text:
Menyhért Lónyay

Menyhért Count Lónyay de Nagylónya et Vásárosnamény (6 January 1822, in Nagylónya – 3 November 1884, in Budapest) was a Hungarian politician who served as Prime Minister of Hungary from 1871 to 1872.

He was born to an aristocratic Protestant family, and studied law in Pest. He became a member of the Hungarian Diet in 1843, where he was a member of the opposition, though he also opposed the protectionist tariff system of Lajos Kossuth. He was undersecretary of state in the government brought to power by the Hungarian Revolution of 1848, and fled when the rebellion was put down in 1849. He returned to the country in 1850 with amnesty granted. After his return, he championed the construction works intended to provide navigation and flood control over the Tisza river and had an active role in launching projects in the agricultural and financial sectors. He protested in favor of the autonomy of Protestant churches after the Patent of 1859 endangered them.

He was appointed Minister of Finance under the first constitutional Prime Minister, Gyula Andrássy, in 1867, and in 1870 became the Minister of Finance of Austria-Hungary. In August 1871 he was raised to the rank of Count, and in November 1871 he became Prime Minister of Hungary. He was driven off office relatively quickly, however, amidst accusations of corruption: He was accused directly by a member of the Diet on 18 November 1872, and was dismissed on 2 December of that year. He became a member of the upper chamber of the Diet in 1875, and died in 1884.

title: Menyhért Lónyay


text:
Ruth Mine

The Ruth Mine was a small gold producer about 65 km east of Yellowknife, Northwest Territories. It operated briefly during 1942 and resumed operations in 1959, extracting to date 550 troy ounces (17 kg) of gold.

As of 2012, the old mine was significant as one of the last intact abandoned mining properties from the 1940s in the Northwest Territories. The site was scheduled to be restored by the federal government. However, a wildfire in July 2014 burned its remaining buildings to the ground.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Ruth Mine


text: User talk:165.228.131.11

title: User talk:165.228.131.11


text: User talk:67.115.226.18

title: User talk:67.115.226.18


text:
Ungava Bay

Ungava Bay (baie d'Ungava, ; ᐅᖓᕙ ᑲᖏᖅᓗᒃ/ungava kangiqluk) is a bay in northeastern Canada separating Nunavik (far northern Quebec) from Baffin Island. Although not geographically apparent, it is considered to be a marginal sea of the Arctic Ocean for climatic reasons. The bay is roughly oval-shaped, about 260 km at its widest point and about 320 km in length; it has an area of approximately 50000 km2. It is generally fairly shallow, under 150 m, though at its border with the Atlantic Ocean depths of almost 300 m are reached.

Geography
Although it is quite close to the open Atlantic (separated only by Hudson Strait), Ungava Bay is part of the Arctic Ocean. Ungava Bay is separated from Hudson Bay by the Ungava Peninsula. Akpatok Island is largest of the many islands in Ungava Bay. Bathymetric studies suggest that Ungava Bay may be the remnant of an impact crater (age unknown) approximately 225 km in diameter.

The southwestern corner of Ungava Bay vies with the Bay of Fundy for the highest tidal range in the world. Some sources estimate the spring tide range at the mouth of the Leaf River as being as high as 17 m. Attempts have been made to study the potential for producing electricity using tidal power in the bay,  but this is made difficult by the harsh climate and the fact that the bay is ice-free for only a small part of the year.

Climate
Due to the influence of the Labrador Current, summers are too cold for tree growth and all the land surrounding the bay is treeless tundra. Typically, temperatures in summer at Kuujjuaq about twenty kilometres up the Koksoak River are about 7 C, while winter temperatures are about −20 C. Precipitation averages around 400 – per year, most of it falling in the summer.

Human development
Ungava Bay is surrounded by numerous Inuit villages, the largest of which is Kuujjuaq, at the mouth of the Koksoak River. Iron ore has been mined in the past, but despite the high grade of the ores the impossibility of cheap transportation meant that mining was discontinued in 1980. Traditional Inuit hunting activities still dominate the region's life, along with adventure tourism.

title: Ungava Bay


text:
Mauvilla

Mauvilla or similar terms may refer to:

 * variant of Mabila, a Mississippian fortress town
 * the origin of the name for Mobile, Alabama
 * the Bahia de la Mobila, which was named in English Mobile Bay
 * Mobilian, a tribe in Alabama
 * the towboat Mauvilla in the 1993 Big Bayou Canot train wreck
 * the Mavilla Bridge in Puerto Rico
 * Mavilla, Vega Alta, Puerto Rico, a barrio

title: Mauvilla


text: User talk:68.44.196.72

title: User talk:68.44.196.72


text: Category:Tiantai

title: Category:Tiantai


text:
Zell

Zell may refer to:

Austria

 * Zell am See, in Salzburg state
 * Zell am Ziller, in Tyrol
 * Zell, Carinthia, in Carinthia
 * in Upper Austria:
 * Bad Zell
 * Zell am Moos
 * Zell an der Pram
 * Zell am Pettenfirst

Germany

 * Zell im Fichtelgebirge, in the district of Hof, Bavaria, formerly Zell, Upper Franconia
 * Zell am Harmersbach, in Baden-Württemberg
 * Zell unter Aichelberg, in Baden-Württemberg
 * The former name of St. Ulrich im Schwarzwald, in Baden-Württemberg
 * Zell im Wiesental, in Baden-Württemberg
 * Zell am Main, in the district of Würzburg, Bavaria
 * Zell, Upper Palatinate, in the district of Cham, Bavaria
 * Zell (Mosel), in Rhineland-Palatinate
 * Zell (Verbandsgemeinde), a collective municipality in Cochem-Zell, Rhineland-Palatinate
 * Zell, an Ortsteil of Bad König

Switzerland

 * Zell, Lucerne
 * Zell, Zurich

United States

 * Zell, Missouri
 * Zell, South Dakota

People

 * Christian Zell (c. 1683 – 1763), German harpsichord maker
 * Marc Zell (born 1953), American-Israeli attorney and chairman of Republicans Overseas Israel
 * Matthäus Zell (1477–1548), Lutheran theologian and reformer
 * Sam Zell (1941–2023), American business magnate
 * Zell Miller (1932–2018), American politician

Other

 * ZELL, zero-length launch system for aircraft
 * Zell Dincht, a character in the video game Final Fantasy VIII
 * Baron Garr von Zell, a character in the video game The Beast Within: A Gabriel Knight Mystery

title: Zell


text: Category:Nichiren Buddhism

title: Category:Nichiren Buddhism


text: Category:Mahayana sutras

title: Category:Mahayana sutras


text:
Tagma (military)

The tagma (τάγμα; : tagmata, τάγματα) is a military unit of battalion or regiment size, especially the elite regiments formed by Byzantine emperor Constantine V and comprising the central army of the Byzantine Empire in the 8th–11th centuries.

History and role
In its original sense, the term "tagma" (from the Greek τάσσειν tássein, "to set in order") is attested from the 4th century and was used to refer to an infantry battalion of 200–400 men (also termed bandum or numerus in Latin, arithmos in Greek) in the contemporary East Roman army. In this sense, the term continues in use in the current Hellenic Armed Forces (cf. Greek military ranks).

Imperial guards, 8th–10th centuries
In later usage, the term came to refer exclusively to the professional, standing troops, garrisoned in and around the capital of Constantinople. Most of them traced their origins to the Imperial guard units of the late antique Roman Empire. By the 7th century, these had declined to little more than parade troops, meaning that the emperors were hard put to face the frequent revolts of the new and powerful thematic formations, especially the Opsicians, the Asian theme closest to the capital. Within the first sixty years since its creation, it was involved in five revolts, culminating in the briefly successful rebellion and usurpation of the throne by its commander, the Count Artabasdos, in 741–743.

After putting down the revolt, Emperor Constantine V (r. 741–775) reformed the old guard units of Constantinople into the new tagmata regiments, which were meant to provide the emperor with a core of professional and loyal troops, both as a defense against provincial revolts, and also, at the time, as a formation devoted to Constantine's iconoclastic policies. The tagmata were exclusively heavy cavalry units, more mobile than the theme troops, and maintained on a permanent basis. During the defensive phase of the Empire in the 8th and 9th centuries, their role was that of a central reserve, garrisoned in and around the capital, in regions such as Thrace and Bithynia. They formed the core of the imperial army on campaign, augmented by the provincial levies of thematic troops, who were more concerned with local defense.

In addition, like in Roman armies of late antiquity, they served as a recruiting and promotion ground for young officers. A career in a tagma could lead to a major command in the provincial thematic armies or a high court appointment, as promising young men had the opportunity to catch the Emperor's attention. Officers in the tagmata came primarily either from the relatively well-off urban aristocracy and officialdom, or the landed aristocracy of the Anatolian themes, which increasingly came to control the higher military offices of the state. Nevertheless, the tagmata, as indeed military and state service in general, offered a degree of upwards social mobility for the lower strata of society.

In their heyday in the 9th and early 10th centuries, there were four tagmata proper ("τὰ δʹ τάγματα"):
 * the Scholai (Gr. Σχολαί, "the Schools"), were the most senior unit, the direct successor of the imperial guards established by Constantine the Great (r. 306–337). The term scholarioi (σχολάριοι), although in its stricter sense referring solely to the men of the Scholai, was also used as a general reference for all common soldiers of the tagmata.
 * the Exkoubitoi or Exkoubitores (Lat. Excubiti, Gr. Ἐξκούβιτοι, "the Sentinels"), established by Leo I.
 * the Arithmos (Gr. Ἀριθμός, "Number") or Vigla (Gr. Βίγλα, from the Latin word for "Watch"), promoted from thematic troops by the Empress Eirene in the 780s, but of far older ancestry, as the archaic names of its ranks indicate. The regiment performed special duties on campaign, including guarding the imperial camp, relaying the Emperor's orders, and guarding prisoners of war.
 * the Hikanatoi (Gr. Ἱκανάτοι, "the Able Ones"), established by Emperor Nikephoros I (r. 802–811) in 810.

Other units closely related to the tagmata, and often included among them, were:
 * the Noumeroi (Gr. Νούμεροι, from the Latin numerus, "number") were a garrison unit for Constantinople, which probably included the Teichistai (Gr. Τειχισταί) or tōn Teicheōn regiment (Gr. τῶν Τειχέων, "of the Walls"), manning the Walls of Constantinople. The unit's origins may lie as far back as the 4th–5th centuries.
 * the Optimatoi (Gr. Ὀπτιμάτοι, from Latin optimates, "the best"), although formerly an elite fighting unit, had by the 8th century been reduced to a support unit, responsible for the mules of the army's baggage train (the τοῦλδον, touldon). Unlike the tagmata, it was garrisoned outside Constantinople and closely associated with its garrison area: the thema Optimatōn, which lay across Constantinople and comprised northern Bithynia. The commanding domestikos of the Optimatoi was also the governor of the thema.
 * the men of the central Imperial Fleet (βασιλικόν πλώιμον, basilikon plōimon), are also counted among the tagmata in some sources.
 * the Immortals (Gr. Ἀθάνατοι), were one of the elite military units.
 * the Archontopouloi (Gr. Ἀρχοντόπουλοι), were an elite military formation of the Komnenian era.

In addition, there was also the Hetaireia (Gr. Ἑταιρεία, "Companions"), which comprised the mercenary corps in Imperial service, subdivided in Greater, Middle and Lesser, each commanded by a respective Hetaireiarchēs.

Organization
There is much debate as to the exact size and composition of the imperial tagmata, owing to the inaccuracy and ambiguity of the few contemporary sources (military manuals, lists of offices and Arab accounts, primarily from the ninth century) that deal with them. Our primary sources, the accounts of Arab geographers ibn Khordadbeh and ibn Qudamah are somewhat ambiguous, but they give the overall tagmata strength at 24,000. This figure has been seen by many scholars, such as J. B. Bury and John Haldon, as too high, and revised estimates put the strength of each tagma at 1000–1500 men. Others, like Warren Treadgold and (in part) Friedhelm Winkelmann, accept these numbers, and correlate them with the lists of officers in the Klētorologion to reach an average size of 4000 for each tagma (including the Optimatoi and the Noumeroi, for which it is explicitly stated that they numbered 4000 each).

The tagmatic units were all organized along similar lines. They were commanded by a domestikos, except for the Vigla, which was commanded by the Droungarios of the Vigla. He was assisted by one or two officers called topotērētēs "place-warden, lieutenant"(τοποτηρητής), each of whom commanded one half of the unit. Unlike the thematic units, there were no permanent intermediate command levels (tourmarchai, chiliarchoi or pentakosiarchai) until Leo VI introduced the droungarios ca. after 902. The largest subdivision of the tagmata was the bandon, commanded by a komēs "count", called skribōn in the Exkoubitores and tribounos "tribune" in the Noumeroi and Walls units. The banda in turn were divided in companies, headed by a kentarchos "centurion", or drakonarios for the Exkoubitores, and vikarios "vicar" for the Noumeroi and Walls units. The Domestic of the Schools, the head of the Scholai regiment, became gradually more and more important, eventually coming to be the most senior officer of the entire army by the end of the tenth century.

The following table illustrates the structure of the Scholai in the ninth century, according to Treadgold: In addition, there were a chartoularios "secretary" (χαρτουλάριος) and a prōtomandatōr "head messenger (πρωτομανδάτωρ), as well as 40 bandophoroi "standard bearers" (βανδοφόροι) of varying ranks and titles in each tagma, and 40 mandatores "messengers" for a total unit size of 4125. On campaign, every tagmatic cavalryman was accompanied by a servant.

The next table gives the evolution of the theoretical establishment size of the entire imperial tagmatic force, again as calculated by Warren Treadgold:

Professional regiments, 10th–11th centuries
As the Byzantine Empire embarked on its campaigns of reconquest in the 10th century, the tagmata became more active, and were posted often in garrison duties in the provinces or in newly conquered territories. In addition to the older units, a number of new and specialized units were formed to meet the demands of this more aggressive style of warfare. Michael II (r. 820–829) raised the short-lived Tessarakontarioi, a special marine unit (named after their high pay of 40 nomismata), and John I Tzimiskes (r. 969–976) created a heavy cataphract corps called the Athanatoi (Ἀθάνατοι, the "Immortals") after the ancient Achaemenid unit, which were revived in the late 11th century by Michael VII Doukas (r. 1071–1078). Other similar units were the Stratēlatai, likewise formed by John Tzimiskes, the short-lived Satrapai of the 970s, the Megathymoi of the 1040s or the Archontopouloi and Vestiaritai of Alexios I. Many of the new tagmata were composed of foreigners, such as the Maniakalatai, formed by George Maniakes from Franks in Italy, or the most famous of all tagmatic units, the 6,000-strong mercenary Varangian Guard (Τάγμα τῶν Βαραγγίων), established ca. 988 by Emperor Basil II (r. 976–1025).

The reign of Basil II also saw the beginnings of a profound transformation of the Byzantine military system. In the mid-10th century, the decline in the numbers of the thematic forces and the exigencies of the new offensive strategy on the eastern border gave rise to an increasing number of provincial tagmata, permanent professional forces modelled after the imperial tagmata. The great conquests in the East in the 960s were secured by the creation of an array of smaller themata, in which detachments of these professional forces were based, eventually to be grouped under regional commanders with the title of doux or katepanō. This strategy was effective against small-scale local threats, but the concurrent neglect of the thematic forces reduced the state's ability to respond effectively to a major invasion that succeeded in penetrating the frontier buffer zone. The decline of the part-time thematic armies and the increasing reliance on a large array of permanent units, both indigenous and mercenary, was based not only on the greater military effectiveness of the latter in the more offensive Byzantine strategy of the era, but also on their greater reliability as opposed to the thematic troops with their local ties. The tagmata recruited from the larger themata were probably 1,000 men strong, while those from the smaller themata may have numbered ca. 500 men. Foreign, chiefly Frankish mercenary units, also seem to have numbered 400–500 men.

Consequently, in the 11th century, the distinction between "imperial" and provincial forces largely vanished, and the term tagma was applied to any permanent formed regiment, and regional origins and identities are prominently displayed in the units' titles. After ca. 1050, like the thematic armies, the original tagmata slowly declined, and were decimated in the military disasters of the latter third of the 11th century. Except for the Varangians, the Vestiaritai, the Hetaireia and the Vardariōtai, the older guard units disappear altogether by ca. 1100 and are absent from the 12th-century Komnenian army. In the Komnenian army, the term tagma reverted to a non-specific meaning of "military unit".

title: Tagma (military)


text:
Calgary School

The Calgary School is a term coined by Ralph Hedlin in an article in the now defunct Alberta Report in reference to four political science professors – Tom Flanagan, Rainer Knopff, Ted Morton, and Barry F. Cooper – who became colleagues at Alberta's University of Calgary in the early 1980s. They shared and promoted similar ideas about how political scientists could shape the rise of a particular kind of conservatism in Canada – informed by theories based on Friedrich Hayek and Leo Strauss. Cooper and Flanagan had met in the 1960s at Duke University while pursuing doctoral studies, while Knopff and Morton were both mentored by Walter Berns, a prominent Straussian, at the University of Toronto. They were economic, foreign policy, and social conservatives who were anti-abortion and were not in favour of legalizing gay marriage. They supported Stephen Harper in his 1993 election campaign, and former Alberta premiers Ralph Klein and Jason Kenney. A fifth University of Calgary professor, David Bercuson, co-authored publications with Cooper but was more loosely associated with the group and, at times, disagreed with the others on these public policies and candidates.

By 1992, the four professors were influential in the policies of the Reform Party of Canada. The Reform Party had been established in the 1980s, in response to Western Canada's protest against the Progressive Conservative federal government of Brian Mulroney. The party became the Canadian Alliance in 2000, and then merged with the Progressive Conservative Party in 2003 to form the modern-day Conservative Party of Canada.

Flanagan, Morton, Knopff, and Stephen Harper co-signed the January 2001 "Firewall Letter" to then Alberta Premier Ralph Klein calling for major changes in federal-provincial relations that would "insulate" Alberta from the federal government.

Harper who served as Prime Minister of Canada from 2006 to 2015, was associated with the Calgary School in the 1990s and early 2000s, but he distanced himself from Flanagan once he became prime minister.

In 2010, Flanagan said the Calgary School professors and their students had contributed to the rise of conservative ideas in Canada.

In 2018, the four original members of the school received the "Tax Fighter Award" from the Canadian Taxpayers Federation.

The 1980s
In 2018, Mark Milke described the Calgary School by referring to its four original members, Cooper, Flanagan, Knopff and Morton, during a presentation at a 2018 Canadian Taxpayers Federation event. Milke said that the Calgary School's "driving idea" was informed by Tom Flanagan's understanding of the Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek. Hayek had said that "spontaneous order arises when people are left to spontaneously order themselves ... We do not require the state to help organize us."

While working on the doctorates at the University of Toronto in the 1970s, Knopff and Morton were mentored by Walter Berns, an American constitutional law and political philosophy professor and an American Enterprise Institute scholar. Berns was a prominent student of Leo Strauss. When they completed their PhDs in the 1980s, they were hired by the University of Calgary. They shared Flanagan's discontent with the eastern establishment in Ottawa. Knopff and Morton opposed the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Morton, who received his dual American-Canadian citizenship in 1993, grew up in the United States.

Cooper and Flanagan met in the mid-1960s while pursuing doctoral studies at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina. Cooper came to the University of Calgary in 1981. By the 1980s, all four professors were working at the University of Calgary, but they did not have a visible impact on the public agenda.

1990s
Ezra Levant was one of their students in the early 1990s and he joined the Reform party at that time. Unlike his professors, he received a lot of media attention. In the 1990s Levant worked in Preston Manning's office in Ottawa, where he joined Rahim Jaffer, Jason Kenney and Rob Anders in what became known in Ottawa as the "Snack Pack".

According to Milke, it was Ralph Hedlin, a journalist with the Alberta Report who coined the name "Calgary School". Knopff preferred the name "Calgary mafia", coined by the Globe and Mail political columnist Jeffrey Simpson in 1992. Simpson was referring to the influence – direct and indirect – that Flanagan, Knopff, Morton, Bercuson, and Cooper had on Preston Manning's Reform Party of Canada. The Reform Party was a federal party that gave voice to Western Canada's discontent with the Progressive Conservative (PC) federal government under Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. In the 1990s, the Reform Party attacked Mulroney's federal government – which had been in power for nine years – for the deficit, the GST, and the Charlottetown Accord of 1992. In response, colleagues in University of Calgary's department, where four of the five teach, wrote to the Globe distancing themselves from the Reform Party and from the Calgary School.

Bercuson, who had been at the University of Calgary since 1970, had earned his PhD in history at the University of Toronto with a focus on liberal and social democratic theory. Over the years he became more conservative. Bercuson was not a political scientist like Flanagan, Knopff, Morton but he co-published with Cooper because of a shared interest in military history. Bercuson was an "economic and foreign policy conservative" like the other four, but he was more of a "social liberal". He supported pro-choice on abortion, and was in favor of legalizing gay marriage, unlike the others. He did not support Harper in 1993 as did the others, although he did support him in 2006. While the others supported Ralph Klein, Bercuson supported a Liberal candidate.

The four professors said that the competition between the historical Progressive Conservative Party of Canada and the Reform Party of Canada, was helping the centrist Liberal Party of Canada. The Calgary School aimed to reshape of Conservative politics in Canada in the early 1990s. Members of the school, notably Tom Flanagan, worked hard to turn the Reform Party into the dominant right-wing party and later to encourage a coalition of conservative parties. Flanagan, who has widely published in areas such as political science, public policy, political theory and aboriginal land claims, from a libertarian perspective, and has self-described as a Hayekian, was associated with the Calgary School from its inception in the 1990s. In 1997, Harper and Flanagan co-authored a "detailed, persuasive and deeply-researched" article calling on opposition parties in the federal government to compromise and form a coalition governments to "curb the tendency to a 'one-party state'", which they called "a benign dictatorship." detailed, persuasive and deeply-researched plea for governments to be forced to compromise with opposition coalitions. That's the only way, said Harper and Flanagan, to curb the tendency to a "one-party state" induced by Canada's "winner take all" system. They cited the "forced cohabitation" during the presidency of Bill Clinton who had to work with a Republican Congress after 1996. Stephen Harper, who had been a student at the University of Calgary, participating in discussions with members of the school and Preston Manning in the lead up to the formation of the Reform Party. Harper played a role in the development of the Blue Book; which help developed the policies of the Reform Party.

In a 1998 Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) article, American political scientist David Rovinsky used the term "Calgary School" referencing the Chicago school of economics. Both Hayek and Nobel laureate Milton Friedman, who were influential in the Chicago School of Economics, had worked together in 1947 to establish the Mont Pèlerin Society, an international forum for libertarian economists.

During 1950–1962, Hayek was a faculty member of the Committee of Social Thought at the University of Chicago, where he conducted a number of influential faculty seminars. There were a number of Chicago academics who worked on research projects sympathetic to some of Hayek's own, such as Aaron Director, who was active in the Chicago School in helping to fund and establish what became the "Law and Society" program in the University of Chicago Law School. Hayek and Friedman also cooperated in support of the Intercollegiate Society of Individualists, later renamed the Intercollegiate Studies Institute, an American student organisation devoted to libertarian ideas.

Firewall Letter
On January 24, 2001, Stephen Harper, Tom Flanagan, Ted Morton, Rainer Knopff, Andrew Crooks, then-chair of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, and Ken Boessenkool wrote a letter to then Premier of Alberta, Ralph Klein, which has been called the "Firewall Letter". The letter called on Albertans to insulate themselves against an "increasingly hostile" Liberal federal government. The group called for the creation of a provincial pension plan, similar to the Quebec Pension Plan, a provincial police force, such as those in Quebec and Ontario, an Alberta provincial income tax, like the one that Quebec had, Senate reform, and Alberta's complete control over its provincial health care. Boessenkool had previously served as Canadian Alliance leader Stockwell Day's policy adviser.

In 2001, Flanagan was the Canadian Taxpayers Federation's director, Morton was Alberta Senator-elect, and Boessenkool was chief of staff to Premier Christy Clark. Boessenkool had previously served as Canadian Alliance leader Stockwell Day's policy adviser.

In December 2003, Flanagan worked on the merger of the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada and the successor to the Reform Party the Canadian Alliance that created the new Conservative Party of Canada. In March 2004, Stephen Harper was elected as the leader of the newly formed Conservative Party. Flanagan played a key role in the development of the new party's platform, helped to build its successful fundraising campaign, and worked on its 2006 election campaign. In 2006, Harper became prime minister. A 2004 article in The Walrus, entitled "The Man Behind Stephen Harper" said that the "Calgary School" which included Tom Flanagan, Rainer Knopff, Ted Morton, David Bercuson, and Barry Cooper, was a politically conservative group supporting "a rambunctious, Rocky Mountain brand of libertarianism" that seeks "lower taxes, less federal government, and free markets unfettered by social programs such as medicare that keep citizens from being forced to pull up their own socks."

By 2006, there were tensions between the socially conservative and economically conservative factions within the school. Bercuson publicly criticized Morton's social policies, saying "[they] were hard to stomach for a libertarian." Ted Morton had served in Progressive Conservative government of Alberta cabinet as finance minister in the Ed Stelmach government and energy minister in the first Alison Redford-led government.

From about 2006 on, Prime Minister Harper and his caucus were often "at odds with" Flanagan. When Flanagan was criticized for his "glib" remarks "calling for the assassination of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange", the Conservative party representative said that "Flanagan speaks for himself. He doesn't speak for the government and he hasn't advised the PM for years. I certainly don't share his views."

In his 2010 response to an article in the Literary Review of Canada, Flanagan said that conservatives were winning the war of ideas in Canada. He wrote that, while the Calgary School of political science – "Barry Cooper, Ted Morton, Rainer Knopff and I, along with our historian outrider David Bercuson" – did not cause this transformation, they had, along with their students, "played an honourable part in making it happen." The school is not an official organization and has no membership list. The Walrus included the names of six people in their 2004 in-depth article on the Calgary School. The four main people associated with the school are Barry F. Cooper, Tom Flanagan, Rainer Knopff, Ted Morton who became University of Calgary colleagues in the early 1980s and are still considered to be members of the Calgary School. David Bercuson was more loosely affiliated with the group. Roger Gibbins, was also mentioned.

Bercuson is a history professor and director of the university's Centre for Military and Strategic Studies. Cooper is political science professor and fellow of the Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute. Flanagan was a professor of political science, senior fellow at the Fraser Institute and former adviser to Conservative Prime Minister, Stephen Harper. Roger Gibbins is a political scientist and was, formerly president of the Canada West Foundation (1999-2012) and political science professor at the University of Calgary. Rainer Knopff is political science professor.

In Flanagan's 2010 letter to the 'Literary Review of Canada, he mentions these people, but they are possible former students and have not necessarily self-identified with the Calgary School. These are Stephen Harper, Danielle Smith, Ian Brodie, Ezra Levant, Mark Milke, Marco Navarro, and Mercedes Stephenson. Jason Kenney is not a former student.

Harper, is a former Prime Minister of Canada and owner of "Harper and Associates" located in downtown Calgary. and was appointed by the present Alberta Premier. Smith is the former leader of the Wildrose Party. Brodie studied at the University of Calgary and was former Chief of Staff to Stephen Harper. Levant is a lawyer, author, founder and former publisher of the Western Standard, hosted The Source daily on Sun News Network. Milke studied at the University of Calgary and is Director of Alberta Policy Studies at the Fraser Institute. Navarro studied at the University of Calgary and is a Director of Research at Frontier Centre for Public Policy, Director at Rights and Democracy, Fellow at The Latin American Research Centre, University of Calgary. Stephenson studied at the University of Calgary and is a reporter for Global News The West Block. Tom Flanagan remembered Danielle Smith as was one of his most promising students in his statistics class at the University of Calgary. In a 2009 interview, Flanagan remembered her as one of his best students. Flanagan became Smith's campaign manager in her 2012 Alberta general election campaign, running for the Wildrose Party. He played a "pivotal behind-the-scenes role in transforming his former pupil into premier of Alberta." Smith lost the election to the Progressive Conservative candidate Alison Redford.

In 2013, Flanagan was still a political scientist and author who was respected by many. He was a "sought-after commentator in the media with a regular spot on CBC Television, and an effective Conservative political activist who had once served as Prime Minister Stephen Harper's chief of staff." All that ended abruptly in the wake of controversial comments he had made in Lethbridge following his talk on the Indian Act. Flanagan's libertarian response to questions about child pornography met with immediate consequences. He had become a pariah within hours – he was denounced by then-Prime Minister Harper, Danielle Smith, and other political allies. After over four decades with the University of Calgary, he was "trashed". He was fired as a CBC commentator. A chastened Flanagan later said that he had played a role in this brand of negative politics. In a 2014 interview with Margaret Wente, Flanagan said that as an architect of Harper's Conservative party, he was "complicit in the cultivation of a climate of ruthlessness that put the PM into power and has kept him there". In this political culture, "people and principles are expendable" and "dissent is not tolerated". Flanagan said he had to accept his "share of blame". Originally, Flanagan had thought that the "only way to beat the Liberals at their own game" was to be ruthless.

In May 2018, Cooper, Flanagan, Knopff and Morton were awarded the "Tax Fighter Award" by the Canadian Taxpayers Federation. In his introduction, Mark Milke described the Calgary School by its four original members, Cooper, Flanagan, Knopff and Morton. Milke described the Calgary School's "driving idea" through the lens of Tom Flanagan's perspective, influenced by the Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek. Hayek said that "spontaneous order arises when people are left to spontaneously order themselves ... We do not require the state to help organize us."

In 2020, Barry Cooper, who founded the climate change denying NGO Friends of Science in 2002, submitted a commissioned report to Alberta Premier Jason Kenney's Public Inquiry into Anti-Alberta Energy Campaigns. In his report, Cooper said "The apocalyptic rhetoric of so much current environmental discourse is unlikely to end anytime soon. The evocation of an apocalypse has been part of Western political symbolism since the book of Daniel in the Hebrew bible." Cooper has been associated with the Calgary School since its inception.

Other influences at the University of Calgary
By 2019, the University of Calgary placed a greater emphasis on indigenous scholarship and education, which is reflected in the appointments of indigenous researchers, as well as the recognition of indigenous politics and law as a research field within the departments of Political Science and Law respectively. Additionally, the Department of Political Science has developed a strong research interest in feminist and gender politics, even considering it a prominent research field. Faculty in the Department of Political Science condemned criticisms by Premier Jason Kenney who said their work aligned with the Alberta New Democratic Party. Trevor Tombe, a prominent member of the Department of Economics faculty supports carbon pricing as an effective method of achieving climate targets. Faculty members in the Department of Economics promote the implementation of a provincial sales tax in Alberta, as a means to prevent drastic austerity policies. The Faculty of Law has also produced two Alberta cabinet ministers under Rachel Notley's New Democratic government, Kathleen Ganley and Irfan Sabir.

title: Calgary School


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User talk:PleaseSendMoneyToWikipedia

Please stop vandalizing articles. This is your final warning. Meelar (talk) 00:24, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:PleaseSendMoneyToWikipedia


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Olinda Cho

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. – ABCD 23:06, 18 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Olinda Cho
Gaurav1146 marked this vfd on March 30, but never made a subpage or listed it on vfd. I'm just bringing it here for resolution; do not consider this a vote. —Korath (Talk) 00:25, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep, wikify, and expand, if I may say so. Quick Google search seems to confirm this. So, it's notable, and encylopedic to me, if probably trivial to some. --Dmcdevit 04:35, 12 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Kicked out? Was some kind of scandal involved? Keep but anyone that hasn't reached one of the top 3 spots or done something notable since can't have an article unless it's in a List of Singapore Idol contestants. Mgm|(talk) 08:03, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, POV, idolcruft. Megan1967 10:51, 12 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Game show non-winner.  Merge to a list if it really must stay, but I question if anyone will remember or care even just a year from now. Andrew Lenahan - St ar bli nd  13:40, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, or put on Wikinews. Radiant_* 14:39, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Not notable. --Carnildo 22:18, 12 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, very useless. Grue 18:57, 15 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


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Thirty-Second Army (Japan)

The Japanese 32nd Army (第32軍) was an army of the Imperial Japanese Army during the final stages of World War II. It was annihilated during the Battle of Okinawa.

History
The Japanese 32nd Army was formed on March 13, 1944 as part of the last desperate defense effort by the Empire of Japan to deter possible landings of Allied forces in Okinawa and the surrounding Ryukyu Islands. The Japanese 32nd Army had 77,000 men (39,000 infantry in 31 battalions and 38,000 artillery, armor and combat service troops) plus the 10,000 man Okinawa Naval Base Force and 42,000 Okinawan conscripts. However, many of its personnel were poorly trained reservists, conscripted students and home guard militia. It was annihilated during the Battle of Okinawa from April to June, 1945.

Structure

 * 32nd Army, HQ at Naha, Okinawa
 * 9th Infantry Division (transferred to Taiwan, Dec 1944)
 * 24th Infantry Division - a conventional triangular division
 * 22nd Infantry Regiment
 * 23rd Infantry Regiment
 * 44th Artillery Regiment
 * 89th infantry Regiment
 * 62nd Infantry Division (a light two brigade COIN division that came from China).
 * 63rd Infantry Brigade
 * 64th Infantry Brigade
 * 28th Infantry Division
 * 44th Independent Mixed Brigade
 * 2nd Independent Mixed Regiment
 * 15th Independent Mixed Regiment
 * 45th Independent Mixed Brigade
 * 59th Independent Mixed Brigade
 * 60th Independent Mixed Brigade
 * Independent 27th Tank Regiment

title: Thirty-Second Army (Japan)


text: User talk:69.145.24.125

title: User talk:69.145.24.125


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Prince Caspian (character)

Prince Caspian (also known as Caspian X, King of Narnia, Lord of Cair Paravel and Emperor of The Lone Islands, and as Caspian the Seafarer or Caspian the Navigator) is a fictional character in The Chronicles of Narnia by C. S. Lewis. He is featured in three books in the series: Prince Caspian, The Voyage of the Dawn Treader, and The Silver Chair. He also appears at the end of The Last Battle.

Biographical summary
Caspian is described as noble, handsome, brave, and merry; he strives for fairness and justice at all times and is a devoted King. For his love of the sea he is known as Caspian the Seafarer.

Prince Caspian
Lewis introduces Caspian as the young nephew of and heir to King Miraz of Narnia. By this time 1288 years have passed since the rule of High King Peter and his siblings, and Old Narnians no longer live openly in Narnia, having been driven into hiding 305 years earlier by Caspian's ancestors, the Telmarines. In fact, the talking beasts are widely believed to be mythical by the human population, and stories of them are forbidden in Miraz's castle.

When Caspian is a small boy (by which time both of his parents are dead), his nurse tells him of these stories, which fascinate him; but when he mentions them in the presence of his uncle, Miraz rebukes Caspian and dismisses the nurse.

Miraz appoints Doctor Cornelius Caspian's tutor. Cornelius has dwarfish as well as human blood, though Miraz does not know this. Cornelius teaches Caspian the sciences and history that his uncle prescribes, but also tells him secretly the true stories of Narnia's past.

Cornelius tells Caspian that Miraz murdered Caspian IX, Caspian's father and Miraz's elder brother, to take the throne for himself. Although a childless Miraz never cared much for Prince Caspian, he was willing that Caspian should succeed him as king, as he would rather Caspian inherit the throne than a stranger.

When Miraz's wife Prunaprismia gives birth to a son, this situation changes overnight. Cornelius urges the 13-year-old Caspian to flee for his life, for Miraz will certainly perceive Caspian as his son's rival for the throne. Cornelius gives Caspian Queen Susan's magic horn, which will bring help to whoever blows it. Caspian flees and meets creatures he once thought mythical, and the Old Narnians accept him as king.

When Miraz attacks, Caspian blows the horn, and the kings and queens of old – Peter, Susan, Edmund, and Lucy – are pulled back into Narnia. With Aslan's help, they defeat Miraz in what Lewis called the "War of Deliverance" and restore old Narnia. Despite his Telmarine bloodline, Caspian is named the rightful heir by Aslan himself, for he is a member of Adam's race from Earth and proved ready to self-sacrifice for beings not of his people. He becomes King Caspian X.

The Voyage of the Dawn Treader
In the first three years of his reign, King Caspian X wins several decisive victories over the Giants of the North. Caspian, in his own words, "gave those troublesome giants on the frontier such a good beating last summer that they pay us tribute now."

The titular voyage of the novel takes place exactly three years after Prince Caspian. Order has been re-established in Narnia, and Caspian has constructed the ship Dawn Treader to sail the eastern seas in search of the seven Telmarine lords who had remained loyal to his father and were sent away by Miraz.

On the way to the Lone Islands, the sailors discover Edmund, Lucy, and their cousin Eustace in the water. They have been magically transported to the Narnian world, and help Caspian and the ship's crew sail east towards the end of the world to find the missing lords. When they reach the end of the world, the mouse Reepicheep (who had fought to liberate Narnia in Prince Caspian) goes on to Aslan's Country, described as a blissful paradise. During the voyage, Caspian meets the unnamed daughter of the retired star Ramandu. They marry and have a son, Rilian.

The Silver Chair
In this novel, 50 years later, Caspian is an ailing elderly man. A decade earlier, his wife died of a serpent's bite, and their son Rilian rode to exact revenge but disappeared.

Eustace and his school friend Jill Pole arrive in Narnia while fleeing a gang of bullies at their school, Experiment House. They arrive to witness the aged Caspian set off to sea. He had told his people that he wanted to revisit the places of his youth, but many believe that Caspian fears his son is lost forever and has gone on the voyage to seek Aslan to ask who could be the next king of Narnia. Meanwhile, Eustace and Jill rescue the lost Prince from the underworld where he had been held captive by his mother's murderer, the shapeshifting Lady of the Green Kirtle. Caspian returns to Narnia in time to meet his son before dying outside Cair Paravel, in the company of his son and many of his closest followers. After his death, Caspian is rejuvenated by Aslan in Aslan's Country, and he accompanies Eustace and Jill back to their world for a short time, where they deal with the Experiment House bullies.

The Last Battle
Caspian makes a very brief appearance with his wife and son Rilian at the end of this novel, the final book in the Narnia series. He is present with all the other major characters who reappear in Aslan's Country at the end of the Narnian world.

Portrayals
In the 1989 television serial of Prince Caspian produced by the BBC, the teenaged Caspian was played by Jean Marc Perret. In the Voyage of the Dawn Treader (also 1989), the slightly older Caspian was played by Samuel West, and in The Silver Chair the aged Caspian is played by Geoffrey Russell (and the rejuvenated Caspian by Jean Marc Perret).

In Walden Media's 2008 release of The Chronicles of Narnia: Prince Caspian, the character is portrayed by English actor Ben Barnes. In this version, the Telmarines are of Spanish descent so Caspian is portrayed with a Mediterranean accent, dark hair and dark eyes; he is older than he is in the book as he is already coming of age and is wrestling with his youthful desire for revenge against Miraz. The film also introduces an incipient attraction between Caspian and Queen Susan; before she returns to her own world for the last time, Susan gives Caspian a farewell kiss.

Caspian is again portrayed by Barnes in Walden's sequel, The Chronicles of Narnia: The Voyage of the Dawn Treader, this time with a beard to show that time has passed and the Mediterranean accent has been changed to Barnes' natural English accent. Now in his early twenties, Caspian has grown and matured into a wise young man and is on a voyage to find the seven lost lords of Narnia that were banished by his uncle. During the voyage, he is tempted by an evil green mist of Dark Island, which appears to him as his greatest fear: that his father feels nothing but disappointment in him. After defeating the evil, he is offered the chance to travel to Aslan's Country to find his father, but chooses to stay in Narnia and continue his reign as King. Caspian also finds a new love interest, who will later become his wife. After confessing that he has not found a Queen and before reaching Dark Island and the World's End, he falls in love with Lilliandil, the beautiful daughter of Ramandu, whom he meets on Ramandu's Island.

title: Prince Caspian (character)


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Rain, Lucerne

Rain is a municipality in the district of Hochdorf in the canton of Lucerne in Switzerland.

Geography
Rain has an area of 9.4 km2. Of this area, 74.9% is used for agricultural purposes, while 16.8% is forested. The rest of the land, (8.3%) is settled. , 16.77% of the total land area was forested. Of the agricultural land, 69.64% is used for farming or pastures, while 5.31% is used for orchards or vine crops. Of the settled areas, 5.63% is covered with buildings, 0.32% is industrial, 0.74% is classed as special developments, 0.11% is parks or greenbelts and 1.49% is transportation infrastructure.

Demographics
Rain has a population of 2,214, of which 5.1% are foreign nationals. Over the last 10 years the population has grown at a rate of 30.9%. Most of the population speaks German  (96.5%), with Albanian being second most common ( 0.7%) and Portuguese being third ( 0.5%).

In the 2007 election the most popular party was the CVP which received 41.6% of the vote. The next three most popular parties were the FDP (26.2%), the SVP (22.6%) and the SPS (3.9%).

The age distribution in Rain is; 652 people or 28.4% of the population is 0–19 years old. 651 people or 28.4% are 20–39 years old, and 761 people or 33.2% are 40–64 years old. The senior population distribution is 175 people or 7.6% are 65–79 years old, 47 or 2% are 80–89 years old and 9 people or 0.4% of the population are 90+ years old.

In Rain about 78.5% of the population (between age 25–64) have completed either non-mandatory upper secondary education or additional higher education (either university or a Fachhochschule).

there are 637 households, of which 141 households (or about 22.1%) contain only a single individual. 110 or about 17.3% are large households, with at least five members. there were 335 inhabited buildings in the municipality, of which 252 were built only as housing, and 83 were mixed use buildings. There were 171 single family homes, 44 double family homes, and 37 multi-family homes in the municipality. Most homes were either two (120) or three (89) story structures. There were only 20 single story buildings and 23 four or more story buildings.

Rain has an unemployment rate of 0.94%. , there were 156 people employed in the primary economic sector and about 52 businesses involved in this sector. 157 people are employed in the secondary sector and there are 23 businesses in this sector. 276 people are employed in the tertiary sector, with 45 businesses in this sector. 52.2% of the population of the municipality were employed in some capacity. At the same time, females made up 40.9% of the workforce.

the religious membership of Rain was; 1,580 (86.3%) were Roman Catholic, and 126 (6.9%) were Protestant, with an additional 1 (0.05%) that were of some other Christian faith. There are 23 individuals (1.26% of the population) who are Muslim. Of the rest; there were 9 (0.49%) individuals who belong to another religion, 57 (3.11%) who do not belong to any organized religion, 35 (1.91%) who did not answer the question.

title: Rain, Lucerne


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Tom Flanagan (political scientist)

Thomas Eugene Flanagan (born 5 March 1944) is an American-born  Canadian author, conservative political activist, and former political science professor at the University of Calgary. He also served as an advisor to Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper until 2004.

Flanagan has focused on challenging certain historical interpretations of Native and Métis history. In connection with his multi-year research and publications on Louis Riel, Flanagan published a reinterpretation of the North-West Rebellion, defending the federal government's response to Métis land claims. He began publishing works on Rielleader of the 1885 North-West Resistancein the 1970s, which evolved into a multi-year 'Louis Riel Project' that he coordinated. During the 2012 provincial elections he served as the campaign manager of the Wildrose Party, an Alberta libertarian/conservative provincial party.

As part of his political activism, Flanagan began to write as a columnist in 1997 in The Globe and Mail, National Post, Calgary Herald, Ottawa Citizen, Maclean's, and Time. He regularly made appearances on Canadian television and radio as a commentator until January 2013, when he began a "research and scholarship leave" from the University of Calgary prior to his retirement.

Education and teaching
Flanagan was born on 5 March 1944 in Ottawa, Illinois, US. He earned a Bachelor of Arts degree at the University of Notre Dame in Indiana. Studying political science under John Hallowell, Flanagan earned a Master of Arts degree in 1967 and a Doctor of Philosophy degree in 1970, both at Duke University in North Carolina. He also studied at the Free University of Berlin.

Flanagan began teaching at the University of Calgary in 1968 and co-authored an introductory Canadian politics textbook. He served as Head of the Political Science Department and Assistant to the President of the University. Since January 2013 Flanagan was on "research and scholarship leave" and officially retired 30 June 2013.

Since the 1970s Tom Flanagan published numerous scholarly studies "debunking the heroism of Métis icon Louis Riel, arguing against native land claims, and calling for an end to aboriginal rights."

Flanagan developed his concept of aboriginal orthodoxy in which he argued against aboriginal collective rights. He claimed that section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, which stated that "The existing aboriginal and treaty rights of the aboriginal peoples of Canada are hereby recognized and affirmed" resulted in thousands of cases involving aboriginal and treaty rights – indeed thousands of cases including residential school claims. Flanagan decried the increased influence of the courts and "[t]he sheer volume of these cases" which threaten "to take policy-making out of the hands of elected representatives and put it into the hands of a small cadre of judges, lawyers, law professors, and expert witnesses." Although Flanagan admits that he has profited as expert witness, he also believes that "[this] flood of litigation is detrimental to democracy."

Research and scholarship
Tom Flanagan has widely published in areas such as political science, public policy, political theory and aboriginal land claims, from a libertarian perspective.

Louis Riel
Flanagan has written about his change of views regarding Métis leader Louis Riel:

"I had earlier accepted that the Métis had serious unresolved grievances; the government of Canada never gave a satisfactory response to the complaints; that Riel resorted to violence only after legal means of action had failed; and that he received a trial of questionable validity before being executed by vengeful government. As I sifted the evidence this became less and less convincing to me until I concluded that the opposite was closer to the truth: that the Métis grievances were at least partly of their own making; that the government was on the verge of resolving them when the Rebellion broke out; that Riel's resort to arms could not be explained by the failure of constitutional agitation and that he received a surprisingly fair trial."

Flanagan developed a theory that Riel could be understood as a millenarian prophet, not just as a political figure. He translated and edited Riel's diaries and co-edited a volume of Riel's youthful poetry which won the 1978 Prix Champlain. He also published the book Louis 'David' Riel: 'Prophet of the New World', which won the Canadian Biography Award from the University of British Columbia.

Flanagan later participated in the "Louis Riel Project", collecting and publishing all of Riel's writings, which have been dispersed among more than 40 archives in Canada and the United States. The University of Alberta Press published the work in 1985 to commemorate the centennial of the North-West Rebellion. In connection with this work, Flanagan also published a reinterpretation of the North-West Rebellion, highlighting how the government had responded to Métis land claims.

Litigation over Métis claims
Flanagan was retained by the federal Department of Justice in litigation over Métis claims in Manitoba. His 1991 book Metis Lands in Manitoba, won the 1992 Margaret McDonald/McWilliams Medal, awarded by the Manitoba Historical Society for the best book of the year on Manitoba history.

First Nations? Second Thoughts
Flanagan later published the controversial ''First Nations? Second Thoughts'', which critiqued the report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. The book received the Donner Prize for the best book of the year on Canadian public policy in 2000, and the Donald Smiley Prize from the Canadian Political Science Association for the best book on Canadian government and politics.

In his 2002 review, Yale D. Belanger, compared Alan Cairn's publication entitled Citizens Plus with Flanagan's ''First Nations? Second Thoughts''. He concluded that the ideas in '' First Nations? Second Thoughts should be made publicly available and read as a companion piece with Cairn's Citizens Plus''. The books were written for very different audiences: Flanagan wrote ''First Nations? Second Thoughts'' (2000) for the lay reader while Cairns wrote for an informed academic audience. Belanger questioned why Flanagan as a professional academic did not access more robust peer-reviewed scholarly resources regarding analysis and statistics, preferring instead to make extensive use of newspaper clippings from the Calgary Herald, the National Post, and The Globe and Mail and the conservative magazine the Alberta Report. Flanagan did not visit any First Nation communities to research the publication nor did he quote any Aboriginal leader in support land privatization in exchange for the end of the reserve system (Belanger 2002:107). Belanger described Flanagan's tone as "distasteful", "militant", and "sensationalist." He claimed he echoed "the assimilation rhetoric of 19th century policy makers and politicians" which perpetuates a stereotyped image of First Nations as "uncivilized" and "unwilling to shake the social pathologies he suggests proliferate all reserve communities." But he felt that readers would have a more holistic understanding of the complexities of the debate by reading both books.

Pamela Palmater, a Mi'kmaq lawyer who holds a new chair in indigenous governance at Toronto Metropolitan University, argued in her review that ''First Nations? Second Thoughts'' provides a summary of Flanagan's convictions that "since First Nations in Canada are uncivilized and their governments produce 'wasteful, destructive, familistic factionalism,' they should not be entitled to self-governing powers, special tax exemptions or federal funding, but should be assimilated and their reserves divided up into parcels of individually owned, 'fee simple' lands available for sale to non-aboriginal people and corporations."

According to Suzanne Methot's review of the book, Flanagan claimed that "European civilization was several thousand years more advanced than the aboriginal cultures of North America" and colonization was therefore "inevitable" and "justifiable."

Flanagan wrote a book on property rights in 1979, a book on game theory in 1988, and another about conservative Canadian political parties in 1995. His books on Preston Manning and the Reform Party, and Stephen Harper and the Conservative Party, were based on his experiences as political adviser and campaign manager (discussed below).

In 1996, Flanagan was elected a fellow of the Royal Society of Canada (Academy II). The citation mentioned his contribution to the study of Louis Riel and the Métis, Western Canadian history, and Canadian political parties.

Beyond the Indian Act
In their 2010 publication, Beyond the Indian Act: Restoring Aboriginal Property Rights, co-authors Thomas Flanagan, Christopher Alcantara and André Le Dressay, introduced the First Nations Property Ownership Initiative (FNPOI). The book, with a foreword by C.T. (Manny) Jules, was a finalist for the Donner Prize. According to an 28 August 2016 article by Sasha Boutilier in Policy Options, they misrepresented the FNPOI in Canada, which Boutilier described as a "proposed piece of opt-in legislation that would have allowed First Nations to grant fee-simple interests to First Nations members". Boutilier said that their criticisms of the First Nations Land Management Act (FNLMA) which he calls a "quiet success", are "quite simply inaccurate", and that the authors, while acknowledging the FNLMA’s "effectiveness in reducing transaction costs", would leave "each First Nation on its own to develop its own system of property rights and failed "to provide technical assistance in the form of model land codes and zoning regulations." Boutlier says that these "criticisms ignore the First Nations Lands Advisory Board, in existence prior to 1996, and the First Nations Land Management Resource Centre, operating since 1999 and incorporated in 2004, which provide exactly the support Flanagan and his co-authors say is lacking. Indeed, the 1996 Framework Agreement specifically states that the role of the Lands Advisory Board and the Resource Centre is “developing model land codes, laws and land management systems” as well as “assisting First Nation[s] in developing and implementing” such laws and systems."

Role as historical consultant and expert witness
In 1986 Tom Flanagan became the historical consultant and primary expert witness for the Federal Department of Justice in the Manitoba Métis Federation v Canada case (Flanagan, Metis Lands vii). He criticized the recognition of the Indian title of the Métis (1885 Reconsidered) and of the "Métis as an Aboriginal people in the Constitution Act, 1982 (Case Against; Metis Rights) and traced the original evolution of what can be called the 'doctrine of the derivative aboriginal rights' (History)8. Among other things, the Calgary School political scientist has asserted that, during the Resistance in 1869-70, not only did the Métis "never describe themselves as an aboriginal people with special land rights" (Blais 160) nor demand "special treatment as an Aboriginal people" (History 73) but that there "was never a demand for special treatment of the Métis as a group" (Case against 316; Metis Rights 231), nor for a land grant or anything like it" (Reconsidered 2nd ed. 65) (O'Toole 2010:140)."

Substantial grants of land provided to the Metis by the Manitoba Act were rapidly transferred from Metis to immigrants from Ontario who had arrived in large numbers. New research in the 1970s and 1980s shifted the blame to the government's lack of administration of the land grants. Flanagan and Ens (1996) argued that the government acted appropriately and that the Metis had gained financially.

The Manitoba Métis Federation has been in and out of provincial and federal courts for decades in a high-stakes land-claims negotiation. The case involves Prime Minister John A. Macdonald and Louis Riel and an unfulfilled promise of land for the Métis people. Manitoba Métis Federation v Canada & Manitoba court case was argued before the Supreme Court of Canada in 2012. In 2012 Tom Berger, the indigenous rights lawyer represented the Manitoba Métis Federation in the Supreme Court (SCC Case Information: #33880 Manitoba Métis Federation Inc., et al. v. Attorney General of Canada, et al.) claiming that the federal government never "lived up to the 1870 deal that settled the Red River Rebellion, fought by Métis struggling to hold on to their land in the face of growing white settlement." "A Métis win would probably lead to high-stakes land-claim negotiations – and fulfil a prophecy made by Métis leader Louis Riel more than a century ago."

In 1976 Tom Flanagan published The Diaries of Louis Riel. He was one of three Louis Riel biographers, along with Gilles Martel and Glen Campbell who collected and published Riel's poetry under the title Poésies de Jeunesse in 1977. Flanagan became the coordinator for a multi-year Louis Riel Project. In 1979 he published Louis "David" Riel: Prophet of the New World. In 1983 he published Riel and the Rebellion. In 1985 he co-edited The Collected Writings of Louis Riel/Les Ecrits complet de Louis Riel Tom Flanagan's research on Louis Riel situated him at the apex of debates on Métis rights and land claims. The 1970s saw a new age of land claims negotiations that would change the relationships between First Nations, Inuit and Métis of Canada. In 1973 Canadian law acknowledged that aboriginal title to land existed prior to the colonization of the continent Calder case (1973) It is not surprising then that there was a "virtual "explosion in Métis scholarship" that emerged in the 1970s, to determine the causes for the large scale migration of Métis in Manitoba. "With native political organizations and the governments of Canada and Manitoba embroiled in an on-going court battle, various scholars have received generous financial support to investigate Métis land claims in Manitoba." Tom Flanagan, acting as "historical consultant for the Federal Department of Justice" argued that the "federal government fulfilled the land provisions of the Manitoba Act." Donald Sprague, a "historian retained by the Manitoba Métis Federation to undertake research into Métis land claims, argues that through a process of formal and informal discouragement, the Métis were victims of a deliberate conspiracy in which John A. Macdonald and the Canadian government successfully kept them from obtaining title to the land they were to receive under terms of the Manitoba Act of 1870."

Witness
Flanagan has served as a witness for Alberta, Manitoba, and Canada in litigation involving native rights and land claims, providing testimony about the Numbered Treaties and the administration of federal programs for Métis and Indians in Western Canada. He has since stated that he will no longer be serving in this capacity for ethical reasons.

The Blais decision, as well as the later Manitoba Metis Federation case, upheld the efficacy of the nineteenth-century distribution of land and scrip in extinguishing Métis land rights in Manitoba., but the decision was overturned on appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada.

Benoit established that Treaty Eight did not grant immunity from taxation to Indians living off reserve.

In Victor Buffalo, the Samson Cree band, located near Hobbema, Alberta, unsuccessfully challenged the federal government's implementation of Treaty Six.

Flanagan was also a witness for the University of Alberta in the Dickason case in which the Supreme Court of Canada ultimately upheld the validity of mandatory retirement for university professors.

Views
Tom Flanagan adopts a libertarian point of view and defends personal freedom, particularly in academia. He self-describes as a Hayekian and was considered among the most conservative members of the Reform Party in 1998.

Superiority of Western civilization and colonialism as justifiable and inevitable
Flanagan adopts the philosophical analysis of John Locke and Emer de Vattel that European colonization of North America by Western civilization was justifiable and inevitable. He asserts that "European civilization was several thousand years more advanced than the Aboriginal cultures of North America both in technology and social organization" (Flanagan 2000:6).

Wikileaks
In 2010, Flanagan made controversial comments, later retracted, advocating the assassination of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange. While appearing on the CBC television program "Power & Politics", he called for WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange to be killed. "I think Assange should be assassinated," Flanagan stated, before noting to host Evan Solomon, "I'm feeling pretty manly today." Flanagan subsequently retracted his call for the death of Assange while reiterating his opposition to WikiLeaks. Dimitri Soudas, spokesman to Prime Minister Stephen Harper, decried Flanagan's comments and said the former Tory strategist "should be charged with incitement to commit murder." The call for prosecution was joined by both Assange and Vancouver attorney Gail Davidson, who filed a police complaint against Flanagan. Ralph Goodale, deputy leader of the Liberal Party in the House of Commons, called Flanagan's remarks "clearly contrary to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms." Flanagan apologized, acknowledging that his words were "glib and thoughtless."

Child pornography
In November 2009, Flanagan was attending a lecture on Canadian election campaigning at the University of Manitoba. He was asked about Stockwell Day's claim that a lawyer that defends a person against child pornography charges is defending the legitimacy of child pornography. Flanagan responded, then made a "side-bar" comment: "But that's actually another interesting debate or seminar: what's wrong with child pornography, in the sense that they're just pictures?" Flanagan says no one complained or criticized his comment, and maintains that he used the phrase "just pictures" to shock students into questioning pre-held ideas, which is the job of a teacher. The University of Manitoba Aboriginal Students' Association wrote a letter of complaint to the head of the political studies department, George MacLean, but Flanagan's comments did not receive widespread attention.

On 27 February 2013, Flanagan was invited to give a speech on whether it was time to repeal the Indian Act to a group of students at the University of Lethbridge. Flanagan was warned that members of Idle No More were planning on attending and disrupting the speech. Flanagan learned after the event that the Idle No More protesters had organized the event with the intent of creating a "Gotcha!" moment and denouncing Flanagan's views on aboriginals. In fact, the video of Flanagan's comments distinctly includes the protester exclaiming "Gotcha Tom!" as Flanagan responded.

One of the protesters, "Levi Little Moustache," stood and quoted Flanagan's 2009 comments on child pornography. Flanagan responded that "I certainly have no sympathy for child molesters, but I do have some grave doubts about putting people in jail because of their taste in pictures. I don't look at these pictures." A video of the remarks was posted to YouTube overnight and his remarks proved controversial. Danielle Smith, who was mentored by Flanagan, and served as Wildrose Party leader in 2009, cut her ties with him saying "there is no language strong enough to condemn [his] comments". Andrew McDougall (the Director of Communications for the Prime Minister of Canada) considered them to be "repugnant, ignorant, and appalling." CBC News immediately announced that, "In light of recent remarks made by Tom Flanagan at the University of Lethbridge, CBC News has taken the decision to end our association with him as a commentator on Power and Politics. While we support and encourage free speech across the country and a diverse range of voices, we believe Mr Flanagan's comments to have crossed the line and impacted his credibility as a commentator for us (McGuire February 28, 2013)".

Flanagan subsequently apologized for his remarks, stating that his words were "badly chosen". On 5 March 2013 Flanagan, in an interview with The Agenda talk show host Steve Paikin, Flanagan defended his position, and explains that he was cut off and unable to explain fully his position. He also states he was posing a question to provoke thought, as he would have done in his role as a professor. In his book Persona Non Grata, Flanagan explains that his remarks were taken as if he was in favour of child pornography or supportive of child molesters. In fact, he was intending to question whether mandatory jail time for simple possession of child pornography was an appropriate punishment.

Affiliations
Flanagan is often described as a member of the Calgary School, which includes a group of conservatively inclined professors at the University of Calgary, such as Barry F. Cooper, F.L.(Ted) Morton, Rainer Knopff and history professor David Bercuson who are strongly committed to strategic and direct influence on public affairs with a long-term vision.

By 1998, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a public policy research institution based in Washington, DC, had already observed the ascendancy of the role of Calgary-based academics on Canadian public policy, specifically the Calgary School of political science (Rovinsky 1998:10).

"In The Court Party, Knopff and Morton took on judicial activism. Cooper and Bercuson's Deconfederation undermined the Meech Lake agenda of endless concessions to Quebec. In First Nations? Second Thoughts, I stood up against the juggernaut of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. All these books were widely discussed in the media and have had some impact on the course of public affairs."

He is also a senior fellow of the conservative think tank the Fraser Institute.

Political influence
In a jocular letter written to the Literary Review of Canada (2010–12), Flanagan commented that, "Sylvia Bashevkin's plaintive cri de coeur confirmed my belief that conservatives are winning the war of ideas in Canada. The Calgary School of political science – Barry Cooper, Ted Morton, Rainer Knopff and I, along with our historian outrider David Bercuson – did not cause this transformation, but we and our students have played an honourable part in making it happen."

Reform Party of Canada
Tom Flanagan joined the right-wing populist Reform Party of Canada in 1990 and began working there in 1991 as director of policy research. Flanagan, who was among the most conservative of Preston Manning's advisers, was fired before the 1993 federal election.

Tom Flanagan and Stephen Harper
Tom Flanagan and Stephen Harper began publishing together in 1996-7 with "Canadian conservatism is at its strongest level in many years". Their controversial opinion piece entitled "Our Benign Dictatorship: Canada's system of one-party-plus rule has stunted democracy. Two prominent conservatives present the case for more representative government" which argued that the Liberal Party only retained power through a dysfunctional political system and a divided opposition. Harper and Flanagan argued that national conservative governments between 1917 and 1993 were founded on temporary alliances between Western populists and Quebec nationalists, and were unable to govern because of their fundamental contradictions. The authors called for an alliance of Canada's conservative parties, and suggested that meaningful political change might require electoral reforms such as proportional representation. "Our Benign Dictatorship" also commended Conrad Black's purchase of the Southam newspaper chain, arguing that his stewardship would provide for a "pluralistic" editorial view to counter the "monolithically liberal and feminist" approach of the previous management.

Flanagan and Harper co-authored their last article in 2001. Flanagan was a key player in Stephen Harper's political rise to Prime Minister of Canada. In 2001, Flanagan helped Harper seek the leadership of the Canadian Alliance. Flanagan managed Harper's leadership campaign, and Harper went on to win the Alliance leadership in March 2002. Flanagan then served for one year as chief of staff to Harper, who was then the Leader of the Opposition. Flanagan managed his leadership campaigns for the Canadian Alliance (2002) and the Conservative Party of Canada (2004). He also managed the Conservative Party's national election campaign in 2004. He was the Senior Communications Adviser for the Conservatives successful 2005–2006 election campaign.

In 2007 Flanagan published his book entitled Harper's Team: Behind the Scenes in the Conservative Rise to Power.

By 2010 Government House Leader John Baird announced during question period in the House of Commons that "Mr. Flanagan speaks for himself ... He doesn't speak for the government and he hasn't advised the Prime Minister Office Stephen Harper for years. I certainly don't share his views."

Accusation of corruption
In 2008, Flanagan and Doug Finley were accused by Dona Cadman of offering her late husband, MP Chuck Cadman, a million-dollar life insurance policy (on behalf of the Conservative Party of Canada) in exchange for his vote against the Liberal budget in May 2005. This vote would have caused the government to fall and triggered an election. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police found no evidence to support criminal charges.

Civitas
Flanagan was a founding member and president of the Canadian conservative society |Civitas, founded in 1996 by William Gairdner, and described the society's raison d'être this way:

"For those of you who are not yet familiar with Civitas, it grows out of Canadians' desire to take up one of the great challenges of Western civilization: how to reconcile our desire for individual freedom with the need for social order. Every society and age throws up new challenges requiring us to balance these precious values. As a 'society where ideas meet,' Civitas is an organization dedicated to promoting and nurturing that conversation in Canada today. We bring together people with an interest in conservative, classical liberal and libertarian ideas and allow them to engage with some of the world's finest minds who are grappling with these questions."

His critics claimed he had too much power in the shadows, advising Canadian politicians, to whittle "aboriginal claims on land and self-determination down to individual property rights and municipal self-government."

Society for Academic Freedom and Scholarship
Tom Flanagan has served on the board of directors of the Society for Academic Freedom and Scholarship since 2004.

Selected journal articles

 * 1996
 * 1990
 * 1986
 * 1983

Book chapters

 * 1985
 * 1983
 * 1979

title: Tom Flanagan (political scientist)


text:
David Livingstone Birthplace Museum

The David Livingstone Birthplace Museum is a biographical museum in Blantyre, South Lanarkshire, Scotland, dedicated to the life and work of the explorer and missionary David Livingstone. The museum is operated by the David Livingstone Trust and is housed in a category A listed building often referred to as Shuttle Row. The museum rests on the grounds of the David Livingstone Birthplace, which contains historic grounds as well as the museum.

It is located in the former textile mill buildings which once housed 24 families including Livingstone's, and where he was born on 19 March 1813.

The Collection at the David Livingstone Birthplace Museum held by The Scottish National Memorial to David Livingstone Trust (SC015490) contains a diverse range of material exploring the life, work and legacy of David Livingstone (including his family and associates) and the history of Blantyre Mills and Village. The centre depicts Livingstone's life from his early childhood working in the mill, to his travels throughout Southern Africa. These are illustrated with the aid of various pieces of his navigational and medical equipment, interspersed with artefacts from Livingstone's family, contemporaries, and Southern Africa.

Inception of the Memorial
A committee to promote the creation of a Scottish National Memorial to David Livingstone was established in 1925 and the tenement in which Livingstone was born was acquired in 1927. In 1926, the architect and town planner Sir Frank Mears was engaged to oversee the development of the project. The memorial opened publicly in 1929.

The early "vision" of DLT was formed from rising concerns towards the dilapidated condition of the Blantyre Cotton Spinning Works (including David Livingstone's birthplace in Shuttle Row), and the desire to create a permanent memorial to celebrate his life and legacy. In 1913, the centenary year of David Livingstone's birth, the buildings became condemned unfit for human habitation.

This resulted in the steady formation of a movement led in-part by architect Sir Frank Charles Mears and Rev. James I. MacNair concerned for the preservation of the Shuttle Row and associated site buildings. This culminated in the creation of an Emergency Executive Committee in January 1926. That same year, a broader vision to develop Shuttle Row into a memorial and visitor attraction unfolded and an international appeal was launched.

On Whitsunday (5 June) 1927, the Executive Committee successfully acquired the site. With the site and buildings being secured, work on Shuttle Row was able to begin and the collection was able to subsequently grow, with an official opening ceremony on 5 October 1929. The 'Scottish National Memorial to David Livingstone Trust' (DLT) became legally recognised through its 'Memorandum and Articles of Association' on 20 October 1930.

The National Trust For Scotland
From 1999, the operational aspects at the Centre have been delivered through a Tripartite Management Agreement with the National Trust for Scotland (NTS), South Lanarkshire Council (SLC) and the David Livingstone Trust. NTS operated the Centre (including managing the Collection) with SLC undertaking the maintenance of the wider site.

Current Governance
The Museum is now operated by the David Livingstone Trust, as of April 2017. The Trust have been successful in getting a £6.3 million grant for the refurbishment of the museum, collection and cafe buildings as part of the Birthplace Project. The project has been funded by the Heritage Lottery Fund, Historic Environment Scotland and the Scottish Government.

Southern African Objects
David Livingstone's writings and illustrations provide a detailed account into the cultural identities of the communities, people and environments he made contact with during his expeditions throughout Southern Africa. The diaries and writings of those who knew, worked with or came into contact with David Livingstone provide further insights into the collection; a key example being the inventory created by Jacob Wainwright soon after David Livingstone died, written into Livingstone's last field diary.

Blantyre Cotton Works
The collecting of material related to Blantyre Cotton Works was led by a desire to preserve the buildings and the heritage of the site as central to the understanding of David Livingstone's early life, including his family, home and work. This process  began in 1927 with the acquisition of 19th century Blantyre Works Library and progressed with the steady acquisition of objects provenanced to the Blantyre Cotton Works including items such as bobbins used in mill, a handkerchief spun, woven and dyed at the Blantyre Works, the Works Bell, the Blantyre Works boardroom table, and a range archival material. In addition, there are some objects representative or associated with Blantyre Cotton Works including a model of Blantyre Works by Charles d’Orville Pilkington Jackson and a spinning jenny.

Pilkington-Jackson
Charles D'Orville Pilkington Jackson was commissioned to sculpt the several bronze tableaux depicting the life of Livingstone and a World Fountain in the Memorial grounds prior to the opening in 1929. After opening in 1929, an additional sculpture by Pilkington-Jackson was carved from oak and named "The last Journey" prior to being placed on display from 1930.

Haswell-Miller
In a similar vein to the Pilkington-Jackson tableaux, the early founders of DLT had a desire to develop artistic representations of David Livingstone's life through the creation of imaginative story-focused displays. The initial appointment of Archibald Elliot Haswell Miller resulted in the creation of works designed to fit with the thematic scheme of each gallery. This included a series of 8 wall panels executed in tempera telling the story of David Livingstone's early life installed prior to opening in 1929 before being supplemented by a further four murals and recorded as such in 1932. Each of the murals were financed through concerted efforts by DLT, successfully seeking support from a range of Christian, youth and educational establishments across Scotland. Since 1932, this collection has steadily grown to include a total of 19 works by Haswell Miller consisting of paintings executed on canvas and board representative of themes and stories related to David Livingstone.

Blantyre Works Library
The Blantyre Works Library is a significant collection of 18th century - early 20th century books which was made available to the workers of the Blantyre Works Mill. These books would have been available to David Livingstone and his family when they lived in Shuttle Row in the 1800s.

title: David Livingstone Birthplace Museum


text:
Root, Switzerland

Root is a municipality in the district of Lucerne in the canton of Lucerne in Switzerland.

Geography
Root has an area of 8.6 km2. Of this area, 50.9% is used for agricultural purposes, while 27.8% is forested. Of the rest of the land, 17% is settled (buildings or roads) and the remainder (4.3%) is non-productive (rivers, glaciers or mountains). , 27.86% of the total land area was forested. Of the agricultural land, 47.51% is used for farming or pastures, while 3.58% is used for orchards or vine crops. Of the settled areas, 6.71% is covered with buildings, 4.97% is industrial, 0.81% is classed as special developments, 1.27% is parks or greenbelts and 2.89% is transportation infrastructure. Of the unproductive areas, 3.7% is unproductive flowing water (rivers) and 0.69% is other unproductive land.

Demographics
Root has a population of 5,125, of which 26.5% are foreign nationals. Over the last 10 years the population has grown at a rate of 14.5%. Most of the population speaks German  (85.6%), with Serbo-Croatian being second most common ( 4.2%) and Albanian being third ( 3.8%).

In the 2007 election the most popular party was the SVP which received 36% of the vote. The next three most popular parties were the CVP (33.5%), the FDP (14%) and the SPS (9.1%).

The age distribution in Root is; 1,058 people or 25.1% of the population is 0–19 years old. 1,281 people or 30.4% are 20–39 years old, and 1,386 people or 32.9% are 40–64 years old. The senior population distribution is 355 people or 8.4% are 65–79 years old, 115 or 2.7% are 80–89 years old and 16 people or 0.4% of the population are 90+ years old.

In Root about 66% of the population (between age 25–64) have completed either non-mandatory upper secondary education or additional higher education (either university or a Fachhochschule).

there are 1,432 households, of which 427 households (or about 29.8%) contain only a single individual. 138 or about 9.6% are large households, with at least five members. there were 504 inhabited buildings in the municipality, of which 381 were built only as housing, and 123 were mixed use buildings. There were 211 single family homes, 34 double family homes, and 136 multi-family homes in the municipality. Most homes were either two (147) or three (150) story structures. There were only 3 single story buildings and 81 four or more story buildings.

Root has an unemployment rate of 2.36%. , there were 91 people employed in the primary economic sector and about 31 businesses involved in this sector. 1250 people are employed in the secondary sector and there are 66 businesses in this sector. 973 people are employed in the tertiary sector, with 141 businesses in this sector. 53.8% of the population of the municipality were employed in some capacity. At the same time, females made up 41.6% of the workforce.

the religious membership of Root was; 2,435 (67.2%) were Roman Catholic, and 335 (9.2%) were Protestant, with an additional 85 (2.34%) that were of some other Christian faith. There are 450 individuals (12.41% of the population) who are Muslim. Of the rest; there were 22 (0.61%) individuals who belong to another religion, 190 (5.24%) who do not belong to any organized religion, 108 (2.98%) who did not answer the question.

title: Root, Switzerland


text:
D.I. (band)

D.I. is an American punk rock band formed in 1981 in Fullerton, California. It was founded by vocalist and primary songwriter Casey Royer, after previously playing drums in the bands Adolescents and Social Distortion.

Since its formation, D.I. has had many line-up changes over the years with Royer being the only constant member of the band. The band has continued to work, although they have had inactive periods, which include the band going on hiatus between albums. During their years of touring and recording albums, D.I. have never gained a huge mainstream success, but they have influenced many of the 1990s era melodic hardcore punk and punk rock revival bands, including Face to Face, Guttermouth, Jughead's Revenge, The Offspring, and Pennywise. Members of the band also joined up with Daddy X and the Dirtball of the Kottonmouth Kings, to create the punk rock band the X-Pistols, in 2010.

Early history (1981–1986)
D.I. was formed in 1981 after the Adolescents' first break-up. The band's name initially stood for "Drug Ideology", but now, the initials no longer have any meaning. Their original line-up consisted of Casey Royer on vocals, Tim Maag on guitar, Fredric Taccone on bass guitar, and Derek O'Brien on drums. The band combined the Orange County hardcore punk sound with a decidedly surf and new wave style on their debut self-titled EP. The EP featured five songs, including "Richard Hung Himself" (originally written by Casey Royer while he played for the Adolescents, recorded with the Adolescents and later re-recorded with D.I.), "Venus De Milo", "Reagan der Führer", "Purgatory", and "Guns". This EP was later reissued as Team Goon with extra tracks including versions of Gary Glitter's "Rock and Roll Part II", The Saint and Nuclear Funeral. The album was later released as a CD which added a cover of DEVO's Uncontrollable Urge which itself was originally released by XXX Records as the B-side on the 7-inch e.p. along with Surfing Anarchy.

Live footage of a D.I. performance of "Richard Hung Himself" was integrated into scenes from the 1983 coming-of-age feature film Suburbia, directed by Penelope Spheeris. A longer set was later released on a DVD called DI - The Suburbia Sessions 1983.

The band's first studio album Ancient Artifacts was a more straight ahead Orange County-sounding album that included a new version of "Purgatory" from the EP. Not long after the release of Ancient Artifacts, D.I. returned to the studio to record their second album Horse Bites Dog Cries, which was not released until 1986 (although the album itself has copyright date of 1985). This is generally considered their best studio album.

Two more albums and hiatus (1987–1992)
Before recording sessions for their next album commenced, guitarist Rikk Agnew left D.I. in 1987 to pursue his career with the Adolescents. Agnew was replaced in D.I. by Hedge on bass guitar. Alfie Agnew played guitar, and Bosco was switched from bass to second guitar. Eventually Mark "The Kid" Cerneka from Brea Olinda High School replaced Alfie. The resulting album, What Good Is Grief to a God? (1988), was a commercial failure. After the 1988 US tour, "The Kid" left and was replaced by Sean Elliot. The 7-inch Single. "Don't Do It" b/w "Johnny's Got a Problem" was released that year on Triple X, blue vinyl in partnership with Circle A Skateboards. This was given away as a promo with a skateboard. Some released with picture sleeves. In 1989, D.I. released their next album Tragedy Again. That year another 7-inch Single was released on red vinyl again on Triple X records. "Surfin' Anarchy" (Beach Boys cover) b/w "Uncontrollable Urge" (Devo cover)

Return and more line-up changes (1993–2010)
A live album, Live at a Dive, was released in 1993. After Stevie DRT left the band, original drummer John Knight rejoined, and their fifth album State of Shock was released the following year. Chris Roboson and Steve Lyen joined and continued playing from 1995 to 1997. The band lost their record label soon afterwards. After two years of strictly playing live shows, and original guitarist Tim Maag replacing Roboson, D.I. headed back into the studio around 1997 to record what would be their follow-up to State of Shock and shopped the tracks around to labels without finding a taker.

Numerous line-up changes went on before they solidified their line-up, consisting of Royer, Chckn (guitars), Clinton Calton (guitars), Eddie Tatar (bass) and Joey Tatar (drums). Royer remained the only constant member of the band. D.I. continued touring for years and released their first original album in eight years, titled Caseyology, in 2002. Caseyology was followed up five years later by On the Western Front (2007) released on the Suburban Noize label, with all music and lyrics written by Royer and Tatar. In 2009, the band released the tracks "Potbelly", "D.I.", "The Dehumanizers", and "Embrace The Kill – Shut the Fuck Up and Listen!!!" through PB Records.

Legal troubles and more music (2011–present)
In March 2011, Casey Royer was arrested for child abuse, child endangerment and overdosing on heroin in the presence of his 12-year-old son. The child abuse and child endangerment charges were dropped, but he was sentenced to a 90-day jail term and placed on probation for three years for the substance abuse misdemeanor. After this, Royer got clean and sober, and D.I. returned to touring and playing live shows.

In 2012, the band released a new 7-inch EP, United We Slam  through Hand Grenade Records.

title: D.I. (band)


text:
COIN

COIN or COINS may refer to:

 * Coin (band) (often stylized COIN), an American indie pop band
 * COIN (board game), a series of asymmetric board games
 * Coinbase (Nasdaq: COIN), a company which operates a cryptocurrency exchange
 * Collaborative innovation network, innovative teams
 * Community of interest network
 * Combined Online Information System, a UK database containing HM Treasury's analysis of departmental spending
 * ContextObjects in Spans (COinS), a specification for publishing OpenURL references in HTML
 * Counter-insurgency
 * Counter-insurgency aircraft

title: COIN


text:
Joseph Meek

Joseph Lafayette Meek (February 9, 1810 – June 20, 1875) was an American pioneer, mountain man, law enforcement official, and politician in the Oregon Country and later Oregon Territory of the United States. A trapper involved in the fur trade before settling in the Tualatin Valley, Meek played a prominent role at the Champoeg Meetings of 1843, where he was elected a sheriff. He was later elected to and served in the Provisional Legislature of Oregon before being appointed as the United States Marshal for the Oregon Territory.

Early life
Joseph Meek was born on February 9, 1810, to James Meek and Spica Walker in Washington County, Virginia, near the Cumberland Gap. At the age of 18 he joined William Sublette and the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, and roamed the Rocky Mountains for over a decade as a fur trapper. In about 1829, the nineteen-year-old Meek traveled with a trapping party along the Yellowstone River. A band of Blackfoot scattered the trappers, leaving Meek to travel into what is today Yellowstone National Park.

In a later account included in author Frances Fuller Victor's 1870 biography of Meek, The River of the West, Meek described the region: "The whole country beyond was smoking with the vapor from boiling springs, and burning with gasses, issuing from small craters, each of which was emitting a sharp whistling sound."

In Idaho in 1838, Meek married a woman given to him by Nez Perce chief Kowesota; it was customary for trappers to make what were called "country marriages". Her Nez Perce name is not recorded, but Meek called her "Virginia". He had previously been married to a different Nez Perce woman.

By 1840, as it was becoming clear that the fur trade was dying due both to a change in fashion preferences and the overtrapping of beaver, Meek decided to join fellow trappers Caleb Wilkins and Robert Newell in the Oregon Country. On their way there, they met a small group of emigrants at Fort Hall who were also headed to Oregon. The trappers agreed to guide them to the Whitman Mission near Fort Nez Percés. The single wagon that the group brought became the first ever to make it as far west as the mission on the Oregon Trail, although to get it there they ended up leaving the load behind.

Oregon Country
In Oregon Country, Meek took to wearing a bright red sash in imitation of the French Canadian trappers employed by the Hudson's Bay Company. As the French trappers enjoyed good relations with most of the Indian tribes in the area, Meek seems to have hoped that the Indians would take him for a French Canadian or "Canadien" and leave him alone. In 1841, Meek settled in the Tualatin Valley, northwest of Oregon City, and entered into the political life of the area. In the spring of 1841, Meek served as guide in Oregon for the United States Exploring Expedition. In 1843, at meetings in Champoeg, Oregon called to form a provisional government, his was one of the foremost voices on the side of the American settlers. In 1843, when the provisional government was formed, Meek was appointed sheriff, and he was elected to the legislature in 1846 and 1847.

In the late fall of 1847, some Cayuse and Umatilla Indians killed Marcus Whitman, his wife Narcissa, and 12 others at the Whitman Mission. Among the dead was Meek’s daughter by his first wife, Helen Mar Meek, age 10, who died in captivity. Meek traveled to Washington, D.C., with the news of the killings (known as the Whitman massacre) and the ensuing Cayuse War. Leaving in early January, Meek, George W. Ebbert, and John Owens made the difficult winter trip, arriving in Saint Joseph, Missouri on May 4 and proceeding to Washington by steamboat and rail.

While in Washington, where he met with President James K. Polk (whose wife Sarah Childress Polk, was Meek's cousin), he argued forcefully for making the Oregon Country a federal territory. The following spring, Joseph Lane was appointed Territorial Governor and Meek was made Territorial Federal Marshal. Meek served as Territorial Marshal for five years. His account with the Hudson's Bay Company was often in debt, the mountain man owing the company over $300 in 1849,. In 1850 as Marshal, he supervised the execution of five Cayuse Indians found guilty of the Whitman massacre, despite Archbishop François Norbert Blanchet defending the men as innocent. Meek organized the Oregon Volunteers and led them in the Yakima Indian War and was promoted to the rank of major for his service.

Later years and family
On June 20, 1875 Meek died at his home on the land he settled on the Tualatin Plains just north of Hillsboro, Oregon, at the age of 65. His wife survived him by almost 25 years. Virginia Meek died on March 3, 1900. They are buried at the cemetery of the Tualatin Plains Presbyterian Church ("Old Scotch") north of Hillsboro, in Washington County, Oregon. As Meek said "I want to live long enough to see Oregon securely American... so I can say that I was born in Washington County, United States, and died in Washington County, United States."

His older brother Stephen Meek was also a trapper, and became known for his role in the ill-fated Meek Cutoff.

The actor Peter Whitney was cast as Meek in the 1961 episode, "Who's Fer Divide?", on the syndicated television anthology series, Death Valley Days, hosted by Stanley Andrews. The episode focuses on the annexation of the Oregon Territory. John Alderson played Meek in the 1964 Death Valley Days episode, "From the Earth, a Heritage." In that segment, a rival trapper, Nat Halper, played by Peter Whitney, pressures Meek to sell his beautiful Indian wife, Tula (Marianna Hill).

title: Joseph Meek