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Energy Information Administration

The U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) is a principal agency of the U.S. Federal Statistical System responsible for collecting, analyzing, and disseminating energy information to promote sound policymaking, efficient markets, and public understanding of energy and its interaction with the economy and the environment. EIA programs cover data on coal, petroleum, natural gas, electric, renewable and nuclear energy. EIA is part of the U.S. Department of Energy.

Background
The Department of Energy Organization Act of 1977 established EIA as the primary federal government authority on energy statistics and analysis, building upon systems and organizations first established in 1974 following the oil market disruption of 1973.

EIA conducts a comprehensive data collection program that covers the full spectrum of energy sources, end uses, and energy flows; generates short- and long-term domestic and international energy projections; and performs informative energy analyses.

EIA disseminates its data products, analyses, reports, and services to customers and stakeholders primarily through its website and the customer contact center.

Located in Washington, D.C., EIA has about 325 federal employees and a budget of $126.8 million in fiscal year 2021.

Independence
By law, EIA's products are prepared independently of policy considerations. EIA neither formulates nor advocates any policy conclusions. The Department of Energy Organization Act allows EIA's processes and products to be independent from review by Executive Branch officials; specifically, Section 205(d) says:

"The Administrator shall not be required to obtain the approval of any other officer or employee of the Department in connection with the collection or analysis of any information; nor shall the Administrator be required, prior to publication, to obtain the approval of any other officer or employee of the United States with respect to the substance of any statistical or forecasting technical reports which he has prepared in accordance with law."

Products

More than two million people use the EIA's information online each month. Some of the EIA's products include:

 * General Interest Energy Information
 * Energy Explained: Energy information written for a general, non-technical audience. A nonpartisan guide to the entire range of energy topics from biodiesel to uranium.
 * Energy Kids: Educates students, citizens, and even policymakers and journalists about energy.
 * Energy Glossary: Common energy terms defined in plain language.
 * Timely Analysis
 * Today in Energy: Informative content published every weekday that includes a graph or map and a short, timely story written in plain language that highlights current energy issues, topics, and data trends.
 * This Week in Petroleum: Weekly summary and explanation of events in United States and world petroleum markets, including weekly data. This report, together with its companion, the Weekly Petroleum Status Report, is a handy tool for investors. These are published every Wednesday (unless Monday is a holiday) at 10:30 AM Eastern Time (for the preliminary version) with the full report following at 1 PM Eastern. The Weekly Petroleum Status Report provides estimates of the amount of crude oil and petroleum products in storage, so that one may get a sense of whether stocks are building or declining, and of US oil production, so that an interested party can get a sense of whether it is decreasing or increasing. It is not unusual for the price of crude oil to jump up or down by a few percentage points, immediately after this report is released.
 * Natural Gas Weekly Update: Weekly summary and discussion of events and trends in U.S. natural gas markets.
 * Data and Surveys
 * Gasoline and Diesel Fuel Update: Weekly price data for U.S. national and regional averages.
 * Monthly Energy Review: Provides statistics on monthly and annual U.S. energy consumption going back in some cases to 1949. The figures are given in units of quads (quadrillion BTUs.)
 * Annual Energy Review: EIA's primary report of historical annual energy statistics. For many series, data begin with the year 1949. This report has been superseded by the Monthly Energy Review and was not produced for 2012.
 * Country Energy Profiles: Data by country, region, and commercial group (OECD, OPEC) for 219 countries with additional country analysis notes for 87 of these.
 * Country Analysis Briefs: EIA's in-depth analyses of energy production, consumption, imports, and exports for 36 individual countries and regions.
 * Residential Energy Consumption Survey: EIA's comprehensive survey and analysis of residential energy consumption, household characteristics, and appliance saturation.
 * Commercial Buildings Energy Consumption Survey: A national sample survey that collects information on the stock of U.S. commercial buildings, including their energy-related building characteristics and energy usage data (consumption and expenditures).
 * Projections and Outlooks
 * Short-Term Energy Outlook: Energy projections for the next 13–24 months, updated monthly.
 * Annual Energy Outlook: Projection and analysis of U.S. energy supply, demand, and prices through 2040 based on EIA's National Energy Modeling System. Projections are currently based on existing legislation, without assumption of any future congressional action or technological advancement. In 2015, EIA has been criticized by the Advanced Energy Economy (AEE) Institute after its release of the AEO 2015-report to "consistently underestimate the growth rate of renewable energy, leading to 'misperceptions' about the performance of these resources in the marketplace". AEE points out that the average power purchase agreement (PPA) for wind power was already at $24/MWh in 2013. Likewise, PPA for utility-scale solar PV are seen at current levels of $50–$75/MWh. These figures contrast strongly with EIA's estimated LCOE of $125/MWh (or $114/MWh including subsidies) for solar PV in 2020. This criticism has been repeated every year since.
 * International Energy Outlook: EIA's assessment of the outlook for international energy markets through 2040.

Legislation
The Federal Energy Administration Act of 1974 created the Federal Energy Administration (FEA), the first U.S. agency with the primary focus on energy and mandated it to collect, assemble, evaluate, and analyze energy information. It also provided the FEA with data collection enforcement authority for gathering data from energy producing and major consuming firms. Section 52 of the FEA Act mandated establishment of the National Energy Information System to "… contain such energy information as is necessary to carry out the Administration's statistical and forecasting activities …"

The Department of Energy Organization Act of 1977, Public Law 95-91, created the Department of Energy. Section 205 of this law established the Energy Information Administration (EIA) as the primary federal government authority on energy statistics and analysis to carry out a " ...central, comprehensive, and unified energy data and information program which will collect, evaluate, assemble, analyze, and disseminate data and information which is relevant to energy resource reserves, energy production, demand, and technology, and related economic and statistical information, or which is relevant to the adequacy of energy resources to meet demands in the near and longer term future for the Nation's economic and social needs."

The same law established that EIA's processes and products are independent from review by Executive Branch officials.

The majority of EIA energy data surveys are based on the general mandates set forth above. However, there are some surveys specifically mandated by law, including:
 * EIA-28, Financial Reporting System - Section 205(h) of the DOE Organization Act.
 * EIA-1605 and 1605EZ, Voluntary Reporting of Greenhouse Gases - Section 1605(b) of the Energy Policy Act of 1992.
 * EIA-886, Annual Survey of Alternative Fueled Vehicle Suppliers and Users - Section 503(b) of the Energy Policy Act of 1992.
 * EIA-858, Uranium Marketing Annual Survey - Section 1015 of the Energy Policy Act of 1992.
 * EIA-846A-C, Manufacturing Energy Consumption Survey - Section 205(i) of the DOE Organization Act (the act calls for a biennial survey; however, this survey is done quadrennially due to resource constraints).
 * EIA-457A-G, Residential Energy Consumption Survey - Section 205(k) of the DOE Organization Act (the act calls for a triennial survey; however, this survey is done quadrennially due to resource constraints).
 * EIA-871A-F, Commercial Buildings Energy Consumption Survey - Section 205(k) of the DOE Organization Act (the act calls for a triennial survey; however, this survey is done quadrennially due to resource constraints).
 * Petroleum Marketing Surveys - Section 507 of Part A of Title V of the Energy Policy and Conservation Act of 1975 broadly directs EIA to collect information on the pricing, supply, and distribution of petroleum products by product category at the wholesale and retail levels, on a State-by-State basis, which was collected as of September 1, 1981, by the Energy Information Administration.

title: Energy Information Administration


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Dave Lee (DJ)

David Russell Lee (born 18 June 1964) is an English DJ and music producer, formerly known by the stage name Joey Negro, which he retired in July 2020 following the George Floyd protests.

He has released music under a variety of pseudonyms, including Jakatta, Doug Willis, Raven Maize, and Sessomatto. He was also apart of the Sunburst Band. Lee has scored a couple of top 40 hits, among them "American Dream", "So Lonely" and "My Vision", all under the name Jakatta.

Early life
Lee was born on the Isle of Wight, but raised in Thorpe-le-Soken in Essex. His mother is the novelist Maureen Lee.

Career
Dave Lee's interest in dance music began with collecting disco, soul and funk records in the late 1970s. In 1986, he got his first job in the industry, working at the short-lived store Smithers & Leigh. He moved over to Rough Trade, who were then setting up a dance division, Demix, and were looking for someone to run it. Within a short period of time, Demix was handling hits for Bomb the Bass, MARRS and Beatmasters. Less than a year later, Lee, in partnership with Rough Trade, set up his own label, Republic Records, which became known both for the series of compilation albums, The Garage Sound of Deepest New York, as well Lee's own early forays into studio production.

By the end of 1987, Lee began working in a Clacton-on-Sea studio with former schoolfriend Mike Cheal (real name Emmanuel Cheal) and another Smithers & Leigh employee, DJ Mark Ryder. The trio were responsible for the first release on Republic, under the name M-D-Emm: "Get Busy (It's Partytime!)". Two further M-D-Emm singles were released on Republic. Mike and Dave recorded the acid house songs "1666" and "Get Acidic" together without Mark, and continued the same partnership using other aliases, notably Masters of the Universe, Mystique, Kikkit and The Shy Boys. In 1989, Dave Lee, Mike Cheal and Mark Ryder broke through the underground with a club hit under the assumed name Raven Maize, which made use of disco samples, something Lee has returned to repeatedly over the course of his career.

In 1990, Lee's most enduring pseudonym made its debut, when he released Joey Negro's first single via New York indie house music label Nu Groove, with his new name a homage to Pal Joey and J. Walter Negro. After the single's success, Lee went totally solo allowing him the total freedom to explore his own musical direction. When the single "Do It, Believe It" was released in the UK, it was also the debut release on his own self-financed label Z Records, which remains his primary outlet. Around the same time, Lee met keyboard player Andrew 'Doc' Livingstone when he sent in a demo to Republic Records. Shortly after, the pair decamped to Unit 3 Studios in Chalk Farm.

In 1991, Rough Trade Records went into liquidation and with it, Lee's job. The slack was taken up by increasingly large amounts of studio commissions as his work as a remixer grew.

In 1993, Lee was approached by boy band Take That's label with a view to working together. Although the Dan Hartman song "Relight My Fire" had never been a hit in the UK, it had become a popular club track in the house music scene, so at Lee's suggestion they covered it, with Lulu taking the cameo role that Loleatta Holloway had performed on the original. It became the boy band's second number one in the UK. The same year saw the release of the Joey Negro album Universe of Love, featuring Gwen Guthrie and the Trammps. Its title track, with live instrumentation, prefigured much of the work he went on to do with the Sunburst Band.

Lee's stock as a remixer continued to rise throughout the '90s, providing remixes for Diana Ross, M People and Pet Shop Boys, as well as racking up further aliases (Z Factor, Doug Willis, Akabu, Sessomatto and Agora). In 1997, Lee met Taka Boom, Chaka Khan's sister, when she relocated to the UK, and the pair collaborated on "Surrender" and "Can't Get High Without U". The same year, the Sunburst Band released their debut EP, Sunburn, which included "Garden of Love", one of the band's most successful songs. Lee opted to gather many of the session musicians he worked with over the years – among them Michele Chiavarini, Viv Hope-Scott, Jessica Lauren and Tony Remy – who recorded the first album, Here Comes the Sunburst Band. It was a conscious departure from electronic music and, as Lee admitted in an interview, it was his commercial successes elsewhere that provided the finances to make such a move.

The follow-up, 2005's Until the End of Time, introduced two new vocal collaborators, disco stylist Linda Clifford and former Chic frontwoman Norma Jean Wright, as well as Taka Boom, and received critical plaudits: a remix of "Every Day", "Everydub", was included on Heston Blumenthal's Desert Island Discs. On the third album, Moving with the Shakers, Lee brought Leroy Burgess and Diane Charlemagne (vocalist on Goldie's hit "Inner City Life") into his ever-evolving band. The most recent album, The Secret Life of Us, was released in 2012. All four albums were released on Lee's own Z Records imprint, which has been the outlet for the majority of his work since the collapse of Republic Records.

By the end of the 1990s, Z had released around 40 singles, the overwhelming majority coming from Lee's own studio; but over the past decade, the label has featured more outside producers and remixers, including Dennis Ferrer, Henrik Schwarz, Ame and Motor City Drum Ensemble, as well as providing an outlet for Lee's esoteric compilation series. Z Records has now passed 200 releases. Lee's deep house project Akabu, which has been remixed by Deetron, Spiritcatcher and Lovebirds, also won plaudits from industry veterans such as Carl Craig when the album was released in 2010.

Lee's first brush with the higher echelons of the top 40 came in 1999 when TV series Ibiza Uncovered used a portion of Z Factor's "Gotta Keep Pushin'" as its theme. Lee reworked the song, with Taka Boom on vocals, and re-released it as "Must Be the Music" (as Joey Negro). The song eventually peaked at number 8.

The following year in 2000, Lee scored an unlikely hit with an underground smash called "American Booty", sampling two Thomas Newman pieces ("Dead Already" and "American Beauty/Paper Bag") from the soundtrack for the film American Beauty. It was eventually reworked with added vocals from Swati Nektar using the Jakatta alias, and released as "American Dream", delivering the biggest hit of Lee's career (UK #3). It was swiftly followed by two further top ten hits for Jakatta with "So Lonely" (featuring Monsoon) (UK #8) and the Seal collaboration "My Vision" (UK #6). The resulting Jakatta album also climbed to number 12 in the charts. The same year he delivered a stunning remix of Inner City's 'Good Love'.

In 2001, Lee resurrected his Raven Maize alias for one of the Ibiza hits of the summer. Inspired by the Corporation of One original, Lee used both "Bohemian Rhapsody" and Simple Minds' "Theme from Great Cities", and the record reached number 12 (UK).

It was in 2005 still under the alias Joey Negro, when he teamed up with Taka Boom again, he delivered one of his biggest mainstream hits to date "Make A Move On Me" (Vocal Club Mix) which reached #11 in UK and was a massive Summer dancefloor hit across the Greek and Balearic party islands. This really put him on the map with new fans in the funky house scene made popular by brands such as Hed Kandi. Due to popularity, it was signed to numerous record labels including Data, Z Records, Ministry of Sound, Oxyd and Vendetta. The track was previously unreleased under his alias Z-Factor in 2000.

Lee's other project is as a music compiler. Beginning with the Republic compilations The Garage Sound of Deepest New York, he has since compiled over 20 albums, usually featuring rare disco, and club music. During the 1990s, he was behind the Jumpin' series of compilations released by Harmless Records, which collected together influential and sampled disco tracks, while Disco Spectrum, which ran to three volumes on Barely Breaking Even, assembled disco songs that had never been reissued before. Lee, with longtime associate Sean P, was also responsible for the Disco Not Disco series on Strut Records that gathered together a collection of songs by artists such as Yoko Ono, Can and jazz trumpeter Don Cherry. Subsequent to these, he has continued to run various series on his own label Z Records, including Soul of Disco, Back Street Brit Funk, Italo House and Go Go Get Down, all focusing on forgotten areas of dance music history.

Lee continues to release house and other disco-influenced styles on his own label Z Records, as well as DJing regularly in the UK and around the world.

Lee dropped the name Joey Negro on 21 July 2020 in light of the Black Lives Matter movement, one day after the Blessed Madonna changed her moniker from the Black Madonna. Lee stated that he had "not felt comfortable with the name Joey Negro for a while, especially as I've got older".

Discography

 * Universe of Love (1993)
 * Get Down Tonight (1997)
 * Here Comes the Sunburst Band (1998)
 * Can't Get High Without U (1999)
 * Back to the Scene of the Crime (2001)
 * Visions (2002)
 * 2002 Visions: The Remixes (2002)
 * Until the End of Time (2004)
 * Moving with the Shakers (2008)
 * Doug's Disco Brain (2008)
 * The Sunburst Band - The Remixes (2009)
 * The Phuture Ain't What It Used to Be (2010)
 * The Phuture: Remixed (2010)
 * The Secret Life of Us (2012)
 * Remixed with Love Volume 1 (2013)
 * The Mystery of Mistura (2013)
 * Italo House (2014)
 * Remixed with Love Volume 2 (2016)
 * Produced with Love (2017)
 * Remixed with Love Volume 3 (2018)
 * Produced with Love II (2022)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Dave Lee (DJ)


text:
List of diplomatic missions in Washington, D.C.

This is a list of the 177 resident embassies in Washington, D.C. For other diplomatic missions in the United States, see List of diplomatic missions in the United States.

The embassy of Iran closed in 1979. It was located at 3005 Massachusetts Avenue NW in Embassy Row. The building continues to be owned by the government of Iran but is maintained by the US Department of State while the Iranian interests section is located in the Pakistani Embassy.


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Federal Railroad Administration

The Federal Railroad Administration (FRA) is an agency in the United States Department of Transportation (DOT). The agency was created by the Department of Transportation Act of 1966. The purpose of the FRA is to promulgate and enforce rail safety regulations, administer railroad assistance programs, conduct research and development in support of improved railroad safety and national rail transportation policy, provide for the rehabilitation of Northeast Corridor rail passenger service, and consolidate government support of rail transportation activities.

The FRA is one of ten agencies within DOT concerned with intermodal transportation. It operates through seven divisions under the offices of the Administrator and Deputy Administrator. These divisions are Financial Management and Administration, Chief Counsel, Civil Rights, Public Affairs, Public Engagement, Railroad Policy and Development, and Safety. It has a staff of about 850.

Function
All passenger and freight rail travel in the United States on the national interconnected rail infrastructure is subject to regulation by the FRA. FRA regulates public and intercity rail services, but does not regulate "closed" railways that operate exclusively on private property, such as a rail system between buildings at a steel mill, nor does it regulate subways, light rail or elevated intra-city passenger rail systems that do not connect to any public rail networks. Most notably, the FRA enforces safety regulations, such as speed limits and requirements for safety features such as positive train control (PTC). Non-legislative recommendations for FRA policy come from the Rail Safety Advisory Committee, established in 1996, though much of FRA policy is created via congressional legislation; for example, the Rail Safety Improvement Act of 2008 was an act of Congress, which the FRA enforced through a series of regulations published two years later. These regulations include enforcement of PTC requirements and enforcement of more stringent conductor certification requirements.

21st century safety initiatives
In 2011, the FRA began the process of updating its electronic device policy for active train operators.

In June 2015, the FRA announced a railway safety initiative with Google that would include the FRA's GIS data in its mapping services. The data pinpoint the location of over 250,000 rail crossings in the United States. The FRA believes that providing the location of rail crossings on maps will enhance crossing safety for people who are using navigation systems while driving. The agency also created a web portal for the public to report blocked crossings in order to collect data on the implication for safety and economy of stopped trains blocking crossings.

Citing safety concerns, in 2016 the FRA proposed a rule to mandate train crew sizes but the agency withdrew the rule in 2019 stating "that no regulation of train crew staffing is necessary or appropriate for railroad operations to be conducted safely at this time." This was in part due to the improving safety record for rail and also the implementation of PTC across nearly 60,000 route miles of track.

Following three recent derailments of long trains, the FRA in July 2023 started requiring Class 1 railroads to provide monthly data tracking train length and tonnage. The specific concern is of trains with 1) more than 200 cars, 2) length of 12,250 feet or more, or 3) weight of more than 17,000 tons.

Northeast Corridor Future
The FRA's Northeast Corridor (NEC) Future is a long-term plan aimed at improving the nation's Northeast Corridor. The NEC Future plan consists of four components (also known as the Selective Alternative) that are: Improve rail service, Modernize NEC infrastructure, Expand rail capacity, and Study New Haven-to-Providence capacity. These four components all aim to improve the reliability and performance of the NEC system, whether it be through intercity or regional means. The Selective Alternative looks to do four major things: Improve rail service by increasing frequency of trains, decreasing travel time, and making better passenger convenience; Modernize NEC infrastructure by having corridor-wide repair and replacing and fixing parts to bring the entire system to increased reliability; Expand rail capacity by adding new infrastructure between cities and increasing train speeds and capacity; and Study New Haven to Providence capacity.

The NEC Future ROD (Record of Decision) was issued in July 2017, which marked the completion of the Tier 1 environmental review process. The ROD lays out everything involved with the project, including the plan itself and feedback from individuals, organizations, and stakeholders. There is no listed completion date for the NEC Future and Selective Alternative.

Background
The need for an NRP was brought up in the Passenger Rail Investment and Improvement Act of 2008. However, before the official plan could be drafted, the Passenger Rail Investment and Improvement Act (PRIIA) required a Preliminary National Rail Plan (PNRP) to be made first, which was submitted to Congress on October 15, 2009. On December 16, 2009, the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2010 was enacted into law and established the delivery date for the NRP. The delivery date for the NRP was September 15, 2010.

The goal
With the nation's infrastructure growing, the transportation used in the nation also needs to grow. With that in mind, the NRP's main goal is to increase the size of the nation's railway capacity to include 70 million more people and 2.8 billion tons more of freight within the next 25 years, and 100 million more people and 4 billion tons more of freight within the next 40 years. The NRP also looks to continue improving the rail systems safety.

High-speed intercity travel
Another one of the NRP's big goals is the introduction of a high-speed train made for intercity travel. These trains would be much faster than normal trains, ranging in speed from 125-250 mph, and capable of delivering a passenger 500 miles in about 2–3 hours. In smaller, regional areas, the trains would not be as quick, only going somewhere between 90-125 mph. There are no set costs for this system, however. The FRA argues that the benefits a high-speed rail system would bring outweigh the costs for the system, claiming that the high-speed rail system would reduce car traffic and eliminate the need for short-haul flights. It would also reduce congestion in America's more populated regions and boost manufacturing activity.

title: Federal Railroad Administration


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Edmonton Green railway station

Edmonton Green is a London Overground station on the Lea Valley lines which formerly was a part of the West Anglia Main Line, located in Edmonton in the London Borough of Enfield, north London. It is 8 mi down the line from London Liverpool Street and is situated between Silver Street to the south and Bush Hill Park (on the Enfield Town branch) and Southbury (on the Cheshunt branch) to the north.

All trains calling at the station are London Overground services. Greater Anglia operated a limited peak-time service until May 2023, when it was withdrawn.

Its three-letter station code is EDR and it is in Travelcard zone 4.

History
Edmonton Green was opened as Edmonton (High level) on 22 July 1872 by the Great Eastern Railway (GER) on its new, more direct line from London. Edmonton was renamed Lower Edmonton (high level) on 1 July 1883, with the suffix being dropped when the low level station closed. The name of Edmonton Green was adopted in 1992 as being more indicative of the area served and to promote the nearby Edmonton Green Shopping Centre.

The ticket hall was rebuilt in the early 1980s, and barriers were installed in 2012. Lifts to the platform level became operational in 2015.

In 2015 the Lea Valley Lines transferred from Abellio Greater Anglia operation to London Overground. This resulted in the ability of entitled Freedom Pass holders to use their passes at any time, as on the Underground. Edmonton Green was also then added to the Tube map.

Services
All services at Edmonton Green are operated by London Overground using EMUs.

The typical off-peak service in trains per hour is:
 * 4 tph to London Liverpool Street
 * 2 tph to Cheshunt
 * 2 tph to Enfield Town

Additional services call at the station during the peak hours.

Connections
London Buses routes 102, 144, 149, 191, 192, 259, 279, 349, 491, W6, W8, school route 616 and night route N279 serve the station, from the adjacent Edmonton Green bus station.

title: Edmonton Green railway station


text:
Talk:Dōshu

Untitled
Do we really need two pages saying the same thing? I would suggest a, that the title should be 'Doshu' because I have not come across two meanings for the word, and b, that the article is only very barely a stub as most of what could be added is to be found in the other aikido pages already.

Rednaxela 13:54, 7 Apr 2005 (UTC)

No answer, so I've merged the content, put up a redirect and deleted the 'stub' tag.

Rednaxela 21:40, 24 May 2005 (UTC)

There was no notification of this merger in Talk:Aikido Doshu. I disagree with this merger because the title Doshu is not the sole property of Aikido. Any number of japanese ways could use this title, Aikido happens to be the best known use in English. In my opinion, there should be only one article titled Aikido Doshu unless this article was expanded to make it more accurate. — Edwin Stearns | Talk 14:58, 25 May 2005 (UTC)

Well at least we only have one page now and not two saying the same thing. As regards other arts, everyone is, of course, free to edit this page and add what they know. If that gets unwieldy, the page can be split. And, yes, it was my mistake not to put the talk up on both pages.

Rednaxela 16:34, 25 May 2005 (UTC)

Osensei a doshu?
While the naming of the second of third doshus absolutely refers to Morihei Ueshiba as the first doshu, I don't think he was ever called that. Moriteru wasn't second doshu while alive, he was just doshu. / Habj 05:25, 27 December 2005 (UTC)

merge
Its hard to find any other notable use of this title existing in English nor Japanese, so I propose changing this page to redirect to aikikai for now. I acknowledge that in principle the title is not necessarily specific to aikido, but in practice it is. Cesiumfrog (talk) 04:12, 16 January 2011 (UTC)

title: Talk:Dōshu


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Federal Transit Administration

The Federal Transit Administration (FTA) is an agency within the United States Department of Transportation (DOT) that provides financial and technical assistance to local public transportation systems. The FTA is one of ten modal administrations within the DOT. Headed by an Administrator who is appointed by the President of the United States, the FTA functions through Washington, D.C headquarters office and ten regional offices which assist transit agencies in all states, the District of Columbia, and the territories. Until 1991, it was known as the Urban Mass Transportation Administration (UMTA).

Public transportation includes buses, subways, light rail, commuter rail, monorail, passenger ferry boats, trolleys, inclined railways, and people movers. The federal government, through the FTA, provides financial assistance to develop new transit systems and improve, maintain, and operate existing systems. The FTA oversees grants to state and local transit providers, primarily through its ten regional offices. These providers are responsible for managing their programs in accordance with federal requirements, and the FTA is responsible for ensuring that grantees follow federal mandates along with statutory and administrative requirements.

History
In 1962, President John F. Kennedy sent a major transportation message to the U.S. Congress. It called for the establishment of a program of federal capital assistance for mass transportation. President Kennedy stated, "To conserve and enhance values in existing urban areas is essential. But at least as important are steps to promote economic efficiency and livability in areas of future development. Our national welfare therefore requires the provision of good urban transportation, with the properly balanced use of private vehicles and modern mass transport to help shape as well as serve urban growth."

President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Urban Mass Transportation Act of 1964 into law, which passed the House by a vote of 212-129 and cleared the Senate 52–41, creating the Urban Mass Transportation Administration. The agency was charged with providing federal assistance for mass transit projects, including an initial $375 million in capital assistance over three years as mandated by the act. In 1991, the agency was renamed the Federal Transit Administration.

Administrators
The current acting Administrator is Veronica Vanterpool since February 24, 2024. Below is a list of past administrators.

Notable programs

 * Metropolitan & Statewide Planning
 * Urbanized Formula Funding
 * Clean Fuels Grant Program
 * Major Capital Investments
 * Fixed Guideway Modernization
 * Transportation for Elderly Persons and Persons with Disabilities
 * Formula Grants for Other than Urbanized Areas
 * Public Transportation on Indian Reservations
 * Rural Transit Assistance Program
 * Transit Cooperative Research Program
 * National Research & Technology Program
 * Job Access and Reverse Commute Program
 * New Freedom Program
 * Bus and Bus Facilities
 * Paul S. Sarbanes Transit in Parks Program
 * Alternatives Analysis
 * University Transportation Centers Program
 * Over-the-Road Bus Program
 * BUILD (Better Utilizing Investments to Leverage Development), formerly TIGER (Transit Investment Generating Economic Recovery)
 * Transit Investments for Greenhouse Gas and Energy Reduction (TIGGER) Program
 * Veterans Transportation and Community Living Initiative Capital Grants Program

title: Federal Transit Administration


text:
Will Durst

Will Durst (born on March 18, 1952) is an American political satirist. He has been likened to Mort Sahl and Will Rogers.

Early life
Durst was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He went to 14 different schools before graduating from Waukesha South High School, in Waukesha, Wisconsin. He then attended Waukesha County Technical Institute, University of Wisconsin, Waukesha County Campus, Marquette University, and the University of Wisconsin- Milwaukee, but never graduated.

Career
In 1974, he started performing stand-up comedy at a weekly open mic at a bar in downtown Milwaukee called the Rusty Nail. He also gained onstage experience sharing a stage with various sketch groups such as "Same Player Shoots Again", "Better Than a Sharp Stick in the Eye", and "Will Jon Rip Marian?" After studying with director Paul Sills in Milwaukee for two years at the Century Hall theater complex, Durst moved to San Francisco in 1979.

In 1987, he unsuccessfully ran for mayor of San Francisco.

In 1992 Mr. Durst performed for a SRO crowd at FCI Sheridan in Sheridan, Oregon.

Durst composes a weekly political humor column that is contributed by Cagle Cartoons. He also co-hosts a monthly talk radio show with former San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown called 'The Will and Willie Show' which for a year ran as a morning show on San Francisco's progressive talk radio station, KQKE.

He has performed at events starring Bill Clinton, George H. W. Bush, and Al Gore. He also performs stand up comedy at many events as a keynote speaker including a Governors Conference and a Mayors Convention. He was a correspondent for The Comedy Channel during the 1992 political conventions. His humor and commentaries accentuate his perspective of illogical and absurd aspects of politics, leadership, and human behavior.

He pens down several Internet columns, contributes to Independent Media Institute's Alternet.org and the Huffington Post consistently, is a former contributing editor to National Lampoon and George, and has contributed to various periodicals such as the New York Times, Funny Times and San Francisco Chronicle. His weekly podcasts can be heard on various radio stations and his website, willdurst.com. He also writes a bi-monthly column for The Progressive Magazine, published in Madison, Wisconsin.

Will premiered his one-man show—The All-American Sport of BiPartisan Bashing—in August 2007 at New York City's New World Stages Off Broadway. In 2012, he premiered his one-man show focused on the presidential election, Elect to Laugh, which ran for 41 weeks at the San Francisco Marsh Theater. In 2013, Durst wrote a show based on being an aging baby boomer called BoomeRaging: From LSD to OMG. Since then, he has performed it in over 50 different cities, mostly in Northern California.

In 2016, he updated his Elect to Laugh show and performed a post-Trump one-man show called Durst Case Scenario every Tuesday at the Marsh (a theater complex in San Francisco) since July. He has also taken the show to many Northern California theaters and venues in Wisconsin, Washington, Nevada, and Colorado. He is working on an updated version of the show called Durst Case Scenario: Midterm Madness.

Durst has written three books, including Elect to Laugh and The All-American Sport of Bipartisan Bashing. He has also released five audio recordings, None of the Above, You Can't Make Stuff Up Like This, Warning, Raging Moderate, and Elect to Laugh, the last two on the Stand-Up! Records label. Along with Larry Bubbles Brown and Johnny Steele, Durst is one of the titular characters in the feature documentary 3 Still Standing directed by Robert Campos and Donna LoCicero, which focuses on the San Francisco comedy scene of the late 1980s and beyond.

Television
Durst has been fired by the San Francisco Examiner twice and PBS cancelled three of his shows, two of which he hosted and created, The Durst Amendment and Citizen Durst.

His pilot A Year's Worth with Will Durst was nominated for a CableACE Award after airing on A&E during New Year's Eve 1994, but it was never picked up. On February 24, 2000, Durst was contestant Rudy Reber's phone-a-friend lifeline on Who Wants to Be a Millionaire. Durst wrote an article for TV Guide on the incident.

A five-time Emmy nominee and host/co-producer of the PBS series Livelyhood, he is also a recurrent commentator on NPR, CNN, and C-SPAN. He has appeared on television over 800 times including Late Night with David Letterman, Comedy Central, HBO, and Showtime. He received seven consecutive nominations for the American Comedy Awards Stand Up Comedian of the Year.

Personal life
Durst lives in San Francisco with his wife Debi Ann Pickell Durst, an actress, improviser and director. She is an executive producer of San Francisco's annual Comedy Celebration Day in Golden Gate Park.

On October 7, 2019 Durst suffered a hemorrhagic stroke, backstage before a performance at the Presidio Theatre.

title: Will Durst


text:
Foreign Agricultural Service

The Foreign Agricultural Service (FAS) is the foreign affairs agency with primary responsibility for the United States Department of Agriculture's (USDA) overseas programs – market development, international trade agreements and negotiations, and the collection of statistics and market information. It also administers the USDA's export credit guarantee and food aid programs and helps increase income and food availability in developing nations by mobilizing expertise for agriculturally led economic growth. The FAS mission statement reads, "Linking U.S. agriculture to the world to enhance export opportunities and global food security," and its motto is "Linking U.S. Agriculture to the World."

Roots in analysis
USDA posted its first employee abroad in 1882, with assignment of Edmund Moffat to London. In 1894, USDA created a Section of Foreign Markets in its Division of Statistics, which by 1901 numbered seven employees. It was succeeded over the next few decades by increasingly larger units. Creation of this series of units in Washington to analyze foreign competition and demand for agricultural commodities was paralleled by assignment abroad of agricultural statistical agents, commodity specialists, and "agricultural commissioners".

Moffat went out as a "statistical agent" of USDA's Division of Statistics but with the status of Deputy Consul General on the roster of the Department of State at London. Subsequent USDA officials assigned overseas, however, did not enjoy diplomatic or consular status. This impeded their work, which at that point consisted mainly of collecting, analyzing, and transmitting to Washington time-sensitive market information on agricultural commodities.

The analytical unit in Washington, by the early 1920s supervised by Leon Estabrook, deputy chief of USDA's Bureau of Agricultural Economics, compiled publications based on reports from the USDA's overseas staff, U.S. consuls abroad, and data collected by the Rome-based International Institute of Agriculture.

In 1924, USDA officials Nils Olsen and Louis Guy Michael and Congressman John Ketcham began drafting legislation to create an agricultural attaché service with diplomatic status. The legislation passed the House multiple times, but it did not pass the Senate until 1930, in part due to opposition from then-Commerce Secretary Herbert Hoover. Hoover, however, eventually supported the legislation to garner support of the farm bloc during his presidential campaign. Accordingly, the Foreign Agricultural Service was created by the Foreign Agricultural Service Act of 1930 (46 Stat. 497), which President Herbert Hoover signed into law on June 5, 1930.

The law stipulated that the FAS consist of overseas USDA officials. The USDA also created a Foreign Agricultural Service Division within the Bureau of Agricultural Economics to serve as the FAS's headquarters staff in Washington, D.C., naming Asher Hobson, a noted economist and political scientist, as its first head. The 1930 Act explicitly granted the USDA's overseas officials diplomatic status and the right to the diplomatic title attaché. In short order, FAS posted additional staff overseas, to Marseille, Pretoria, Belgrade, Sydney, and Kobe, in addition to existing staff in London, Buenos Aires, Berlin, and Shanghai. In Washington, Hobson hired Lazar Volin, a Russian émigré, as the agency's first D.C.-based regional analyst, to specialize in the study of Russia as a competitor to U.S. agriculture.

International trade policy
In 1934, Congress passed the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act, which stipulated that the President must consult with the Secretary of Agriculture when negotiating tariff reductions for agricultural commodities. Secretary of Agriculture Henry A. Wallace delegated this responsibility to the Foreign Agricultural Service Division, and thus began the FAS's role in formulation and implementation of international trade policy. The FAS led agricultural tariff negotiations, first concluding a new tariff agreement with Cuba, followed by Belgium, Haiti, Sweden, Brazil and Colombia. By 1939, new agricultural tariffs were in place with 20 countries, including the United Kingdom, the United States' largest agricultural trading partner.

This new responsibility spurred a change in field reporting from overseas offices. To negotiate tariff agreements, the FAS needed comprehensive information on the domestic agricultural policies of trading partners, and the primary source of this information was the agency's field offices abroad. Thus, in addition to traditional commodity reporting, the attachés and commissioners were called on to add policy analysis to their portfolios.

On December 1, 1938, the Foreign Agricultural Service Division was upgraded, made directly subordinate to the Secretary, and renamed simply the Foreign Agricultural Service. On July 1, 1939, however, President Franklin D. Roosevelt ordered all diplomatic personnel, including the agricultural attachés and commissioners, transferred to the Department of State. The Foreign Agricultural Service was abolished, and its headquarters staff was renamed the Office of Foreign Agricultural Relations (OFAR). At that time the Director of Foreign Agricultural Relations, Leslie A. Wheeler, was appointed by executive order to the Board of the Foreign Service and the Board of Examiners, an acknowledgement of OFAR's status as a foreign affairs agency.

Office of Foreign Agricultural Relations

OFAR began handling food aid in 1941 when President Roosevelt and the Congress authorized $1.35 billion of food assistance to Great Britain. During this period OFAR also led negotiations that resulted in creation of the International Wheat Council, and began assisting Latin American countries to develop their agriculture. This latter effort was related to the need for strategic commodities as World War II loomed, as well as the need to tie South America closer to the Allies and thereby to keep Nazi Germany from gaining a foothold in the New World. During World War II, OFAR analyzed food availability in both allied and enemy countries, and promoted the stockpiling of 100 million bushels (2.7 million metric tons) of wheat for feeding refugees after the anticipated end of the war. After the war OFAR was instrumental in carrying out land reform in Japan and offering agricultural technical assistance under the Marshall Plan and the Point Four Program. By 1953, OFAR had roughly 400 agricultural specialists working on development programs in 27 foreign countries. OFAR also continued food aid programs, particularly using the Agricultural Act of 1949's authorities to donate surplus commodities. The intent of these efforts was first, to combat communism; second, to promote export sales of U.S. agricultural products; and third, to improve diets in foreign countries through extension of technical assistance and technology transfer.

At this point OFAR directed the work of overseas technical assistance programs while the Department of State directed the work of the agricultural attachés. Frictions began to develop as the Department of State began to deny USDA requests for information from the attachés, leading to pressure from both agricultural producer groups and influential congressmen for the attachés to be returned to USDA control.

OFAR participated actively with the Department of State in negotiating the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), signed in 1947 and expanded through subsequent negotiation rounds, although agriculture was not a major focus until the Uruguay Round of negotiations. At the same time, OFAR was heavily involved in founding the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, with Director of Foreign Agricultural Relations Leslie A. Wheeler playing a particularly instrumental role.

FAS is reconstituted
On March 10, 1953, Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson abolished OFAR and reconstituted the Foreign Agricultural Service. In April 1954, FAS handed off national security–related technical assistance to the International Cooperation Administration (USAID's forerunner) and began to concentrate on foreign market development for U.S. agricultural commodities, signaling a radical shift in the agency's focus. On September 1, 1954, following passage of H.R. 8033 (P.L. 83-690), the agricultural attachés were transferred back from State Department to FAS.

In the same year, Congress passed Public Law 480 (P.L. 83-480), the Food for Peace Act, which became the backbone of FAS's food aid and market development efforts. Agricultural attachés began negotiating agreements for concessional sale of U.S. farm commodities to foreign countries on terms of up to 30 years and in their own local currencies. The Act was uncommon in that it allowed for the agreements made by the FAS to bypass the normal advice and consent of the U.S. Senate.

In 1955, FAS began signing cooperative agreements with groups representing American producers of specific commodities to expand foreign demand. The first such agreement was signed with the National Cotton Council. This activity came to be called the Market Development Cooperator Program, and the groups themselves to be called "cooperators".

In 1961, the General Sales Manager of USDA's Commodity Stabilization Service (CSS) and his staff were merged into FAS, bringing with them operational responsibility for export credit and food aid programs. In particular, the General Sales Manager was responsible for setting prices for export sale of USDA-owned surplus commodities that had been acquired through domestic farm support programs. At the same time, the CSS Barter and Stockpiling Manager was also moved to FAS. In the postwar era USDA's Commodity Credit Corporation was heavily involved in efforts to barter CCC-owned commodities acquired via domestic farm support programs for strategic commodities available from foreign countries short of hard currency. By the mid-1960s, however, as European and Asian economies recovered, the emphasis on barter waned.

In 1969, the General Sales Manager and his staff were split off to form a separate USDA agency, the Export Marketing Service (EMS). In 1974, however, EMS was re-merged with FAS. In 1977, under pressure from the Congress, the Carter Administration created an "Office of the General Sales Manager" nominally headed by the General Sales Manager, but in reality still a subunit of FAS and subordinate to the FAS Administrator. In 1981 the Ronald Reagan Administration abolished the Office of the General Sales Manager and formally restored its status as a program area of FAS. During that time, the GSM's responsibilities expanded from mere disposition of surplus commodities to management of commodity export credit guarantee programs, foreign food assistance programs, and direct credit programs.

The Foreign Agricultural Service, a foreign affairs agency since 1930, was included in the Foreign Service Act of 1980. Agricultural attachés were offered the choice of remaining civil servants or being grandfathered into the Foreign Service. Since that time the vast majority of agricultural officers overseas, just like State Department officials overseas, have been Foreign Service Officers. Since 1953, 12 former agricultural attachés have been confirmed as American Ambassadors.

Major events
Trade tensions with the European Economic Community (EEC) boiled over in 1962 with the first "Chicken War", a trade dispute arising from the EEC's application of protective tariffs on poultry meat imported from the United States in retaliation for President Kennedy's imposition of a ceiling on textile imports and raising of tariffs on carpets, glass and bicycles. FAS negotiators and analysts, including future Administrator Rolland "Bud" Anderson, supported talks that resulted in the EEC paying $26 million in damages, though in Anderson's words, "We won the battle but lost the war as U.S. exports of these products to Europe soon became insignificant". The so-called "Chicken War" was a precursor to numerous other trade disputes, including the 2002 "Poultry War", when Russia retaliated against the United States' steel tariffs by barring imports of U.S. poultry meat, and the dispute over the European Union's ban on imports of U.S. beef produced from cattle treated with growth promotants.

In 1972 a short grain crop in the USSR resulted in the Soviet Union quietly concluding grain purchasing contracts from a relatively small number of the secretive private multinational grain traders who dominated world trade in cereals. Because crop surveys in mid-spring had given the impression of a normal crop, FAS's agricultural attaché in Moscow chose not to follow up with additional crop observation travel, and thus missed a severe drought that set in after the last trip. As a result of this lapse, international grain traders and exporting nations were unaware of the Soviets' dire need for massive grain imports. By the time the scope of Soviet purchases became known, the USSR had locked in supplies at low, subsidized prices, leaving other importers and consumers scrambling for what was left at significantly higher prices. This event, known as the "Great grain robbery", led to creation in the Foreign Agricultural Service of a satellite imagery unit for remote sensing of foreign crop conditions, negotiation of a long-term grain agreement (LTA) with the Soviet Union, and imposition of an export sales reporting requirement for U.S. grain exporters. It also impressed on FAS the need for "boots-on-the-ground" observation of crop conditions in critical countries.

In the 1980s, the European Economic Community (EEC) emerged as a competitor for export sales, particularly of grain. EEC export restitutions (subsidies) undercut U.S. sales, with the result that farm-state Members of Congress, led by Senator Bob Dole of Kansas, pushed through new legislation authorizing broader subsidization of commercial export sales. This Export Enhancement Program (or EEP, though it was originally called "BICEP" by Senator Dole) was used primarily to counter EEC subsidies in important markets. Use of EEP opened the United States to criticism from less developed countries on the grounds that export subsidies undercut their own farmers by depressing global commodity prices. By the mid-1990s EEP was largely abandoned in favor of negotiating for a multilateral ban on agricultural export subsidies; it was last used, for a single sale, during the Clinton administration. With founding of the World Trade Organization in January 1995, trade-distorting domestic agricultural supports were capped in all member states and absolute import quotas were banned, but negotiations on eliminating export subsidies continue still.

Food aid
FAS has managed food assistance programs since 1941, and today uses a mix of statutory authorities. The traditional programs are Section 416(b) of the Agricultural Act of 1949, which makes surplus commodities available for donation overseas, and Title I of Public Law 480 (Food for Peace), which authorizes concessional sales. These programs were designed to support government-to-government transactions. The 1985 Farm Bill created the Food for Progress program, which facilitated delivery of food aid through non-governmental organizations as well as foreign governments. Food for Progress can draw on multiple sources, including in-kind surplus commodities and appropriated funds.

The most recent addition to the array of FAS-implemented food aid programs is the McGovern/Dole International Food for Education and Child Nutrition Program. Named in honor of Senator Dole and Senator George McGovern, it supports school feeding programs in less developed countries, and reserves authority for supporting maternal and child health programs. It was authorized by the 2002 Farm Bill and reauthorized in 2008. Funding sources have varied since the pilot Global Food for Education program was deployed in fiscal year 2001, often combining both appropriated funds and funding from the Commodity Credit Corporation’s borrowing authority.

International development and national security
After a nine-year hiatus from international agricultural development work at USDA, on July 12, 1963, Secretary Orville Freeman ordered creation of an International Agricultural Development Service (IADS), which was subordinate to the same Assistant Secretary of Agriculture as but separate from FAS. IADS served as USDA's liaison with USAID and other assistance organizations, linking them to USDA expertise in pursuit of developmental goals. Matthew Drosdoff was hired effective February 19, 1964, to be the first permanent Administrator of IADS. In March 1969, after the Richard Nixon Administration came to power, IADS was briefly merged into FAS, then in November 1969 was split out into a separate Foreign Economic Development Service (FEDS). On February 6, 1972, FEDS was abolished and its functions transferred to the Economic Research Service, where it became the Foreign Development Division.

In 1977, Quentin West proposed consolidating three USDA units involved in technical assistance and development work into a single agency to be called the Office of International Cooperation and Development: the Foreign Development Division, the Science and Education Administration, an interagency consortium funded by foreign currency earnings, and FAS' International Organization Affairs Staff. West's proposal was accepted and thus OICD was created, with responsibility for technical assistance, training, foreign currency-funded research, and international organization liaison. In 1994, USDA's Office of International Cooperation and Development was merged with FAS, bringing technical assistance back to FAS after a 40-year absence.

In 2003, FAS posted agricultural officers to Baghdad, not for the by-then traditional purposes of market intelligence and market development, but to reconstruct the Iraqi Ministry of Agriculture. FAS also began organizing USDA contributions to Provincial Reconstruction Teams in Iraq and Afghanistan. This marked FAS' return to national security work. Then-Secretary of Agriculture Tom Vilsack pledged to continue and to expand that work. FAS' role in national security work, however, remains controversial.

Heads of Service
From 1930 to about 1934, division heads in USDA, including the heads of the Foreign Agricultural Service Division, had no formal title, but were referred to as "In-charge", though the Official Register of the United States Government listed them as "Chief". Beginning around 1934 and until 1938, the head of FASD was called the "Chief". When FAS was renamed in 1938, the head was titled "Director", and that title carried over into OFAR and then the renewed FAS until 1954. The first head of FAS to bear the title "Administrator" was William Lodwick in that year. Heads of the Foreign Agricultural Service and Office of Foreign Agricultural Relations since 1930 have been (periods as acting head are in italics):

General Sales Managers
General Sales Managers since 1955 have been (periods as acting GSM are in italics):

Heads of International Development
Administrators of the Office of International Cooperation and Development and its predecessors from creation until it was merged with FAS in 1994 were (periods as acting Administrator are in italics):

Ambassadors
Agricultural officers who have served or are serving as Ambassadors are:

Statutes

 * Chapter 35A contains Section 416of the Agricultural Act of 1949 (7 U.S.C. 1431), the surplus disposal authority making Commodity Credit Corporation-owned commodities available for donation to foreign beneficiaries.
 * Chapter 41 includes the Food for Peace Act (7 U.S.C. 1691 et seq.), Food for Progress Act of 1985 (7 U.S.C. 1736o), McGovern-Dole Food for Education Program (7 U.S.C. 1736o–1), Local and Regional Procurement Program (7 U.S.C. 1726c), Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust Act (7 U.S.C. 1736f–1).
 * Basic authority for the Foreign Agricultural Service resides in Subchapter V: Foreign Agricultural Service (7USC5692-5695).
 * Cochran Fellowship Program authority
 * (President must seek advice of Secretary of Agriculture before signing any trade agreement)
 * Basic authority for the Foreign Agricultural Service resides in Subchapter V: Foreign Agricultural Service (7USC5692-5695).
 * Cochran Fellowship Program authority
 * (President must seek advice of Secretary of Agriculture before signing any trade agreement)

Other publications and documents

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Oral Histories On Line

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title: Foreign Agricultural Service


text:
Chilembwe uprising

The Chilembwe uprising was a rebellion against British colonial rule in Nyasaland (modern-day Malawi) which took place in January 1915. It was led by John Chilembwe, an American-educated Baptist minister. Based around his church in the village of Mbombwe in the south-east of the colony, the leaders of the revolt were mainly from an emerging black middle class. They were motivated by grievances against the British colonial system, which included forced labour, racial discrimination and new demands imposed on the African population following the outbreak of World War I.

The revolt broke out in the evening of 23 January 1915 when rebels, incited by Chilembwe, attacked the headquarters of the A. L. Bruce Estates at Magomero and killed three white settlers. A largely unsuccessful attack on a weapons store in Blantyre followed during the night. By the morning of 24 January, the colonial authorities had mobilised the Nyasaland Volunteer Reserve (NVR) and called in regular troops from the King's African Rifles (KAR). After a failed attack by KAR troops on Mbombwe on 25 January, the rebels attacked a Christian mission at Nguludi and burned it down. The KAR and NVR captured Mbombwe without encountering any resistance on 26 January. Many of the rebels, including Chilembwe himself, fled towards Portuguese Mozambique, hoping to reach safety there, but many were captured. About 40 rebels were executed in the revolt's aftermath, and 300 were imprisoned; Chilembwe was shot dead by a police patrol near the border on 3 February.

Although the rebellion did not itself achieve success, it is commonly cited as a watershed moment in Malawian history. The rebellion had lasting effects on the British system of administration in Nyasaland, and some reforms were enacted in its aftermath. After World War II, the growing Malawian nationalist movement reignited interest in the Chilembwe revolt, and after the independence of Malawi in 1964 it became celebrated as a key moment in the nation's history. Chilembwe's memory, which remains prominent in the collective national consciousness, has often been invoked in symbolism and rhetoric by Malawian politicians. Today, the uprising is celebrated annually and Chilembwe himself is considered a national hero.

Background
British colonial rule in the region of modern-day Malawi, where the revolt occurred, began between 1899 and 1900, when the British sought to increase their formal control over the territory to preempt encroachment by the Portuguese or German colonial empires. The region became a British protectorate in 1891 as the British Central Africa Protectorate and in 1907 was named Nyasaland. Unlike many other parts of Africa, where British rule was dependent on the support of local factions, in Nyasaland British control rested on military superiority. During the 1890s the colonial authorities suppressed numerous rebellions by the local Yao, Ngoni and Chewa peoples.

British rule in Nyasaland radically altered the local indigenous power structures. The early colonial period saw some immigration and settlement by white colonists, who bought large swathes of territory from local chiefs, often for token payments in beads or guns. Most of the land acquired by white settlers, particularly in the Shire Highlands, was converted into plantations where tea, coffee, cotton and tobacco were grown. The enforcement of colonial institutions, such as the Hut Tax, compelled many indigenous people to find paid work and the demand for labour created by the plantations led to their becoming a major employer. Once employed on the plantations, black workers found that they were frequently beaten and subject to racial discrimination. Increasingly, the plantations were also forced to rely on a system, known locally as thangata, which at best involved exacting considerable labour as rent in kind and frequently degenerated into forced labour.

Chilembwe and his Church
John Chilembwe, born locally in around 1871, received his early education at a Church of Scotland mission and later met Joseph Booth, a radical Baptist missionary who ran the Zambezi Industrial Mission. Booth preached a form of egalitarianism and his progressive attitude towards race attracted Chilembwe's attention. Under Booth's patronage, Chilembwe travelled to the United States in 1897 for the purposes of higher education and to fundraise for Booth, beginning studies at the Virginia Theological Seminary in Lynchburg in 1898. There he mixed in African-American circles and was influenced by stories of the abolitionist John Brown and the egalitarianist Booker T. Washington.

Despite his Christian pacifist and visionary temperament, Booth was also highly critical of established institutions such as the colonial government and Protestant churches in Nyasaland. He was particularly hostile towards Church of Scotland missionaries in Blantyre, criticizing their affluent lifestyle in comparison to the poverty of local peasants. Both the colonial government and Presbyterian missionaries were concerned by Booth's "dangerous egalitarian spirit" and being "a determined advocate of racial equality, as well as being fundamentally opposed to the colonial state". Booth was also a staunch advocate of establishing his own industrial mission in addition to the religious one, and acquired 26,537 acres of land at Mitsidi with the help of Harry Johnston. Despite the fact that Booth was an avid anti-colonialist and Johnston a colonial advocate, both men were united by their disdain for the Church of Scotland, and Johnston was eager to aid Booth in order to undermine the efforts of Scottish missionaries. Booth's industrial missions were to be "self-managed by educated Africans, and to be largely focussed on agricultural and industrial production". The missions were to be self-supporting and managed by African themselves, with European settlers only serving as guides and advisors. Booth had profound influence on Chilembwe, and his egalitarian and proto-nationalist ideals shaped Chilembwe's own views as well as his Baptist faith.

Having managed to become a competition to other Protestant missionaries, Booth attracted many missionary-educated Africans away from the Presbyterians by offering them exorbitant wages - an African worker was paid 18 shillings a month by Booth, whereas the normal rate in the 1890s was only around three shillings. However, he paid his own African labourers in calico, worth only around two shillings, which was actually less than the salary offered by the rest of European settlers. He founded the African Christian Union, where he emphasized the need for Africans themselves to govern their economy, rather than have the European colonists "drain the wealth of Africa". His organisation had three goals, namely "to spread the Christian gospel throughout the African continent; to establish what he termed ‘Industrial Missions’; and finally, to restore Africa to the African". He advocated for African self-government, and envisioned self-sustainable African economies managed by educated Africans, placing particular emphasis on the production of tea, coffee, cocoa and sugar, as well as mining and manufacturing. Anthropologist Brian Morris notes a significant contradiction in Booth's views that Chilembwe ended up inheriting, being a staunch egalitarianist while also calling for a hierarchical plantation economy and highly capitalist society. To this end, both Chilembwe and Booth were "the embodiment of the protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism".

Chilembwe returned to Nyasaland in 1900 and, with the assistance of the African-American National Baptist Convention, he founded his independent church, the Providence Industrial Mission, in the village of Mbombwe. He was considered a "model of non-violent African advancement" by the colonial authorities during the mission's early years. He established a chain of independent black African schools, with over 900 pupils in total and founded the Natives' Industrial Union, a form of cooperative union that has been described as an "embryo chamber of commerce". Nevertheless, Chilembwe's activities led to friction with the managers of the A. L. Bruce Estates, who feared Chilembwe's influence over their workers. In November 1913, employees of the A. L. Bruce Estates burnt down churches that Chilembwe or his followers had built on estate land.

Information about Chilembwe's Church before the rebellion is scant, but his ideology proved popular and he developed a strong local following. For at least the first 12 years of his ministry, he preached ideas of African self-respect and advancement through education, hard work and personal responsibility, as advocated by Booker T. Washington, and he encouraged his followers to adopt European-style dress and habits. His activities were initially supported by white Protestant missionaries. The Mission's schools meanwhile began teaching racial equality, based on Christian teaching and anti-colonialism. Many of his leading followers, several of whom participated in the uprising, came from the local middle-class, who had similarly adopted European customs. Chilembwe's acceptance of European culture created an unorthodox anti-colonial ideology based around a form of nationalism, rather than a desire to restore the pre-colonial social order.

Following Booth's example, Chilembwe engaged not only in educational work and evangelism, but also attempted to establish his own agricultural estate. He employed local Lomwe labourers on his plots of coffee, rubber, pepper ad cotton. He won the respect of both fellow Africans and European landowners, and until 1914 "government officials and European missionaries alike regarded Chilembwe with some favour". He became the local leader of emerging African planters and entrepreneurs, particularly attracted to his own Protestant church congregation. It was during this time that Chilembwe started identifying with the discontent of both African classes - the Lomwe immigrants whom he employed, as well as emerging African entrepreneurs. Both African classes were highly alienated by the thangata system, which required every tenant to work for the estate owner in order to pay their rent and "hut tax". Labour rent was imposed during the brief rainy season, which forced Africans to work on their landowner's land while having no time to tend to their own at the critical time of the year. African tenants also had to follow strict regulations, and were prohibited from acquiring timber or hunting animals. In addition, European landowners would often force their tenants to work for far more than the system allowed for, beat their workers with a whip and forced African widows to work on the land too. Chilembwe acted as a spokesman for the local Lomwe people.

Meanwhile, the African planters were frustrated by economic restrictions and social discrimination that they had to endure despite adopting the European way of life. They were unable to obtain freehold land or credit and didn't have the right to sign the labour-tax certificates of their employees, which undermined their chances of attracting workers. Additionally, the colonial government openly favoured the white landowners, who acted like "feudal lords" on their own. Every African planter was "obliged to take off his hat for any European, whether government official or not", and a failure to do so often meant physical and verbal abuse. White settlers and even Protestant ministers, despite preaching equality, resented the African planters, as the fact that educated Africans embraced European fashion and expected to be treated equally was considered "above their station". William Jervis Livingstone was particularly known for using derogatory phrases towards educated and landowning Africans, asking "whose slave they are". Morris identifies this discrimination as one of the main causes for the rebellion.

After 1912, Chilembwe became more radical and began to predict the liberation of the Africans and the end of colonial rule, and began to foster closer links with a number of other independent African churches. From 1914, he preached more militant sermons, often referring to Old Testament themes, concentrating on such aspects as the Israelites' escape from slavery in Egypt, Chilembwe himself was not part of the apocalyptic Watch Tower movement, which was popular in central Africa at the time and later became known as Kitawala in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but some of his followers may have been influenced by it. The leader of Watch Tower, Charles Taze Russell had predicted that Armageddon would begin in October 1914, which some of Chilembwe's followers equated to an end to colonial rule.

World War I
World War I broke out in July 1914. By September 1914, the war had spread to Africa as British and Belgian forces began the East African campaign against the German colonial empire. In Nyasaland, the major effect of the war was massive recruitment of Africans to serve as porters in support of Allied troops. Porters lived in extremely poor conditions which left them exposed to disease and mortality rates among them during the campaigns were high. At the same time, the recruitment of porters created a shortage of labour which increased the economic pressures on Africans in Nyasaland. Millenarians at the time believed that World War I would be a form of Armageddon, which they believed would destroy the colonial powers and pave the way for the emergence of independent African states.

Chilembwe opposed the recruitment of the Nyasan people to fight what he considered to be a war totally unconnected to them. He promoted a form of Christian pacifism and argued that the lack of civil rights for Africans in the colonial system should exempt them from the duties of military service. In November 1914, following reports of large loss of life during fighting at Karonga, Chilembwe wrote a letter to The Nyasaland Times in Blantyre, explicitly appealing to the colonial authorities not to recruit black troops:

"As I hear that, war has broken out between you and other nations, only whitemen, I request, therefore, not to recruit more of my countrymen, my brothers who do not know the cause of your fight, who indeed, have nothing to do with it ... It is better to recruit white planters, traders, missionaries and other white settlers in the country, who are, indeed, of much value and who also know the cause of this war and have something to do with it ... (original syntax and grammar)"

Preparations
Preparations for the uprising had begun by the end of 1914. Exactly what Chilembwe's objectives were remains unclear but some contemporaries believed that he planned to make himself "King of Nyasaland". He soon acquired a military textbook and began to organise his followers and wider support. In particular, he formed close ties with Filipo Chinyama in Ncheu, 110 miles to the north-west and received his assurance that he would also mobilise his followers to join the rebellion when it broke out.

The colonial authorities received two warnings that a revolt was imminent. A disaffected follower of Chilembwe reported the preacher's "worrying intentions" to Philip Mitchell, a colonial civil servant (and future governor of Uganda and Kenya), in August 1914. A Catholic mission was also warned but neither took any action. Morris notes that no action was taken as the colonial authorities had no way to confirm the rumours, given the secretive way of the uprising.

Outbreak
During the night of Saturday 23–24 January, the rebels met at the Mission church in Mbombwe, where Chilembwe gave a speech stressing that none of them should expect to survive the reprisals that would follow the revolt but that the uprising would draw greater attention to their conditions and destabilise the colonial system. This, Chilembwe believed, was the only way change would ever occur.

A contingent of rebels was sent to Blantyre and Limbe, about 15 miles to the south, where most of the white settlers lived and where the insurgents hoped to capture the African Lakes Corporation (ALC)'s store of weapons. Another group headed towards the Alexander Livingstone Bruce Plantation's headquarters at Magomero. Chilembwe sent a messenger to Ncheu to alert Chinyama that the rebellion was starting.

Chilembwe also sought support for his uprising from the colonial authorities in German East Africa, on Nyasaland's far northern border, hoping that a German-led offensive from the north combined with an African insurrection in the south might force the British out of Nyasaland permanently. On 24 January, he sent a letter to the governor of German East Africa Heinrich Schnee via courier through Portuguese Mozambique. The courier was intercepted and Schnee never received the letter. During the latter stages of the East African campaign, after their invasion of Portuguese Mozambique, German colonial troops helped to suppress the anti-Portuguese Makombe and Barue uprisings, worrying that African rebellions would destabilise the colonial order.

Attack on the Livingstone Bruce Plantation
The major action of the Chilembwe uprising involved an attack on the Bruce plantation at Magomero. The plantation spanned about 5000 acres and grew both cotton and tobacco. Around 5,000 locals worked on it as part of their thangata obligations. The plantation had a reputation locally for the poor treatment of its workers and for the brutality of its managers, who closed local schools, beat their workers and paid them less than had been promised. Their burning of Chilembwe's church in November 1913 created a personal animosity with the rebel leadership. The insurgents launched two roughly concurrent attacks—one group targeted Magomero, the plantation headquarters and home of the main manager William Jervis Livingstone and a few other white staff, while a second assaulted the plantation-owned village of Mwanje, where there were two white households.

The rebels moved into Magomero in the early evening, while Livingstone and his wife were entertaining some dinner guests. The estate official, Duncan MacCormick, was in another house nearby. A third building, occupied by Emily Stanton, Alyce Roach and five children, contained a small cache of weapons and ammunition belonging to the local rifle club. The insurgents quietly broke into the Livingstone's house and injured him during hand-to-hand fighting, prompting him to take refuge in the bedroom, where his wife attempted to treat his wounds. The rebels forced their way into the bedroom, and after capturing his wife, decapitated Livingstone. MacCormick, who had been alerted, was killed by a rebel spear. The attackers took the women and children of the village prisoner but shortly released them unhurt, having reportedly treated them well. It has been suggested that Chilembwe may have hoped to use the women and children as hostages, but this remains unclear. The attack on Magomero, and in particular the killing of Livingstone, had great symbolic significance for Chilembwe's men. The two Mauser rifles captured from the plantation formed the basis of the rebel armoury for the rest of the uprising.

Mwanje had little military value but it has been proposed that the rebels may have hoped to find weapons and ammunition there. Led by Jonathan Chigwinya, the insurgents stormed one of the houses and killed the plantation's stock manager, Robert Ferguson, with a spear as he lay in bed reading a newspaper. Two of the colonists, John Robertson and his wife Charlotte, escaped into the cotton fields and walked 6 miles to a neighbouring plantation to raise the alarm. One of the Robertsons' African servants, who remained loyal, was killed by the attackers.

Later actions
The rebels cut the Zomba–Tete and Blantyre–Mikalongwe telephone lines, delaying the spread of the news. At around 02:00 on 24 January, the ALC weapons store in Blantyre was attacked by a force of around 100 rebels before the general alarm had been raised by news of the Magomero and Mwanje attacks. Local settlers mobilised after an African watchman was shot dead by the rebels. The rebels were repulsed, but not before they had captured five rifles and some ammunition, which was taken back to Mbombwe. A number of rebels were taken prisoner during the retreat from Magomero.

After the initial attacks on the Bruce plantation, the rebels returned home. Livingstone's head was taken back and displayed at the Providence Industrial Mission on the second day of the uprising as Chilembwe preached a sermon. During much of the rebellion, Chilembwe remained in Mbombwe praying and leadership of the rebels was taken by David Kaduya, a former King's African Rifles (KAR) soldier. Under Kaduya's command, the rebels successfully ambushed a small party of KAR troops near Mbombwe on 24 January, described as the "one reverse suffered by the government" during the uprising.

By the morning of 24 January the colonial government had mustered the Nyasaland Volunteer Reserve (NVR), a unit that consisted of settler reservists, and redeployed the 1st Battalion of the KAR from the north of the colony. The rebels did not mount any further attack any of the many other isolated plantations in the region. They also did not occupy the boma (fort) at Chiradzulu just 5 miles from Mbombwe, even though it was ungarrisoned at the time. Rumours of rebel attacks spread, but despite earlier offers of support, there were no parallel uprisings elsewhere in Nyasaland and the promised reinforcements from Ncheu did not materialise. The Mlanje or Zomba regions likewise refused to join the uprising.

Siege of Mbombwe and attempted escape
KAR troops launched a tentative attack on Mbombwe on 25 January but the engagement proved inconclusive. Chilembwe's forces held a strong defensive position along the Mbombwe river and could not be pushed back. Two KAR soldiers were killed and three were wounded; Chilembwe's losses have been estimated as about 20.

On 26 January, a group of rebels attacked a Catholic mission at Nguludi belonging to Father Swelsen. The mission was defended by four African armed guards, one of whom was killed, Father Swelsen was also wounded in the fighting and the church was burnt down, resulting in the death of a young girl who was inside at the time. KAR and NVR troops assaulted Mbombwe again the same day but encountered no resistance. Many rebels, including Chilembwe, had fled the village disguised as civilians. Mbombwe's fall and the subsequent demolition of Chilembwe's church with dynamite by government soldiers ended the rebellion. Kaduya was captured and brought back to Magomero where he was publicly executed. This was the final attack of the rebellion, and Morris attributed the decision to attack the Catholic mission to "the pervasive anti-Catholic sentiments expressed by the independent Baptists".

Following the attacks, Chilembwe would meditate on the summit of Chilimankhanje hill instead of attempting to regroup the now dispersed rebel troops. He was eventually convinced to leave the hill and escape to Mozambique, a land that he had already been to numerous times during his hunting trips. Chilemwe also wrote a letter to the German colonial authorities in Tunduru, asking for aid. He never received a response, and the letter was considered an embarrassment to his supporters, given Germany's reputation as a particularly oppressive colonial power.

After the defeat of the rebellion, most of the remaining insurgents attempted to escape eastwards across the Shire Highlands, towards Portuguese East Africa, from where they hoped to head north to German-controlled territory. Chilembwe was spotted by a Nyasaland Police patrol and shot dead on 3 February near Mlanje. Many other rebels were captured; 300 were imprisoned following the rebellion and 40 were executed. Around 30 rebels evaded capture and settled in Portuguese territory near the Nyasaland border.

Aftermath
The colonial authorities responded quickly to the uprising with as much force and as many troops, policemen and settler volunteers it could muster to hunt down and kill suspected rebels. There was no official death toll, but perhaps 50 of Chilembwe's followers were killed in the fighting, when trying to escape after or summarily executed. Worrying that the rebellion might rapidly reignite and spread, the authorities instigated arbitrary reprisals against the local African population, including mass hut burnings. All weapons were confiscated and fines of 4 shillings per person were levied in the districts affected by the revolt, regardless of whether the people in question had been involved. As part of the repression, a series of courts were hastily convened which passed death sentences on forty-six men for the offences of murder and treason and 300 others were given prison sentences. Thirty-six were executed and, to increase the deterrent effect, some of the ringleaders were hanged in public on a main road close to the Magomero Estate where Europeans had been killed.

The colonial government also began restricting the rights of Christian missionaries in Nyasaland and, although Anglican missions, those of the Scottish churches and Catholic missions were not affected, it banned many smaller, often American-originated churches, including the Churches of Christ and Watchtower Society, from Nyasaland, and placed restrictions on other African-run churches. Public gatherings, especially those associated with African-initiated religious groups, were banned until 1919. Fear of similar uprisings in other British colonies, notably Northern Rhodesia, also led to similar repression of independent churches and foreign missions beyond Nyasaland.

Though the rebellion failed, the threat to British rule posed by the revolt compelled the colonial government to introduce some reform. The authorities proposed to undermine the power of independent churches like Chilembwe's by promoting secular education, but a lack of funding made this impossible. Colonial officials in Nyasaland began to promote tribal loyalties through the system of indirect rule, which was expanded after the revolt. In particular, the Muslim Yao people, who attempted to distance themselves from Chilembwe, were given more power and autonomy. Although delayed by the war, the Nyasaland Police, which had been primarily composed of Africans conscripted by colonial officials, was restructured as a professional force of white settlers. Forced labour was retained, and would remain a source of resentment among Africans for decades afterwards.

While the uprising enjoyed levels of sympathy amongst Yao commoners, none of the Yao chiefs in the Shire Highlands supported it. Most of them embraced Islam instead of Christianity and considered African planters a threat to their political hegemony. The Commission of Enquiry dismissed the uprising as a localised affair caused by the harsh mistreatment of Africans by the Magomero estate. However, the grievances expressed by Chilembwe were not unique to his area, and Africans across Nyasaland identified with his struggle. Africans had no rights as tenants under the thangata system, had to pay rent in labour and were prohibited from gathering wood or hunting wild animals in the woodlands surrounding European estates, even though they considered woodland resources to be common property. Historians have noted that while the colonial authorities did suppress slave trading in Nyasaland, the thangata system was seen by many Africans as a new form of slavery.

The rebels were of diverse social and economic backgrounds, consisting of Yao people, Lomwe immigrants, agricultural farmers and African petty bourgeoisie. The colonial authorities ignored African petitions and failed to translate their laws into local languages, leading to many locals not understanding them at all. Morris noted that Africans of Nyasaland were becoming increasingly hostile to colonial rule due to mistreatment they experienced on white-owned plantations, and if the rebels had managed to acquire German support and acquire weapon caches during the attack on the ALC weapons store in Blantyre, it could have turned into "a wider and more protracted struggle". Morris concludes that the rebellion was a response to colonial oppression, particularly towards racial injustice. It was a "struggle for freedom" with elements of Christian utopianism, with Chilembwe expressing two contrasting political traditions - Booth's radical egalitarianism and a "petty capitalist orientation" of the Protestant churches, which stressed the right to private property, wage labour and commercial agriculture.

Commission of Enquiry
In the aftermath of the revolt, the colonial administration formed a Commission of Enquiry to examine the causes and handling of the rebellion. The Commission, which presented its conclusions in early 1916, found that the revolt was chiefly caused by mismanagement of the Bruce plantation. The Commission also blamed Livingstone himself for "treatment of natives [that was] often unduly harsh" and for poor management of the estate. The Commission found that the systematic discrimination, lack of freedoms and respect were key causes of resentment among the local population. It also emphasised the effect of Booth's ideology on Chilembwe.

The Commission's reforms were not far-reaching—though it criticised the thangata system, it made only minor changes aimed at ending "casual brutality". Though the government passed laws banning plantation owners from using the services of their tenants as payment of rent in 1917, effectively abolishing thangata, it was "uniformly ignored". A further Commission in 1920 concluded that the thangata could not be effectively abolished, and it remained a constant source of friction into the 1950s.

In later culture
Despite its failure, the Chilembwe uprising has since gained an important place in the modern Malawian cultural memory, with Chilembwe himself gaining "iconic status." The uprising had "local notoriety" in the years immediately after it, and former rebels were kept under police observation. Over the next three decades, local anti-colonial activists idealised Chilembwe and began to see him as a semi-mythical figure. The Nyasaland African Congress (NAC) of the 1940s and 1950s used him as a symbolic figurehead, partly because its president, James Chinyama, had a family connection to Filipo Chinyama, who had been believed to be an ally of Chilembwe's. When the NAC announced that it intended to mark 15 February annually as Chilembwe Day, colonial officials were scandalised. One wrote that to "venerate the memory of the fanatic and blood thirsty Chilembwe seems to us to be nothing less than a confession of violent intention."

Historian Desmond Dudwa Phiri characterised Chilembwe's uprising as an early expression of Malawian nationalism, as did George Shepperson and Thomas Price in their 1958 book Independent African, an exhaustive study of Chilembwe and his rebellion that was banned during the colonial era but still widely read by Nyasaland's educated class. Chilembwe became viewed as an "unproblematic" hero by many of the country's people. The Malawi Congress Party, which ultimately led the country to independence in 1964, made a conscious effort to identify its leader Hastings Banda with Chilembwe through speeches and radio broadcasts. Bakili Muluzi, who succeeded Banda in 1994, similarly invoked Chilembwe's memory to win popular support, inaugurating a new annual national holiday, Chilembwe Day, on 16 January 1995. Chilembwe's portrait was soon added to the national currency, the kwacha, and reproduced on Malawian stamps. It has been argued that for Malawian politicians, Chilembwe has become "symbol, legitimising myth, instrument and propaganda".

Historical analysis
The revolt has been the subject of much research and has been interpreted in various ways by historians. At the time, the uprising was generally considered to mark a turning point in British colonial rule. The governor of Nyasaland, George Smith, declared that the revolt marked a "new phase in the existence of Nyasaland". According to historian Hew Strachan, the Chilembwe uprising tarnished British prestige in East Africa which contributed, after the appointment of the future Prime Minister Bonar Law as Secretary of State for the Colonies, to renewed pressure for an Anglo-Belgian offensive against German East Africa.

Chilembwe's aims have also come under scrutiny. According to Robert I. Rotberg, Chilembwe's speech of 23 January appeared to stress the importance and inevitability of martyrdom as a principal motivation. The same speech depicted the uprising as a manifestation of desperation but because of his desire to "strike a blow and die", he did not have any idea of what he would replace colonialism with if the revolt succeeded. Rotberg concludes that Chilembwe planned to seize power in the Shire Highlands or perhaps in all of Nyasaland. John McCracken attacks the idea that the revolt could be considered nationalist, arguing that Chilembwe's ideology was instead fundamentally utopian and created in opposition to localised abuses of the colonial system, particularly thangata. According to McCracken, the uprising failed because Chilembwe was over-reliant on a small Europeanised petite bourgeoisie and did not gain enough mass support. Rotberg's examination the Chilembwe revolt from a psychoanalytical perspective concludes that Chilembwe's personal situation, his psychosomatic asthma and financial debt may have been contributory factors in his decision to plot the rebellion.

title: Chilembwe uprising


text:
Fife Socialist League

The Fife Socialist League (FSL) was a minor left-wing political party which existed in Fife, Scotland from 1957 until 1964. It was associated politically with the British New Left and the journal New Reasoner, an antecedent of the present-day New Left Review. From 1960 to 1962, it published a monthly journal called The Socialist.

Willie Thompson, editor of Scottish Marxist, would later describe the FSL as the only significant example of industrial working-class participation in the British New Left.

History
Informal discussions preceding the founding of the FSL began in June 1956 among discontented Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) members in Fife, where the CP had a strong base in coal mining communities. The FSL was officially founded at a meeting in February 1957. Its de facto founder Lawrence Daly, a former CP full-timer (Jan-Oct 1951) who held a number of trade union branch offices, including pit delegate, at Glencraig colliery, said its purpose would be to "conduct analytical, educational and propaganda work, free from the restrictions imposed by the Labour and CP machines".

The FSL's first foray into electoral politics came in the 1958 local elections, in which Daly was elected county councillor for Ballingry with 1,085 votes, beating the Labour candidate (525 votes) and the Communist candidate (197 votes). He had been defeated as the Communist candidate in the ward in two previous elections.

Buoyed by the experience, the party decided to contest the 1959 general election in the West Fife constituency, which had returned Willie Gallacher as a Communist MP between 1935 and 1950. Daly, running as the FSL candidate, polled 4,886 votes (10.7%), coming third place and beating Communist candidate William Lauchlan, who won 3,828 votes (8.4%).

Daly's election campaign was supported by several members of the editorial board of the New Reasoner, which proved controversial as the board had previously advocated work within the Labour Party. Writing in the New Reasoner, John Saville explained: "There were special conditions in West Fife which led us to support a candidate in opposition to the Labour Party (and to the Communist Party). Such conditions may well arise again, in some more critical political context. At the same time we felt no political conflict in supporting Lawrence Daly on the hand, and on the other taking an active part in our own local constituencies on behalf of the official Labour candidates."

In February 1960, the FSL began publishing its own monthly journal, The Socialist, which accepted contributions from outwith the party, such as from Jean McCrindle and the New Left club at the nearby University of St Andrews. A month later, the party issued a policy statement stating its support for "unilateralism, public ownership, industrial democracy and self-government for Scotland in Scottish Affairs".

However, the FSL's activities dwindled over the next two years. The final edition of The Socialist was published in May 1962, and by 1964, the FSL had decided to dissolve itself into the Labour Party "in the interests of unity and victory at the next General Election". Daly and another FSL county councillor, George MacDonald, subsequently became Labour councillors.

title: Fife Socialist League


text:
Stamford Hill railway station

Stamford Hill is a London Overground station on the Lea Valley Lines, serving Stamford Hill and neighbouring areas. It is 5 mi down the line from London Liverpool Street and situated between Stoke Newington and Seven Sisters stations. Its three-letter station code is SMH and it is in Travelcard zone 3.

The entrance hall to the station, on Amhurst Park, lies within the London Borough of Hackney but much of the platform area is in the London Borough of Haringey. The station is on the Seven Sisters branch of the Lea Valley lines, with trains out of Liverpool Street running to either Cheshunt or Enfield Town.

Services

All services at Stamford Hill are operated by London Overground using EMUs.

The typical off-peak service in trains per hour is:
 * 4 tph to London Liverpool Street
 * 2 tph to Cheshunt
 * 2 tph to Enfield Town

Additional services call at the station during the peak hours.

Connections
London Buses routes 253, 254 and night route N253 serve the station.

title: Stamford Hill railway station


text: Category:Tribes of Lusitania

title: Category:Tribes of Lusitania


text:
TNM

TNM may refer to:

 * TNM staging system, a cancer staging system
 * Teniente R. Marsh Airport, the main airport in Antarctica
 * Telekom Networks Malawi, a Malawian mobile telecommunications company
 * Tetranitromethane, an organic oxidizer
 * The Nameless Mod, a total conversion mod released in 2009 for the game Deus Ex
 * Thomas Nelson (publisher) (NYSE stock symbol), a publishing firm that began in Scotland in 1798
 * Tokyo National Museum, the oldest and largest museum in Japan
 * The News Minute, an Indian online publication
 * Texas Nationalist Movement, a Texan political organization

title: TNM


text:
Category:Lusitania

 * Lusitania (27 BCE−891 CE) — an, in ancient.

nl:Categorie:Romeinen in Portugal

title: Category:Lusitania


text:
Last Testament

Last Testament may refer to:

 * Will and testament
 * The Last Testament
 * Church of the Last Testament

title: Last Testament