine and Iraq. With confidence high from early gains, German forces planned to capture the Middle East with a view to possibly attacking the southern border of the Soviet Union. Devastating losses in the Magreb, Egypt, and Tunisia halted Axis interference in North Africa by May 1943. The Allies then invaded Italy, resulting in an armistice authorized by the royal government, causing a civil war. A prolonged battle for Italy commenced between the Allied-aligned Kingdom of Italy in the south and Axis-aligned Italian Social Republic in the north, lasting until 2 May 1945 with the Surrender of Caserta.

The Mediterranean and Middle East theatre had the longest duration of the World War II, resulted in the destruction of the Italian Empire, and severely undermined the strategic position of Germany, resulting in German divisions being deployed to Africa and Italy and total German losses (including those captured upon final surrender) being over two million. Italian losses amounted to around 177,000 men with a further several hundred thousand captured during the process of the various campaigns. British losses amount to over 300,000 men killed, wounded, or captured, and total American losses in the region amounted to 130,000.

Italy
During the late 1920s, Benito Mussolini claimed that Italy needed an outlet for its "surplus population" and that it would be in other countries' best interests to aid in this expansion. The regime wanted "hegemony in the Mediterranean–Danubian–Balkan region" and the gaining of world power by the conquest "of an empire stretching from the Strait of Gibraltar to the Strait of Hormuz". The Fascists had designs on Albania, Dalmatia, large parts of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Greece and harked back to the Roman empire. The regime also sought to establish protectorates with Austria, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. Covert motives were for Italy to become the dominant power in the Mediterranean, capable of challenging France or Britain and gaining access to the Atlantic and Indian Oceans.

On 30 November 1938, Mussolini addressed the Fascist Grand Council on the goal of capturing Albania, Tunisia, Corsica, the Ticino canton of Switzerland and "French territory east of the River Var (to include Nice, but not Savoy)". Mussolini alleged that Italy required uncontested access to the oceans and shipping lanes to ensure its national sovereignty. Italy was a "prisoner in the Mediterranean" and had to break the chains of British and French control. Corsica, Cyprus, Gibraltar, Malta, Suez and Tunisia would need to be taken and Egypt, France, Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom had to be challenged. Through armed conquest, the north and east African colonies would be linked and this 'prison' destroyed. Italy would be able to march "either to the Indian Ocean through the Sudan and Abyssinia, or to the Atlantic by way of French North Africa". On 2 October 1935, the Second Italo–Ethiopian War began when Italian forces invaded Abyssinia.

Mussolini lauded the conquest as a new source of raw materials and location for emigration and speculated that a native army could be raised there to "help conquer the Sudan. "Almost as soon as the Abyssinian campaign ended, Italian intervention in the Spanish Civil War" began. On 7 April 1939, Mussolini began the Italian invasion of Albania and within two days had occupied the country. In May 1939, Italy formally allied to Nazi Germany in the Pact of Steel.

Italian foreign policy went through two stages during the Fascist regime. Until 1934–35, Mussolini followed a "modest ... and responsible" course and following that date there was "ceaseless activity and aggression". "Prior to the Italian invasion of Ethiopia, Mussolini had made military agreements with the French and formed a coalition with the British and French to prevent German aggression in Europe." The Ethiopian War "exposed vulnerabilities and created opportunities that Mussolini seized to realise his imperial vision"

Britain
At the Nyon Conference of 1937, Italy and the United Kingdom "disclaimed any desire to modify or see modified the national sovereignty of any country in the Mediterranean area, and agreed to discourage any activities liable to impair mutual relations." Italian diplomatic and military moves did not reflect this agreement. In the aftermath of the Italian invasion of Abyssinia, British and Italian forces in North Africa were reinforced. Due to various Italian moves, in July 1937, the British decided "that Italy could not now be regarded as a reliable friend" and preparations began to bring "the defences of the Mediterranean and the Red Sea ports up-to-date". In 1938, a weak armoured division was established in Egypt and further army and air force reinforcements were dispatched from Britain.

With rising tension in Europe, in June 1939, the United Kingdom established Middle East Command (MEC) in Cairo to provide centralised command for British army units in the Mediterranean and Middle East theatre. All three branches of the British military were made equally responsible for the defence of the area. The authority of MEC included Aden, British Somaliland, Cyprus, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Greece, Libya, Palestine, Iraq, Sudan, Tanganyika, Transjordan, Uganda and the shores of the Persian Gulf. If necessary, command would be exerted as far away as the Caucasus and the Indian Ocean. The purpose of the command was to be "the western bastion of defence of India", keep British supply lines open to India and the Far East, and keep the Middle Eastern oilfields out of Axis hands.

Upon the establishment of MEC, it was ordered to co-ordinate with the French military in the Middle East and Africa as well as liaise with the Turkish General Staff and possibly the Greek General Staff. On 19 October 1939, the Treaty of Mutual Assistance was signed between the United Kingdom, France and Turkey and British military forces were authorised to begin discussions with the Turkish general staff; a further conference was held during March 1940. Within a week of the Italian occupation of Albania, France and the United Kingdom "announced they had promised to give all the help in their power if Greek and Romanian independence were threatened and if the Greek Government or Romanian Government considered it vital to resist."

British forces in the Middle East were ordered to avoid provocation. Following the defeat of Poland, the threat of an Axis attack from the Balkans against British positions in the Middle East and Eastern Mediterranean region increased. In late 1939, with the assumption that Britain would soon be at war with Italy, planning began for attacks to capture Bardia and Jaghbub (Giarabub) in Libya and arrangements began in Egypt, to accommodate a much larger force. Preparations to reinforce the Iraqi army were made and Palestinian security forces were to be reduced to the minimum. British forces in East Africa were to study operations to destroy the Italian forces and support local risings, all in support of the main Allied offensive, which was planned to be launched from French Somaliland. Troops in Sudan were also asked to consider launching operations against Kufra in southern Libya.

Initial military operations

On 10 June 1940, Italy declared war on France and the United Kingdom and next day the British Commonwealth declared war on Italy. The fleets of Italy, France and the United Kingdom began the hostilities of the Battle of the Mediterranean. The siege of Malta soon began, with the first Italian air attack on 11 June. In the Western Desert, Royal Air Force (RAF) aircraft attacked Italian positions inside Libya. On 11 June, the Western Desert Campaign began, as the British launched minor raids and conducted patrols along the Libyan–Egyptian border and on 17 June, Fort Capuzzo was captured. On 20 June, Mussolini began the Italian invasion of France, just before the end of the Battle of France. During June, the East African Campaign began with Italian attacks in East Africa, although ground combat did not start until July.

On 22 June, France signed an armistice at Compiegne with Germany and on 24 June, the Franco-Italian Armistice was signed. Italy gained a 50 km demilitarised zone inside France (as well as similar zones where Italian and French colonies met). Italian occupation forces took over an 832 km2 area of France, which included 28,500 people and the town of Menton. The Royal Navy attacked the French fleet in the North African port of Mers-el-Kébir on 3 July 1940, after it refused to sail to Britain or the French West Indies and demobilise, as part of a larger plan to stop the French fleet from falling into German or Italian hands.

When Italy entered the war, there were no plans for an invasion of Egypt while France was still able to resist. When France surrendered, Mussolini gave instructions for his generals to prepare an offensive. On 10 August, he instructed his forces to be prepared to attack in conjunction with the German invasion of the United Kingdom. While his generals did not believe they were prepared, they were ordered to push forward without any solid objectives.

On 9 September, Italian aircraft start preparation bombardments for the invasion of Egypt. Four days later, Italian infantry attacked and advanced as far as Sidi Barrani before digging in, 80 mi west of the main British position at Mersa Matruh. In East Africa, after some initial offensive actions, the Italian conquest of British Somaliland began in August and annexed the colony. After crossing the Albanian border, Italian forces began the Greco-Italian War by invading Greece on 28 October. The Greek army repulsed the Italian attack and commenced a counter-offensive on 14 November, which pushed Italian forces back into Albania.

The Royal Navy inflicted a major setback upon the Italian Royal Navy during the Battle of Taranto on the night of 12/13 November. After assembling enough forces the British launched a counter-attack upon the Italians in Egypt. Operation Compass drove the Italians out of Egypt and resulted in the destruction of the Italian 10th Army in February 1941. Following this success, British forces adopted a defensive position in North Africa and redeployed most troops to Greece in Operation Lustre, leaving a weak force garrisoning the gains made from Operation Compass. In March, the Battle of Kufra ended with the Italians losing the desert oasis of Kufra—a vital link between Italian east and north Africa—which was located in south-eastern Libya.

North Africa
In North Africa, the Italians responded to the defeat of their Tenth Army by dispatching armour and motorised divisions. Germany dispatched the Afrika Korps in Operation Sonnenblume, to bolster the Italians with a mission to block further Allied attempts to drive the Italians out of the region. Its commanding officer—Erwin Rommel—seized on the weakness of his opponents and without waiting for his forces to fully assemble, rapidly went on the offensive. In March–April 1941, Rommel defeated the British forces facing him and forced the British and Commonwealth forces into retreat.

The Australian 9th Infantry Division fell back to the fortress port of Tobruk and the remaining British and Commonwealth forces withdrew a further 100 mi east to Sollum on the Libyan–Egyptian border. The main Axis force began the Siege of Tobruk, and a small German force pressed eastwards, retaking all territory lost to Operation Compass, and advanced into Egypt. By the end of April, Sollum had fallen and the important Halfaya Pass captured.

East Africa
In East Africa, the British launched a counter-attack against the Italians from Kenya Colony in February 1941. Landings were subsequently conducted in British Somaliland and Italian Ethiopia, while an expedition from the Sudan moved on Addis Ababa. The Italian Viceroy, Duke Amedeo d'Aosta, was forced to surrender by 18 May which effectively ended the campaign, allowing the Empire of Ethiopia to be re-established under Haile Selassie. A number of Italian garrisons continued to hold out, but the last of these, at Gondar, surrendered in November. Small groups of Italian troops carried out the Italian guerrilla war in Ethiopia until October 1943.

Balkans
In the Balkans, the Greeks had been reluctant to allow British troops into the country, because Britain could not spare enough forces to guarantee victory. They had, however, accepted aid from the RAF in their war with the Italians in Albania. As it became likely Germany would attack Greece, four British divisions were switched from North Africa to reinforce Greek Army. The advanced guards of these troops began arriving in March 1941, triggering the entry of German forces into Bulgaria, which made clear the German intent to invade Greece.

In April 1941, Germans, Italians, Hungarians and Bulgarians made quick work of the Royal Yugoslav army. They captured Yugoslavia in 11 days and partitioned it among themselves and newly formed client states: The Independent State of Croatia and Nedić's Serbia. In spring 1941, Italy created a Montenegrin client state and annexed most of the Dalmatian coast as the Governorship of Dalmatia (Governatorato di Dalmazia). A complex guerrilla uprising of communist-led Partisans, commanded by Josip Broz Tito, soon broke out. A more ambivalent, predominantly Serb paramilitary movement of royalist Chetniks both fought the occupying forces and collaborated with them against the communists. The Partisans eventually gained recognition from the Allies as the sole resistance movement. With help from both the Soviets and the Western Allies, they turned into a formidable fighting force and successfully liberated the country.

Following the Italian invasion on 28 October 1940, which is usually known as the Greco-Italian War, Greece, with British air and material support, repelled the initial Italian attack and a counter-attack in March 1941. When the German invasion, known as Operation Marita, began on 6 April, the bulk of the Greek Army was on the Greek border with Albania, then a vassal of Italy, from which the Italian troops had attacked.

German troops invaded from Bulgaria, creating a second front. Greece received a small reinforcement from British, Australian and New Zealand forces in anticipation of the German attack. The Greek army found itself outnumbered in its effort to defend against both Italian and German troops. As a result, the Metaxas defensive line did not receive adequate troop reinforcements and was quickly overrun by the Germans, who then outflanked the Greek forces at the Albanian border, forcing their surrender. British, Australian and New Zealand forces were overwhelmed and forced to retreat, with the ultimate goal of evacuation.

After moving through south-eastern Yugoslavia, the Germans had been able to turn the Allied flank, cutting off Greek units in the east of the country. Greek forces in central Macedonia were isolated from the Commonwealth forces moving up in an attempt stabilise the front, with the Germans then falling on the rear of the main Greek army facing the Italians in Macedonia. The German advance into Greece was made easier because the bulk of the Greek Army was engaged fighting the Italians on the Albanian front in the north of the country.

The Greeks were forced to capitulate, ending resistance on the mainland by the end of the month. Abandoning most of its equipment, the Commonwealth force retreated to the island of Crete. From 20 May, the Germans attacked the island by using paratroops to secure an air bridgehead despite suffering heavy casualties. They then flew in more troops and were able to capture the rest of the island by 1 June. With their victory in the Battle of Crete the Germans had secured their southern flank and turned their attention towards the Soviet Union.

Hitler later blamed the failure of his invasion of the Soviet Union on Mussolini's failed conquest of Greece. Andreas Hillgruber has accused Hitler of trying to deflect blame for his country's defeat from himself to his ally, Italy. It nevertheless had serious consequences for the Axis war effort in the North African theatre. Enno von Rintelen, who was the military attaché in Rome, emphasises, from the German point of view, the strategic mistake of not taking Malta.

Iraq
When Italy entered the war the Iraqi government did not break off diplomatic relations, as they had done with Germany. The Italian Legation in Baghdad became the centre for Axis propaganda and for fomenting anti-British feeling. In this they were aided by Mohammad Amin al-Husayni, the British appointee as the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who had fled from the British Mandate of Palestine shortly before the outbreak of war and later received asylum in Baghdad. In January 1941, there was a political crisis within Iraq as Rashid Ali resigned as Prime Minister of Iraq and was replaced by Taha al-Hashimi; civil war loomed. On 31 March, the Regent of Iraq, Prince 'Abd al-Ilah, learnt of a plot to arrest him and fled Baghdad for RAF Habbaniya, from whence he was flown to Basra and given refuge on the Insect-class gunboat HMS Cockchafer (1915). On 1 April, Rashid Ali, along with four senior Army and Air Force officers known as the "Golden Square", seized power via a coup d'état and Rashid Ali proclaimed himself Chief of the "National Defence Government." The Golden Square deposed al-Hashimi and restored Rashid Ali. Ali did not overthrow the monarchy and named a new Regent to King Faisal II, Sherif Sharaf. The leaders of the "National Defence Government" proceeded to arrest many pro-British citizens and politicians but many escaped through Amman in Transjordan. The new regime planned to refuse further concessions to the United Kingdom, to retain diplomatic links with Fascist Italy and to expel the most prominent pro-British politicians. The plotters considered the United Kingdom to be weak and believed that its government would negotiate with their new government regardless of its legality. On 17 April, Rashid Ali, on behalf of the "National Defence Government" asked Germany for military assistance in the event of war with the British. Ali attempted to restrict British rights guaranteed under Article 5 of the 1930 Anglo-Iraqi Treaty, when he insisted that newly arrived British troops quickly be transported through Iraq and to Palestine.

Before the coup, Rashid Ali's supporters had been informed that Germany would recognise the independence of Iraq from the British Empire. There had also been discussions on war material being sent to support the Iraqis and other Arab factions in fighting the British. On 3 May, German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop persuaded Adolf Hitler to secretly return Dr. Fritz Grobba to Iraq to lead a diplomatic mission to channel support to the Rashid Ali regime but the British quickly learned of the German arrangements through intercepted Italian diplomatic transmissions. On 6 May, in accordance with the Paris Protocols, Germany concluded a deal with the Vichy French government to release war materials, including aircraft, from sealed stockpiles in the French Mandate of Syria and transport them to Iraq. The French also agreed to allow passage of other weapons and material and loaned several airbases in northern Syria to Germany, for the transport of German aircraft to Iraq. Between 9 May and the end of the month, about 100 German and about 20 Italian aircraft landed on Syrian airfields.

On 30 April, the Iraqi Army surrounded and besieged RAF Habbaniya; the base had no operational aircraft but the RAF converted trainers to carry weapons and a battalion of infantry reinforcements was flown in. German and Italian aircraft supported the Iraqi army and British reinforcements were dispatched to Iraq from Transjordan and India. The larger but poorly trained Iraqi force was defeated and Baghdad and Mosul were captured. Ali and his supporters fled the country and an armistice was signed, restoring the monarchy of Faisal II, the Kingdom of Iraq and a pro-British government. The defeat of the rebellion saw the defeat of the German-Italian attempt to entrench an Axis state in Iraq and worsened relations between the UK and Vichy France, culminating in the Syria-Lebanon Campaign.

Operation Exporter

In Operation Exporter, Australian, Free French, British and Indian units invaded Syria and Lebanon from Palestine in the south on 8 June 1941. Vigorous resistance was met from the Vichy French but superior Allied infantry equipment and numbers overwhelmed the defenders. More attacks were launched at the end of June and early July from Iraq into northern and central Syria, by Iraqforce. By 8 July, north-east Syria had been captured and elements of Iraqforce had advanced up the river Euphrates towards Aleppo, the rear of the Vichy forces defending Beirut from the advance from the south. Negotiations for an armistice were started on 11 July and surrender terms signed on 14 July.

Iran
Supplies to the Soviet Union had been sent via the North Cape to Murmansk and Archangel soon after the German invasion but the number of ships available was limited and convoys were vulnerable to German air and submarine attack. Supplies were also sent from American pacific ports to Vladivostok in Soviet-flagged ships but Allied planners wished to open another supply route through Iran. Though officially neutral, the Shah was widely viewed as pro-German by the allies. Following the Shah's refusal to open Iran up as a supply route for war materiel to the USSR; the allies invaded and occupied Iran in August 1941. The Shah, who urged his military not to resist the invasion, was deposed and his young son placed on the throne as titular head of an allied controlled puppet government. Iranian oil fields were secured and the line of supply to Russia established and maintained for the remainder of the war.

Mandatory Palestine
Operation Atlas was carried out by a special commando unit of the Waffen SS and took place in October 1944. It involved five soldiers: three who were previously members of the Templer religious sect in Mandatory Palestine, and two Palestinian Arabs who were close collaborators of the mufti of Jerusalem, Amin al-Husseini. Atlas aimed at establishing an intelligence-gathering base in Mandatory Palestine, radioing information back to Germany, and recruiting and arming anti-British Palestinians by buying their support with gold. The plan failed utterly, and no meaningful action could be undertaken by the commandos. Three of the participants were arrested by the Transjordan Frontier Force a few days after their landing. The German commander was captured in 1946 and the fifth, Hasan Salama, succeeded in escaping.

Operation Mammoth
In 1943 a small team of German agents parachuted into Iraqi Kurdistan with the goal of covertly sabotaging Kirkuk oil fields and create a Kurdish uprising against the British with assistance from local Kurds who were seeking to create an independent Kurdistan. Further reinforcements of Nazis with weapons was supposed to be sent but the mission failed within days as the Nazi commandos landed 300 km away from their target destination and lost their weapons. They were soon arrested by the British and faced execution as spies, however they were released several years after World War II ended. Gottfried Müller, one of the Nazi parachuters, would later write and publish a book describing his experiences in Kurdistan named “Im brennenden Orient” ('The Burning Orient'), which was published in Germany in 1959.

Gibraltar and Malta

Gibraltar commanded the entrance to the Mediterranean and had been a British fortress since the early 18th century. The territory provided a strongly defended harbour, from which ships could operate in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean. Force H (Vice-Admiral James Somerville) was based in Gibraltar and had the task of maintaining naval superiority and providing a strong escort for convoys to and from the Malta. Malta was 60 mi from Sicily and one of the first targets of the Italian army and the Regia Aeronautica; the air defence of Malta comprised six obsolescent Gloster Gladiator biplanes. After the first Italian air attacks it became clear that Malta could be defended and in early July, the Gladiators were reinforced by twelve Hawker Hurricane fighters.

The Kriegsmarine began operations in the Mediterranean with establishment of the 23rd U-boat Flotilla at a base on Salamis Island in Greece in September 1941. The flotilla was to operate against British supply convoys to Allied forces on Malta and in Tobruk. On 7 December, control of the 23rd Flotilla was transferred from Kernével to Field Marshal Albert Kesselring, Commander in Chief South (OB Süd) in Italy. Additional bases were established in Pola and La Spezia in northern Italy, as more U-boats were sent to the Mediterranean.

Bombing and the naval blockade led to food and commodity shortages and rationing was imposed on the inhabitants. Luftwaffe reinforcements in the Mediterranean joined in the bombing but during a lull in early 1942, 61 Supermarine Spitfires were delivered, which very much improved the defensive situation, although food, ammunition, and fuel were still short. Supply runs during lulls in the bombing kept Malta in being but many ships like SS Ohio were damaged too severely to leave. The defence of the island ensured that the Allies had an advantage in the fight to control the Mediterranean and as the garrison recovered from periods of intense bombing, aircraft, submarines and light surface ships resumed attacks on Axis supply ships, leading to fuel and supply shortages for the Axis forces in Libya.

North Africa
During 1941, the British launched several offensives to push back the Axis forces in North Africa. Operation Brevity failed as did Operation Battleaxe but Operation Crusader, the third and larger offensive was launched at the end of the year. Over December 1941 into early 1942, Allied forces pushed the Italian-German forces back through Libya to roughly the limit of the previous Operation Compass advance. Taking advantage of the Allied position, German forces counter-attacked and pushed back the Allies to Gazala, west of Tobruk. As both sides prepared offensives, the Axis forces struck first and inflicted a big defeat upon the Allied forces during the Battle of Gazala. The routed Allied forces retreated to Egypt where they made a stand at El Alamein.

Following the First Battle of El Alamein, which had stalled the Axis advance into Egypt, British forces went onto the offensive in October. The Second Battle of El Alamein marked a watershed in the Western Desert Campaign and turned the tide in the North African Campaign. It ended the Axis threat to Egypt, the Suez Canal and of gaining access to the Middle Eastern and Persian oil fields via North Africa. As the Eighth Army pushed west across the desert, capturing Libya, German forces occupied southern France and landed in Tunisia. On 8 November, Allied forces launched Operation Torch landing in various places across French North Africa. In December 1942, after a 101-day British blockade, French Somaliland fell to the Allies.

US involvement
Following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941, the United States joined the war. On 8 November 1942, American forces entered combat in North Africa with Operation Torch, which "transformed the Mediterranean from a British to an Allied theater of war", "succeeding operations in the Mediterranean area proved far more extensive than intended. One undertaking was to lead to the next".

"After liberating French North Africa and clearing the enemy from the Italian colonies, the Allies sought to bring the entire French empire effectively into the war against the Axis powers. They reopened the Mediterranean route to the Middle East. They went on from Africa to liberate Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. They caused Mussolini to topple from power, and they brought his successors to surrender. They drew more and more German military resources into a stubborn defence of the Italian peninsula, and helped the Yugoslavs to pin down within their spirited country thousands of Axis troops. Eventually, the Allies delivered a solid blow from southern France against the German forces which were opposing the Allied drive from the beaches of Normandy! They made Marseilles available for Allied use and they occupied northern Italy and Greece.' Howe further notes that 'Hitler had always accepted the principle that the Mediterranean was an area of paramount Italian interest just as, farther north, German interests were exclusive."

Allied forces were placed under the command of a Supreme Allied Commander AFHQ Mediterranean, General Dwight D. Eisenhower. Axis forces were caught between the Allied armies during the Tunisia Campaign but managed to delay the Allied advance by defensive operations, most notably with the Battle of the Kasserine Pass and a temporary defensive success at the Battle of the Mareth Line. After shattering the Axis defence on the Mareth Line, the Allies squeezed Axis forces into a pocket around Tunis. Axis resistance in Africa ended on 13 May 1943, with the unconditional surrender of nearly 240,000 men, who became prisoners of war.

Italian campaign and Italian Civil War

Following the Allied victory in North Africa the Allies invaded Sicily in Operation Husky on 10 July 1943, with amphibious and airborne landings. The Germans were unable to prevent the Allied capture of the island but evacuated most of their troops and equipment to the mainland before the Allies entered Messina on 17 August. On 25 July, the Italian government deposed Mussolini, the Italian leader, who was subsequently arrested. The new government announced that it would continue the war but secretly commenced negotiations with the Allies.

The Allied invasion of Italy started when the British Eighth Army landed in the toe of Italy on 3 September 1943, in Operation Baytown. The Italian government signed the surrender the same day, believing they would be given time to make preparations against the anticipated German intervention. The Allies announced the Armistice of Cassibile on 8 September and German forces implemented plans to occupy the Italian peninsula. On 9 September, American and British forces of the US Fifth Army landed at Salerno in Operation Avalanche and more British airborne troops landed at Taranto in Operation Slapstick. German forces which had escaped from Sicily were concentrated against Avalanche, while additional forces were brought in to occupy Rome and disarm the Italian Army in central and northern Italy.

The Germans were unable to prevent the Italian fleet sailing to Malta, although the battleship Roma was sunk by the Luftwaffe on 9 September. In the occupied areas of southern Europe and the Mediterranean, German forces rapidly disarmed and captured Italian troops, putting down any resistance they offered in Yugoslavia, southern France and Greece. Meanwhile, on 16 September, a German airborne force led by Otto Skorzeny rescued Mussolini from the mountain resort in the Gran Sasso where he was being held. A puppet government headed by Mussolini was subsequently set up in northern Italy as the successor state to the former fascist government.

The Italian Co-Belligerent Army was created to fight against the puppet government headed by Mussolini and its German allies, alongside the large Italian resistance movement, while other Italian troops continued to fight alongside the Germans in the National Republican Army; this period is known as the Italian Civil War. Although other European countries such as Norway, the Netherlands, and France also had partisan movements and collaborationist governments with Nazi Germany, armed confrontation between compatriots was most intense in Italy, making the Italian case unique. In 1965, the definition of "civil war" was used for the first time by fascist politician and historian Giorgio Pisanò in his books, while Claudio Pavone's book ''Una guerra civile. Saggio storico sulla moralità della Resistenza (A Civil War. Historical Essay On the Morality Of the Resistance''), published in 1991, led to the term "Italian Civil War" being used more frequently by Italian and international historiography.

As the campaign in Italy continued, the rough terrain prevented fast movement and proved ideal for defence, the Allies continued to push the Germans northwards through the rest of the year. The German prepared defensive line called the Winter Line (parts of which were called the Gustav Line) proved a major obstacle to the Allies at the end of 1943, halting the advance. Operation Shingle, an amphibious assault at Anzio behind the line was intended to break it, but did not have the desired effect. The line was eventually broken by frontal assault at the Fourth Battle of Monte Cassino in the spring of 1944 and Rome was captured in June.

Following the fall of Rome, the Normandy landings (6 June 1944) that began Operation Overlord and the Red Army victories on the Eastern Front, the Italian campaign became of secondary importance to both sides. The Gothic Line north of Rome was not broken until the Spring offensive of 1945. From 1944 to the end of war, the Italian Front was made up of a multi-national Allied force of Americans (including segregated African and Japanese-Americans), Brazilians, British, Canadians, Czechs, French, Greeks, anti-fascist Italians, the 2nd New Zealand Division, Poles, South Africans and Rhodesians as well as members of the British and French empires, including the 3rd Algerian Infantry Division, Gurkhas, Indians, Moroccans and forces raised in Mandatory Palestine. On 1 May, SS General Karl Wolff and the Commander-in-Chief of the German 10th Army, General Heinrich von Vietinghoff, after Operation Sunrise (protracted, clandestine, negotiations with the Allies), ordered German armed forces in Italy to make an unconditional surrender to the Allies on 2 May 1945.

Dodecanese Campaign

The brief campaign in the Italian-held Dodecanese Islands resulted as both Germany and the Allies scrambled to occupy them after the surrender of Italy in early September 1943. The main island of Rhodes was swiftly secured by German forces, but British garrisons were established on most islands by mid-September. German air superiority, tactical prowess, and the absence of Allied reinforcements doomed the Allied effort, however. German forces, including paratroopers and Brandenburger commandos, launched a counter-offensive, capturing the island of Kos within two days in early October. A massive 50-day-long aerial campaign was launched against the island of Leros defended by Italian troops commanded by Admiral Mascherpa, who resisted the German air offensive before the landing of British support troops, which was invaded by the Germans who landed by sea and air on 12 November and surrendered four days later. The remaining British garrisons were then evacuated to the Middle East.

Invasion of southern France
On 15 August 1944, in an effort to aid their operations in Normandy, the Allies launched Operation Dragoon – the invasion of Southern France between Toulon and Cannes. The Allies rapidly broke out of their beachheads and fanned out north and east to join up with the American 12th Army Group which was breaking out of the Normandy beachhead. In early September supreme command of the 6th Army Group moved from AFHQ to SHAEF and the 6th Army Group moved out of the Mediterranean Theatre and into the European Theatre fighting as one of three Allied army groups on the Western Front.

Trieste
At the end of the war in Europe, on 1 May 1945, troops of the 4th Army of the Yugoslavia and the Slovene 9th Corpus NLA occupied the town of Trieste. The Germans surrendered to the Allies which entered the town the following day. The Yugoslavs had to leave the town some days after.

Greece
Allied forces which had been sent to Greece in October 1944 after the German withdrawal, were attacked by the leftist EAM-ELAS Resistance movement, resulting in clashes in Athens during December of that year, which began the Greek Civil War.

Syria
In Syria, nationalist protests were on the rise at the continued occupation of the Levant by France in May 1945. French forces then tried to quell the protests but concern with heavy Syrian casualties forced Winston Churchill to oppose French action there. After being rebuffed by Charles De Gaulle he ordered British forces under general Bernard Paget into Syria from Jordan with orders to fire on the French if necessary. A crisis began as British armoured cars and troops then reached the Syrian capital Damascus following which the French were escorted and confined to their barracks. With political pressure added the French ordered a ceasefire; following which the French withdrew from Syria the following year.

Palestine
Prior to the war, the British Mandate of Palestine was faced with inter-ethnic violence between Arabs and Jews. Following the end of World War II and the UN Partition Plan, a civil war between Palestinian Arabs and Jews broke out and lasted until the British withdrawal of the territory in May 1948, which later drew in neighbouring nations into the conflict, causing the start of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War.


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Mississauga—Streetsville (federal electoral district)

Mississauga—Streetsville is a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since 2004. This riding is centred on the villages of Streetsville and Meadowvale.

Mississauga—Streetsville is one of the most affluent ridings in Ontario, along with Mississauga—Erin Mills and Mississauga—Lakeshore.

Demographics

 * According to the 2021 Canadian census

Ethnic groups: 40.1% White, 25.3% South Asian, 6.4% Black, 6.3% Chinese, 5.5% Arab, 5.2% Filipino, 3.0% Latin American, 1.8% Southeast Asian

Languages: 51.7% English, 5.1% Urdu, 3.8% Arabic, 2.6% Spanish, 2.5% Mandarin, 2.4% Tagalog, 2.2% Polish, 2.1% Punjabi, 1.8% Portuguese, 1.8% Cantonese, 1.6% Hindi, 1.3% Tamil, 1.1% French, 1.1% Italian, 1.0% Vietnamese

Religions: 53.6% Christian (32.7% Catholic, 3.5% Christian Orthodox, 2.6% Anglican, 1.9% United Church, 1.3% Pentecostal, 1.0% Presbyterian, 10.6% other), 15.3% Muslim, 8.8% Hindu, 2.5% Sikh, 1.6% Buddhist, 17.5% no religion

Median income: $43,600 (2020)

Average income: $57,000 (2020)

Riding history
It was created in 2003 from parts of Brampton West—Mississauga and Mississauga West ridings.

It consists of the part of the City of Mississauga bounded by a line drawn from the northwestern city limit southeast along Mississauga Road, northeast along Highway 401, southeast along Mavis Road, southwest along Britannia Road West, southeast along Terry Fox Way, southwest along Eglinton Avenue West, northwest along Erin Mills Parkway, southwest along Britannia Road West to the southwestern city limit.

This riding lost territory to Mississauga—Malton and Mississauga Centre, and gained territory from Mississauga—Brampton South and a fraction from Halton during the 2012 electoral redistribution.

Members of Parliament
This riding has elected the following members of Parliament:

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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User talk:Ageladas

I was, but no longer am, a public account

title: User talk:Ageladas


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Niagara Falls (federal electoral district)

Niagara Falls is a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since 1953.

It consists of the city of Niagara Falls and the towns of Niagara-on-the-Lake and Fort Erie.

Under the 2022 Canadian federal electoral redistribution the riding will be renamed Niagara Falls—Niagara-on-the-Lake.

History
The riding was created in 1952 from parts of Erie—Lincoln and Welland ridings. It consisted initially of the townships of Stamford, Willoughby and Bertie, the city of Niagara Falls, and the towns of Fort Erie, Chippawa and Crystal Beach in the county of Welland. In 1966, the towns of Fort Erie, Chippawa and Crystal Beach and the township of Stamford were excluded from the riding.

In 1976, the riding was redefined to consist of the City of Niagara Falls and the Town of Niagara-on-the-Lake. In 1996, the riding was expanded to include the part of the City of Thorold lying east of the Welland Canal. In 2004 the western boundary of the riding was moved east from the Welland Canal to the Thorold town line, while the southern boundary was extended south to Lake Erie. This change excluded the town of Thorold and included all of the town of Fort Erie.

This riding was left unchanged during the 2012 electoral redistribution.

Demographics

 * According to the 2021 Canadian census

Ethnic groups: 79.2% White, 4.6% South Asian, 3.9% Indigenous, 2.6% Black, 2.2% Chinese, 2.3% Filipino, 1.6% Latin American

Languages: 77.7% English, 2.6% Italian, 1.6% French, 1.4% Spanish, 1.1% Tagalog, 1.1% German, 1.0% Mandarin

Religions: 60.9% Christian (30.6% Catholic, 5.8% Anglican, 4.0% United Church, 2.0% Presbyterian, 2.0% Christian Orthodox, 1.5% Lutheran, 1.1% Baptist, 1.0% Pentecostal, 1.0% Anabaptist, 11.9% Other), 2.9% Muslim, 1.5% Hindu, 32.2% None.

Median income: $36,800 (2020)

Average income: $47,720 (2020)

Federal riding associations
Riding associations are the local branches of the national political parties:

Members of Parliament
This riding has elected the following members of Parliament:

Election results
Note: Conservative vote is compared to the total of the Canadian Alliance vote and Progressive Conservative vote in 2000 election.

Note: Canadian Alliance vote is compared to the Reform vote in 1997 election.

Note: NDP vote is compared to CCF vote in 1958 election.


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Niagara West—Glanbrook

Niagara West—Glanbrook was a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that existed from 2004 to 2015.

The riding was created in 2003 from parts of Ancaster—Dundas—Flamborough—Aldershot, Erie—Lincoln, Hamilton Mountain, Niagara Centre, and Stoney Creek.

It consisted of the towns of Grimsby, Lincoln and Pelham, the Township of West Lincoln, and the part of the City of Hamilton lying east and south of a line drawn from the southern city limit north along Glancaster Road, east along the hydroelectric transmission line situated south of Rymal Road West, north along Glover Road, Anchor Road, Arbour Road and Mountain Brow Boulevard and east along Redhill Creek and the Niagara Escarpment to the eastern city limit.

Following the 2015 redistribution, the portion of the Niagara West—Glanbrook riding within the Niagara Region formed the new riding of Niagara West. The portions of Niagara-West Glanbrook in the City of Hamilton formed part of the new riding of Flamborough—Glanbrook.

The riding was represented for the entire period of its existence by Conservative Dean Allison.

Election results

 * - bgcolor="white"

Change is redistributed from 2000 results. Conservative change is from a combination of Canadian Alliance and Progressive Conservative votes.

title: Niagara West—Glanbrook


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Nipissing—Timiskaming

Nipissing—Timiskaming is a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since 2004. The riding was formed by the amalgamation of the former Nipissing riding with the southeastern portion of the former Timiskaming—Cochrane riding. The 2011 electoral results in this riding were challenged in court on the grounds that there were "irregularities, fraud or corrupt or illegal practices that affected the result of the election".

Nipissing—Timiskaming consists of:
 * the Territorial District of Nipissing, excluding:
 * the Municipality of West Nipissing;
 * the southeast part of the district;
 * the Town of Kearney;
 * in the Territorial District of Parry Sound, the Town of Powassan and the townships of Nipissing and North Himsworth; and
 * the part of the Territorial District of Timiskaming lying south and east of a line drawn from the eastern limit of the district west along the northern border of the Townships of Harris, Dymond, Hudson, Lundy, Auld and Speight, south along the western border of the townships of Speight, Van Nostrand, Leo and Medina to the southern limit of the district.

This riding lost small portions of territory to Timmins-James Bay and gained a small portion from Nickel Belt during the 2012 electoral redistribution.

The seat's present federal MP is Anthony Rota, the former Speaker of the House.

Demographics
According to the 2021 Canadian census

Ethnic groups: 81.7% White, 14.9% Indigenous, 1.0% South Asian

Languages: 79.6% English, 13.8% French

Religions: 58.9% Christian (36.3% Catholic, 6.1% United Church, 4.0% Anglican, 1.1% Pentecostal, 1.0% Presbyterian, 10.4% Other), 39.2% None

Median income: $39,600 (2020)

Average income: $49,400 (2020)

This riding has elected the following members of the House of Commons of Canada:

Election results
Despite the fact that 99% of this riding stayed the same after the 2012 redistribution, based on the results of the 2011 election — in which Aspin defeated Rota by a margin of just 18 votes — the minor boundary changes were enough to make the seat a notional Liberal riding. The riding lost two Conservative voting areas in the north (Hudson Township and Harris Township) while gaining the Nipissing 10 Indian Reserve, where the Tories finished third.

Note: This vote was subject to mandatory recount because of the margin of win being less than 1/1000 of the total votes.

title: Nipissing—Timiskaming


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Oakville (federal electoral district)

Oakville is a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since 1997.

History
It was created in 1996 from parts of Halton and Oakville—Milton ridings.

It consisted initially of the part of the Town of Oakville lying southeast of the Queen Elizabeth Way and Upper Middle Road.

In 2003, it was redefined to consist of the part of the Town of Oakville lying southeast of a line drawn from the northeastern town limit southwest along Dundas Street East, southeast along Eighth Line and southwest along Upper Middle Road to the southwestern town limit. This riding was unchanged after the 2012 electoral redistribution.

The current boundaries include the neighbourhoods of Lakeshore Woods, Bronte, Hopedale, Coronation Park, Kerr Village, Old Oakville, Eastlake, Glen Abbey, College Park, Iroquois Ridge, Clearview, and Joshua Creek.

Demographics
According to the 2021 Canadian census

Ethnic groups: 63.7% White, 10.4% Chinese, 9.8% South Asian, 3.1% Arab, 2.9% Black, 2.1% Filipino, 1.5% Latin American, 1.2% Korean, 1.2% Indigenous, 1.1% West Asian

Languages: 62.6% English, 6.7% Mandarin, 2.2% Arabic, 1.8% Spanish, 1.6% Portuguese, 1.5% Italian, 1.5% French, 1.4% Urdu, 1.3% Polish, 1.0% Tagalog, 1.0% Punjabi

Religions: 55.2% Christian (29.4% Catholic, 4.8% Anglican, 4.2% United Church, 3.5% Christian Orthodox, 1.5% Presbyterian, 11.8% other), 7.3% Muslim, 3.0% Hindu, 1.5% Sikh, 1.1% Buddhist, 30.6% none

Median income: $46,000 (2020)

Average income: $86,600 (2020)

Members of Parliament
This riding has elected the following members of Parliament:

Election results
Note: Conservative vote is compared to the total of the Canadian Alliance vote and Progressive Conservative vote in 2000 election.

Note: Canadian Alliance vote is compared to the Reform vote in 1997 election.

title: Oakville (federal electoral district)


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Oxford (federal electoral district)

Oxford is a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since the 1935 election.

Demographics

 * According to the 2021 Canadian census

Ethnic groups: 90.2% White, 3.2% South Asian, 2.3% Indigenous, 1.4% Black

Languages: 89.2% English, 1.8% Dutch, 1.5% Punjabi, 1.2% French, 1.2% German

Religions: 56.7% Christian (17.2% Catholic, 9.3% United Church, 5.0% Anglican, 3.1% Baptist, 2.8% Reformed, 2.6% Presbyterian, 1.6% Lutheran, 1.5% Anabaptist, 1.0% Pentecostal and other Charismatic, 12.6% Other), 1.7% Sikh, 39.4% None

Median income: $42,800 (2020)

Average income: $50,760 (2020)

Geography
The riding consists of the County of Oxford and a small portion of the County of Brant, covering most of the former Burford Township.

In the 2021 and 2019 elections, the Conservatives have won all parts of the riding, but were particularly strong in the rural southern part of the riding, with Burford Township and Norwich being their strongest areas. The weakest part of the riding for the Tories was in the riding's urban centres of Tillsonburg, Woodstock and Ingersoll where they only won pluralities. Liberal support is generally weak across the riding, but is the strongest in Woodstock and Tillsonburg, while the NDP has done particularly well in Ingersoll, winning over a quarter of the vote there in both elections. The People's Party saw a significant increase in their vote in 2021, with their strongest part of the riding being in Norwich.

History
It was created in 1933 when the ridings of Oxford North and Oxford South were merged. It consisted initially of the county of Oxford, including the part of the village of Tavistock that lies in the county of Oxford.

In 1966, it was expanded to include the whole of the Village of Tavistock and the Town of Tillsonburg. In 1987, it was expanded to include the Township of Burford in the County of Brant. In 1996, it reverted to consisting of just the county of Oxford.

This riding gained territory from Brant during the 2012 electoral redistribution, consisting of that part of the County of Brant west of Etonia Road and East Quarter Townline Road.

Election results
Note: Change is from 2000 redistributed results. Conservative vote is compared to the combined Canadian Alliance and Progressive Conservative vote.

Note: Canadian Alliance vote is compared to the Reform vote in 1997 election. Independent compared to Christian Heritage.

Note: Progressive Conservative vote is compared to "National Government" vote in 1940 election.

Note: "National Government" vote is compared to Conservative vote in 1935 election.

title: Oxford (federal electoral district)


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Parry Sound—Muskoka (federal electoral district)

Parry Sound—Muskoka is a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since 1949.

The riding consists of the Territorial District of Parry Sound (excluding the Town of Powassan, the townships of Nipissing and North Himsworth, and the part of the Town of Killarney contained in the district), the District Municipality of Muskoka, and the part of the Town of Kearney lying in the Territorial District of Nipissing.

In 2004, Liberal Andy Mitchell was elected Member of Parliament for the district, and was the Minister of Agriculture. He was narrowly defeated in the 2006 election by Conservative Tony Clement, who was the President of the Treasury Board until November 4, 2015. In 2019, Conservative Scott Aitchison was elected.

History
Parry Sound—Muskoka was created in 1947 from parts of Muskoka, Nipissing and Parry Sound ridings.

It consisted initially of the territorial districts of Parry Sound and Muskoka (excluding the township of Baxter), and the following townships in the territorial district of Nipissing: Ballantyne, Wilkes, Pentland, Boyd, Paxton, Biggar, Osler, Lister, Butt, Devine, Bishop, Freswick, McCraney, Hunter, McLaughlin, Bower, Finlayson, Peck, Canisbay and Sproule.

In 1966, it was redefined to consist of the territorial districts of Muskoka and Parry Sound, and Georgian Bay Islands National Park except Flower Pot Island.

In 1976, it was redefined to consist of the Territorial District of Parry Sound, the District Municipality of Muskoka, and the part of Territorial District of Nipissing lying south and west of and including the townships of Ballantyne, Boulter, Lauder, Boyd, Lister, Freswick, Bower and Sproule. In 1987, the Nipissing portions of the riding were removed.

In 1996, the riding was expanded to include the townships of Sherborne, McClintock, Livingstone, Lawrence and Nightingale in the County of Haliburton. The towns of Powassan and Trout Creek and the townships of Nipissing, North Himsworth and South Himsworth in the Territorial District of Parry Sound were excluded from the riding.

In 2003, it was given its current boundaries as described above. There were no changes after the 2012 electoral redistribution.

Members of Parliament
This riding has elected the following members of Parliament:

Demographics
According to the 2021 Canadian census

Ethnic groups: 90.9% White, 6.6% Indigenous

Languages: 93.1% English, 1.2% French, 1.1% German

Religions: 52.8% Christian (14.2% Catholic, 10.5% United Church, 7.9% Anglican, 3.2% Presbyterian, 2.3% Baptist, 1.2% Pentecostal, 1.0% Lutheran, 12.5% Other), 45.3% None

Median income: $39,200 (2020)

Average income: $52,500 (2020)

Election results
Note: NDP vote is compared to CCF vote in 1958 election.


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Gay Pope

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete, though someones redirected to Homosexual bishop. — Xezbeth 19:51, May 7, 2005 (UTC)
 * This looks to me like a conclusion to delete the redirect. There is nothing of value in the article history - since this was never anything but a crude attack page. Nothing could reasonably link here. It should be deleted. — Trilobite (Talk) 05:00, 8 May 2005 (UTC)

Gay Pope
Speculation and innuendo, created in bad faith as a more subtle way of calling Pope Benedict XVI gay than engaging in crude vandalism of his article, which would be quickly reverted. You only have to look at the line: "The current Pope is Pope Benedict XVI and his predecessor was Pope John Paul II. They were known to be very good friends." This is also original research, and not encyclopedic. — Trilobite (Talk) 12:15, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * I removed this line. Whether or not the article is deleted, this sort of innuendo has no place in Wikipedia. Shoaler 13:42, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)

It was made into a redirect to homosexual bishop several times, before VfD, but the anon keeps writing own essay, despite being warned at talk page. I am making into a redirect and protecting now. The text has nothing new. If you disagree, you may look into the history.
 * (Speedy) Delete, at least one of WP:NOR, WP is not a crystal ball and Wikipedia is not a soapbox, if not all three. --bainer 13:00, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Article says: "Whilst some people may be very narrow minded and disagree with this article it contains nothing but fact and further research is being conducted." Yes, original research. Fie on thou!!! -- 8^D gab 13:02, 2005 Apr 22 (UTC)
 * Delete--reads like original research from a Jack Chick pamphlet. Meelar (talk) 13:04, Apr 22, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete - This is just "_____ IS GAY" vandalism in disguise. - Omegatron 13:38, Apr 22, 2005 (UTC)
 * Speculation and innuendo. Schoolboy stuff. Delete DJ Clayworth 13:45, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. I can't think of any way this article could be worthwhile. Shoaler 13:46, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Original research. Anti-gay vandalism. - UtherSRG 13:54, Apr 22, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete for reasons given by nominator. No source citations. No "X said Y about Z" where X = some notable person or authoritative source, Y = "is gay", and Z = popes in general or some pope in particular. "It is entirely possible and probable... Just how many... is not known... it is now more likely than ever that there recently has been or currently is a gay pope." If you remove the nonfactual sentences there is literally nothing left in the article.  Dpbsmith (talk) 14:20, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Merge While probably a vandal article to cause a stir, it might be interesting to start an article called Homosexuality in the Church and merge this info into it. -Husnock 14:39, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * There already is and article "homosexual bishop". You may want to expand it and rename accordingly. Mikkalai 18:21, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete although it might be true, WP is not the place for speculative articles. -- Wegge 18:05, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)

There is no reason to feed a troll who doesn't listen reason, by a VfD. Mikkalai 14:37, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Mikkalai, this isn't about feeding a troll, it's about removing a very offensive article. It MUST GO, whether the troll goes with it or not.
 * Delete. All the reasons said above. This is probably VERY offensive to Catholics. Or, at least, if I was Catholic I know *I* would be offended! So, yeah, deleted. I'd say homosexual bishop could one day share a similar VfD fate as cruel editors could word it in a very offensive way... Master Thief Garrett 22:33, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Since when was offensiveness against Catholics criteria for deletion? - Omegatron 23:10, Apr 22, 2005 (UTC)
 * Good point! I said "probably", but even so I didn't quite word it correctly. I'm not worried about it sounding offensive, but I'm just saying that someone may take such offense that they vandalise or start an edit war to get rid of the content. I mean, if you started an article about, say, rapidly increasing gay suicide rates or something (potentially) objectionable like that, there'd be bound to be someone offended by it and would want it taken care of. So do Catholics count in the same "Political Correctness protect-o-bubble" as ethnic/sexual-orientation groups, or not? EDIT: I'm not saying that term to offend anyone/any group, it's just the briefest wording to explain how those groups are protected. Just thought I'd clear that up. Master Thief Garrett 23:45, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * It should be deleted because it's just stupid vandalism; not because it's potentially offensive to someone. We'd have to delete a lot if we cared about potentially offending individual people.  :-)  Wikipedia may contain objectionable content - Omegatron 00:33, Apr 23, 2005 (UTC)
 * As the first person to request deletion, I say redirect to Homosexual bishop. If someone keeps adding speculative/uncited material, take it to RFC or protection. Gazpacho 11:20, 23 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text: File:SpeedwayElvis.jpg

title: File:SpeedwayElvis.jpg


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New Britain Stadium

New Britain Stadium is a baseball venue in New Britain, Connecticut, United States. It is the home of the New Britain Bees of the Futures Collegiate Baseball League. Opened in 1996, the stadium seats 6,146 spectators.

The stadium is part of the city facility known as Willow Brook Park and is sometimes referred to by this name also. It is adjacent to Beehive Field, where the New Britain Red Sox played for 13 seasons after moving from Bristol in 1983. The park also contains Veteran's Memorial Stadium, a facility for football and soccer.

New Britain Stadium hosted the Eastern League All-Star Game on July 16, 2003, before a then-record crowd of 7,169 fans. On the last day of the 2004 season, it welcomed its two millionth visitor. The current all-time attendance record was set on August 28, 2015, when 8,672 fans watched the Rock Cats' last Friday home game.

Features
The stadium is laid out with split-level seating. A concourse runs around the middle of the seating area, and fans walk down toward the field to reach the box seats, or continue upward to reach reserved seats and general admission seating. Fans reach the seating area through four tunnels, each with a set of stairs coming up from the main concourse below. This concourse is at ground level, underneath the upper seating areas; it contains concessions, restrooms, the gift shop, and access to team administrative offices. While fans cannot see the game in person from the concourse below, it does provide an enclosed dry refuge in case of a rain delay.

Skyboxes (the "suite level") are located at the top of the seating bowl, on either side of the press box. Access is by elevator from the main concourse two levels below.

At the top of the third-base seating area is a beer deck featuring beers rom New Britain Craft brewery Alvarium, and patio area which is open to all fans. Down the right-field line, the "Comcast Patio" is another area with grills, picnic tables, and a large tent, which can be rented for groups of 25 or more. Down the left-field line is a kids' play area with an inflatable slide, a moonbounce, a speed-pitching machine, and other activities.

Also located inside New Britain Stadium are plaques bearing the names of the New Britain Sports Hall of Fame. Including the 2020 class, there are 292 inductees representing the city's athletic history from 1850 to date.

History
The need for New Britain Stadium grew out of a new set of ballpark standards issued by the National Association of Professional Baseball Clubs in the early 1990s. Due to the growing popularity of minor league baseball, and the wide variety of facilities that were in use at the time, that governing body thought it best to establish consistency and minimum standards for such things as dugouts, locker rooms, press boxes, seating capacity, etc., across all the minor leagues. On a case-by-case basis, franchises were given certain time periods in which to achieve compliance.

At this time, the Rock Cats were still playing at Beehive Field, which—despite some recent improvements—still fell far short of meeting the league minimums. A big hangup was the seating capacity, which was about 2,000 shy of the new requirement of 6,000 to support a double-A franchise. The estimate was that bringing Beehive Field into compliance would have cost at least $2–3 million, and this was also at a time when other brand-new stadiums were being constructed around the Eastern League. Rock Cats owner Joe Buzas was also faced with pressure from the Boston Red Sox organization (which was the team's major-league affiliate at the time) to move the team closer to the heart of Red Sox Nation—preferably Springfield, Massachusetts. Eventually in August 1994, after receiving pledges of financial support from the City of New Britain, Connecticut governor Lowell Weicker, and New Britain's largest employer, Stanley Works, Buzas announced that he would keep the team in the city and begin construction of a new ballpark.

Groundbreaking occurred on June 1, 1995, and construction moved quickly while the Rock Cats played out their last season at Beehive Field located right next door. New Britain-based Kaestle-Boos, Inc., was selected as the architect, and the Brunoli Construction Company of Avon was chosen as general contractor. The new stadium was built from scratch in less than 11 months. Obstacles along the way included the need to move New Britain High School's baseball and softball fields (also located next door; those teams now use the still-standing Beehive Field); environmental issues including redirecting the flow of a nearby stream; and jurisdictional conflicts, since part of the stadium grounds is actually located in the town of Berlin. Nonetheless, a wildly successful Opening Day was held on April 12, 1996—successful except for the fact that the Rock Cats were shut out by the New Haven Ravens, 3–0. They got their first win the next day, returning the shutout over the Ravens, 7–0.

As an epilogue to the stadium negotiations, Red Sox general manager Dan Duquette announced in September 1994—less than a month after Buzas' decision to stay in New Britain—that the Red Sox were pulling their affiliation and moving to Trenton, New Jersey. The result was the Rock Cats' development agreement with the Minnesota Twins.

Buzas is honored with a plaque at New Britain Stadium, "in grateful appreciation for bringing minor league baseball to New Britain in 1983". Following the Rock Cats departure to Hartford after the 2015 season, the New Britain Bees began play at New Britain Stadium. The team played in the Atlantic League of Professional Baseball from 2016 to 2019 before the team became a collegiate summer baseball league team in the Futures Collegiate Baseball League following the 2019 season.

title: New Britain Stadium


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Perth—Wellington (federal electoral district)

Perth—Wellington is a federal electoral district in southwestern Ontario, Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since 2004. The riding consists of:

 * Perth County including the City of Stratford and the Town of St Marys, and
 * the Town of Minto, the Townships of Mapleton and Wellington North in the County of Wellington.

Demographics
(Other languages, 2016: 7.8% German, 1.9% Dutch)

History
The riding was created in 2003 from parts of Perth—Middlesex (76%), Waterloo—Wellington (17%) and Dufferin—Peel—Wellington—Grey (7%) ridings. It did not undergo any boundary changes in the 2012 electoral redistribution.


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Pickering—Scarborough East (federal electoral district)

Pickering—Scarborough East was a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that had been represented in the House of Commons of Canada from 2004 to 2015.

The district was created in 2003 from 44.1% of Pickering—Ajax—Uxbridge, 39.7% of Scarborough East, and 0.1% of Scarborough—Rouge River ridings.

Following the Canadian federal electoral redistribution, 2012, the riding was redistributed between Pickering—Uxbridge and Scarborough—Rouge Park.

The district consisted of the southwest part of the city of Pickering and the southeast part of the Scarborough district of Toronto. It was the only riding to overlap the boundaries of the 416 (City of Toronto) and the 905 (Greater Toronto Area) regions.

Specifically, it consisted of the part of the City of Pickering lying south and west of a line drawn from the western city limit east along Finch Avenue, south along Valley Farm Road, northeast along Highway 401 and south along Brock Road to the southern city limit; and the part of the City of Toronto lying south and east of a line drawn from the eastern city limit west along Finch Avenue East, south along Meadowvale Road, west along Sheppard Avenue East, south along Morningside Avenue and southeast along Highland Creek to Lake Ontario.

Demographics
(According to the 2006 Canadian census)

Ethnic groups: 61.3% White, 13.5% South Asian, 10.4% Black, 4.1% Filipino, 3.2% Chinese Languages: 74.6% English, 1.3% French, 23.9% Other Average income: $31 920

Member of Parliament
This riding has elected the following members of Parliament:


text:
Talk:Mary Willing Byrd

Closed deletion listing
This article was listed for deletion on April 5, 2005. The discussion has been held and the result was keep. You can read the discussion, which is no longer live: Votes for deletion/Mary Willing Byrd. --Tony Sidaway|Talk 12:16, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)

WikiProject Military history/Assessment/Tag & Assess 2008
Removed Military History Tag as article is out of scope. --dashiellx (talk) 20:02, 5 June 2008 (UTC)

Portrait
The Wollaston portrait belongs to the Virginia Historical Society and is not in the public domain. Please see the historical society's reproducation and order policy and conditions of use on its Web site at http://www.vahistorical.org/research/conditions.htm. --GeoWPC (talk) 16:09, 9 December 2008 (UTC)
 * it is in the public domain. The VHS merely owns the physical painting.  They cannot legally own the rights to the image/prints.--Cavalier2006 (talk) 11:03, 10 December 2008 (UTC)

External links modified
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title: Talk:Mary Willing Byrd


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Richmond Hill (federal electoral district)

Richmond Hill is a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since 2004.

It was created in 2003 from parts of Oak Ridges riding.

Following the 2022 Canadian federal electoral redistribution, this riding will be renamed Richmond Hill South at the first election held after approximately April 2024. It will gain all of Aurora—Oak Ridges—Richmond Hill south of Elgin Mills Road (Rouge Woods area).

Geography
The riding includes the neighbourhoods of Elgin Mills, Bayview North, Bayview South, North Richvale, Hillsview, Bayview Hill, South Richvale, Langstaff and Doncrest in the City of Richmond Hill.

The electoral district consists of the part of Richmond Hill lying south of a line starting at the intersection of Bathurst Street and Elgin Mills Road West, east along Elgin Mills to Bayview, south along Bayview to the unnamed creek north of Taylor Mills Drive North, along the creek to Shirley Drive, Shirley Drive south to Major Mackenzie Drive, and east on Major Mackenzie to the eastern city limits. It also contains the part of the City of Markham east of Bayview Avenue, north of Highway 407, and west of Highway 404.

Demographics

 * ''According to the 2021 Canadian census; 2013 representation

Languages: 32.8% English, 13.2% Yue, 11.6% Mandarin, 10.4% Iranian Persian, 4.1% Russian, 2.6% Italian, 2.5% Korean, 1.8% Persian, 1.2% Arabic, 1.2% Tagalog, 1.2% Spanish

Religions: 39.5% Christian (18.1% Catholic, 4.8% Christian Orthodox, 1.4% Anglican, 1.3% United Church, 1.1% Baptist, 1% Presbyterian), 37.6% No religion, 12.7% Muslim, 4.4% Jewish, 2.3% Buddhist, 2.3% Hindu

Median income (2020): $35,600

Average income (2020): $55,000

Ethnicity groups: Chinese: 32.6%, White: 32.4%, West Asian: 13.9%, South Asian: 6.8%, Korean: 3.4%, Black: 2.4%, Filipino: 2.4%, Arab: 1.3%, Latin American: 1.3%

Ethnic origins: Chinese 28.7%, Iranian 10.8%, Italian 6.4%, English 4.4%, Canadian 4.3%, Indian 4.1%, Russian 4.0%, Persian 4.0%, Irish 3.8%, Scottish 3.4%

Member of Parliament
This riding has elected the following members of the House of Commons of Canada:


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St. Catharines (federal electoral district)

St. Catharines is a federal electoral district in the Niagara Region of Ontario, Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since 1968.

It consists of the part of the City of St. Catharines lying east and north of a line drawn from Lake Ontario: Courtleigh Road, Third Street Louth, the QEW, Highway 406, First Street Louth, St. Paul Street West, St. Paul Crescent, Twelve Mile Creek, Glendale Avenue, Merrit Street and Glendale Avenue.

History
It was created in 1966 from parts of Lincoln riding.

It consisted initially of the part of the City of St. Catharines bounded on the east by the eastern city limit, and on the north, west and south by a line drawn from the city limit southwest along Eastchester Avenue, south along Bunting Road, southwest along Rockwood Street, south along Hartzell Road, northwest along the Canadian National Railway (CNR) line, south along Glengarry Road, east along Glendale Avenue, south along Mountain Street and east along Bradley Street to the city limit.

In 1976, it was redefined to consist of the part of the City of St. Catharines lying north of the Canadian National Railway.

In 1987, it was redefined to consist of the part of the City of St. Catharines lying north of a line drawn from west to east along St. Paul Street West, St. Paul Street West to St. Paul Crescent, the old Welland Canal, Carter Creek, the first Canadian National Railway spur line and the main CNR line and Queenston Street.

In 1996, it was redefined to consist of the part of the City of St. Catharines lying north and east of a line drawn from the western city limit along St. Paul Street West, St. Paul Crescent, the Old Welland Canal, Carter Creek, the first Canadian National Railway spur line, the most easterly Canadian National Railway spur line and the yard line to the southern city limit.

In 2003, it was given its current boundaries as described above.

This riding lost fractions of territory to Niagara West and Niagara Centre during the 2012 electoral redistribution.

Demographics
According to the 2021 Canadian census

Ethnic groups: 80.7% White, 4.2% Black, 3.5% Indigenous, 2.4% Latin American, 2.2% South Asian, 1.4% Filipino, 1.3% Chinese, 1.2% Arab

Languages: 79.9% English, 2.1% Spanish, 1.8% French, 1.4% Italian, 1.3% German, 1.2% Arabic, 1.1% Polish

Religions: 58.3% Christian (25.7% Catholic, 6.1% Anglican, 4.2% United Church, 1.9% Presbyterian, 1.3% Anabaptist, 1.3% Christian Orthodox, 1.2% Baptist, 1.1% Lutheran, 1.1% Pentecostal, 14.4% Other), 3.1% Muslim, 36.2% None

Median income: $37,600 (2020)

Average income: $46,760 (2020)

Federal riding associations
Riding associations are the local branches of the national political parties:

Members of Parliament
This riding has elected the following members of the House of Commons of Canada:


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Sarnia—Lambton (federal electoral district)

Sarnia—Lambton (formerly known as Sarnia) is a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since 1968. It is located in the area of the city of Sarnia, in the southwest corner of the province of Ontario.

Until 2015, Sarnia—Lambton, with its predecessors Sarnia, and Lambton West, was Canada's most bellwetherly riding, having voted for the winning party from 1963 to 2011.

Under the 2022 Canadian federal electoral redistribution the riding will be renamed Sarnia—Lambton—Bkejwanong.

History
It was created as Sarnia electoral district in 1966 from parts of Lambton West riding. It consisted of that part of the County of Lambton contained in the City of Sarnia and the Townships of Moore, Sarnia and Plympton excepting the Town of Forest.

In 1970, the name of the electoral district was changed to Sarnia—Lambton.

It was abolished in 1976 when it was redistributed between Lambton—Middlesex and a new Sarnia riding. The new Sarnia riding consisted of that part of the County of Lambton contained in the City of Sarnia, the Townships of Moore and Sarnia, the Village of Point Edward, and Indian Reserve No. 45.

The name of this electoral district was changed in 1981 to Sarnia—Lambton again.

In 1996, the riding was redefined to exclude the township of Sarnia and include the township of Sombra.

In 2003, it was redefined to consist of that part of the County of Lambton comprising the City of Sarnia, the towns of Petrolia and Plympton-Wyoming, the villages of Oil Springs and Point Edward, the townships of Enniskillen and St. Clair, and Sarnia Indian Reserve No. 45.

This riding was left unchanged after the 2012 electoral redistribution.

Demographics

 * According to the 2021 Canadian census

Ethnic groups: 88.0% White, 5.6% Indigenous, 1.9% South Asian, 1.3% Black

Languages: 90.0% English, 1.8% French

Religions: 58.1% Christian (23.9% Catholic, 8.8% United Church, 5.0% Anglican, 2.9% Presbyterian, 2.8% Baptist, 1.5% Pentecostal, 1.0% Reformed, 12.3% other), 39.0% none

Median income: $42,800 (2020)

Average income: $55,500 (2020)

Sarnia—Lambton
Note: Conservative vote is compared to the total of the Canadian Alliance vote and Progressive Conservative vote in 2000 election.

Note: Canadian Alliance vote is compared to the Reform vote in 1997 election.


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Sault Ste. Marie (federal electoral district)

Sault Ste. Marie is a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since 1968.

This riding is centred on the city of Sault Ste. Marie. It includes the adjacent communities of Rankin Location 15D, Garden River 14 and Prince, and covers a portion of Unorganized North Algoma District north to the Montreal River (including the communities of Goulais Bay 15A and Obadjiwan 15E).

Under the 2022 Canadian federal electoral redistribution the riding will be renamed Sault Ste. Marie—Algoma.

Riding history
The riding was created in 1966 from parts of Algoma West riding. For most of its history, the riding included only the city of Sault Ste. Marie and some immediately surrounding communities.

It consisted initially of the City of Sault Ste. Marie and the Township of Prince. In 1976, it was redefined to consist of the part of the City of Sault Ste. Marie east of Allen's Side Road and south of the Second Line.

In 1987, it was redefined to consist of the part of the City of Sault Ste. Marie lying south of Third Line and the part of Rankin Location 15D lying within the city limits.

In 1996, it was redefined to consist of the City of Sault Ste. Marie.

In 2003, the geographic boundaries of this riding were expanded and defined as:
 * "Consisting of that part of the Territorial District of Algoma lying westerly and southerly of a line described as follows: commencing at the intersection of the international boundary between Canada and the United States with the southeast corner of the Township of Plummer Additional; thence northerly and westerly along the easterly and northerly limits of said township to the southwest corner of the geographic Township of Galbraith; thence northerly along the westerly boundary of the geographic townships of Galbraith, Morin, Kane, Hurlburt, Jollineau, Menard, Pine, Hoffman and Butcher to the southerly limit of the Territorial District of Sudbury; thence westerly and northerly along the southerly and westerly limits of said territorial district to the Montreal River; thence generally westerly along said river to the northerly boundary of the geographic Township of Home; thence westerly along the northerly boundary of the geographic townships of Home and Peever to the northern shore of Lake Superior; thence S 45°00' W to the international boundary between Canada and the United States of America."

Current boundaries
In the 2012 federal electoral redistribution, this riding was redefined, losing St. Joseph Island, Macdonald, Meredith and Aberdeen Additional, Laird, Tarbutt, Johnson, Plummer Additional, Bruce Mines and a portion of Unorganized North Algoma to Algoma—Manitoulin—Kapuskasing. It is now defined as:
 * "Consisting of that part of the Territorial District of Algoma described as follows: commencing at the intersection of the international boundary between Canada and the United States of America with the southeasterly corner of the Territorial District of Thunder Bay; thence N45°00'E in a straight line to the intersection of the northern shoreline of Lake Superior with the northerly boundary of the geographic Township of Peever; thence easterly along the northerly boundary of the geographic townships of Peever and Home to the Montreal River; thence generally easterly along said river to the easterly limit of the Territorial District of Algoma; thence southerly and easterly along the limit of said territorial district to the easterly boundary of the geographic Township of Bracci; thence southerly along said boundary and the easterly boundary of the geographic townships of Gaudry, Nahwegezhic, Lamming, Hughes, Curtis, Gillmor and McMahon to the northerly boundary of the geographic Township of Aberdeen; thence westerly along said boundary to the northerly limit of the Township of MacDonald, Meredith and Aberdeen Additional; thence generally westerly along said limit to the international boundary between Canada and the United States of America; thence generally westerly and northwesterly along said boundary to the point of commencement."

Future boundaries
After the 2022 Canadian federal electoral redistribution to take effect at the next election, this riding will be greatly expanded to include much of rural Algoma District, and be renamed Sault Ste. Marie—Algoma. It will consist of:
 * the cities of Elliot Lake and Sault Ste. Marie;
 * the towns of Blind River, Bruce Mines, Spanish and Thessalon;
 * the municipalities of Huron Shores and Wawa;
 * the townships of Dubreuilville, Hilton, Hornepayne, Jocelyn, Johnson, Laird, Macdonald, Meredith and Aberdeen Additional, Plummer Additional, Prince, St. Joseph, Tarbutt, The North Shore and White River;
 * the village of Hilton Beach;
 * Unorganized South East Algoma District;
 * Unorganized North Algoma District, excluding the area lying easterly of a line described as follows: commencing at the intersection of the easterly limit of said unorganized area and a point at approximate latitude 48°26'59"N and longitude 84°00'53"W; thence northerly in a straight line to the northerly limit of said unorganized area at approximate latitude 49°26'57"N and longitude 84°00'52"W;
 * that part of the Unorganized North Sudbury District comprising the Missanabie Cree First Nation Indian Reserve; and
 * the Indian Reserves of Garden River 14, Goulais Bay 15A, Gros Cap 49, Mississagi River 8, Obadjiwan 15E, Rankin Location 15D, Sagamok, Serpent River 7 and Thessalon 12.

Demographics
According to the 2021 Canadian census

Ethnic groups: 81.0% White, 14.9% Indigenous, 1.5% South Asian

Languages: 87.5% English, 3.2% Italian, 2.9% French

Religions: 58.1% Christian (32.3% Catholic, 6.1% United Church, 4.8% Anglican, 1.6% Lutheran, 1.5% Baptist, 1.2% Presbyterian, 10.6% other), 39.2% none

Median income: $40,800 (2020)

Average income: $49,640 (2020)

Members of Parliament
This riding has elected the following members of Parliament:

Sault Ste. Marie, previous elections
* Changes for the Canadian Alliance are from the Reform votes in 1997.


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Thornhill (federal electoral district)

Thornhill is a federal electoral district in Ontario, Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since 1997. It covers its namesake Thornhill neighbourhood, which is split between the Cities of Vaughan and Markham. The Vaughan portion also includes parts of the city east of Highway 400 and south of Rutherford Road, including the largely industrial district of Concord and Vaughan's planned downtown; Vaughan Metropolitan Centre. The part in the City of Markham is restricted its portion of Thornhill itself (but does not include it all) west of Bayview Avenue. The riding was created in 1996 and the east end of the riding was split off into other ridings in 2012.

The riding was initially safe for the Liberals, and they won large majorities of the vote in its first two elections. In 2004, the large Jewish population started shifting toward the Conservative Party, and the Conservatives won the riding in 2008. After being targeted by the Conservatives as part of their strategy to win a majority in 2011, the riding became a Conservative stronghold.

Riding profile
The riding is named after Thornhill, a suburban neighbourhood founded as a rural community that was first settled along Yonge Street in the mid-1790s, around the time of the street's opening. The district of Concord and Vaughan Metropolitan Centre occupies the northern and western parts of the riding.

According to the 2016 census, the population of the riding was 112,719, up 2.1% from 2011. In 2015, the median income in the riding was $33,474 compared to $30,798 in 2010. The average income in the riding was $54,590 compared to $47,097 in 2010. The most spoken non-official language in the riding is Russian (14.5%) and 16.4% of the population is of Russian ethnic origin. The second largest ethnic origin is Chinese with 11.2% in 2016. About 37% of the riding's population is part of a visible minority. The riding also has a large Jewish population (37.1% in 2011 ) and has been cited as showing voting trends among Jewish populations. The riding has a higher rate of postsecondary certificates, diplomas, and degrees than the Ontario average (66% compared to 55% for those aged 15+). The riding has been described as a Conservative stronghold.

Demographics

 * According to the 2021 Canadian census

Ethnic groups: 57% White, 11.3% Chinese, 7% West Asian, 6.3% South Asian, 5.1% Korean, 4.8% Filipino, 2.6% Black, 1.5% Latin American, 1.1% Southeast Asian

1996-2004: Liberal dominance
The riding was first established in the 1996 redistribution from parts of York North and Markham—Whitchurch—Stouffville, consisting of the part of Vaughan east of Highway 400 and south of Rutherford Road, and the part of Markham west of Highway 404. Both of the ridings Thornhill was originally part of elected Liberal MPs in 1993, though York North's Liberal vote share was about 17% more of the vote than that of Markham—Whitchurch—Stouffville. The riding's redistributed result had the Liberals at 60%, triple the amount of the Progressive Conservatives (PCs). In the 1997 election, Liberal candidate Elinor Caplan, who had previously served in the cabinet of former Premier David Peterson, won with 59% of the vote, more than double the number received by PC candidate Bill Fisch, who came second. Similarly to the previous election, the Liberals had nearly swept the province of Ontario, this time winning all but two seats.

In 1999, Caplan was appointed to Prime Minister Jean Chrétien's cabinet as Minister of Citizenship and Immigration. In the 2000 election, Caplan would win again, this time with nearly 65% of the vote and by more than four times the amount won by Canadian Alliance candidate Robert Goldin. Provincially, the Liberals had won another near-sweep of Ontario. In 2002, Chrétien moved Caplan to Minister of National Revenue. During the 2003 electoral redistribution, the boundaries of the district did not change.

2004-2011: Shift to the Conservatives
On February 23, 2004, Caplan announced that she would not run in the next federal election. The Liberals then chose Susan Kadis, who was then a Vaughan City Councillor, as their candidate for the next election. In the 2004 election, many ridings with large Jewish populations, Thornhill among them, started shifting toward the Conservative Party. The Liberal Party would end up losing 10% of the vote and they were now at 54.6%, about 20% more of the vote than Conservative candidate Josh Cooper. In the 2006 election, both Kadis and the Conservative candidate got slightly less votes than in 2004.

Shortly after the 2006 election, Kadis was chosen to be the associate critic for Infrastructure and Communities. In March 2008, she was appointed National Revenue critic by Opposition Leader Stéphane Dion. In the 2008 election, the Conservative Party chose Peter Kent, an established media personality who had run in Toronto-St. Paul's in 2006, as their candidate. Kent would end up winning the riding with 49% of the vote compared to Kadis' 39%, possibly due to the fact that Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper promised continued support for Israel.

2011-present: Conservative stronghold
Kent served as the Minister of State of Foreign Affairs for the Americas until a January 2011 cabinet shuffle when he was promoted to Minister of the Environment. This was met with some criticism as he was the fifth Environment Minister in five years. It also signalled Prime Minister Harper's determination to increase support in the Greater Toronto Area. In the 2011 election, the Conservative Party targeted the riding as part of their strategy to gain a majority government and both Prime Minister Harper and Liberal leader Michael Ignatieff had campaign stops in the riding. Kent ended up increasing his vote share to 61%, compared to 24% for the Liberal candidate.

During the 2012 redistribution, the area of the riding east of Bayview Avenue was divided along Highway 407, with portions being transferred to Richmond Hill and the new riding of Markham—Thornhill. Concerns were raised about dividing the Thornhill neighbourhood into two ridings, suggesting that Concord (which includes Vaughan Metropolitan Centre) be excluded from the riding instead. The name of the riding was also an issue, as the proposed name, "Vaughan—Thornhill" was thought to exclude the Markham portion. Markham was initially added to the name before Kent suggested reverting it back to "Thornhill". His suggestion was accepted by the commission. The redistributed result put the Conservatives 2% higher than the actual result. In July 2013, Kent was shuffled out of cabinet, becoming a backbench MP. During his tenure, critics had described him as "Canada's worst environment minister."

In the 2015 election, Kent lost about 5% of the vote, now receiving 58.6% to the Liberal candidate's 33.7%. Shortly after the 2015 election, Kent became the Conservative Foreign Affairs critic. After a 2017 shadow cabinet shuffle, Kent became the Conservatives' Ethics critic. In 2019, Kent won his fourth consecutive election with 54.6% of the vote to Liberal candidate Gary Gladstone's 35.4%. After the 2019 election, Kent was appointed critic on immigration, refugees, and citizenship. In 2021, Kent announced he would not run in the next election.

Following this, Melissa Lantsman won the nomination to represent the Conservative Party in Thornhill. On September 20, 2021, Melissa Lantsman won the riding of Thornhill by a 15-point margin.

Members of Parliament
This riding has elected the following members of the House of Commons of Canada:

Election results
Note: Conservative vote is compared to the total of the Canadian Alliance vote and Progressive Conservative vote in 2000 election.

Note: Canadian Alliance vote is compared to the Reform vote in 1997 election.

title: Thornhill (federal electoral district)


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Division of Gorton

The Division of Gorton is an Australian Electoral Division in the state of Victoria.

History
The division was created in 2004 to replace the abolished Division of Burke, and is named in honour Sir John Gorton, who served as Prime Minister of Australia from 1968 to 1971. Gorton had served in the Senate from 1949 to 1968, before switching houses to represent the Victorian federal seat of Higgins until 1975.

The constituency of Gorton features a high proportion of young families and new suburban developments in the working-class outer western suburbs of the Melbourne metropolitan area.

The incumbent member for Gorton is Brendan O'Connor, a member of the Australian Labor Party. O'Connor has represented Gorton since its creation at the 2004 federal election.

Boundaries
Federal electoral division boundaries in Australia are determined at redistributions by a redistribution committee appointed by the Australian Electoral Commission. Redistributions occur for the boundaries of divisions in a particular state, and they occur every seven years, or sooner if a state's representation entitlement changes or when divisions of a state are malapportioned.

Gorton is located in the outer western suburbs of Melbourne. As of 2021, it includes the suburbs of Aintree, Bonnie Brook, Burnside, Burnside Heights, Caroline Springs, Deanside, Deer Park, Delahey, Grangefields, Fieldstone, Fraser Rise, Keilor, Keilor Downs, Kings Park, Ravenhall, Rockbank, Sydenham, Taylors Hill, Taylors Lakes, Thornhill Park, Truganina and parts of Deer Park, Derrimut, Hillside and Mount Cottrell.

It previously included the suburbs of Albanvale, Brookfield, Cairnlea,  Cobblebank, Harkness, Kurunjang, Melton, Melton South, Plumpton and Strathtulloh; parts of Diggers Rest, Parwan, and Toolern Vale; as well as the townships of Exford and Eynesbury prior to past redistributions.

Election results
{{legend|#DE3533|Labor}} {{legend|#0047AB|Liberal}} {{legend|#00A651|Greens}} {{legend|#00CCFF|Family First}} {{legend|#FFED00|Palmer United/United Australia Party}} {{legend|#F36C21|One Nation}} {{legend|#888888|Independent}}

title: Division of Gorton