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Republicanism in the United States

The values and ideals of republicanism are foundational in the constitution and history of the United States. As the United States constitution prohibits granting titles of nobility, republicanism in this context does not refer to a political movement to abolish such a social class, as it does in countries such as the UK, Australia, and the Netherlands. Instead, it refers to the core values that citizenry in a republic have, or ought to have.

Political scientists and historians have described these central values as liberty and inalienable individual rights; recognizing the sovereignty of the people as the source of all authority in law; rejecting monarchy, aristocracy, and hereditary political power; virtue and faithfulness in the performance of civic duties; and vilification of corruption. These values are based on those of Ancient Greco-Roman, Renaissance, and English models and ideas. Articulated in the writings of the Founding Fathers (particularly Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and John Adams), they formed the intellectual basis for the American Revolution – the Declaration of Independence (1776), the Constitution (1787), and the Bill of Rights (1791), as well as the Gettysburg Address (1863).

Politicians and scholars have debated the connection of these values with issues like honest government, democracy, individualism, property rights, military service; or their compatibility with slavery, inequitable distribution of wealth, economic self-interest, limits on the rights of minorities, and national debt.

In the United States Constitution, republic is mentioned once, in section four of Article Four, where it is stated: "The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government ...". Two major political parties in American history have used the term in their name – the Democratic-Republican Party of Thomas Jefferson (1793–1824; also known as the Jeffersonian Republican Party) and the Republican Party (founded in 1854 and named after the Jeffersonian party).

Virtue and patriotism
The colonial intellectual and political leaders in the 1760s and 1770s closely read history to compare governments and their effectiveness of rule. The Revolutionists were especially concerned with the history of liberty in England and were primarily influenced by the "country party" (which opposed the "court party" that held power). Country party philosophy relied heavily on the classical republicanism of Roman heritage; it celebrated the ideals of duty and virtuous citizenship in a republic. It drew heavily on ancient Greek city-state and Roman republican examples. The country party shared some of the political philosophy of Whiggism as well as Tory critics in England which roundly denounced the corruption surrounding the "court party" in London centering on the royal court. This approach produced a political ideology Americans called "republicanism", which was widespread in colonial America by 1775. "Republicanism was the distinctive political consciousness of the entire Revolutionary generation." J.G.A. Pocock explained the intellectual sources in America: "The Whig canon and the neo-Harringtonians, John Milton, James Harrington and Sidney, Trenchard, Gordon and Bolingbroke, together with the Greek, Roman, and Renaissance masters of the tradition as far as Montesquieu, formed the authoritative literature of this culture; and its values and concepts were those with which we have grown familiar: a civic and patriot ideal in which the personality was founded in property, perfected in citizenship but perpetually threatened by corruption; government figuring paradoxically as the principal source of corruption and operating through such means as patronage, faction, standing armies (opposed to the ideal of the militia); established churches (opposed to the Puritan and deist modes of American religion); and the promotion of a monied interest – though the formulation of this last concept was somewhat hindered by the keen desire for readily available paper credit common in colonies of settlement."

American republicanism was centered on limiting corruption and greed. Virtue was of the utmost importance for citizens and representatives. Revolutionaries took a lesson from ancient Rome; they knew it was necessary to avoid the luxury that had destroyed the empire. A virtuous citizen was one who ignored monetary compensation and made a commitment to resist and eradicate corruption. The republic was sacred; therefore, it was necessary to serve the state in a truly representative way, ignoring self-interest and individual will. Republicanism required the service of those who were willing to give up their own interests for a common good. According to Bernard Bailyn, "The preservation of liberty rested on the ability of the people to maintain effective checks on wielders of power and hence in the last analysis rested on the vigilance and moral stamina of the people. ... " Virtuous citizens needed to be strong defenders of liberty and challenge the corruption and greed in government. The duty of the virtuous citizen became a foundation for the American Revolution.

The commitment of Patriots to republican values of the era was a key intellectual foundation of the American Revolution. In particular, the key was Patriots' intense fear of political corruption and the threat it posed to liberty. Bernard Bailyn states, "The fact that the ministerial conspiracy against liberty had risen from corruption was of the utmost importance to the colonists." In 1768 to 1773 newspaper exposés such as John Dickinson's series of "Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania" (1767–68) were widely reprinted and spread American disgust with British corruption. The patriot press provided emphasized British corruption, mismanagement, and tyranny. Britain was increasingly portrayed as corrupt and hostile and that of a threat to the very idea of democracy; a threat to the established liberties that colonists enjoyed and to colonial property rights. The greatest threat to liberty was thought by many to be corruption – not just in London but at home as well. The colonists associated it with luxury and, especially, inherited aristocracy, which they condemned. Historian J.G.A. Pocock argues that Republicanism explains the American Revolution in terms of virtuous Republican resistance to British imperial corruption.

Historian Sarah Purcell studied the sermons preached by the New England patriot clergy in 1774–1776. They stirred up a martial spirit justified war against England. The preachers cited New England's Puritan history in defense of freedom, blamed Britain's depravity and corruption for the necessity of armed conflict. The sermons called on soldiers to behave morally and in a "manly" disciplined fashion. The rhetoric not only encouraged heavy enlistment but helped create the intellectual climate the Patriots needed to fight a civil war. Historian Thomas Kidd argues that during the Revolution active Christians linked their religion to republicanism. He states, "With the onset of the revolutionary crisis, a major conceptual shift convinced Americans across the theological spectrum that God was raising up America for some special purpose." Kidd further argues that "new blend of Christian and republican ideology led religious traditionalists to embrace wholesale the concept of republican virtue."

Historian Gordon Wood has tied the founding ideas to American exceptionalism: "Our beliefs in liberty, equality, constitutionalism, and the well-being of ordinary people came out of the Revolutionary era. So too did our idea that we Americans are a special people with a special destiny to lead the world toward liberty and democracy." Americans were the protectors of liberty, they had a greater obligation and destiny to assert republican virtue. In Discourse of 1759 Jonathan Mayhew states "An absolute submission to our prince, or whether disobedience and resistance may not be justified able in some cases ... to all those who bear the title of rulers in common but only to those who actually perform the duty of rulers by exercising a reasonable and just authority for the good of human society." The notion that British rulers were not virtuous, nor exercising their authority for the "good of human society" prompted the colonial desire to protect and reestablish republican values in government. This need to protect virtue was a philosophical underpinning of the American Revolution.

Founding Fathers
The "Founding Fathers" were strong advocates of republican values, especially Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry, George Washington, Thomas Paine, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and Alexander Hamilton.

Thomas Jefferson defined a republic as: "... a government by its citizens in mass, acting directly and personally, according to rules established by the majority; and that every other government is more or less republican, in proportion as it has in its composition more or less of this ingredient of the direct action of the citizens. Such a government is evidently restrained to very narrow limits of space and population. I doubt if it would be practicable beyond the extent of a New England township. The first shade from this pure element, which, like that of pure vital air, cannot sustain life of itself, would be where the powers of the government, being divided, should be exercised each by representatives chosen ... for such short terms as should render secure the duty of expressing the will of their constituents. This I should consider as the nearest approach to a pure republic, which is practicable on a large scale of country or population ... we may say with truth and meaning, that governments are more or less republican as they have more or less of the element of popular election and control in their composition; and believing, as I do, that the mass of the citizens is the safest depository of their own rights, and especially, that the evils flowing from the duperies of the people, are less injurious than those from the egoism of their agents, I am a friend to that composition of government which has in it the most of this ingredient."

The Founding Fathers discoursed endlessly on the meaning of "republicanism." John Adams in 1787 defined it as "a government, in which all men, rich and poor, magistrates and subjects, officers and people, masters and servants, the first citizen and the last, are equally subject to the laws."

Virtue versus commerce
The open question, as Pocock suggested, of the conflict between personal economic interest (grounded in Lockean liberalism) and classical republicanism, troubled Americans. Jefferson and Madison roundly denounced the Federalists for creating a national bank as tending to corruption and monarchism; Alexander Hamilton staunchly defended his program, arguing that national economic strength was necessary for the protection of liberty. Jefferson never relented but by 1815 Madison switched and announced in favor of a national bank, which he set up in 1816.

John Adams often pondered the issue of civic virtue. Writing Mercy Otis Warren in 1776, he agreed with the Greeks and the Romans, that, "Public Virtue cannot exist without private, and public Virtue is the only Foundation of Republics." Adams insisted, "There must be a positive Passion for the public good, the public Interest, Honor, Power, and Glory, established in the Minds of the People, or there can be no Republican Government, nor any real Liberty. And this public Passion must be Superior to all private Passions. Men must be ready, they must pride themselves, and be happy to sacrifice their private Pleasures, Passions, and Interests, nay their private Friendships and dearest connections, when they Stand in Competition with the Rights of society."

Adams worried that a businessman might have financial interests that conflicted with republican duty; indeed, he was especially suspicious of banks. He decided that history taught that "the Spirit of Commerce ... is incompatible with that purity of Heart, and Greatness of soul which is necessary for a happy Republic." But so much of that spirit of commerce had infected America. In New England, Adams noted, "even the Farmers and Tradesmen are addicted to Commerce." As a result, there was "a great Danger that a Republican Government would be very factious and turbulent there."

Other influences
A second stream of thought growing in significance was the classical liberalism of John Locke, including his theory of the "social contract". This had a great influence on the revolution as it implied the inborn right of the people to overthrow their leaders should those leaders betray the agreements implicit in the sovereign-follower relationship. Historians find little trace of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's influence in America. In terms of writing state and national constitutions, the Americans used Montesquieu's analysis of the ideally "balanced" British Constitution. But first and last came a commitment to republicanism, as shown by many historians such as Bernard Bailyn and Gordon S. Wood.

For a century, historians have debated how important republicanism was to the Founding Fathers. The interpretation before 1960, following Progressive School historians such as Charles A. Beard, Vernon L. Parrington and Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr., downplayed rhetoric as superficial and looked for economic motivations. Louis Hartz refined the position in the 1950s, arguing John Locke was the most important source because his property-oriented liberalism supported the materialistic goals of Americans.

In the 1960s and 1970s, two new schools emerged that emphasized the primacy of ideas as motivating forces in history (rather than material self-interest). Bernard Bailyn, Gordon Wood from Harvard formed the "Cambridge School"; at Washington University the "St. Louis School" was led by J.G.A. Pocock. They emphasized slightly different approaches to republicanism. However, some scholars, especially Isaac Kramnick and the late Joyce Appleby, continue to emphasize Locke, arguing that Americans are fundamentally individualistic and not devoted to civic virtue. The relative importance of republicanism and liberalism remains a topic of strong debate among historians, as well as the politically active of the present day.

"Republican" as party name
In 1792–93, Jefferson and Madison created a new "Democratic-Republican party" in order to promote their version of the doctrine. They wanted to suggest that Hamilton's version was illegitimate. According to Federalist Noah Webster, a political activist bitter at the defeat of the Federalist party in the White House and Congress, the choice of the name "Democratic-Republican" was "a powerful instrument in the process of making proselytes to the party. ... The influence of names on the mass of mankind, was never more distinctly exhibited, than in the increase of the democratic party in the United States. The popularity of the denomination of the Republican Party, was more than a match for the popularity of Washington's character and services, and contributed to overthrow his administration." The party, which historians later called the Democratic-Republican Party, split into separate factions in the 1820s, one of which became the Democratic Party. After 1832, the Democrats were opposed by another faction that named themselves "Whigs" after the Patriots of the 1770s who started the American Revolution. Both of these parties proclaimed their devotion to republicanism in the era of the Second Party System.

Republican motherhood
Under the new government after the revolution, "republican motherhood" became an ideal, as exemplified by Abigail Adams and Mercy Otis Warren. The first duty of the republican woman was to instill republican values in her children, and to avoid luxury and ostentation.

Two generations later, the daughters and granddaughters of these "Republican mothers" appropriated republican values into their lives as they sought independence and equality in the workforce. During the 1830s, thousands of female mill workers went on strike to battle for their right to fair wages and independence, as there had been major pay cuts. Many of these women were daughters of independent land owners and descendants of men who had fought in the Revolutionary War; they identified as "daughters of freemen". In their fight for independence at the mills, women would incorporate rhetoric from the revolution to convey the importance and strength of their purpose to their corporate employers, as well as to other women. If the Revolutionary War was fought to secure independence from Great Britain, then these "daughters of freemen" could fight for the same republican values that (through striking) would give them fair pay and independence, just as the men had.

Property rights
Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story (1779–1845), made the protection of property rights by the courts a major component of American republicanism. A precocious legal scholar, Story was appointed to the Court by James Madison in 1811. He and Chief Justice John Marshall made the Court a bastion of nationalism (along the lines of Marshall's Federalist Party) and a protector of the rights of property against runaway democracy. Story opposed Jacksonian democracy because it was inclined to repudiate lawful debts and was too often guilty of what he called "oppression" of property rights by republican governments. Story held that, "the right of the citizens to the free enjoyment of their property legally acquired" was "a great and fundamental principle of a republican government." Newmyer (1985) presents Story as a "Statesman of the Old Republic" who tried to rise above democratic politics and to shape the law in accordance with the republicanism of Story's heroes, Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall, as well as the New England Whigs of the 1820s and 1830s, such as Daniel Webster. Historians agree that Justice Story – as much or more than Marshall or anyone else – did indeed reshape American law in a conservative direction that protected property rights.

Equitable distribution of wealth
According to journalist Jamelle Bouie, "among the oldest and most potent strains of American thinking" about self-government is the belief that it cannot coexist "with mass immiseration and gross disparities of wealth and status".

He quotes John Adams in a 1776 letter: The balance of power in a society accompanies the balance of property in land. The only possible way, then, of preserving the balance of power on the side of equal liberty and public virtue is to make the acquisition of land easy to every member of society, to make a division of land into small quantities, so that the multitude may be possessed of landed estates. If the multitude is possessed of the balance of real estate, the multitude will take care of the liberty, virtue and interest of the multitude, in all acts of government.
 * Kentucky settlers petitioning the Confederation Congress for statehood in 1784: "It is a well-known truth that the riches and strength of a free country does not consist in property being vested in a few individuals, but the more general it is distributed, the more it promotes industry, population and frugality and even morality."
 * Historians Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath: "The republican conception of liberty was not noninterference but nondomination – freedom from both private and public overlords".

Political scientists Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson quote a warning by Greek-Roman historian Plutarch: "An imbalance between rich and poor is the oldest and most fatal ailment of all republics." Some academic researchers allege that the US political system risks drifting towards oligarchy, through the influence of corporations, the wealthy and other special interest groups.

A study by political scientists Martin Gilens (Princeton University) and Benjamin Page (Northwestern University) released in April 2014, concluded that the U.S. government doesn't represent the interests of the majority of its citizens but instead is "ruled by those of the rich and powerful". The researchers, after analyzing nearly 1,800 U.S. policies between 1981 and 2002, stated that government policies tend to favor special interests and lobbying organizations, and that whenever a majority of citizens disagrees with the economic elites, the elites tend to prevail in getting their way. While not characterizing the United States as an "oligarchy" or "plutocracy" outright, Gilens and Page give weight to the idea of a "civil oligarchy" as used by Jeffrey A. Winters, saying, "Winters has posited a comparative theory of 'Oligarchy,' in which the wealthiest citizens – even in a 'civil oligarchy' like the United States – dominate policy concerning crucial issues of wealth- and income-protection." In their study, Gilens and Page reached these conclusions: "When a majority of citizens disagrees with economic elites and/or with organized interests, they generally lose. Moreover, because of the strong status quo bias built into the US political system, even when fairly large majorities of Americans favor policy change, they generally do not get it. ... [T]he preferences of the average American appear to have only a minuscule, near-zero, statistically non-significant impact upon public policy."

National debt
Jefferson and Albert Gallatin focused on the danger that the public debt, unless it was paid off, would be a threat to republican values. They were appalled that Hamilton was increasing the national debt and using it to solidify his Federalist base. Gallatin was the Republican Party's chief expert on fiscal issues and as Treasury Secretary under Jefferson and Madison worked hard to lower taxes and lower the debt, while at the same time paying cash for the Louisiana Purchase and funding the War of 1812. Burrows says of Gallatin:
 * His own fears of personal dependency and his small-shopkeeper's sense of integrity, both reinforced by a strain of radical republican thought that originated in England a century earlier, convinced him that public debts were a nursery of multiple public evils – corruption, legislative impotence, executive tyranny, social inequality, financial speculation, and personal indolence. Not only was it necessary to extinguish the existing debt as rapidly as possible, he argued, but Congress would have to ensure against the accumulation of future debts by more diligently supervising government expenditures.

Andrew Jackson believed the national debt was a "national curse" and he took special pride in paying off the entire national debt in 1835. Politicians ever since have used the issue of a high national debt to denounce the other party for profligacy and a threat to fiscal soundness and the nation's future.

Military service
Civic virtue required men to put civic goals ahead of their personal desires, and to volunteer to fight for their country. Military service thus was an integral duty of the citizen. As John Randolph of Roanoke put it, "When citizen and soldier shall be synonymous terms, then you will be safe." Scott (1984) notes that in both the American and French revolutions, distrust of foreign mercenaries led to the concept of a national, citizen army, and the definition of military service was changed from a choice of careers to a civic duty. Herrera (2001) explains that an appreciation of self-governance is essential to any understanding of the American military character before the Civil War. Military service was considered an important demonstration of patriotism and an essential component of citizenship. To soldiers, military service was a voluntary, negotiated, and temporary abeyance of self-governance by which they signaled their responsibility as citizens. In practice self-governance in military affairs came to include personal independence, enlistment negotiations, petitions to superior officials, militia constitutions, and negotiations regarding discipline. Together these affected all aspects of military order, discipline, and life.

United States Constitution
The Founding Fathers wanted republicanism because its principles guaranteed liberty, with opposing, limited powers offsetting one another. They thought change should occur slowly, as many were afraid that a "democracy" – by which they meant a direct democracy – would allow a majority of voters at any time to trample rights and liberties. They believed the most formidable of these potential majorities was that of the poor against the rich. They thought democracy could take the form of mob rule that could be shaped on the spot by a demagogue. Therefore, they devised a written Constitution that could be amended only by a super majority, preserved competing sovereignties in the constituent states, gave the control of the upper house (Senate) to the states, and created an Electoral College, comprising a small number of elites, to select the president. They set up a House of Representatives to represent the people. In practice the electoral college soon gave way to control by political parties. In 1776, most states required property ownership to vote, but most white male citizens owned farms in the 90% rural nation, so it was limiting to women, Native Americans and slaves. As the country urbanized and people took on different work, the property ownership requirement was gradually dropped by many states. Property requirements were gradually dismantled in state after state, so that all had been eliminated by 1850, so that few if any economic barriers remained to prevent white, adult males from voting.

Terminology in legal rulings
The term republic does not appear in the Declaration of Independence, but does appear (once) in the constitution in Article IV which "guarantee[s] to every State in this Union a Republican form of Government." What exactly the writers of the constitution felt this should mean is uncertain. The Supreme Court, in Luther v. Borden (1849), declared that the definition of republic was a "political question" in which it would not intervene. During Reconstruction the Constitutional clause was the legal foundation for the extensive Congressional control over the eleven former Confederate states; there was no such oversight over the border slave states that had remained in the Union.

In two later cases, the Supreme Court did establish a basic definition. In United States v. Cruikshank (1875), the court ruled that the "equal rights of citizens" were inherent to the idea of republic. The opinion of the court from In re Duncan (1891) held that the "right of the people to choose their government" is also part of the definition. It is also generally assumed that the clause prevents any state from being a monarchy – or a dictatorship. Due to the 1875 and 1891 court decisions establishing basic definition, in the first version (1892) of the Pledge of Allegiance, which included the word republic, and like Article IV which refers to a Republican form of government, the basic definition of republic is implied and continues to be so in all subsequent versions.

South, slavery, Jim Crow, and women's suffrage
Both democratic Ancient Greece and the ancient Roman Republic permitted slavery, but many early Americans questioned slavery's compatibility with Republican values. In 1850, Sen. William H. Seward declared on the Senate floor that slavery was incompatible with the "security, welfare and greatness of nations", and that when slavery "prevails and controls in any republican state, just to that extent it subverts the principle of democracy and converts the state into an aristocracy or a despotism."

The Republican Party was formed by antislavery forces across the North in reaction to the Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854 that promoted democracy (or "popular sovereignty") by saying new settlers could decide themselves whether or not to have slavery. The party officially designated itself "Republican" because the name resonated with the struggle of 1776. "In view of the necessity of battling for the first principles of republican government," resolved the Michigan state convention, "and against the schemes of aristocracy the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth was ever cursed, or man debased, we will co-operate and be known as Republicans." The antebellum South took the reverse view, interpreting Northern policies against slavery as a threat to their republican values (in particular the system of checks and balances), according to J. Mills Thornton.

After the war, the Republicans believed that the Constitutional guarantee of republicanism enabled Congress to Reconstruct the political system of the former Confederate states. The main legislation was explicitly designed to promote republicanism. Radical Republicans pushed forward to secure not only citizenship for freedmen through the 14th Amendment, but also to give them the vote through the 15th Amendment. They held that the concept of republicanism meant that true political knowledge was to be gained in exercising the right to vote and organizing for elections. Susan B. Anthony and other advocates of woman suffrage said republicanism covered them too, as they demanded the vote.

Progressive Era
A central theme of the progressive era was fear of corruption, one of the core ideas of republicanism since the 1770s. The Progressives restructured the political system to combat entrenched interests (for example, through the direct election of Senators), to ban influences such as alcohol that were viewed as corrupting, and to extend the vote to women, who were seen as being morally pure and less corruptible.

Questions of performing civic duty were brought up in presidential campaigns and World War I. In the presidential election of 1888, Republicans emphasized that the Democratic candidate Grover Cleveland had purchased a substitute to fight for him in the Civil War, while his opponent General Benjamin Harrison had fought in numerous battles. In 1917, a great debate took place over Woodrow Wilson's proposal to draft men into the U.S. Army after war broke out in Europe. Many said it violated the republican notion of freely given civic duty to force people to serve. In the end, Wilson was successful and the Selective Service Act of 1917 was passed.

Opposition to majoritarian tyranny
Historians such as Richard Ellis and Michael Nelson argue that much constitutional thought, from Madison to Lincoln and beyond, has focused on "the problem of majority tyranny." They conclude, "The principles of republican government embedded in the Constitution represent an effort by the framers to ensure that the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness would not be trampled by majorities." Madison, in particular, worried that a small localized majority might threaten inalienable rights, and in Federalist No. 10 he argued that the larger the population of the republic, the more diverse it would be and the less liable to this threat. More broadly, in Federalist No. 10, Madison distinguished a democracy from a republic. Jefferson warned that "an elective despotism is not the government we fought for."

Madison wrote: In a democracy, the people meet and exercise the government in person; in a republic, they assemble and administer it by their representatives and agents. A democracy, consequently, will be confined to a small spot. A republic may be extended over a large region.

As late as 1800, the word "democrat" was mostly used to attack an opponent of the Federalist party. Thus, George Washington in 1798 complained, "that you could as soon scrub the blackamoor white, as to change the principles of a profest Democrat; and that he will leave nothing unattempted to overturn the Government of this Country." The Federalist Papers are pervaded by the idea that pure democracy is actually quite dangerous, because it allows a majority to infringe upon the rights of a minority. Thus, in encouraging the states to participate in a strong centralized government under a new constitution and replace the relatively weak Articles of Confederation, Madison argued in Federalist No. 10 that a special interest may take control of a small area, e.g., a state, but it could not easily take over a large nation. Therefore, the larger the nation, the safer is republicanism.

By 1805, the "Old Republicans" or "Quids", a minority faction among Southern Republicans, led by Johan Randolph, John Taylor of Caroline and Nathaniel Macon, opposed Jefferson and Madison on the grounds that they had abandoned the true republican commitment to a weak central government.

In the 1830s, Alexis de Tocqueville warned about the "tyranny of the majority" in a democracy and suggested the courts should try to reverse the efforts of the majority of terminating the rights of an unpopular minority. John Phillip Reid writes that Republicanism includes guarantees of rights that cannot be repealed by a majority vote.

Support for rule of the majority
Others argue that "the historical evidence suggests that the founders believed that majority will – defined as the prevailing view of enfranchised citizens – should generally dictate national policy". James Madison equated "a coalition of a majority of the whole society" with "justice and the general good," in the Federalist Papers; and Alexander Hamilton described "representative democracy" as "happy, regular and durable." Alexander Hamilton wrote that: "... a representative democracy, where the right of election is well secured and regulated & the exercise of the legislative, executive and judiciary authorities, is vested in select persons, chosen really and not nominally by the people, will in my opinion be most likely to be happy, regular and durable."

Rise of democracy
Over time, the pejorative connotations of "democracy" faded. By the 1830s, democracy was seen as an unmitigated positive and the term "Democratic" was assumed by the Democratic Party and the term "Democrat" was adopted by its members. A common term for the party in the 19th century was "The Democracy." In debates on Reconstruction, Radical Republicans, such as Senator Charles Sumner, argued that the republican "guarantee clause" in Article IV supported the introduction by force of law of democratic suffrage in the defeated South.

After 1800 the limitations on democracy were systematically removed; property qualifications for state voters were largely eliminated in the 1820s. The initiative, referendum, recall, and other devices of direct democracy became widely accepted at the state and local level in the 1910s; and senators were made directly electable by the people in 1913. The last restrictions on black voting were made illegal in 1965. President Abraham Lincoln, used constitutional republic and democracy synonymously, casting the American experiment as government of the people, by the people, and for the people.

20th century reaction against democracy
The idea that America is "a republic, not a democracy" has been a recurring theme in American Republicanism since the early 20th century. It declared that not only is majoritarian "pure" democracy a form of tyranny (unjust and unstable) but that democracy, in general, is a distinct form of government from republicanism and that the United States has been and should remain the second and not the first.

Critics of the socially-oriented New Deal programs proposed by Franklin Delano Roosevelt to fix the Great Depression threatened Republican ideals of property rights, free enterprise, and individual freedoms. Historian Matthew Dallek argues at this time the phrase "a republic, not a democracy" was used by the right to argue that wealthy white men should continue to rule.

Communications professor Heather Hendershot argues that the gains made by the Civil Rights Movement to reduce oppression of racial minorities provoked fears about "democracy" as a threat to white control of institutions, including government and education. The 1954 decision Brown v. Board of Education, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 increased these fears over time.

Oil tycoon H.L. Hunt proclaimed in 1952 that democracy had been created by the devil. In 1955, segregationalist Herman E. Talmadge used the phrase and criticized those promoting "democracy" as Communist, anti-God, and in favor of racial mixing.

The claim was chanted at the 1964 Republican convention, where arch-conservative Barry Goldwater became the Republican Party nominee.

Conservative radio broadcaster Dan Smoot, funded by Hunt, supported racist poll taxes and literacy tests. He argued that forms of democracy like a popular vote to elect the President was a threat because "welfare people" (meaning non-white people living in cities) would out-vote rural (white) people in places like Montana. Underscoring the threat to white people, he wrote during the peak of his popularity in 1966: "If a majority should develop hatred for all blue-eyed babies and order them eliminated, the babies could be legally executed because whatever a majority wants at any given moment."

In the 21st century, the same slogan was tweeted by Senator Mike Lee of Utah in 2020. Robert Draper, writing in The New York Times, identifies the idea as "embodied by the Electoral College’s primacy over the popular vote in presidential elections", and states that its proponents maintain that the founders of the constitution "specifically rejected direct popular sovereignty in favor of a representative system in which the governing authorities are states and districts, not individual voters".

Draper notes conservative Republican presidents in the 21st century (George W. Bush, Donald Trump) have not been reluctant to invoke the word "democracy" in addresses and policies; but as of 2022, in at least one state (Arizona) Draper traveled throughout, he found "anti-democracy and anti-'democracy' sentiment, repeatedly voiced", and distinct from anything he had "encountered in over two decades of covering conservative politics."

In a 2020 paper, "America Is a Republic, Not a Democracy", Bernard Dobski of The Heritage Foundation characterized attacks by liberals on the Electoral College for its "undemocratic" features (giving much more electoral weight to small states, and usually giving all the electoral votes to whichever candidate won the most popular votes), "the most visible sign of this democratic antipathy to our republican institutions", and compares the campaign to elect the president using the popular vote to calls for direct democracy through national referendums. However, George Thomas notes that interest in the "Republic not a Democracy" concept among Republicans comes at a time when "the Republican presidential candidate has prevailed in the Electoral College in three out of seven elections" since 1988, "but won the popular vote only once" (in 2004), and that "given current trends, minority rule" in the United States "could become routine". Thomas also notes that interest in the idea comes at a time when Donald Trump's 2020 presidential campaign was "the first" in American history to make no "effort to win the popular vote, appealing only to the people who will deliver him an Electoral College win"; and Astra Taylor notes that in general, Republican electoral strategies are showing less interest and ability in "winning majorities".

In April 2024, the Washington State Republican Party passed a resolution asking people to use the word "republic" instead of "democracy", and endorsed repeal of the Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which would mean ending direct election of U.S. senators.

title: Republicanism in the United States


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Battle of Cape Palos (1938)

The Battle of Cape Palos, also known as the Second Battle of Cape Palos, was the biggest naval battle of the Spanish Civil War, fought on the night of March 5–6, 1938, east of Cape Palos near Cartagena, Spain.

Leadup to the battle
On March 5, 1938 the two Nationalist heavy cruisers, SPANISH CRUISER Canarias and SPANISH CRUISER Baleares, led by Vice Admiral Manuel Vierna Belando sortied from the naval base at Palma de Mallorca, in company with the light cruiser SPANISH CRUISER Almirante Cervera, and three destroyers. The squadron acted as a distant escort of a convoy bearing war equipment from Italy as well as troops from the Army of Africa being ferried across the Strait of Gibraltar.

On the same day, forces of the Spanish Republican Navy, led by Admiral Luis González de Ubieta and consisting of two light cruisers (the new Libertad and the older Méndez Núñez) and five destroyers, sailed from Cartagena. At night, the Nationalist destroyers returned to base, while the cruisers remained on course.

The battle
The squadrons, going in opposite directions, met by chance in the dead of night of 5–6 March 1938. A Republican destroyer fired torpedoes but missed, and both fleets passed each other by. Nationalist Rear Admiral de Vierna preferred to wait until dawn, which would enable him to use his ships' superior artillery, but Republican Vice Admiral de Ubieta decided to turn and pursue the enemy. The forces met again unexpectedly at about 02:15. the Nationalist cruisers opened fire on Libertad from a range of about 5000 m and the Republican cruisers returned fire. However, one of the Nationalist ships made the mistake of firing a star shell illuminating their position to the enemy Republican ships. As the cruisers duelled, three Republican destroyers, probably unseen by the Nationalists, detached from escorting Libertad. At about 3000 m, SPANISH DESTROYER Sánchez Barcáiztegui, SPANISH DESTROYER Lepanto, and SPANISH DESTROYER Almirante Antequera each fired four torpedoes. Two or three torpedoes hit Baleares between 'A' and 'B' turrets and detonated her forward magazine. The sinking is generally credited to Lepanto, but also to the destroyer Almirante Antequera by some authors.

Prioritizing the protection of the troops of the North African Army crossing the Gibraltar Strait over his own safety, Admiral de Vierna ordered his own ship, the Baleares to engage the Republican fleet while he ordered the rest of the ships away. The two surviving Nationalist cruisers quickly cleared the area, leaving Baleares to her fate. The stern remained afloat and it was from this part of the ship that survivors were rescued, thanks to the efforts of the British Royal Navy destroyers HMS Kempenfelt (I18) and HMS Boreas (H77), under Captain McGrigor, who made towards the scene of the action from 40 nmi away. Only 441 out of her crew of 1,206 were saved with Admiral Vierna among those who went down with the ship.

The Nationalist cruisers returned at dawn and survivors rescued by Boreas were transferred to them by boats. An air attack by Republican bombers interrupted the proceedings and caused one British fatality.

Aftermath
The sinking of the rebel heavy cruiser Baleares was hailed as a great victory by the Republican government and Luis González de Ubieta, the commander of the Republican fleet, was awarded the Laureate Plate of Madrid (Placa Laureada de Madrid), the highest military award for gallantry of the Second Spanish Republic. The Distintivo de Madrid, which had been established by the Spanish Republic to reward courage, was given to cruisers Libertad and Méndez Núñez, and destroyers Lepanto, Almirante Antequera and Sánchez Barcáiztegui, as well as to their crew members. These ships would thenceforward fly a special pennant and the men would wear a special badge on their uniforms with the old Coat of arms of Madrid.

The Battle of Cape Palos was one of the last Republican victories of the war. Although the action was the largest naval battle of the Spanish Civil War and an important Republican victory, it had little noticeable long-term effect on the war. The Republican Navy failed to press their advantage, and the loss of Baleares was partially offset when the modernised cruiser Navarra joined the Nationalist fleet some months later.

title: Battle of Cape Palos (1938)


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Lever escapement

The lever escapement, invented by the English clockmaker Thomas Mudge in 1754 (albeit first used in 1769), is a type of escapement that is used in almost all mechanical watches, as well as small mechanical non-pendulum clocks, alarm clocks, and kitchen timers.

An escapement is a mechanical linkage that delivers impulses to the timepiece's balance wheel, keeping it oscillating back and forth, and with each swing of the balance wheel allows the timepiece's gear train to advance a fixed amount, thus moving the hands forward at a steady rate. The escapement is what makes the "ticking" sound in mechanical watches and clocks.

Invention
The lever escapement was invented by British clockmaker Thomas Mudge around 1754, and improved by Abraham-Louis Breguet (1787), Peter Litherland (1791), and Edward Massey (1800). Its modern ("table roller") form was developed by George Savage in the early 1800s. Since about 1900 virtually every mechanical watch, alarm clock and other portable timepiece has used the lever escapement.

Advantages
The advantages of the lever are, first, that it is a "detached" escapement; it allows the balance wheel to swing completely free of the escapement during most of its oscillation, except when giving it a short impulse, improving timekeeping accuracy. Second, due to "locking" and "draw" its action is very precise. Third, it is self-starting; if the watch is jarred in use and the balance wheel stops, it will start again. A cheaper and less accurate version of the lever escapement, called the pin pallet escapement, invented by Georges Frederic Roskopf in 1867, is used in clocks and timers.

How it works
The escape wheel is geared to the watch's wheel train, which applies torque to it from the mainspring. The rotation of the escape wheel is controlled by the pallets. The escape wheel has specially shaped teeth of either ratchet or club form, which interact with the two jewels called the entrance and exit pallets. The escape wheel, except in unusual cases, has 15 teeth and is made of steel. These pallets are attached solidly to the lever, which has at its end a fork to receive the ruby impulse pin of the balance roller which is fixed to the balance wheel shaft. The balance wheel is returned towards its static center position by an attached balance spring (not shown in the diagram). In modern design it is common for the pallet mountings and the fork to be made as a single component. The lever is mounted on a shaft and is free to rotate between two fixed banking pins.

At rest one of the escape wheel teeth will be locked against a pallet. As shown in the diagram, the escape wheel rotates clockwise and the entrance tooth is locked in place against the entrance pallet, the lever held in place by the left banking pin. The impulse pin is located within the lever fork and the balance wheel is near its center position. To get started, the lever fork must receive a small impulse from the anti-clockwise rotation of the balance wheel via the impulse pin (say by being shaken) which rotates the lever slightly clockwise off the left banking pin. This unlocks the entrance pallet allowing the wheel to rotate clockwise.

As the powered escape wheel rotates clockwise, the entrance tooth slides across the sloping impulse plane of the entrance pallet. This turns the pallets about their axis, which places the exit pallet into the path of the rotating escape wheel. Once the entrance tooth leaves the impulse plane of the entrance pallet, the wheel is able to turn a small amount (called the drop) until the exit tooth of the escape wheel lands on the locking face of the exit pallet. The wheel is said to be locked on the exit pallet. From the release from the entrance pallet to this point, the escape wheel will have turned through exactly one half of the 24-degree angle between two teeth.

The impulse received by the entrance pallet as the tooth moves over the impulse face is transferred by the lever to the balance wheel via the ruby impulse pin on the roller of the balance wheel. The lever moves until it rests against the right banking pin; it is held in this position  by the force of the exit tooth against the exit pallet jewel (called the draw). This means that in order to unlock the wheel it must be turned backwards by a small amount, which is done by the return momentum of the balance wheel via the impulse pin.

After the exit tooth locks, the balance wheel rotates anti-clockwise, free of interference from the escapement until the hairspring pulls it back clockwise, and the impulse pin re-enters the fork. This will unlock the escapement, releasing the escape wheel so that the exit  tooth can slide over the impulse plane of the exit pallet, which transfers a clockwise impulse to the balance wheel's impulse pin via the lever fork, while pushing the lever up against the left banking pin. The escape wheel drops again until the entrance tooth locks on the entrance pallet now being held in place by the left banking pin via the lever. The balance wheel continues clockwise, again free from interference until it is pulled back by the hairspring to the center position. The cycle then starts again.

Each back and forth movement of the balance wheel from and back to its center position corresponds to a drop of one tooth (called a beat). A typical watch lever escapement beats at 18,000 or more beats per hour. Each beat gives the balance wheel an impulse, so there are two impulses per cycle. Despite being locked at rest most of the time, the escape wheel rotates typically at an average of 10 rpm or more.

The origin of the "tick tock" sound is caused by this escapement mechanism. As the balance wheel rocks back and forth, the ticking sound is heard.

Draw
The reliability of the modern lever escapement depends upon draw; the pallets are angled so that the escape wheel must recoil a small amount during the unlocking. The draw holds the lever against the banking pins during the detached portion of the operating cycle. Draw angle is typically about 11-15 degrees to the radial.

Early lever escapements lacked draw (indeed some makers considered it injurious as a cause of extra friction in unlocking); as a result a jolt could result in the escapement unlocking.

Lever watch movement
Most modern mechanical watches are jeweled lever watches, using synthetic ruby or sapphire jewels for the high-wear areas of the watch.

Pin pallet escapement
A cheaper, less accurate version of the lever escapement is used in alarm clocks, kitchen timers, mantel clocks and, until the late 1970s, cheap watches, called the Roskopf, pin-lever, or pin-pallet escapement after Georges Frederic Roskopf, who mass produced it from 1867. It functions similarly to the lever, except that the lever pallet jewels are replaced by vertical metal pins. In a lever escapement, the pallets have two angled faces, the locking face and the impulse face, which must be carefully adjusted to the correct angles. In the pin pallet escapement, these two faces are designed into the shape of the escape wheel teeth instead, eliminating complicated adjustments. The pins are located symmetrically on the lever, making beat adjustment simpler. Watches that used these escapements were called pin lever watches, and have been superseded by cheap quartz watches.

Future directions
One recent trend in escapement design is the use of new materials, many borrowed from the semiconductor fabrication industry. A problem with the lever escapement is friction. The escape wheel tooth slides along the face of the pallet, causing friction, so the pallets and teeth must be lubricated. The oil eventually thickens, causing inaccuracy, and requiring cleaning and reoiling of the movement about every 4 years. A solution is to make the escape wheel and other parts out of harder materials than steel, eliminating the need for lubrication. Materials being tried include silicon, nickel phosphorus, diamond, and diamond-on-silicon. Ulysse Nardin in 2001, Patek Philippe in 2005, and Zenith in 2013 introduced watches with silicon escape wheels.

title: Lever escapement


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User:GrecoRoman

Intelectual wrestler

title: User:GrecoRoman


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Doug Sahm

Douglas Wayne Sahm (November 6, 1941 – November 18, 1999) was an American musician, singer-songwriter and multi-instrumentalist born in San Antonio, Texas. Sahm is regarded as one of the main figures of Tex-Mex music, and as an important performer of Texan Music. He gained fame along with his band, the Sir Douglas Quintet, with a top-twenty hit in the United States and the United Kingdom with "She's About a Mover" (1965). Sahm was influenced by the San Antonio music scene that included conjunto and blues, and later by the hippie scene of San Francisco. With his blend of music, he found success performing in Austin, Texas, as the hippie counterculture soared in the 1970s.

Sahm began singing at age five and learned to play the steel guitar at age six. He was considered a child prodigy on the instrument. By the age of eight, he had appeared on the Louisiana Hayride. He made his recording debut as "Little Doug" in 1955, and was influenced by rock and roll during his teenage years. Sahm had local hit records, while he played clubs as a musician for other bands. In 1965, Huey P. Meaux produced Sahm and the Sir Douglas Quintet's "She's About a Mover". The same year, Sahm moved to California. In 1971, he returned to San Antonio, and soon after he moved to Austin. Atlantic Records signed Sahm and released his debut solo album Doug Sahm and Band in 1973.

After a continuing decline in record sales, Sahm kept performing in clubs in Austin, and moved through different record labels. Meanwhile, he enjoyed success in Sweden and in Canada. In 1989, Sahm formed the supergroup the Texas Tornados with fellow Tex-Mex musicians Augie Meyers, Freddy Fender and Flaco Jiménez. The Texas Tornados toured successfully, and one of their releases earned a Grammy Award. In 1999, Sahm died during a vacation trip. A posthumous album, The Return of Wayne Douglas, was released in 2000. Sahm received multiple honors in the state of Texas, including hall of fame inductions and memorials in public places.

Early life and start in music
Doug Sahm was born in San Antonio, Texas, on November 6, 1941, to Victor A. Sahm, Sr. and Viva Lee (née Goodman). The Sahm family had migrated to the United States from Germany early in the 20th century, and settled initially in Galveston, Texas. Sahm's grandparents, Alfred and Alga, owned a farm near Cibolo, Texas. Alfred Sahm was a musician who played with the polka band The Sahm Boys. During the Great Depression, Sahm's parents moved to San Antonio, where Victor worked at Kelly Field Air Force base.

Sahm began singing at age five, and took up the steel guitar at age six. The same year, he appeared on San Antonio's radio station KMAC and performed the Sons of the Pioneers' "Teardrops in My Heart". He was regarded as a child prodigy on the steel guitar. His mother took him to a local music school, but his teacher turned him down soon after. His teacher explained he could not teach Sahm to read music, and the boy could already play by ear. Sahm often appeared at a local club, The Barn, which his uncle co-owned with Charlie Walker. By the time he was eight, he could play the fiddle and mandolin, and he began to appear on the Louisiana Hayride as "Little Doug". He also performed shows with Hank Williams, Faron Young and Hank Thompson. At age thirteen, he was offered a spot on the Grand Ole Opry that his mother declined, wanting him to finish school. In 1953, Sahm met Augie Meyers while he purchased baseball cards at Meyer's mother's grocery store, and the two became friends. Meyers and Sahm discussed forming a band, but nothing came of it as both played with different groups. Meyers mastered the accordion, piano and rhythm guitar. Sahm grew up on the East side of San Antonio, a predominantly black neighborhood. He listened from his home to the live performances of T-Bone Walker and other blues artists who appeared at a nearby blues bar, the Eastwood Country Club. Sahm's neighbor, Homer Callahan, introduced him to the records of Howlin' Wolf, Lonesome Sundown, Fats Domino, Jimmy Reed, and Atlantic and Excello Records.

In 1955, producer Charlie Fitch released Sahm's debut single on Sarg Records. Cataloged with the number 113-45 on the label's releases, the pairing of "A Real American Joe" with "Rollin' Rollin'" was credited to Little Doug. The same year, Sahm formed his first band, The Kings. A year later, one of his concerts in school was interrupted by the principal after Sahm started imitating Elvis Presley's gyrations. The students left the auditorium and headed to Sahm's house to continue listening to the band. As he continued performing country music, fiddler J. R. Chatwell, who played with bandleader Adolph Hofner, mentored him. The music of Lefty Frizzell, Howlin' Wolf, Lonesome Sundown, Elvis Presley, Little Richard, T-Bone Walker, Floyd Tillman, and San Antonio musicians Johnny Owen and Ricky Aguirre influenced him during his teenage years.

Sahm enjoyed success performing in San Antonio nightclubs, as he played a blend of music that consisted of rhythm and blues with the addition of the West Side tenor saxophone player Eracleo "Rocky" Morales. The "West Side Sound", characteristic of San Antonio, consisted of a blend of genres: country music, conjunto, rhythm and blues, polka and rock and roll. Meanwhile, Sahm performed on guitar six nights a week with Jimmy Johnson's band. Saxophonist Spot Barnett invited him to play at the Ebony rhythm and blues club.

Sahm fronted three bands: The Pharaohs, The Dell-Kings and The Markays. He released the song "Crazy Daisy" (1959), and he had a local hit with "Why Why Why" (1960) on Renner Records. Sahm graduated from high school the same year. He had another local hit with "Crazy, Crazy Feeling" (1961); "Just A Moment" (1961) and "Lucky Me" (1963) followed. By 1964, Sahm was dropped by the Renner label and he tried to convince Huey P. Meaux to sign him. Meaux, the owner of SugarHill Recording Studios, was enjoying success with Dale and Grace and Barbara Lynn, and turned Sahm down.

The Sir Douglas Quintet
Meaux produced songs that appeared on the music charts in the 1960s, but because of Beatlemania and the British Invasion, his records stopped selling well. Determined to find the reason for the commercial success of The Beatles sound, Meaux said he purchased several of their records and rented three rooms at the Wayfarer Hotel in San Antonio. According to his account, he drank a case of Thunderbird wine in the process. Meaux felt the Beatles' songs shared a common ground with traditional two-step Cajun music. He called Sahm and asked him to write songs based on that style, and to let his hair grow. Sahm and Meyers appeared with The Dave Clark Five in San Antonio, where they were featured on the program, with their respective bands, as the opening acts. Sahm appeared with the Markays, and Meyers the Goldens. Meyers attributed Meaux's interest in recording Sahm and himself to their performance at the concert.

Sahm put together a band with Meyers (keyboard), Frank Morin (saxophone), Harvey Kagan (bass) and Johnny Perez (drums). Based on The Beatles' "She's a Woman", Sahm wrote a song that integrated their style with the sounds characteristic of tejano music. Sahm called his new composition "She's A Body Mover". Meaux purchased the song from him for $25, but he felt the title would not help it get airplay. Instead, he renamed it "She's About a Mover". The song was released on Tribe Records in 1965 and credited to the Sir Douglas Quintet—an "English-sounding" name created by Meaux to capitalize on the success of the British Invasion. The first publicity pictures of the band were taken in silhouette to conceal the appearances of Frank Morin and Johnny Perez, the Latino members of the band. "She's About a Mover" peaked at number 13 on the Billboard Hot 100, and reached number 15 on the UK Singles Chart. The success of the song propelled the Sir Douglas Quintet to tour, and to become an opener for The Beatles and The Beach Boys. They appeared on Hullabaloo, and host Trini Lopez revealed the real origin of the band. The quintet toured the United States with James Brown, and Europe with The Beach Boys and the Rolling Stones.

After meeting Sahm in New York City in 1965, Bob Dylan said in an interview he felt the Sir Douglas Quintet would be a commercial success on radio. Dylan and Sahm met again in London while the Sir Douglas Quintet toured England. During a stop in Corpus Christi, Texas, in December 1965, Sahm and Morin were arrested for possession of marijuana upon their arrival at the Corpus Christi International Airport. The bond for the musicians' release was set at $1,500. Sahm got the money from his family in San Antonio. The band pleaded guilty to the charge of "receiving and concealing marijuana without paying the required transfer tax". Judge Reynaldo Guerra Garza sentenced them to probation with supervision for five years in March 1966. Meyers was forbidden from leaving Texas for the duration of his probation. A series of appearances with the band in small towns around the state made Sahm unhappy. After his parole officer allowed him to leave Texas the same year, he decided to move to California with his wife and children.

Move to California and return to Texas
Sahm moved to Salinas, California, and became involved in San Francisco's burgeoning hippie scene. He gathered again with the musicians of the Sir Douglas Quintet, excluding Meyers, whose parole officer did not allow to leave Texas. Sahm became acquainted with the music acts playing in the Haight-Ashbury district, and performed at venues including The Fillmore and the Avalon Ballroom. Through audio engineer Dan Healy, Sahm met and befriended Jerry Garcia. The Sir Douglas Quintet opened for the Grateful Dead in Oakland, California, and in October 1966 performed with Big Brother and the Holding Company featuring Janis Joplin. Helped by lawyer Brian Rohan, who represented the Grateful Dead, Sahm was signed to Mercury Records and its subsidiary labels. In December 1968, Sahm appeared with his son, Shawn, on the cover of Rolling Stone magazine. His arrival in San Francisco with the other Texan musicians was covered in the feature "Tribute to the Lone Star State: Dispossessed Men and Mothers of Texas". During the photo shooting, Sahm took his son and sat him on his lap to emulate a childhood photograph that had been taken of him with Hank Williams. In 1969, Meyers joined Sahm in San Francisco for the recording of Mendocino. The album's title track reached number 27 on the Billboard Hot 100''.

Sahm left California in 1971 and returned to San Antonio. He released an album entitled The Return of Doug Saldaña with the Sir Douglas Quintet; Chicano musicians in San Antonio had given him the nickname "Saldaña". A cover of "Wasted Days and Wasted Nights" on the album helped to reignite the career of its original singer, Freddy Fender. The same year, Rolling Stone featured Sahm on its cover again and ran his interview with Chet Flippo.

Sahm moved to Austin that year as the local hippie scene grew. He appeared at the Armadillo World Headquarters and the Soap Creek Saloon in Austin. In 1972, he disbanded the Sir Douglas Quintet. The same year, he made a cameo appearance in the film Cisco Pike, starring Kris Kristofferson. Sahm performed on the film's song "Michoacan", but radio stations refused to play it because of its references to marijuana.

Jerry Wexler signed Sahm to the newly created progressive country division of Atlantic Records in 1972. In October 1972, he recorded Doug Sahm and Band in New York City with guest appearances by Bob Dylan, Dr. John, David "Fathead" Newman, Flaco Jimenez, David Bromberg and Kenny Kosek. The release garnered mixed reviews and sold poorly, reaching number 125 on Billboard's Top LPs & Tapes. In February 1973, he joined Willie Nelson during the recording of Shotgun Willie in New York City and featured on the album with his own musicians. Sahm also joined the Grateful Dead's recording sessions. As he continued to enjoy success in Austin's venues, Sahm used material left over from his October 1972 sessions with Atlantic Records for his 1973 release Texas Tornado. Atlantic folded its country music division in 1973. The following year Warner Records released his next album, Groover's Paradise, featuring Doug Clifford and Stu Cook, former musicians in Creedence Clearwater Revival. Texas Monthly wrote the album captured Austin's "insouciant essence" as a "carefree hippie mecca". As he toured to promote the album, Sahm made his debut performance at Carnegie Hall.

Sahm's record sales continued to decline, and he rarely performed concerts outside the Austin club scene. In 1975, he produced former 13th Floor Elevators front man Roky Erickson following Erickson's release from Rusk State Hospital. In 1976, Sahm collaborated again with Meaux on the release of Texas Rock For Country Rollers. Besides vocals, Sahm played lead guitar, fiddle and piano. Meyers also joined the project and performed on the piano and organ. The same year, Sahm appeared on the fifth episode of the first season of Austin City Limits. In 1979, he made a cameo appearance in the film More American Graffiti.

The 1980s, the Texas Tornados and the 1990s
Sahm released two albums on Takoma Records: the solo record Hell of a Spell (1980), followed by a collaboration with the Sir Douglas Quintet on Border Wave (1981). Sahm reformed the band after it had gained momentum from the success of new wave music, and the use of organs featured by Elvis Costello and The Attractions. Sahm and the Sir Douglas Quintet then signed a record deal with the Swedish label Sonet Records in 1983. Their release Midnight Sun, became a success: It sold 50,000 copies in Sweden, another 50,000 copies in the rest of Scandinavia, and reached number 27 on the Topplistan. Its single "Meet Me in Stockholm" became a hit. Midnight Sun, and their second release with the label, Rio Medina, were recorded in the United States. Sahm and the Sir Douglas Quintet toured Scandinavia and also played in the Netherlands. By 1985, Sahm had moved to Canada after he visited friends in Vancouver, but he returned to Austin every year to take part in the South by Southwest festival. He formed the band The Texas Mavericks in Austin in 1987 with Alvin Crow (fiddle), Speedy Sparks (bass), John Reed (guitar), and Ernie Durawa (drums). Sahm sang under the pseudonym "Samm Dogg", and he and the band performed wearing wrestling masks. Meanwhile, in Canada, along with Amos Garrett and Gene Taylor, he recorded The Return of the Formerly Brothers. The release earned them the Juno Award for Best Roots and Traditional Album in 1989. In September 1989, six years after his last record release in the United States, Sahm partnered with club owner and blues impresario Clifford Antone for the release of Juke Box Music on Antone's Record Label. By the end of the decade, Sahm often performed at the Austin night club Antone's. He used the club's house band on the recording.

In 1989, Sahm formed the Texas Tornados with Meyers (organ, vocals), Fender (guitar, vocals) and Jimenez (accordion, vocals). The group's songs featured the Tex-Mex sound—a mixture of rock, country music, conjunto and blues. Warner Brothers signed the band to a recording contract, and in 1991 they released Texas Tornados. The album charted at number five on Billboard's Top Country Albums. Meanwhile, it earned the Grammy Award for Best Mexican/Mexican-American Album. A version of the album sung in Spanish entitled Los Texas Tornados was released at the same time. The band appeared in Europe and Japan. Along with Willie Nelson, the Texas Tornados were featured at the first inauguration of Bill Clinton. The band performed at the America's Reunion on the Mall event, as well as in other venues around Washington, D.C. during their stay.

In 1994, Sahm and Meyers formed a new version of the Sir Douglas Quintet. It included Sahm's sons Shawn on guitar and Shandon on drums. The band released the album Day Dreaming at Midnight. Sahm then formed The Last Real Texas Blues Band with the musicians he performed with at Antone's. In 1995, the group, composed of Rocky Morales (tenor saxophone), Sauce Gonzalez (Hammond organ), Meyers (piano), Denny Freeman (guitar) and Derek O'Brian (guitar), recorded a studio album of their live performances. Antone's Record Label released it as The Last Real Texas Blues Band Featuring Doug Sahm. The album included standards by T-Bone Walker and Lowell Fulson. It was nominated for the Grammy Award for Best Traditional Blues Album.

Sahm and the Texas Tornados' song "A Little Bit is Better Than Nada" was featured in the 1996 film Tin Cup. In 1998, Sahm collaborated with The Gourds for the release S.D.Q. 98'. The same year, he joined the Latino supergroup Los Super Seven. By 1999, impressed by Dallas singer Ed Burleson, Sahm assembled a band that consisted of Bill Kirchen (guitar), Tommy Detamore and Clay Baker (steel guitars) and Alvin Crow (fiddle). Sahm booked the Cherry Ridge Studios in Floresville, Texas, and he assisted with the recording of Burleson's debut album My Perfect World. The album was the first release on Sahm's own label, Tornado Records. Using the same band, Sahm extended the booking at Cherry Ridge Studios for a series of recording sessions during July and August 1999.

Personal life
Sahm met Violet Morris at a Christmas party in 1961. At the time, Morris worked as an executive secretary at a Montgomery Ward department store. The couple married in 1963. Morris had three children from a previous marriage, and in 1964, she gave birth to Dawn Sahm. As he was responsible for his wife and four children, Sahm was classified 1-Y on the Selective Service System. His first son, Shawn, was born in 1965, and Shandon in 1969.

In 1973, during a visit to the Mexican restaurant La Rosa in San Antonio, Sahm was apprehended by police officers who searched him, his car, and his companions for drugs. As they searched the car, his fiddle was broken. After being handcuffed, Sahm was beaten by the police officers as he continued to protest and move. He was arrested for public intoxication. The case was dismissed at his trial in June 1973, and Sahm unsuccessfully tried to sue the city. Violet had already been unhappy with the marriage because of Sahm's numerous affairs, and after his arrest, they divorced.

Sahm was a dedicated follower of baseball. He followed several teams and visited their training camps through the years. He often refused to attend rehearsals to watch games, and on one occasion, he rejected a tour to be able to watch the World Series.

Death
By the end of 1999, Sahm decided to take a vacation trip to New Mexico. He planned to visit a friend in Taos, New Mexico, then continue to a cabin in the Sangre de Cristo Range and finish the trip with a visit to Dan Healy in San Francisco. Sahm left for New Mexico after a brief visit with his son Shawn in Boerne, Texas. During the trip, Sahm called his son to inform him he had been feeling ill and that he often had to pull over to vomit. Sahm checked into the Kachina Lodge Hotel in Taos, New Mexico. His son continued calling him over the next few days. Sahm's girlfriend, Debora Hanson, and Shawn offered to fly to New Mexico and drive him back to Texas. Sahm initially refused, but he agreed to drive himself to Albuquerque, New Mexico, to meet Hanson there for the drive back to Texas. As his condition worsened, he asked a clerk about local doctors who would do house calls. Sahm was advised to visit the local emergency room, but he did not do so. On November 18, 1999, Sahm was found dead in his hotel room. Local authorities determined it to be a death by natural causes, but an autopsy was ordered. The results of the autopsy determined that Sahm died of arteriosclerotic cardiovascular disease, described as a heart attack. The Austin Music Network aired a three-hour tribute to Sahm, while KUT dedicated an episode of one of its shows to his music. A memorial concert was announced to take place at Antone's in December 1999.

On November 23, 1999, Sahm's funeral took place at the Sunset Memorial Home in San Antonio. Loudspeakers were placed outside of the funeral home for the service to be heard by the estimated one thousand mourners in attendance. According to the Austin American Statesman, the crowd consisted of people "across all lines of age, race, and social standing". The viewing lasted an hour and a half, as the mourners passed Sahm's casket and left keepsakes. Freddy Fender chose not to attend the funeral to avoid distracting the crowds with his presence. Bob Dylan, Bruce Springsteen, then-Texas governor George W. Bush, and Willie Nelson reached out to the family to express their condolences. A planned tribute by a local radio station had to be called off, as the viewing took longer than expected, and the station's programming moved to the broadcast of the weather report. Sahm was buried in a private ceremony at Sunset Memorial Park in San Antonio, next to his mother and father.

In July 2000, the songs recorded at the Cherry Ridge Studios sessions the previous year were released on the posthumous album The Return of Wayne Douglas.

Legacy
His long hair and sideburns, his use of sunglasses and his preference for western attire including cowboy hats and boots characterized Sahm's look. His music style encompassed country music, blues, rock and roll, Cajun music, rhythm and blues, doo-wop and tejano music. Psychedelic music during his time in San Francisco, jazz and the compositions of Bob Dylan later influenced him. Sahm's presence was described as "impulsive, restless and energetic" by Texas Monthly, while his way of talking was characterized by a "rapid-fire" style and the use of hippie jargon. A multi-instrumentalist, Sahm mastered the steel guitar, mandolin, fiddle, electric guitar, electric bass, dobro, bajo sexto, drums and piano.

Rolling Stone wrote that "Lone Star music, at its best, in every form, was religion to Sahm." The magazine ranked him at number 60 on their 100 Greatest Country Artists of All Time in 2017. To Billboard, Sahm was a "central figure in the world of Tex-Mex". New Musical Express considered him "an unpaid PR man for the state of Texas and all things Texan". The New York Times saw Sahm as "a patriarch of Texas rock and country music". Lone Star Music Magazine called him "the Godfather of San Antonio rock 'n' roll". The Austin Chronicle commented: "If Texas had such designation, Douglas Wayne Sahm would be the State Musician of Texas." AllMusic deemed the singer "a highly knowledgeable and superbly competent performer of Texan musical styles".

Sahm was featured in the 1974 mural "Austintatious" at the Drag portion of Guadalupe street in Austin. He was inducted into the Austin Music Awards Hall of Fame with the 1982–1983 class. In 2002, the Americana Music Association gave him the President's Award. On October 13, 2002, San Antonio's mayor Ed Garza declared the date "Doug Sahm Day" in the city. In 2008, Sahm was an inaugural inductee to the Austin Music Memorial. On April 10, 2008, Austin City Council approved the motion to rename the spiral hill in Butler Metro Park to Doug Sahm Hill, in recognition of his "great talents in the music industry". The 35 ft hill is the highest point in the park, with a 360° view of Austin's skyline. In November 2009, artist David Blancas completed La Música de San Anto for the San Anto Cultural Arts Community Mural Program. Located on the west side of San Antonio, the 141 x 17 ft mural features San Antonio musicians including Sahm. Blancas restored the mural in 2020. Federico Archuleta also painted two murals in Austin depicting Sahm.

In 2009, a tribute album recorded by San Antonio musicians, Keep Your Soul: A Tribute to Doug Sahm, was released. On Sahm's birthday, November 6, 2010, a plaque was added to the top of Doug Sahm Hill. The plaque features a caricature of Sahm by Kerry Awn and a short biography written by Austin Chronicle's music columnist Margaret Moser. Also in 2010, Shawn Sahm and the Texas Tornados released the album ¡Está bueno!. Sahm's son and the surviving members of the group toured promoting the album. In 2015, Sahm was inducted to the South Texas Music Walk of Fame. The same year, music writer Joe Nick Patoski premiered his documentary on Sahm Sir Doug and the Genuine Texas Cosmic Groove at the South by Southwest festival. Patoski started a petition to induct Sahm into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. The film was re-released in 2022, and a special screening in San Antonio featured a Q&A section that included original Sir Douglas Quintet members Meyers and Jack Barber. Music producer Kevin Kosub established a small museum featuring memorabilia from Sahm's career.

On Record Store Day 2023, a 1971 soundboard recording of Sahm during a live performance at the Troubador in Los Angeles was released on vinyl LP under the name Texas Tornado Live: Doug Weston's Troubadour, 1971. The Same year, Son Volt released Day of the Doug, a tribute album to Doug Sahm. It features 12 songs that span Sahm’s career as a solo artist as well as his work with Sir Douglas Quintet and the Texas Tornados. The Intro and Outro tracks consisted of phone messages that Sahm left Jay Farrar over the years.

title: Doug Sahm


text:
User talk:GrecoRoman

Have we met before? In any case, please discuss changes to Ward Churchill first on the talk page. Thanks. -- Viajero 17:35, 19 Apr 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:GrecoRoman


text:
Zbigniew

Zbigniew is a Polish masculine given name, originally Zbygniew. This West Slavic name is derived from the Polish elements Zby- (from zbyć, zbyć się, or pozbyć się, meaning "to dispel", "to get rid of") and gniew, meaning "anger". The Czech form of this name is Zbyněk (derived from Zbyhněv).

English diminutives of this name are Zibi, Zbiggy or Zbig.

Notable people

 * Zbigniew of Brzezia (c. 1360 – c. 1425), Polish knight and nobleman of Clan Zadora
 * Zbigniew of Poland, high duke of Poland from 1102–1106

A

 * Zbigniew Andruszkiewicz (born 1959), Polish rower

B

 * Zbigniew Babiński (1896–1940), Polish military and sports aviator
 * Zbigniew Bargielski (born 1937), Polish composer
 * Zbigniew Baranowski (born 1991), Polish wrestler
 * Zbigniew Bartman (born 1987), Polish volleyball player
 * Zbigniew Beta (born 1953), Polish long jumper
 * Zbigniew Bieńkowski (1913–1994), Polish poet, literary critic, translator and essayist
 * Zbigniew Boniek (born 1956), Polish footballer, manager, and President of the Polish Football Association
 * Zbigniew Brym (1919–2006), Polish military, photographer and publicist
 * Zbigniew Bródka (born 1984), Polish speed skater, 2014 Olympic champion in 1500 metres
 * Zbigniew Brzeziński (1928–2017), Polish-American diplomat and political scientist
 * Zbigniew Buczkowski (born 1951), Polish film actor and entertainer
 * Zbigniew Bujak (born 1954), opposition activist in the People's Republic of Poland
 * Zbigniew Bujarski (1933–2018), Polish composer
 * Zbigniew Burzyński (1902–1971), Polish balloonist and constructor of balloons
 * Zbigniew Bzymek (born 1976), Polish-American filmmaker, experimental theatre and music video artist

C

 * Zbigniew Chlebowski (born 1964), Polish politician
 * Zbigniew Chmielowiec (born 1954), Polish politician, Member of Parliament
 * Zbigniew Ciesielski (1934–2020), Polish mathematician
 * Zbigniew Cybulski (1927–1967), Polish actor
 * Zbigniew Ćwiąkalski (born 1950), Polish politician
 * Zbigniew Czaja, Polish slalom canoeist
 * Zbigniew Czajkowski (1921–2019), Polish fencing coach
 * Zbigniew Czerwiński (speedway rider) (born 1982), Polish speedway rider

D

 * Zbigniew Dębski (1922–2010), Polish military personnel and co-founder of the Union of Warsaw Insurgents
 * Zbigniew Deptuła (born 1962), Polish politician from the Polish People's Party
 * Zbigniew Dłubak (1921–2005), Polish painter
 * Zbigniew Doda (1931–2013), Polish chess player
 * Zbigniew Dolata (born 1965), Polish politician, Member of Parliament
 * Zbigniew Dregier (born 1935), Polish basketball player
 * Zbigniew Drzewiecki (1890–1971), Polish pianist and music educator
 * Zbigniew Dunin-Wasowicz (1882–1915), Polish military leader
 * Zbigniew Dybol (born 1947), Polish handball player

F

 * Zbigniew Fedyczak (born 1952), Polish sports shooter
 * Zbigniew Fil (born 1977), Polish singer and multi-instrumentalist
 * Zbigniew Firlej (c. 1613–1649), noble of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
 * Zbigniew Antoni Fronczek (born 1935), Polish politician

G

 * Zbigniew Gawlik (born 1956), Polish handball player
 * Zbigniew Gawlor (1946–2003), Polish luger
 * Zbigniew Girzyński (born 1973), Member of Parliament
 * Zbigniew Gołąb (1923–1994), Polish linguist and Slavist
 * Zbigniew Grzybowski (born 1976), Polish football winger
 * Zbigniew Gut (1949–2010), Polish football defender

H

 * Zbigniew Herbert (1924–1998), Polish poet, essayist, drama writer and moralist
 * Zbigniew Herman (1935–2010), Polish physician and pharmacologist
 * Zbigniew Hoffmann (born 1963), Polish politician

J

 * Zbigniew Jagiełło (born 1964), Polish banker
 * Zbigniew Janiszewski (born 1931), Polish pole vaulter
 * Zbigniew Januszkiewicz (born 1962), Polish swimmer
 * Zbigniew Jaremski (1949–2011), Polish sprinter
 * Zbigniew Jaworowski (1927–2011) Polish physician and alpinist
 * Zbigniew Juszczak (born 1975), Polish field hockey player

K

 * Zbigniew Kabata (1924–2014), Polish parasitologist, World War II veteran, poet, fisherman, translator and scientific administrator
 * Zbigniew Kaczmarek (disambiguation), multiple people, including:
 * Zbigniew Kaczmarek (weightlifter) (1946–2023), Polish weightlifter, Olympic medalist
 * Zbigniew Kaczmarek (footballer) (born 1962), Polish football player
 * Zbigniew Karkowski (1958–2013), Polish composer and musician
 * Zbigniew Karpus (born 1954), Polish historian
 * Zbigniew Kiernikowski (born 1946), Polish Roman Catholic priest, professor
 * Zbigniew Komorowski, Polish figure skater
 * Zbigniew Kowalski (born 1970), Polish football defender
 * Zbigniew Kozak (born 1961), Polish politician, Member of Parliament
 * Zbigniew Kruszyński (born 1960), Polish football player
 * Zbigniew Kupczynski (born 1928), Polish-Canadian abstract expressionist artist
 * Zbigniew Kuźmiński (1921–2005), Polish film director and screenwriter
 * Zbigniew Kuźmiuk (born 1956), Polish politician
 * Zbigniew Kwiatkowski (born 1985), Polish handball player

L

 * Zbigniew Lengren (1919–2003), Polish cartoonist, caricaturist, and illustrator
 * Zbigniew Leśniak (born 1950), Polish slalom canoeist
 * Zbigniew Lew-Starowicz (born 1943), Polish psychiatrist and psychotherapist
 * Zbigniew Libera (born 1959), Polish artist
 * Zbigniew J. Lipowski (1924–1997), Polish psychiatrist, historian, author, political commentator and speaker
 * Zbigniew Lubiejewski (born 1949), Polish volleyball player

M

 * Zbigniew Marciniak (born 1952), Polish mathematician and university teacher
 * Zbigniew Makomaski (born 1931), Polish middle-distance runner
 * Zbigniew Makowski (1930–2019), Polish painter
 * Zbigniew Małkowski (born 1978), Polish football goalkeeper
 * Zbigniew Matwiejew (born 1949), Polish fencer
 * Zbigniew Messner (1929–2014), Polish politician and economist
 * Zbigniew Miązek (born 1966), Polish slalom canoer
 * Zbigniew Michalewicz, Polish entrepreneur, author and professor
 * Zbigniew Morsztyn (c. 1628–1689), Polish poet

N

 * Zbigniew Namysłowski (1939–2022), Polish jazz composer
 * Zbigniew Nienacki (1929–1994), Polish writer
 * Zbigniew Nieradka, Polish glider pilot
 * Zbigniew Niewiadomski (born 1946), Polish sprint canoer
 * Zbigniew Niszczot (born 1955), Australian rugby league player
 * Zbigniew Nowosadzki (born 1957), Polish painter

O

 * Zbigniew Okoński (born 1949), Polish politician and businessman
 * Zbigniew Oleśnicki (disambiguation), multiple people, including:
 * Zbigniew Oleśnicki (cardinal) (1389–1455), Roman Catholic clergyman and a Polish statesman and diplomat
 * Zbigniew Oleśnicki (primate of Poland) (c. 1430–1493), Roman Catholic clergyman and Polish politician
 * Zbigniew Orywał (born 1930), Polish middle-distance runner

P

 * Zbigniew Pacelt (1951–2021), Polish politician and athlete
 * Zbigniew Pakleza (born 1986), Polish chess Grandmaster
 * Zbigniew Paleta (born 1942), Polish violinist and composer for telenovelas
 * Zbigniew Paradowski (born 1932), Polish rower
 * Zbigniew Pełczyński (1925–2021), Polish-British political philosopher and academic
 * Zbigniew Piątek (born 1966), Polish road racing cyclist
 * Zbigniew Pierzynka, Polish long-distance runner
 * Zbigniew Pietrzykowski (1934–2014), Polish boxer, Olympian
 * Zbigniew Piórkowski (1929–1994), Polish boxer, Olympian
 * Zbigniew Podraza (born 1953) Polish politician, member of Parliament and mayor of Dąbrowa Górnicza
 * Zbigniew Preisner (born 1955), Polish film score composer
 * Zbigniew Promiński (born 1978), nicknamed "Inferno", Polish death metal drummer
 * Zbigniew Przybyszewski (1907–1952), Polish military officer and a Commander in the Polish Navy

R

 * Zbigniew Radziwonowicz (1930–2002), Polish athlete in the javelin throw
 * Zbigniew Raszewski (1925–1992), Polish writer and theatre historian
 * Zbigniew Religa (1938–2009), Polish cardiac surgeon and politician
 * Zbigniew Romaszewski (1940–2014), Polish conservative politician, senator, and human rights activist
 * Zbigniew Rybczyński (born 1949), Polish filmmaker, director, cinematographer, and screenwriter
 * Zbigniew Rychlicki (1922–1989), Polish graphic artist and illustrator of children's books
 * Zbigniew Rynasiewicz (born 1963), Polish politician

S

 * Zbigniew Sawan (1904–1984), Polish stage and film actor
 * Zbigniew Schodowski (born 1987), Polish rower
 * Zbigniew Schwarzer (1928–2008), Polish rower
 * Zbigniew Ścibor-Rylski (1917–2018), Polish aviator, officer of the Home Army, Brigadier General of the Polish Army
 * Zbigniew Seifert (1946–1979), Polish jazz musician
 * Zbigniew Siemiątkowski (born 1957), Polish politician
 * Zbigniew Skowroński (1925–1992), Polish bobsledder
 * Zbigniew Skrudlik (born 1934), Polish fencer
 * Zbigniew Ślusarski (born 1947), Polish rower
 * Zbigniew Sosnowski (born 1963), Polish politician, Member of Parliament
 * Zbigniew Spruch (born 1965), Polish cyclist
 * Zbigniew Stonoga (born 1974), Polish entrepreneur, videobloger, social and political activist
 * Zbigniew Stryj (born 1968), Polish actor
 * Zbigniew Stypułkowski (1904–1979), Polish lawyer and politician
 * Zbigniew Suchecki (born 1984), Polish speedway rider
 * Zbigniew Suszyński (born 1961), Polish film, television and theater actor
 * Zbigniew Syka (1936–1996), Polish sprinter
 * Zbigniew Szafrański, Polish Egyptologist
 * Zbigniew Szczepkowski (1952–2019), Polish cyclist
 * Zbigniew Szewczyk (born 1967), Polish football player and coach
 * Zbigniew Szydlo (born 1949), English chemist, academic and teacher
 * Zbigniew Szymczak (1952–2019), Polish chess player

T

 * Zbigniew Tęczyński (c. 1450–1498), Polish nobleman
 * Zbigniew Torzecki, Polish sprint canoer
 * Zbigniew Tłuczyński (born 1956), Polish handball player and coach
 * Zbigniew Turski (1908–1979), Polish composer

W

 * Zbigniew Wachowicz (born 1972), Polish football defender
 * Zbigniew Wassermann (1949–2010), minister-member of the Council of Ministers, coordinator of special services
 * Zbigniew Wawer, Polish historian, specializing in Polish military history in World War II
 * Zbigniew Włodkowski (born 1961), Polish politician, Member of Parliament
 * Zbigniew Wodecki (1950–2017), Polish musician
 * Zbigniew Wóycicki (1902–1928), Polish officer and skier
 * Zbigniew Woźnicki (1958–2008), Polish cyclist
 * Zbigniew Wyciszkiewicz (born 1969), Polish football midfielder

Z

 * Zbigniew Zakrzewski (disambiguation), multiple people, including:
 * Zbigniew Zakrzewski (footballer) (born 1981), Polish footballer
 * Zbigniew Zakrzewski (economist) (1912–1992), Polish economist
 * Zbigniew Zaleski (1947–2019), Polish politician
 * Zbigniew Załuski (1926–1978), Polish army officer, writer and Member of Parliament
 * Zbigniew Zamachowski (born 1961), Polish actor
 * Zbigniew Zapasiewicz (1934–2009), Polish actor, theatre director, and pedagogue
 * Zbigniew Żarnowiecki (born 1927), Polish rower
 * Zbigniew Zarzycki (born 1948), Polish volleyball player
 * Zbigniew Ziobro (born 1970), Polish politician
 * Zbigniew Żedzicki (born 1945), Polish wrestler
 * Zbigniew Żupnik (1951–2000), Polish painter
 * Zbigniew Zychowicz (1953–2016), Polish politician and member of the Democratic Left Alliance

title: Zbigniew


text:
Latheron

Latheron is a small village and civil parish in Caithness, in the Highland area of Scotland, centred on the junction of the A9 with the A99.

The Clan Gunn Heritage Centre and Museum is housed in the old Parish Church (built in 1734). The church was donated to the Society in 1974 and with financial support from the Highlands and Islands Development Board, Caithness District Council and the Scottish Countryside Commission the clan society converted it into a museum; it was officially opened on 22 August 1985.

title: Latheron


text:
R.I.P. cartridge

The R.I.P. cartridge (round irritant personnel) 12-gauge ammunition comprises cartridges filled with a mixture of micronized CS gas, an inert powder to add weight, and a further non-toxic powder which, on compression and friction, produces a large amount of carbon dioxide gas on exiting the barrel of the shotgun.

These specialist rounds are used in situations such as hostage rescue, where a less-than-lethal approach is required in order to resolve an incident.

Persons subject to the dispersed contents of an R.I.P. round will be incapacitated for a given amount of time, depending on the precise content of the round.

On 9 June 2008 English firearms officer PC Ian Terry was accidentally shot at point-blank range and killed by an R.I.P. round, in this instance filled with an inert white powder rather than CS gas, fired by a colleague whilst on a training exercise.

title: R.I.P. cartridge


text:
User talk:Mrlypy

A APROLIG- Associação Virtual dos Professores de Linguas de Goias foi fundada com o objetivo de discutir,oferecer suporte virtual em tempo real atraves de chat via mensseger,mrlypy@hotmail.com, compartilhar materiais na area de ensino das linguas Portuguesa, Inglesa e Espanhola, como tambem dar suporte para profesores de linguas atuantes nas escolas publicas da regiao de Aparecida de Goiania como tambem em todo os Estado de Goias. OBS: O professor dinamizador estara disponivel online de segunda a quinta feira das 13:00 as 17:00, as sextas feiras das 7:00 as 11:30. Perguntas e / ou chatting podem ser conduzidos em tempo real nos dias mencionados anteriormente.

Idealizador do grupo:Professor Euripedes Garcia Batista conhecido na comunidade de ensino de linguas como: Mr Lypy.

This discussion group was set up aimming at supporting and exchanging ELT materials among teachers of Portuguese, English and Spanish at the public schools of the State of Goiás.

Este grupo fue establecido com el objetivo de ayudar y cambiar materiales de la ensenanza de lenguas entre los profesores de las lenguas Portuguesa, Inglesa y Espanola de las escuelas de la rede publica del Estado de Goiás.

O grupo de discussao da Aprolig esta sendo estabelecido nos Colegios Santa Luzia e Colegio Ecovam ambos situados no setor Santa Luzia e Jardim Olimpico. Perguntas e dificuldades na area de ensino de linguas devem ser encaminhadas para o endereco eletrocino da Apremelgo: "Reaching you wherever you are" This is our motto!

apremelgo@yahoogrupos.com.br

title: User talk:Mrlypy


text: User talk:209.66.100.204

title: User talk:209.66.100.204


text:
User talk:Acyso

Welcome
Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, you can sign your name on Talk and vote pages using three tildes, like this: ~~~. Four tildes (~~~~) produces your name and the current date. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Again, welcome! Oleg Alexandrov 17:38, 19 Apr 2005 (UTC)
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Edit summary
When editing an article on Wikipedia there is a small field labelled "Edit summary" under the main edit-box. It looks like this:

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The text written here will appear on the Recent changes page, in the page revision history, on the diff page, and in the watchlists of users who are watching that article. See m:Help:Edit summary for full information on this feature.

When you leave the edit summary blank, some of your edits could be mistaken for vandalism and could be reverted, so please always briefly summarize your edits, especially when you are making subtle but important changes, like changing dates or numbers. Thank you. Oleg Alexandrov 17:38, 19 Apr 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Acyso