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Alice Schwarzer

Alice Sophie Schwarzer (born 3 December 1942) is a German journalist and prominent feminist. She is founder and publisher of the German feminist journal EMMA. Beginning in France, she became a forerunner of feminist positions against anti-abortion laws, for economic self-sufficiency for women, against pornography, prostitution, female genital mutilation, and for a fair position of women in Islam. She authored many books, including biographies of Romy Schneider, Marion Dönhoff, and herself.

Biography and positions
Schwarzer was born in Wuppertal, the daughter of a young single mother, and was raised by her grandparents in Wuppertal; she described them as anti-Nazis. During World War II, they were evacuated to Bavaria, only returning to the Ruhr district in 1950. After learning French in Paris, Schwarzer began a trainee job in journalism in Düsseldorf in 1966, and was sent to Paris as a correspondent.

From 1970 to 1974, she worked as a freelancer for different media outlets in Paris. At the same time, she studied psychology and sociology in classes lectured by Michel Foucault, among others. Schwarzer met Jean-Paul Sartre and Daniel Cohn-Bendit. She was one of the founders of the Feminist Movement in Paris (Mouvement de libération des femmes, MLF), and also spread their ideas to Germany. In April 1971, Schwarzer joined Simone de Beauvoir, Jeanne Moreau, Catherine Deneuve, and 340 French women in publicly announcing that they had had illegal abortions, in a successful campaign to legalize abortion in France.

She convinced the Stern magazine to do something similar in Germany; and in June 1971, Schwarzer and 374 German women, including Romy Schneider and Senta Berger, confessed that they had an abortion in a successful campaign to legalize abortion in Germany. Decades later, Schwarzer revealed she had never had an abortion. She called her project Frauen gegen den § 218 ("Women against Section 218", which was the section of the German Penal Code that makes abortion illegal). In autumn 1971, Schwarzer released her first book of the same title. The illegality of abortion was upheld by the German Constitutional Court abortion decision, 1975.

One of Schwarzer's best-known books is Der kleine Unterschied und seine großen Folgen (The little difference and its great consequences), which was released in 1975 and made her famous beyond Germany. It was translated into eleven languages. Since its release, Schwarzer has become Germany's most high-profile but also most controversial feminist.

One of her goals was the realization of economic self-sufficiency for women. She argued against the law that required married women to obtain permission from their husbands before beginning paid work outside the home. This provision was removed in 1976.

In January 1977, the first issue of her magazine EMMA was published, her focus of work as chief editor and publisher for the following years.

With her PorNo campaign, started in 1987, she advocated the banning of pornography in Germany, arguing that pornography violates the dignity of women, constitutes a form of media violence against them, and contributes to misogyny and physical violence against women. The ongoing campaign has not been met with much success.

From 1992 to 1993, Schwarzer was host of the TV show Zeil um Zehn on German TV channel Hessischer Rundfunk. With her frequent appearances in German TV talk shows, she has become an institution on German television in all matters related to feminism.

When EMMA changed to bimonthly release in 1993, she continued to write an increasing number of books, among them one about Petra Kelly and Gert Bastian, called Eine tödliche Liebe (Deadly Love), and biographies of Romy Schneider and Marion Dönhoff. In total, she has released 19 books as a writer, and 21 as publisher, as of 2014.

Regarding prostitution in Germany, she campaigned against the law of 2002 that fully legalized brothels. She views prostitution as violence against women, and favors laws like those in Sweden, where the sale of sexual acts is legal, but their purchase is not.

She published an autobiography, Lebenslauf (Curriculum vitae), in 2011.

She has been highly critical of political Islamism and the position of women in Islam; she favors prohibitions against women in public schools or other public settings wearing the hijab, which she considers a symbol of oppression. She has warned of a creeping Islamicization of Europe, which, in her opinion, would lead to an erosion of human rights, especially women's rights.

She has written in favor of the continued legality of circumcision of male children.

In June 2018, Schwarzer married her long-time life and business partner Bettina Flitner.

Her most recent book, ''Transsexualität. Was ist eine Frau? Was ist ein Mann? Eine Streitschrift'' (2022), she criticised transgenderism as a trend and advocates for retaining protections exclusively for biological women. For this, she has been criticised as "transphobic".

In February 2023, she and Sahra Wagenknecht wrote the Manifest für Frieden (lit. 'Manifesto for peace'), a petition against the delivery of weapons to Ukraine.

Tax fraud
In the 1980s, Schwarzer set up an account at the Zürich-based private bank Lienhardt & Partner to keep her assets hidden from German tax authorities. During the following years, Schwarzer transferred earnings gained from book sales and public presentations to this Swiss bank account, thus avoiding taxation in Germany. Including interest and compound interest, her illegal assets piled up to an amount of 4 million euros.

According to Section 371 of the German tax code ("Abgabenordnung"), the perpetrator of a tax fraud may avoid punishment if he or she admits to the offence and provides full disclosure of unpaid taxes to the authorities (German: strafbefreiende Selbstanzeige). Schwarzer attempted to make such disclosure in secret to German tax authorities. However, in February 2014, the German newspaper Der Spiegel wrote an investigative article on the topic, turning the whole affair public.

As a reaction, Schwarzer made a statement on her private webpage on the matter. Under the heading "In eigener Sache" ("on one's own account"), Schwarzer admitted to being a tax fraudster. In that statement, Schwarzer tried to self-exculpate her crimes by claiming that in the past, she had been scared of political opponents in Germany and "was honestly afraid" that she might have to leave the country and thus needed to be financially prepared.

In May 2014, German tax authorities and criminal prosecutors raided a number of properties owned by Schwarzer. At the same time, judge-issued search warrants on several of Schwarzer's banking accounts were executed. It turned out that Schwarzer's initial voluntary disclosure submitted to German tax authorities was incorrect and she had in fact never admitted the whole amount of her unpaid taxes. In such cases, voluntary disclosures do not have any exculpatory effect under German tax law. Consequently, in July 2016, Schwarzer was fined for tax fraud with a penalty of a six-figure amount by the Amtsgericht (local court) of Cologne.

Awards

 * 1991: Von der Heydt-Kulturpreis of Wuppertal for her life achievements
 * 1992: Dr. Kurt Neven DuMont Medaille of the Westdeutsche Akademie für Kommunikation
 * 1996: Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany am Bande (Cross of Merit on Ribbon)
 * 1997: Schubart-Literaturpreis of Aalen
 * 1997: Frau des Jahres 1997 of Verband Deutscher Staatsbürgerinnen
 * 1999: Integration Prize of the Stiftung Apfelbaum
 * 2003: Zivilcouragepreis des CSD Berlin
 * 2004: Goldene Feder (honorary prize) of Bauer Verlagsgruppe
 * 2004: Bambi Award for Wer wird Millionär? with Günther Jauch
 * 2004: Knight of the Legion of Honour
 * 2004: Donauland Sachbuchpreis Danubius for "her passionate fight for the rights of women"
 * 2004: Staatspreis des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen
 * 2005: Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany First Class
 * 2005: Journalist of the Year by Medium-Magazin
 * 2006: Ehrengabe of Heinrich-Heine-Gesellschaft
 * 2007: Else Mayer Foundation Award
 * 2008: Ludwig-Börne-Preis
 * 2010: Mercator Professorship Award of the Universität Duisburg-Essen
 * 2018: Markgräfler Gutedelpreis

Publications

 * Frauen gegen den § 218. Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt 1971.
 * Frauenarbeit – Frauenbefreiung. Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt 1973.
 * Der kleine Unterschied und seine großen Folgen. Frauen über sich; Beginn einer Befreiung. Protokolle und Essays. S. Fischer, Frankfurt 1975, several editions
 * So fing es an – 10 Jahre neue Frauenbewegung. Emma Frauenverlag, 1981.
 * Mit Leidenschaft. Texte von 1968–1982. Rowohlt Verlag, Hamburg 1982.
 * Simone de Beauvoir heute – Gespräche aus 10 Jahren. Interviews und Essays. Rowohlt Verlag, Hamburg 1982.
 * Warum gerade sie? Weibliche Rebellen. Luchterhand Verlag, Frankfurt 1989
 * Von Liebe + Haß. S. Fischer, Frankfurt 1992.
 * Eine tödliche Liebe – Petra Kelly + Gert Bastian. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 1994, ISBN 3-462-02288-1.
 * Marion Dönhoff – Ein widerständiges Leben. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 1996, ISBN 3-462-02531-7.
 * So sehe ich das. Texte von 1992–1996. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 1997.
 * Romy Schneider – Mythos und Leben. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 1998, ISBN 3-462-02740-9.
 * Der große Unterschied. Gegen die Spaltung von Menschen in Männer und Frauen. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2002, ISBN 3-462-02934-7.
 * Alice im Männerland. Eine Zwischenbilanz. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2002, ISBN 3-462-03143-0.
 * Alice Schwarzer porträtiert Vorbilder und Idole. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2003, ISBN 3-462-03341-7.
 * Frauen mit Visionen, with photographer Bettina Flitner, Knesebeck, Munich 2004
 * Liebe Alice, liebe Barbara. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2005.
 * Die Antwort. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2007, ISBN 978-3-462-03773-9.
 * Simone de Beauvoir. Ein Lesebuch mit Bildern. Rowohlt, Reinbek 2007
 * Simone de Beauvoir. Weggefährtinnen im Gespräch. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2007
 * Journalistin aus Passion. Picus, Vienna 2010
 * Lebenslauf. (autobiography). Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2011, ISBN 978-3-462-04350-1.
 * Reisen in Burma. with photographer Bettina Flitner, DuMont Verlag, Köln 2012, ISBN 978-3-8321-9424-6.
 * Meine algerische Familie. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2018, ISBN 978-3-462-05120-9.
 * Lebenswerk. Zweiter Teil der Autobiografie. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2020.

title: Alice Schwarzer


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Tacoma Rockets

The Tacoma Rockets were a junior ice hockey team in the Western Hockey League (WHL) from 1991 to 1995. They played at the Tacoma Dome in Tacoma, Washington. The Rockets were granted as an expansion franchise, and were named after the defunct professional team of the same name. After the 1994–95 season, low attendance forced the team to move to Kelowna, British Columbia after only four seasons, where they became the Kelowna Rockets. While the Rockets drew high attendance numbers when they played the Seattle Thunderbirds, they did not draw as well with other teams. The Tacoma Dome was not well-suited for hockey as the risers for the seats were too shallow, making the sightlines bad for hockey.

Franchise history
Marcel Comeau was hired to be the first coach of the Rockets, and stayed with the team all four seasons. The 1991–92 season marks the first season of the expansion side Rockets, who began play in the Tacoma Dome, one of North America's largest hockey arenas. The inaugural Rockets blasted their way to one of the most memorable inaugural seasons in the 25-year history of the Western Hockey League. Attendance of 14,975 and 15,240 at two heated contests against their then arch rival, the Seattle Thunderbirds. This assisted the Rockets in chalking up the highest per game average for a first year expansion team under the Canadian Hockey League umbrella.

In 1992–93, the Rockets startled everyone in the league by winning 24 straight home games for an all-time Western Hockey League record. Tacoma held first place in the West Division for three months and finished with a promising 45–27–0 season. Head coach Marcel Comeau won the Dunc McCallum Memorial Trophy as the WHL coach of the year, and the CHL Coach of the Year Award as well. In addition to their winning streak, the Rockets home record of 36–6–0 and collecting 37 more points than the previous year, proved them serious contenders in the WHL. Once again the Rockets attendance of 13,769 saw them defeat the Seattle Thunderbirds 4-2 in win number 24, marking the third largest crowd in the history of the WHL. Three Rockets won best in the WHL West. Goaltender, Jeff Calvert – Most Valuable Player; Michal Sýkora – Most Valuable Player; and Jamie Black selected as Most Sportsmanlike Player.

The 1993–94 season marked the year of transition for the Rockets, with the graduation of high scoring veteran Allan Egeland, a solid forward, Trever Fraser, and netminder, Jeff Calvert. The Rockets' third season also brought forward some of the league's best rookies and a phenomenal base of nine NHL drafted players. Six alone were selected in 1994, bringing the total to thirteen Rockets drafted in three seasons. Rockets finished third in the Western Hockey League with a 33–34–5 record.

With a strong finish in the 1993–94 season, the Rockets strove to compete at a higher level of excellence. They launched their third season boasting size in defense and the strength of nine NHL draft picks. Adding the skill and talent of one of Europe's top young forwards, Václav Varaďa, who slotted 50 points and tied the team's rookie scoring record. Todd MacDonald, 1993 Florida Panthers draft choice, became the team's top goalie, nominated for the Best in the West award. Veteran Dallas Thompson became team Captain. This combination brought the Rockets to a second-place finish in the West.

Season-by-season records
Note: GP = Games played, W = Wins, L = Losses, T = Ties Pts = Points, GF = Goals for, GA = Goals against

NHL alumni
• Allan Egeland

• Tuomas Gronman

• Michal Grosek

• Scott Hannan

• Tavis Hansen

• Joel Kwiatkowski

• Kyle McLaren

• Brett McLean

• Lasse Pirjeta

• Dale Purinton

• Michal Sykora

• Vaclav Varada

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Tacoma Rockets


text:
Banlieue

In France, a banlieue is a suburb of a large city, or all its suburbs taken collectively. Banlieues are divided into autonomous administrative entities and do not constitute part of the city proper. For instance, 80percent of the inhabitants of the Paris metropolitan area live outside the city of Paris.

Beginning in the 1970s, the term banlieue has taken on a particular connotation, becoming a popular word for economically-deprived suburbs featuring low-income housing projects (HLMs) that are home to large immigrant populations. People of foreign descent reside in what are often called poverty traps.

Etymology
The French word banlieue is derived from the thirteenth century Vulgar Latin term banleuca composed of the German term ban meaning decree or official announcement with leuca which refers to the extension of the authority beyond the walls of a town.

History
In France, since the establishment of the Third Republic at the beginning of the 1870s, communities beyond the city centre essentially stopped spreading their own boundaries, as a result of the extension of the larger Paris urban agglomeration. The city – which in France corresponds to the concept of the "urban unit" – does not necessarily have a correspondence with a single administrative location, and instead includes other communities that link themselves to the city centre and form the banlieues.

Since the annexation of the banlieues of major French cities during the Second Empire period (Lyon in 1852, Lille in 1858, Paris in 1860, Bordeaux in 1865), French cities have extended their boundaries very little despite the growth of the cities. Almost all large and mid-sized cities in France with a banlieue have developed a couronne périurbaine (in English: peri-urban ring).

Communities in the countryside beyond the near-urban ring are regarded as being outside the city's strongest social and economic sphere of influence, and are termed communes périurbaines. In either case, they are divided into numerous autonomous administrative entities.

Banlieues 89, a design-led urban policy backed by the French government, renovated over 140 low-cost estates, such as Les Minguettes and the Mas du Taureau block in Vaulx-en-Velin. Improvements were made in road and rail access, cafes and shops were built, and the towers and blocks were made to look more attractive. In Vaulx-en-Velin, for instance, shops and a library were built, houses were built to make the landscape more interesting, 2,500 homes were renovated, and the blocks were repainted.

Geography of the banlieues

The word banlieue is, in formal use, a socially neutral term, designating the urbanized zone located around the city centre, comprising both sparsely and heavily populated areas. Therefore, in the Parisian metropolitan area, for example, the wealthy suburb of Neuilly-sur-Seine may be referred to as a banlieue as might the poor suburb of La Courneuve. To distinguish them, Parisians refer to a banlieue aisée (in English: comfortable suburb) for Neuilly, and to a banlieue défavorisée (in English: disadvantaged suburb) for Clichy-sous-Bois.

Paris
The Paris region can be divided into several zones. In the northwest and the northeast, many areas are vestiges of former working-class and industrial zones, in the case of Seine-Saint-Denis and Val-d'Oise. In the west, the population is generally upper class, and the centre of business and finance, La Défense, is also located there. Versailles, Le Vésinet, Sceaux, Maisons-Laffitte and Neuilly-sur-Seine are affluent suburbs of Paris, while Clichy-sous-Bois, Bondy and Corbeil-Essonnes are less so.

The southeast banlieues are less homogenous. Close to Paris, there are many communities that are considered "sensitive" or unsafe (Bagneux, Malakoff, Massy, Cachan, Les Ulis), divided by residential zones with a better reputation (Verrières-le-Buisson, Bourg-la-Reine, Antony, Fontenay-aux-Roses, Sceaux).

The farther away from the Paris city centre, the more the banlieues of the south of Paris can be divided into two zones. On one side, there are the banks of the Seine, where working-class residents used to live (there are still pockets of disadvantaged areas) but also other areas that are especially well off. Also are large cities close to Paris, such as Chanteloup-les-Vignes, Sartrouville, Les Mureaux, Mantes-la-Jolie, Poissy, Achères, Limay, Trappes, Aubergenville, Évry-Courcouronnes, Grigny, Corbeil-Essonnes, Saint-Michel-sur-Orge, Brétigny-sur-Orge, Sainte-Geneviève-des-Bois and Fleury-Mérogis.

On the other hand, small communities that are affluent can be found in the Yvelines department with Villennes-sur-Seine, Chatou, Croissy-sur-Seine, Le Pecq, Maisons-Laffitte but also in the Essonne and Seine-et-Marne departments: Etiolles, Draveil, Soisy-sur-Seine, Saint-Pierre-du-Perray or Seine-Port.

Paris: Banlieues rouges
The banlieues rouges ("red banlieues") are the outskirt districts of Paris where, traditionally, the French Communist Party held mayorships and other elected positions. Examples of these include Ivry-sur-Seine and Malakoff. Such communities often named streets after Soviet personalities, such as Avenue Vladimir-Ilitch-Lénine in Nanterre, or rue Youri Gagarine in Colombes.

Lyon and Marseille
The banlieues of large cities like Lyon and Marseille, like those of Paris, have also tended to suffer from a negative reputation. Ever since the French Commune government of 1871, they were and still are often ostracised and considered by other residents as places that are "lawless" or "outside the Republic", as opposed to "deep France", or "authentic France" associated with the provinces. However, it is in the banlieues that the young working households are found that raise children and pay taxes but lack in public services, in transportation, education, sports, as well as employment opportunities.

Crime and protests
Since the 1980s, petty crime has increased in France, much of it blamed on juvenile delinquency fostered within the banlieues. As a result, the banlieues are perceived to have become unsafe places to live, and youths from the banlieues are perceived to be one important source of increased petty crimes and uncivil behaviour. This criminality was addressed by the Front National, a far-right political party led by Jean-Marie Le Pen, which rose to prominence during the early 1990s on a platform of tougher law enforcement and immigration control.

1981 riots
In the summer of 1981, events involving young Franco-Maghrebis were met with varying reactions from the French public. Within the banlieues, events, called rodeos, would occur, where young "banlieusards" would steal cars and perform stunts and race them. Then, before the police could catch them, they would abandon the cars and set them on fire.

In July and August 1981, around 250 cars were vandalised. Grassroots groups began to demonstrate in public in 1983 and 1984 to publicise the problems of the Beurs and immigrants in France.

2005 riots
Violent clashes between hundreds of youths and French police in the Paris banlieue of Clichy-sous-Bois began on 27 October 2005 and continued for more than 17 nights. The 2005 Paris suburb riots were triggered by the deaths of two teenagers (of black and Maghrebi descent) allegedly attempting to hide from police in an electrical substation, who were electrocuted.

2020 riots
From 18 April 2020, Paris saw several nights of violent clashes over police treatment of ethnic minorities in the banlieues during the COVID-19 lockdown.

Filmography
A number of films, both fiction and documentary, have focused on the banlieues. A selection are listed below.
 * L'amour existe, Maurice Pialat, 1961
 * Two or Three Things I Know About Her, Jean-Luc Godard, 1967
 * Elle court, elle court la banlieue, Gérard Pirès, 1973
 * Série noire, Alain Corneau, 1979
 * La Haine, Mathieu Kassovitz, 1995
 * 100% Arabica, Mahmoud Zemmouri, 1997
 * Ma 6-T va crack-er, Jean-François Richet, 1997
 * Games of Love and Chance, Abdellatif Kechiche, 2004
 * District 13, Pierre Morel, 2004
 * La Journée de la jupe, Jean-Paul Lilienfeld, 2008
 * Neuilly Yo Mama!, Gabriel Julien-Laferrière, 2008
 * Tout ce qui brille, Géraldine Nakache, 2010
 * Beur sur la ville, Djamel Bensalah, 2011
 * Porn in the Hood, Franck Gastambide, 2012
 * On the Other Side of the Tracks', Bertrand Tavernier, 2012
 * Girlhood, Céline Sciamma, 2014
 * Dheepan, Jacques Audiard, 2015
 * Divines, Houda Benyamina, 2016
 * Les Misérables, Ladj Ly, 2019
 * Athena, Romain Gavras, 2022

title: Banlieue


text:
Kilburn High Road railway station

Kilburn High Road railway station is a London Overground station on the London Euston to Watford DC Line near the south end of the Kilburn High Road, London NW6 in the London Borough of Camden.

History
Kilburn High Road railway station was opened in 1852 as Kilburn and Maida Vale station by the London and North Western Railway (LNWR) on its existing line out of Euston station, to serve the newly developed suburbs of Kilburn and Maida Vale to the south. In the Victorian era it became an important commuter station served by North London Railway trains running into Broad Street station.

At the beginning of the Twentieth century the station had platforms on all four lines of the West Coast Main Line out of Euston, but with the construction of the Euston to Watford DC line the local service took over the slow main line platforms, the slow (semi-fast) main line services were diverted through what had been the fast main line platforms and the fast main lines were moved southward.

In 1915 Kilburn Park tube station was opened a little to the south on the Bakerloo Line extension from Paddington, drawing its passengers from a similar catchment area to Kilburn High Road station and providing a quicker connection with the West End.

The slow (previously fast) main line platforms were almost entirely demolished during the electrification of the West Coast Main Line, with the last platform building disappearing in the 1980s when the LNWR platform canopies were removed. The current footbridge and street-level buildings are not so much the result of modernisation but of three or four major fires which have occurred here since the early 1970s.

Services
The off-peak service on all days of the week in trains per hour is:
 * 4 tph to London Euston
 * 4 tph to Watford Junction

Use by London Underground
The station is occasionally used as a reversing point on the London Underground network by out-of-service Bakerloo line trains when they cannot enter the LU platforms at Queens Park station due to planned engineering work or failures, and/or are prevented from reversing in the Up DC line platform there. The fourth rail (bonded to the traction current return rail) continues towards Kilburn High Road to permit these movements, but the carrying of passengers to Kilburn High Road by LU tube trains is not permitted as the platform height is matched to Network Rail trains (platforms on this line north of Queens Park station are positioned at a "transition" height which is higher than that for normal LU platforms and lower than NR platforms). There are also one or two "rusty rail" journeys made by LU trains each day to keep the fourth rail clean for the relatively infrequent unscheduled diverted LU trains. Kilburn High Road appears on non-public internal London Underground (LU) maps and documents for this purpose.

Connections
London Buses routes 16, 31, 32, 98, 206, 316, 328 and 632 and night routes N28, N31, N32 and N98 serve the station.

title: Kilburn High Road railway station


text:
Jailhouse rock (fighting style)

Jailhouse rock is a name used to describe a collection of fighting styles that were practiced or developed within black urban communities in the 1960s and 1970s.

The many different manifestations of JHR share a commonality in blending western boxing with other stylised martial arts techniques. The basic principle of these styles is constant improvisation, blocks and effectiveness in real-life situations.

52 Hand Blocks has been referenced numerous times by contemporary media including by journalist Douglas Century's Street Kingdom: Five Years Inside the Franklin Avenue Posse, as well as numerous Wu-Tang Clan songs and Ted Conover's book Newjack. Recently, celebrities including actor Larenz Tate and rapper Ludacris have taken up the fighting system for film roles and self-defense, shining a brighter light on this previously underground martial art.

Origins
The existence of this martial art was originally somewhat debated, but mainstream media exposure has contributed towards raising the awareness of the martial art.

According to Dennis Newsome, a well-known JHR practitioner, JHR is an indigenous African American fighting art that has its origins in the 17th and 18th centuries, when slaves were first institutionalized and needed to defend themselves. Oral tradition has the skill evolving secretly within the U.S. penal system, with regional styles reflecting the physical realities of specific institutions. This theory relates JHR to the fusion of African and European/American bare-knuckle fist-fighting styles known as "cutting", which is said to have been practiced by champions such as Tom Molineaux, and also to the little-known African-American fighting skill known as "knocking and kicking", which is said to be practiced clandestinely in parts of the Southern US and on the Sea Islands.

Alternatively but unlikely and unfounded; it may be that JHR was not a product of penal institutions, but rather an evolution of the many African martial arts or fighting games which were practiced by slaves, with different styles evolving separately in different penal institutions. According to this theory, some people believe Jailhouse Rock may be a modern American manifestation of the many African martial arts that were disseminated throughout the African diaspora, comparable to martial arts including Afro-Brazilian Capoeira, Cuban Mani and Martiniquese Ladja.

It has a mythological origin story of having originated in the US penal institutions back in the 1960s and 1970s. Some have cast doubt on this origin story, as the teaching of fighting systems by inmates is generally not allowed in jails and prisons. However, others point out that the experience of any given prisoner, as well as the enforcement of the rules, varies enormously from one institution to the next, and that a great deal of prisoner life occurs in secret and necessarily in violation of the institutional rules.

Tales of the pugilistic exploits of the infamous 1970s New York prison fighter "Mother Dear" (an alleged homosexual rapist) have also contributed to the extensive urban mythology surrounding this system.

The 52 Hand Blocks aspect of JHR was first featured in Black Belt Magazine in the 1970s it was then followed by a key reference in Douglas Century's nonfiction book Street Kingdom. This book played a key role because it introduced one of 52 Blocks most senior living practitioners; Kawaun "Big K" Adon. Kawaun would unite with Martial Arts Historian Daniel Marks and Fitness Innovator Hassan Yasin (GIANT) to form the organisation Constellation. This organisation would motivate the authorship of essays like "Freeing the Afrikan Mind: the Role of Martial Arts in Contemporary African American Cultural Nationalism" by Professor Tom Green of Texas A&M University.

This martial art style became more accessible and public at the beginning of the 21st century.

Styles
JHR is divided into various regional styles. These include:
 * "52 Hand Blocks" or "52" – The origins of 52 Hand Blocks, although highly debated, does coincide with golden era of martial arts in America when Chinese cinema was booming. The name 52 Hand Blocks, although contested, is most likely derived from the reference of the fifty-two blocking techniques encompassed in the art. These techniques consist of traditional western boxing blocks, covers and parries but also include elbow strikes and blocks, knees, head butts and other martial arts techniques. The name 52 may be a reference to the playing card game of 52 Pickup and to the expression "let the cards fall where they may." There are many theories relating to the name including a reference to a combat training system involving the use of playing cards, a theory the name simply derives from a reference to a specific cell block and even some claims bordering on the supernatural with practitioners trying to connect 52 to the Supreme Mathematics of the Nation of Gods and Earths. However, the most likely and accepted explanation is that it simply refers to the fifty-two blocking techniques encompassed in the art.
 * Gorilla
 * Stato
 * Coxsacki Style
 * Woodbourne Style
 * Comstock Style
 * San Quentin Style
 * Bum Rush
 * Mount Meg
 * 42nd
 * Closing Gates

Jailhouse rock in the media

 * According to researcher Douglas Century, professional boxers, including Zab Judah and Mike Tyson, have testified to possessing knowledge of the style. The 1974 Black Belt Magazine article claims that both Kid Gavilan and Floyd Patterson were trained in the Coxsacki-style of JHR.
 * The style is also referred to in many rap songs by artists such as the Wu-Tang Clan.
 * Larenz Tate underwent extensive training in the 52 Blocks variant of Jailhouse rock for his 2011 film Gun Hill.
 * Mel Gibson was trained in Jailhouse Rock by Dennis Newsome, for his part in the first Lethal Weapon film.
 * Def Jam: Fight for NY uses this for the street fighting style in game.

title: Jailhouse rock (fighting style)


text:
The Complete Live at the Plugged Nickel 1965

The Complete Live at the Plugged Nickel 1965 is a live box set of the Miles Davis Quintet, recorded on December 22 and 23, 1965. First released in Japan in March 1992 by Sony Records as a 7 disc set (catalogue SRCS 5766~5772), it was re-released on Legacy Records in July 1995 as an 8 disc set (catalogue CK 66955). In conjunction with Legacy, Mosaic Records released a 10 LP set (catalogue MQ10-158). It was re-released as an SA-CD Box in October 2023 in a limited edition of 1500 by Sony Japan for Tower Records Japan. It comprises recordings of seven performance sets over the two nights by the second great Davis quintet at the now-defunct Plugged Nickel nightclub in Chicago. A single-disc sampler, Highlights from the Plugged Nickel (catalogue CK 67377) was released by Legacy on November 14, 1995, and was reissued on February 1, 2008.

The box set provides the complete recordings to the concerts originally released as At Plugged Nickel, Chicago, Vol. 1 and At Plugged Nickel, Chicago, Vol. 2 in Japan and rereleased as Live at the Plugged Nickel by Columbia; this appeared also as At Plugged Nickel, Chicago (Album No. 25 / Discs 30 & 31) in the box set Miles Davis: The Complete Columbia Album Collection. Some tracks were available on Miles Davis compilations, but the full recordings were not released until the appearance of this box set.

Background
The Plugged Nickel concerts came at the end of a difficult year for Davis. In April 1965, roughly three months after the recording of E.S.P., he underwent hip surgery, and was hospitalized until July. In August, while wrestling with one of his sons, he broke his leg, which required further hospitalization followed by the implantation of a plastic hip joint. By late fall, the quintet was finally back together, playing gigs in Philadelphia, Detroit, New York, and Washington, D.C., then travelling to Chicago for a 2 week engagement (December 21 to January 2) at the Plugged Nickel.

According to Wayne Shorter, by this point the group had "settle[d] back into a groove," causing the musicians to become restless and dissatisfied. Herbie Hancock stated: "we'd gotten so cohesive as a band that it had become easy to play together. We had figured out a formula for making it work, but of course playing by formula was exactly the opposite of what we wanted to do. We needed to put the challenge back in, to figure out ways to take more risks." He recalled: "everybody did things according to certain kinds of expectations. I knew if I did this, Ron would do that, or Tony knew that if he did this, I would do that. It became so easy to do that it was almost boring." On the flight to Chicago, Tony Williams came up with a solution, proposing that the group make "anti-music": "whatever someone expects you to play, that's the last thing you play..." After some discussion, the musicians agreed, but decided not to tell Davis. Hancock added: "Some people have suggested that Tony was trying to sabotage the band by doing this, but really he was only trying to sabotage our comfort level, to break us open again. It was just another step in trying to push our boundaries as musicians and as a band."

The Plugged Nickel set list consisted of mostly standards, with the exception of "Agitation" from E.S.P. Hancock wrote: "from the moment Miles counted off the first song, I started focusing on how I could play against expectation. Whenever a song would build up, getting to a natural peak, the natural inclination would be to push it over the top—but instead I would suddenly bring it down with one quiet note. Tony did the same, building up his playing in volume and intensity, and then, instead of hitting the bass drum, he'd gently tap the cymbal. We did the opposite, too, suddenly ratcheting up the intensity just as a tune was winding down." Shorter recalled: "When I heard those guys dropping the bottom out from under me, I knew it was 'Go for it' time!... I'd been in the band for a little over a year, and the next thing I knew we were way out there. It was like... this is what freedom means. The awareness was that the great responsibility that came with the territory was to push the envelope. You heard responsibility converted into expression that sounded like a great adventure." During these sets, tempos were shifted and tunes were stretched to the verge of unrecognizability.

Although Davis was still recovering from his ordeals, he seemed to enjoy the unexpected challenge, and allowed the other players extra space. According to Hancock, Davis "never said a word about it. He knew better than anyone that something strange was going on, but he never asked us, and we never told him. He just went with it. And he was brilliant!" At the conclusion of the concerts, according to Shorter, "we were raising so much hell [musically] that when we came off we couldn't say nothing to each other. We were lethargic in a princely way. We weren't trying to put on airs... it was like, 'let's not touch this.' You were in the royalty of the moment, and such royalty need never be tampered with." Hancock wrote that when he finally mustered the courage to listen to the recordings, he was surprised: "There was so much going on, and it sounded so little like what I remembered, that I was shocked. I really liked it, but I'm not even sure I could explain why. I would call it profound, except that the word 'profound,' to me, implies something that's deep and elegant. This was not elegant. This was naked and had guts. It was raw. To this day, when I hear recordings from the Plugged Nickel, I'm knocked out by their sheer raw intensity and honesty."

Content
Each disc of the box set of 8 discs presents one complete set, with the exception of the second set on the first night of December 22, which is split onto two discs, with the discs in a slimline case and internally numbered accordingly as 2a and 2b. The reasoning for this on the part of Legacy is unclear, since the total timing of the music on discs 2a and 2b is under the 80-minute single disc limit. The original Japanese 7 disc release combined the same tracks onto a single disc 2.

Reception
The box set has been awarded a rare crown by the Penguin Guide to Jazz, concluding that "these are genuinely historic recordings." AllMusic reviewer Scott Yanow awarded the album 5 stars, calling the music "continually fascinating" and "[o]ne of the top releases of 1995". Writing for All About Jazz, C. Michael Bailey stated: "All of the pieces performed at the Plugged Nickel were a look at the old stuff through radically different glasses". He wrote that the performances "represent Davis' effort to return to the classics and recast them in the new mode he was creating. The results were—and are—fantastic."

Don Heckman, in a review for the Los Angeles Times, wrote "What makes this collection... arresting is the manner in which Davis and his sidemen reached into such expansive improvisational areas while performing a program that, with the exception of 'Agitation,' consisted of standards and material from earlier repertoire... This two-night window on Davis, performing at the peak of his skills in partnership with one of his finest groups, provides both an invaluable historical document and a constantly mesmerizing listening experience." In a column reviewing Davis' "20 best albums", John Fordham ranked the Plugged Nickel recordings #6, and called them "[m]aybe the best-ever representation of 'the second great quintet' at work. Superbly recorded... the set finds Miles, Wayne Shorter, Herbie Hancock, Ron Carter and Tony Williams reinventing small-band jazz with an all-but-psychic flexibility of timing and on-the-fly harmonising."

The authors of Miles Davis: The Complete Illustrated History stated that the Plugged Nickel recordings "capture the Quintet in full flight, ranging through Miles' catalog and playing with such extraordinary grace that many aficionados consider the rhythm section of Williams–Carter–Hancock jazz's finest ever." Keith Waters wrote that the tracks "show the group moving even further towards free jazz and abstraction in the context of standard tune improvisation. Ever exploratory, these recordings made even the innovations of the previous work seem confining... the Plugged Nickel recordings... appeared to the members as a significant moment in the group's evolution."

Pianist Jodie Christian, one of the founders of the AACM, was in the audience, and recalled: "Technically, they listened to one another and played together unlike any other band I'd ever heard... Everybody heard each other and was able to respond to the same thing. At intermission everybody in the audience would talk excitedly about what we were hearing, because they were playing both free-form and conventional. I don't think I ever heard anything like that again." Trumpeter Dave Douglas expressed his admiration for Shorter's solo on "On Green Dolphin Street", writing: "it's the counterintuitive choices Shorter makes in this solo that really get me. By counterintuitive I mean: Shorter seems to use the unusual notes in a chord or voice-leading moment to connote other harmonic areas, keys and scales, and somehow always manages to resolve the dissonance tunefully but almost never in the way you expect. It helps that his dialogue with the rest of the band is telepathic, with each interesting harmonic, melodic and rhythmic choice leading to an intelligent and emotive response. The deeper you listen, the more profound those choices seem. That makes a great improvisation, no matter the music or style."

When the 1982 Plugged Nickel recording came out, Wynton Marsalis visited Shorter at his home and asked if they could listen to the music together while Marsalis watched Shorter's facial expressions.

Highlights from the Plugged Nickel
Highlights from the Plugged Nickel is a compilation album by American jazz musician Miles Davis, released on November 21, 1995, by Sony Music Records and recorded from December 22 through December 23, 1965 at the Plugged Nickel. It consists of several tunes from The Complete Live at the Plugged Nickel 1965.

The Miles Davis Quintet

 * Miles Davis – trumpet
 * Wayne Shorter – tenor saxophone
 * Herbie Hancock – piano
 * Ron Carter – double bass
 * Tony Williams – drums


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Lötschental

The Lötschental  is the largest valley on the northern side of the Rhône valley in the canton of Valais in Switzerland. It lies in the Bernese Alps, with the Lonza running down the length of the valley from its source within the Langgletscher (lit.: Long Glacier).

Geography
The valley extends about 27 km from the Lötschenlücke (3178 m) at the top of the Langgletscher to the mouth of the valley at Steg/Gampel (630 m). It is surrounded by 3,000 meter high mountains, including the Bietschhorn (3,934 m), the Hockenhorn (3,293 m), the Wilerhorn (3,307 m) and the Petersgrat (3,205 m). The Jungfrau-Aletsch Protected Area is the most glaciated area in the Swiss Alps, and was declared a Natural World Heritage Site by decision of UNESCO on December 13, 2001, along with southern and eastern parts of the Lötschental.

The main villages of the Lötschental are Wiler and Kippel, with 538 and 383 inhabitants respectively. Other villages in the valley include Ferden and Blatten. Altogether, the valley has approximately 1,500 inhabitants.

History
The Lötschental was likely first settled during the Roman period, but remained largely cut off from the outside world until the beginning of the twentieth century. The valley remained remote and difficult to access, especially during the winters, until the construction of the Lötschbergbahn, between 1907 and 1913, connected it to an international railway line.

Traditional farming, involving primarily agriculture and cattle and sheep rearing, began to disappear with the extension of the road to Blatten after World War II. Tourism increasingly came to function as the valley's primary industry, especially since the construction of a cablecar from Wiler to Lauchernalp in 1972. This lift only had a capacity of sixty people and was later replaced with one of a hundred. The Lötschental is now a destination resort for hiking with many tracks, such as the Höhenweg, and winter sports, including Nordic and Alpine skiing as well as sledging and snowshoeing. In November 2003, a new gondola lift from Gandegg to the Hockenhorngrat was opened, giving access to the Milibachgletscher and the Lötschen Pass. In December 2017 a six-person chair lift was opened from the top of the cablecar station to Stafel replacing the old chair and drag lifts originally built in the sixties, or seventies.

Lauchernalp and Fischbiel have now 1,500 beds for rent, five restaurants and one hotel. The lift system supports a varied ski terrain with a vertical drop of 1,000 m or more and 33 km of ski runs.

The Lauchernalp ski area has FIS homologated race courses in all disciplines of Alpine skiing and was the venue for the Swiss National Championships in 1974.

Tschäggättä
The Lötschental is known for its unique local custom involving the so-called Tschäggättä: frightening figures wearing furs and carved wooden masks that walk the streets during carnival tossing soot at onlookers. The custom developed during the valley's history of relative isolation, though its exact origins are a matter of debate. The first official mention of the Tschäggättä occurs in a church chronicle of Kippel dating from 1860, and witnesses the local Prior lamenting the difficulties of enforcing a ban on "the terrible misuse of the so-called Tschäggättä".

title: Lötschental


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Talk:Gymnure

It's a bit, well... chatty, don't you think? Nick.wiebe 17:70, 23 Apr 2006

It is as present uncertain if gymnures are really related to "other insectivores such as moles, shrews, tenrecs and solenodons", as tenrecs are definitely NO insectivores, solenodons probably also, and Erinaceidae also may well represent its own order. Therefore, I don't think it's good to talk about "other insectivores". Ucucha 14:18, 8 Apr 2005 (UTC)

That's not what my texts say. I will concede, given how quickly taxonomy changes, that my information could be out of date; irregardless, it's only a minor point. --Suinae 21:45, 6 May 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:Gymnure


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Laboe Naval Memorial

The Laboe Naval Memorial (a.k.a. Laboe Tower, German: Marine-Ehrenmal Laboe) is a memorial located in Laboe, near Kiel, in Schleswig-Holstein, Germany. Started in 1927 and completed in 1936, the monument originally memorialized the World War I war dead of the Kaiserliche Marine, with the Kriegsmarine dead of World War II being added after 1945. In 1954 it was rededicated as a memorial for the sailors of all nationalities who were lost at sea and at the same time a memorial for peaceful sailing in open seas.

The monument consists of a 72 m tower topped by an observation deck. The deck stands a total 85 m above sea level. A hall of remembrance and World War II-era German submarine U-995, which houses a technical museum, both sit near the foot of the monument, and the site is a popular tourist venue. U-995 is the world's only remaining Type VII U-boat.

The tower was designed by architect Gustav August Munzer, who stated that the form was not meant to represent anything specific but was to inspire positive feelings in those who look at it. It has been associated by some with the stem of a viking ship or the conning tower of a submarine.

title: Laboe Naval Memorial


text: User talk:130.225.86.74

title: User talk:130.225.86.74


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Headstone Lane railway station

Headstone Lane is a railway station near Headstone, in the London Borough of Harrow. The station is in Travelcard Zone 5.

Services
The typical off-peak service is four trains per hour to London Euston, and four trains to Watford Junction, calling at all stations. The trains to Watford Junction are northbound and are accessed through a gateway and by going down a flight of stairs, whereas the other platform is southbound and is directed towards London Euston. This is accessed by crossing over a bridge and also going down a flight of stairs to reach the platform. On the northbound platform, there is a gate exit which now has an Oyster reader, so passengers can exit through the gate without having to climb the stairs. There are also Oyster readers at the main entrance at the top of the bridge. During the Silverlink era, the gate was rarely opened – however in recent times, London Overground always leaves the gate open.

The station was previously also served by the Bakerloo line of the London Underground between 16 April 1917 and 24 September 1982.

Since the takeover of this station from Silverlink to London Overground the ticket office opening hours have significantly reduced to information only and two ticket machines were installed which has now been reduced to one and offer Oyster Cards facilities, card payments are also accepted.

Connections
London Buses routes H18 and H19 serve the station.

title: Headstone Lane railway station


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Maer

Maer may refer to:

Places in the UK

 * Maer, Cornwall
 * Maer Lake
 * Maer, Staffordshire
 * Maer Hall, home of the pottery manufacturer Josiah Wedgwood II

People

 * Matthew Maer, British Army officer
 * Maer Roshan (born 1967), Iranian-born American writer, editor, and entrepreneur

Other uses

 * Maer (office), an administrative position in medieval Wales, Scotland, and Ireland
 * Maer (band), a group featuring Anna Murphy and Marjana Semkina

title: Maer


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Hatch End railway station

Hatch End is a railway station in the London Borough of Harrow, in north London, and in Travelcard Zone 6. London Underground's Bakerloo line trains served the station from 16 April 1917 until 24 September 1982. London Overground services on the Watford DC Line from London Euston currently serve this station.

History
The original station opened as Pinner on the London and Birmingham Railway, either in 1842 or c. 1844. It was renamed Pinner and Hatch End on 1 January 1897. The present station was built in 1911 to a design by architect Gerald Horsley, son of the painter John Calcott Horsley. The station was served by the Baker Street and Waterloo Railway (Bakerloo) from 16 April 1917, when Bakerloo services were extended from Willesden Junction to Watford Junction. The station was again renamed Hatch End (for Pinner) on 1 February 1920, and finally Hatch End on 11 June 1956. Bakerloo line services were withdrawn on 24 September 1982.

It has two platforms. The northbound (down) platform is on the side of the ticket office and cafe. The southbound (up) platform is reached via a footbridge. This platform was originally an island platform with the other face on the adjacent down fast main line. There was another island platform serving the up fast and down semi-fast lines and a further platform for the up semi-fasts. These other platforms were closed in 1963. A general rebuilding of the access to the two remaining platforms in use was built in the 1980s and a fence built along to shield waiting passengers from the fast trains. Ticket barriers were installed in early 2010.

Services
Hatch End station is on the West Coast Main Line but served only by 'all stations' trains on the Watford DC Line, with four trains per hour operated by London Overground to London Euston (southbound) and Watford Junction (northbound). This is the standard service, seven days a week. The typical journey time to Euston is 38 minutes and to Watford Junction 11 minutes.

Connections are available at Harrow & Wealdstone for a West Midlands Trains (London Northwestern Railway) fast service to London Euston or the Southern service to East Croydon, or the Bakerloo line calling at all stations to Elephant & Castle. Figures show that many change at Harrow & Wealdstone for the Southern train to alight at West Brompton or Kensington Olympia for the District line for central London. Also, those who have changed onto the Southern Train have the option for other Southern services and South Western Railway at Clapham Junction.

The station was previously served by the Bakerloo line of the London Underground.

In 2007, the station added to its facilities a cafe selling various beverages, snacks and newspapers; this on the northbound platform. The ticket office has improved opening hours and is more or less open when every train comes through. If not, there are several customer service assistants around if need be. There are also two ticket machines in the foyer where one can buy any national rail tickets, as well as travel cards, and oyster tickets. Under the new management of London Overground there has been significant improvement such as new signs, more CCTV and electronic departure boards in the foyer, both platforms and the southbound shelter.

In early 2010, Hatch End Station has had ticket barriers installed, in common with many other London Overground Stations. There are two barriers, and another barrier for luggage and wheelchair users. There are still two ticket machines, and the ticket office which is now open much more regularly.

Architectural critic and Poet Laureate Sir John Betjeman was an admirer of Hatch End railway station and described it as "half-way between a bank and a medium-sized country house" – Metroland.

Connections
London Buses routes H12 & H14 serve the station.

title: Hatch End railway station


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Grünhorn

The Grünhorn (or Gross Grünhorn) (4,043 m) is a mountain in the Bernese Alps range of the Swiss Alps. It is located on the ridge between the two largest glaciers of the Alps: the Aletsch Glacier to the west and the Fiescher Glacier to the east. To the south lies the Gross Wannenhorn and, to the north, the Gross Fiescherhorn.

The starting point for the normal route via the Grünegghorn and the south-west ridge is the Konkordiahütte at 2850 m, which can be reached from Fiesch (1,049 m; 3,442 ft).

Climbing history
The first ascent was made on August 7, 1865 by the Bernese mineralogist Edmund von Fellenberg with guides Peter Michel, Peter Egger and Peter Inäbnit. They climbed the mountain from the west side, starting at the Ewigschneefeld, a tributary glacier of the Aletsch Glacier. They successfully reached the summit despite very bad weather conditions. The same climbers had made an attempt on the peak in the previous year, but they could only reach a lower prominence of the Grünegghorn.

The second ascent was made by W. A. B. Coolidge, with guides Christian and Rudolf Almer (sons of Christian Almer).

A route on the north-east ridge was opened on 26 August 1913 by D. von Bethmann-Hollweg and O. Supersaxo. In the summer of 1950, G. Van der Leck climbed the west face. The western pillar was finally climbed by C. Blum and U. Frei on 27 August 1967.

Famed Swiss mountaineer Erhard Loretan died after a fall on the Grünhorn on 28 April 2011.

title: Grünhorn


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Third Avenue Elevated

Third Avenue Elevated refers to the following elevated railways:

 * The defunct IRT Third Avenue Line in Manhattan and the Bronx, New York City
 * The defunct BMT Third Avenue Line in Brooklyn, New York City

title: Third Avenue Elevated


text: Talk:Uniform Commercial Code

title: Talk:Uniform Commercial Code


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Chacoan peccary

The Chacoan peccary or tagua (Catagonus wagneri or Parachoerus wagneri) is the last extant species of the genus Catagonus; it is a peccary found in the Gran Chaco of Paraguay, Bolivia, and Argentina. Approximately 3,000 remain in the world.

The Chacoan peccary was first described in 1930 based on fossils and was originally thought to be an extinct species. In 1971, the animal was discovered to still be alive in the Chaco region, in the Argentine province of Salta. The species was well-known to the native people, but it took a while for Western scientists to acknowledge its existence; it is known locally as the tagua. Because it was originally described as extinct before its "rediscovery", it is an example of a Lazarus taxon.

Taxonomy
The Chacoan peccary is notable in that it is not the type species of its genus, Catagonus, despite being the only living representative. Instead, the type is the extinct Catagonus metropolitanus. Such a case is an example of a Lazarus taxon, and shares this trait with another South American native, the bush dog. The Chacoan peccary was first described by scientists in 1972.

A 2017 study on the phylogenetic systematics of Tayassuidae species suggests that Catagonus should only contain C. metropolitanus. The extinct narrow-headed peccary (C. stenocephalus) should be moved into Brasiliochoerus, while the Chacoan peccary, Catagonus bonaerensis and Catagonus carlesi should be placed in Parachoerus. If this is accepted, then Catagonus becomes an extinct genus once more.

Habitat
The Chacoan peccary is confined to hot, dry areas. Dominated by low-lying succulents and thorny bushes, the Gran Chaco is about 140,000 km2. A few scattered giant trees are found, but the majority of the vegetation is thorny scrub vegetation. The Chacoan peccary has developed adaptations such as well-developed sinuses to combat dry, dusty conditions. Their feet are also small, which allows maneuverability among spiny plants.

Physical characteristics
The largest of the three generally accepted species of peccaries, the Chacoan peccary has many pig-like features. It is an ungulate with a well-formed rostrum with a tough leathery snout. The bristle-like hair is generally brown to almost gray. A dark stripe runs across the back, and white fur is on the shoulders. Chacoan peccaries differ from other peccary species by having longer ears, snouts, and tails. It has white hairs around the mouth, unlike other peccaries. Catagonus wagneri also has a third hind toe, but other peccaries only have two. The hypsodont teeth follow this dental formula: 2/3, 1/1, 3/3, 3/3. The upper canines display the distinguishing trait of peccaries, pointing downwards instead of out and up like pigs, which may be a signal for other peccaries to keep the group together through the dense bush.

Reproduction
Young are generally born between September and December, but litters have been found almost year-round. Births have been linked to periods of food abundance and rainfall. The average number of embryos has been recorded as approximately 2.72. Females may leave the herd to give birth and then return afterwards. Newborns are precocial, able to run a few hours after birth. The pelage of the young resembles that of the adults. There is no sexual dimorphism.

Behavior
Chacoan peccaries often travel in herds of up to 20 individuals. They are active during the day, especially in the morning when they are most apt to travel. Herds display a general travel cycle within their home range of 42 days. This allows the individuals to monitor and show ownership over their areas.

These social mammals communicate by various sounds, ranging from grunts to chatters of the teeth. Though individuals may occasionally exhibit aggressive behavior such as charging and biting, this species is not as aggressive as others.

As a defensive strategy, members of a herd may line up in a defensive wall; this makes the herds harder targets for hunters. The Chacoan peccary produces a milky, odorous substance used for marking trees, shrubs, and similar. The substance is secreted from glands located on their backs, and is dispersed by rubbing. Frequently bathing in mud or dust, Chacoan peccaries also defecate at particular "stations".

Food habits
The arid habitat of the Gran Chaco region provides very tough vegetation for the Chacoan peccary. These peccaries feed on various species of cacti, such as Cleistocactus baumannii and Opuntia discolor. It uses its tough snout to roll the cacti on the ground, rubbing the spines off. It may pull off the spines with its teeth and spit them out. The kidneys are specialized to break down acids from the cacti. The two-chambered stomachs are also well suited to digest tough foods. Occasionally grazing on bromeliad roots, it also eats acacia pods and fallen cactus flowers. This species of peccary seeks out salt licks formed from ant mounds and construction projects (road building and land clearings). The Chacoan peccary gains essential minerals like calcium, magnesium, and chlorine from the salt licks.

Conservation status
Because the Chacoan peccary is endemic to a formerly isolated region of South America, it is most vulnerable to human activity. Just as quickly as this species is discovered in an area, it disappears. Herd numbers are decreasing as a result of habitat loss and fragmentation. Their range is being quickly transformed into large Texas-style ranches. Hunting also continues, as well as an unidentified disease that has plagued the herds in recent years. A population has been established in North American and European zoos. Preserves have also been established in Paraguay, but are not highly enforced.

title: Chacoan peccary


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Grosses Fiescherhorn

Grosses Fiescherhorn is a mountain peak of the Bernese Alps, located on the border between the cantons of Bern and ValaisValais, halfway between the Mönch and the Finsteraarhorn. At 4049 m above sea level, its summit culminates over the whole Fiescherhorn massif (Fiescherhörner), which is also composed of the slightly lower Hinteres Fiescherhorn (4025 m) to the south and Kleines Fiescherhorn (also called Ochs aka ox, 3895 m) to the east. From the north both are well hidden behind other mountain peaks and can only been seen from Isch in Grindelwald (1,095 m). The mountain is shared between the municipalities of Grindelwald and Fieschertal.

Ascents are usually made from one of these three popular routes: one starts from the Mönchsjoch Hut, one from the Konkordia Hut, and the third from the Finsteraarhorn Hut.

Climbing history
The summit was first reached on 23 July 1862 by H. B. George and Adolphus Warburton Moore, with guides Christian Almer and Ulrich Kaufmann. They used what is now the normal route, the south-west ridge.

The north side of the mountain was first climbed in 1926. On 13 August, W. Amstutz and P. von Schumacher reached the summit after a 15-hour ascent via the north ridge, which is the northern boundary of the Fiescherwand.

The first direct ascent on the Fiescherwand was made by W. Welzenbach and H. Tillmann in 1930. Welzenbach was an expert climber, who disputed the common idea of his time that an ascent of the Fiescherwand was impossible. The previous year, in 1929, Welzenbach and Tillmann climbed the north ridge in only 8.5 hours. The following year they started the ascent of the Fiescherwand on the morning of 5 September 1930, taking a line that ran directly to the summit. They reached the top that evening, after a 12-hour ascent.

title: Grosses Fiescherhorn


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User talk:Sandleroneill

You're the tenth or so sockpuppet that has continued to revert to the same POV introduction to Oliver North. If you revert again, I will block you (again). Please stop. The current introduction is quite nuanced and accurate, and seems to have been agreed to by those editing the page. SlimVirgin (talk) 14:29, Apr 8, 2005 (UTC)
 * Correction: you're the 20th sockpuppet. SlimVirgin (talk) 14:32, Apr 8, 2005 (UTC)
 * I've blocked you for one week for creating sockpuppet User:Kylewinters to get round 3RR, and the latter indefinitely, and if you create any more, I'll block you indefinitely along with all the others. Come on, please lighten up, and be a regular editor. SlimVirgin (talk) 19:55, Apr 8, 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Sandleroneill


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Bloody show

Bloody show or show is the passage of a small amount of blood or blood-tinged mucus through the vagina near the end of pregnancy. It is caused by thinning and dilation of the cervix, leading to detachment of the cervical mucus plug that seals the cervix during pregnancy and tearing of small cervical blood vessels, and is one of the signs that labor may be imminent. The bloody show may be expelled from the vagina in pieces or altogether and often appears as a jelly-like piece of mucus stained with blood. Although the bloody show may be alarming at first, it is not a concern of patient health after 37 weeks gestation.

Signs and symptoms
Bloody show is recognized through the presence of mucus and blood that is combined and discharged from the cervix before labor occurs. Bloody show is sometimes used as an indication of active labor, and can occur as a result of the onset of labor. Bloody show can also occur with other symptoms of onset of labor, including painful contractions, degree of cervical effacement, and/or spontaneous membrane rupture. Severity of symptoms differs from person to person and usually those symptoms are more commonly found than bloody show.

Bloody show may occur before labor, sometimes as early as three days before the actual delivery date. When bloody show occurs, pregnant individuals are encouraged to see a midwife or doctor as this may be an indication of active labor. Bloody show may occur gradually or all at once, however, it will indicate the pregnant person will go into labor soon.

Bloody show is the most common cause of bleeding during late pregnancy and often presents as minor bleeding mixed with mucus alongside other signs of labor initiation (contractions, cervical dilation, cervical effacement). While not considered as serious bleeding or deadly, the passage of a bloody show signals that labor is beginning or will begin soon.

Diagnosis
The diagnostic examinations and tools used to determine the type of vaginal bleeding depend on a combination of gestation age, history of pregnancy and bleeding, past medical history, physical examination, and laboratory work.
 * History of current pregnancy – estimated due date, risk factors for complications, abdominal pain, uterine contractions
 * History of previous pregnancies – number of confirmed pregnancies, number of late-term deliveries, number of abortions, risk factors for major bleeding (e.g. prior cesarean section)
 * Character of the bleeding – color, appearance, onset time, presence of pain
 * Physical examination – vital signs (including blood pressure), abdominal palpitation, speculum or digital cervical examination
 * Ultrasound and/or magnetic resonance imaging – assessment of uterus location and shape
 * Laboratory tests - complete blood count, coagulation tests

Differential diagnoses
Vaginal bleeding may occur at any point during pregnancy. During late pregnancy, bleeding may be normal but may also indicate a more serious underlying problem such as miscarriage, placenta previa, or placental abruption. Bloody show itself is an exclusionary diagnosis, that is, it rules out other causes of vaginal bleeding. Other causes of vaginal bleeding in late pregnancy include placental abruption, placenta previa, vasa previa, uterine rupture, and non-obstetric causes.

While bloody show is not considered as vaginal bleeding requiring medical intervention, other more serious types of bleeding may visibly present as minor bleeding. As such, if any of the following are observed, a more thorough examination is warranted to rule out serious causes of bleeding:

 * Maternal hypotension
 * Tense and/or tender uterus
 * Fetal distress - deceleration, bradycardia, loss of heart sounds
 * Cessation of labor and/or inability of uterus to contract

Management
Bloody show is not considered abnormal within the context of pregnancy, therefore, no treatment is required.

If a bloody show occurs too early during a pregnancy, there are a few options to counteract the increased risk of infection and premature labor. Preterm labor occurs when the cervix opens after week 20 of pregnancy and before week 37. These options include de-stressing such as bed rest, avoiding intense activities, monitoring for signs of active labor, and stitching the cervix closed. Sometimes, the cervix will be stitched closed to help prevent infection or pathogenic harm to the fetus while it develops. Management of the beginning of labor, after the bloody show, can include breathing techniques and hydration to maintain relaxation before delivering the baby.

Mechanism
Labor begins with the suppression of the inhibitory effects on myometrium contraction, leading to dilation of the cervix and pushing the fetus through the birth canal. This occurs as intrauterine biochemical events lead to the softening and dilation of the cervix. Decidual cells, which play a nutritional role in the formation of the placenta, promote the synthesis and release of prostaglandins and proinflammatory cytokines. Prostaglandins are key in the onset of childbirth, as they synchronize uterine activation and cervical ripening. In some pregnant individuals, hemorrhaging of blood vessels in the cervix may lead to a premature release of prostaglandins. Alongside prostaglandin, placental oxytocin is another key naturally occurring neuropeptide released at the onset of labor. Oxytocin can induce myometrial contractions, as it is a common tool used for augmentation of contractions after the onset of labor.

Cyclic nucleotides, including cyclic guanosine monophosphate (cGMP) and cyclic adenosine monophosphate (cAMP), activate specific protein kinases to provide rapid intracellular responses to these neuropeptides. Cyclic GMP mediates nitric oxide in the myometrium, allowing the relaxation of the uterus. Cyclic AMP influences the relaxation of myometrial smooth muscle by complexing with adenylyl cyclase (ADCY), protein kinase A (PKA), and phosphodiesterases.

Through this biochemical cascade, a pregnant individual is prepared for childbearing. Vaginal mucus, or vaginal discharge, may increase in quantity as pregnancy progresses. While vaginal mucus is considered normal in individuals with female genitalia, pregnant individuals may notice streaks of blood or a red hue in their vaginal mucus. As the cervix effaces and dilates in preparation for childbearing, small blood vessels in the cervix may tear and bleed, leading to blood mixed with vaginal mucus from the displaced mucus plug. The mucus plug is a blockage of the cervix made up of mucus which acts as a physical barrier against infectious agents that may cause bacterial vaginosis or harm to the fetus. It also contains many antimicrobial agents, similarly to the mucus found in the human nasal cavity. The mucus plug develops during pregnancy to provide a pathogen-free uterus to house the fetus. When a mucus plug detaches, a bloody show can be initiated. As the blood vessels in the cervix dilate, this leads to ruptures of membranes that allow blood and amniotic fluid to gather in the posterior vaginal canal.

Epidemiology
Although the bloody show can occur as part of the natural progression of labor, activities such as sexual intercourse, pressure on the pelvis, or trauma can initiate the occurrence of bloody show and labor. Risk factors that can increase the chance of preterm labor and of having a bloody show include preeclampsia and birth complications that risk the health of the mother or fetus. Risk factors for preterm pregnancy such as high blood pressure, blood clotting issues, diabetes, sexually transmitted infections, or other vaginal infections may also put the mother at a high risk of an early bloody show.

History
Bloody show was first mentioned in an article back in 1995.

title: Bloody show


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Sexual cognitive psychology

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. - Mailer Diablo 16:48, 14 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Sexual cognitive psychology
This was nominated for speedy, but doesn't fit any of the criteria. Nevertheless, delete--one google hit for the phrase, and the "none to date" under criticisms seems suspicious. Meelar (talk) 14:31, Apr 8, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, non-notable, at least. Fire Star 14:37, 8 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, has the word "sex" in the title so it's wrong and dirty and offensive. Obscure, could be a note under a sexual psychology article perhaps. --Asriel86 16:53, Apr 8, 2005 (UTC)
 * Just a note--are you sure this subject actually exists? I wasn't able to find any evidence. Meelar (talk) 19:03, Apr 8, 2005 (UTC)
 * I don't think it has its own distinctive segment, the article sounds like regular cognitive psychology (even neo-freudism), only poorly formatted and even more poorly explained. --Asriel86 19:14, Apr 8, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, I have a Bachelor's in Cognitive Science and can assure you it's nonsense. This subject doesn't exist as worded, and the article's content has little to no basis in fact. --Chrysaor 20:13, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, nn sexcruft. ComCat 06:27, 14 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
User:Sandleroneill

Throughout human history, as our species has faced the frightening, terrorizing fact that we do not know who we are, or where we are going in this ocean of chaos, it has been the authorities, the political, the religious, the educational authorities who attempted to comfort us by giving us order, rules, regulations, informing, forming in our minds their view of reality. To think for yourself you must question authority and learn how to put yourself in a state of vulnerable open-mindedness, chaotic, vulnerability, to inform yourself. -Timothy Leary

Musical Interests
After dabbling with the trumpet for about five years in early childhood, I gravitated toward the oboe because it offered perhaps an easier and more versatile outlet for my creative needs.

Influences
I love rock music, including Led Zeppelin, Tool, Metallica, Pink Floyd, The Doors, Smashing Pumpkins, Rage Against the Machine, The Grateful Dead, and too many more to mention.

Gear I Use
I've always used Fender amps, although I covet big Marshall tube stacks and have gotten great sounds out of Mesa Boogie and Randall setups.

As far as guitars, I have an ESP with 24 frets, neck-thru body, and floyd rose tremolo for narcissistic displays of chops and devastating metal sounds. It's not the top of the line, but I love it anyway. I've also had a Fender American Standard Strat ever since I started playing guitar, and it still sounds as sweet and juicy as anything I've heard. It sounds particularly good in clean channels and alternate tunings.

I've gone through a ton of effects pedals over the years, but I keep using the old MXR Phase 90, the Vox Wah, and the Boss Digital Delay and Chorus.

title: User:Sandleroneill


text:
TV3 (Malaysian TV network)

Sistem Televisyen Malaysia Berhad, operating as TV3 (pronounced as Tivi Tiga), is a Malaysian free-to-air television channel owned by Malaysian media conglomerate, Media Prima. TV3 is the third oldest TV station in Malaysia. It was launched on 1 June 1984 as the country's first and oldest private television channel. As of October 2021, TV3 remains to be the most-watched television station in Malaysia with about 17% of its viewing share among other Malaysian television stations, followed by TV9 with 15% of its viewing share, making two of them become the second most-watched television station in the country, despite the declining viewership of 3 free-to-air television channels.

The network is notable for opening the big doors for the launching of private TV stations in Malaysia and responsible for launching the careers of many well-known personalities in broadcasting fields. Since 2003, it also organised the Jom Heboh carnival to promote its brands and products.

Setup
As early as 1976, some members of parliament demanded the creation of a commercial television channel, but concerns were raised by the government over a potential loss of revenue from newspapers and magazines.

A license was granted to Fleet Holdings, which was owned by Dato' Junus Sudin in August 1983. Officials from CBS were in talks with Fleet Holdings executives regarding the development of broadcasting in the country. The plan was to produce 30% national content and air 70% international content, with the option to buy programmes produced by the government. Fleet Holdings, the publisher of the New Straits Times, was chosen due to its "capacity, capability and expertise". The channel, with a projected launch date of 1 January 1985, was budgeted at RM 45 million. One of the plans was to recapture urban audiences, who had escaped television in pursuit of other forms of entertainment, especially home video, a practice that, among the ethnic groups, was more prevalent in Chinese Malaysians.

In November 1983, TV3 announced that its broadcasts would start ahead of schedule, at some point in 1984. Work for the transmitter at Bukit Besi started in February 1984, revealing the TV3 name to the public. In a surprise move, the channel later secured the rights to the 1984 Summer Olympics days later, to be held later in the year in Los Angeles. The decision still depended on whether or not the owners would start the channel on time. A prospective launch date of between June and July was then announced.

Beginning of operations
TV3 (Sistem Televisyen Malaysia Berhad) officially began broadcasting in the Greater Kuala Lumpur (the area surrounding Kuala Lumpur, capital of Malaysia) in conjunction the Hijri date of the first day of the holy month of Ramadan year 1404 AH (1 June 1984) at 5:00pm local time. The deliberate choice of starting the channel during Ramadan was to test the openness of the Malaysian society. The television channel used to broadcast from a building in Jalan Liku, Bangsar, Lembah Pantai, Kuala Lumpur before it moved to Sri Pentas, Bandar Utama, Petaling Jaya, Selangor in 1995.

Initially, the channel ran for seven hours a day - 5:00pm to 12:00am relying largely on television series produced mainly in the UK and the USA. The programming was mostly new to Malaysia, although some shows were already acquired by SBC (now Mediacorp) in neighboring Singapore. The channel initially had its coverage area limited to the Klang Valley, with plans to start increasing its coverage by the end of the year. Among the shows seen on the new service were Yellow Rose, Hill Street Blues (which SBC rejected), Just Our Luck and Scarecrow and Mrs King. There was also a dedicated slot for Chinese viewers (7 to 8pm), prime-time entertainment at the time RTM's channels were airing news and related programming, and movies in the last slot before closedown. Initially the channel, despite its entertainment format, was faced with criticism over the lack of news and documentaries, while clerics believed that the channel's lack of documentaries would have an adverse influence. Facing the moral controversies the channel had suffered, the channel added prayer calls (RTM had already done for its channels) and had plans to air the main news from RTM. In order to broadcast the news, TV3 needed permission from various organisations (ABU, Asiavision, Visnews, etc.).

In late June 1984, the government was studying the effects to TV3 related to the permission of allowing private radio stations to be opened.

In July 1984, it was announced that TV3 was extending its signal "before long", with an estimated cost of $100 for the maintenance of three transmitting stations, with stations in Penang and Johor to relay its programming, but would also provide separate programming adhering to differences between states. The stations outside Kuala Lumpur would refuse to air content that had already been the source of controversy from conservative figures, with documentaries and related programming likely to fill in the slots. In the case of Johor, the station - which owing to the recent creation of a third VHF channel in Singapore was disabled from broadcasting on VHF) - would refuse to carry content that was already being carried by SBC's channels, due to content rights issues between the two countries. An agreement was held on 23 August to start relaying RTM news bulletins from 31 August.

By October 1984, the channel had surpassed the popularity of both RTM networks, despite its limited coverage area at the time. A survey of 25,000 people conducted by Survey Research Malaysia in September gave satisfactory results to the channel. The slot between 8 and 9pm was seen by 66.9% of the sample, whilst on weekends, the figure increased to 76.9% in the 10pm to midnight period alone. Video rental shops have been feeling the pressure of the channel, witnessing a 20% drop in sales. TV3 had also gained a shadow audience outside of the Klang Valley, with viewers in the area taping programming to relatives and friends in areas without its signal.

TV3 announced in December 1984 that its network would expand by the middle of 1985. Dual audio and stereo were to start in the Klang Valley station in January 1985. The service was the first in the region.

The separate signal for the southern end of Peninsular Malaysia - which included Singapore in its spillover area - was to get TV3 in August 1985. The lack of frequencies available on VHF prompted the station - whose line-up was separate from the Klang Valley station - to start on UHF. Within weeks TV3 showed its silence over the installation of the new station in Johor, as well as further incompatibilities with the Singaporean legal system, including tobacco advertising (which SBC outlawed) and movies in Chinese dialects other than Mandarin. As of February 1985, TV3 was still submitting a proposal to the government to install stations in Ipoh, Johor Bahru and Penang. The government approved the expansion plan in March 1985, encompassing all of West Malaysia, with the plans starting in July. Singaporean advertisers at the time were hesitant in switching to TV3, preferring to wait for the arrival of the station to Johor in order to see the results. At the end of March, equipment had arrived from Japanese company Toshiba to set up the Johor station. Negotiations were underway to find a suitable UHF frequency. Technical difficulties led to the delay of the opening of the Johor station. Consequently, the final date was settled for December 1985. The plan involved five new stations: Penang, Ipoh, Malacca, Johor and Kuantan. The initial idea of having different schedules for different states was scrapped in favor of a uniform national schedule. In addition, UMNO Youth demanted the channel to end its western cosmopolitan image in favor of one that is more supportive of the Malaysian identity, as well as adopting the same censorship system as the two RTM channels.

In August 1985, it was decided that the station should start in Johor on 1 November 1985.

By the end of the year, TV3 was broadcasting 60 hours a week. 10% of the programming was in Malay (main news and the current affairs programme Majalah Tiga), 10% in Chinese (especially Hong Kong dramas) and the remaining 80% in English. The hour-long Cantonese drama slot attracted high advertising revenue.

Test signals in Johor started on 2 November 1985. Singapore's Housing Development Board said that it wouldn't modify its rooftop antennas to receive the new service, as it was against the Singaporean government's policy to facilitate the reception of foreign television stations. Furthermore, Singaporean newspapers wouldn't have access to listings for the channel. The government discouraged its viewing, largely due to series in Chinese dialects other than Mandarin.

As of August 1986, TV3 aired 32% local content compared to RTM's 65%.

TV3 began stereo broadcasts in 1987, using the German system. Despite the scarcity of stereo programmes in the market, TV3 has managed to make programmes in mono audio sound like stereo by splitting the mono sounds with a special synthesizer.

In January 1987, Fleet Holdings transferred its 30% stake in STMB to the NSTP in exchange for M$33.75 million. The NSTP's control over the company increased to 40%. Later in the month, it expanded its stake to 70%. An underwriting agreement with several local banks for its public listing was held on 26 January 1988. The station was listed at the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange (now Bursa Malaysia) for the first time on 25 April 1988.

In December 1987, TV3 began running its in-house produced 41-second public service announcement spot on AIDS, featuring the voice of Nassier Rahman. The spot aired eleven times between programmes since it started. It ran concurrently with competitor RTM's, which ran for 45 seconds and air once a day on its television channels.

TV3 started broadcasting to Sarawak in 1988. Initially it was scheduled for 26 August but technical problems delayed its launch there by a few days.

TV3 expanded to central Kelantan, Kota Kinabalu and central Pahang in 1989.

TV3 had its near-debut in the food business in November 1988 with the acquisition of some of Cold Storage's shares but did not materialise because the receipt of approval did not reach the authorities at that time.

In May 1989, representatives of MCA Youth met with TV3's management on whether to air Chinese news on TV3, despite its shortage of Mandarin-speaking staff. The Young Malaysian Movement launched a boycott on TV3 in January 1990 to urge Malaysian Chinese to stop watching the channel and ask all TV channels to air news in the languages of Malaysia's three main races. The boycott would also be supported by MCA Youth as well. In June 1990, MCA Youth gave TV3 a 10-day ultimatum to decide whether to broadcast the news in Mandarin. Meanwhile RTM had planned to air its Mandarin news broadcast on TV3; however the decision was left to TV3 on whether to air it.

Later years
By 1990, half of TV3's programmes are in Malay, as required by the government.

TV3's sports programmes in 1990 consist of American football, the 1990 Superbowl and Italian soccer, competing with RTM's 1990 Commonwealth Games.

During the 1990 general election campaign, TV3 was the only TV crew among the thirty local and foreign newsmen in the Semangat 46 party manifesto reveal. The party's leader refused to allow his voice to appear in news reports but have the crew film the ceremony.

TV3 expanded to Seremban, Bukit Fraser and two more sites in Sabah in 1991 and Mersing, Johor and Miri, Sarawak in late 1992.

The New Straits Times Press through its employees Abdul Kadir Jasin and Khalid Ahmad bought TV3 in a management buyout in 1993.

In January 1994, TV3 entered the mini-cinema business with the 60% acquisition of Power Annex Sdn Bhd, a local film distributor and cinema franchise company. The following month, TV3 entered the local film industry by acquiring rights to a local film produced by Penglipur Lara Sdn Bhd and Televisual Sdn Bhd.

On 1 March 1994, TV3 introduced full-time morning broadcasts, along with rival TV1. Among its programmes include Buletin Awal, which started at 6 am, a morning edition of Business News and Malaysia Hari Ini, with its initial lineup of presenters of Mahadzir Lokman, Christine Ling, Aziz Desa and Hasbullah Awang. Complementing the programmes were a review of major newspapers, weather reports and traffic updates with the Kuala Lumpur City Hall and traffic police.

TV3 had at least one hour a week of local Chinese drama in 1994.

On 1 July 1995, TV3 along with Indonesian station RCTI launched Citra Nusantara, airing Saturdays at 8 am, "providing topical insights" of Malaysia and Indonesia.

On 1 September 1995, TV3 extended its broadcasting hours to 1 am on weekdays and 2 am on Saturday and Sunday weekends instead of 12 am and 1 am respectively.

In 1996, TV3 set up its four subsidiaries in Ghana in which it owns a 52.5% of equity stake for each of these subsidiaries.

In 1997, TV3 and MetroVision was ordered by the Ministry of Information to relocate their transmitters to the Kuala Lumpur Tower.

TV3 began 24 hour broadcasting on 31 August 1997 after the government realised that cable and satellite television stations that operate 24 hours have no negative effect to the population, something the government previously sceptical about for productivity reasons.

TV3 had plans to start a second channel by the name of TV9 in 1997, unrelated to the present-day TV9. The application had yet to be received by the Information Ministry.

In April 1998, TV3 and MRCB agreed to build studios and audiotorium in Shah Alam, costing RM 7.2 million and planned to be completed on 31 October 1998. TV3 would be the sole user of such facilities. MRCB will receive RM1.7 million from TV3's advertising income.

In November 1998, TV3 decided to reduce its broadcast hours to just 12 hours for Mondays to Thursdays instead of 20 hours starting next month.

In the financial results of MRCB ending 31 August 1998, TV3 recorded a loss of RM 82 million.

On 22 September 2003, both Sistem Televisyen Malaysia Berhad and The New Straits Times Press (Malaysia) Berhad were spun off from Malaysian Resources Corporation Berhad (MRCB), in which the latter had acquired from Renong Berhad in 1993 to form Media Prima Berhad.

In 2004, TV3 celebrates its 20th anniversary and concurrently reintroduced 24-hour broadcast time, which has introduced a year before, in 2003.

On 6 September 2007, TV3 along with its sister channels, ntv7, 8TV and TV9 made available for online viewing via Media Prima's newly-launched streaming service, Catch-Up TV, which later rebranded as Tonton.

In 2008, TV3 through programs produced by it, dominates the list of 20 programs with higher viewership.

During the Eid-ul-Fitr celebration in 2009, TV3 dominates 30 percent of entire viewership.

In the first quarter of 2013, TV3 commands a 26% of market share in television audience.

On 1 June 2024, TV3 celebrates its 40th anniversary. It also organised an event called Immersio: Inspirasi Generasi By TV3, which took place at the Telekom Museum prior to its anniversary celebration.

Dialect affair in Singapore
In Singapore, the channel ran into controversy because it broadcast programmes in Cantonese, which ran contrary to the Singapore government's policy of promoting Mandarin instead of other dialects in media. Consequently, it prevented people in government-built housing blocks from installing the special antennas required to receive the channel. In addition, it prevented local newspapers and magazines from carrying listings for TV3, even though these were available for the other Malaysian channels. This was seen as a threat to the flow of information between the two countries, and that it undermined Singaporean perceptions of Malaysia's developing society. The Straits Times defended its argument over not publishing listings for the channel, as, contrary to RTM's two channels, whose schedules were published from the start, TV3 was excluded due to the government's policy against facilitating access to foreign television channels.

Reactions from viewers over the initial decision to boycott the channel were mostly negative, with unusual cases of relatives taping TV3 broadcasts for rent, obtaining the channel's listings from Johor on purpose and that, in the words of its director general Mohamad Noor Saleh, Singaporean media was over-reacting the situation. Hotels were already studying the possibility of installing UHF antennas capable of receiving the signal. The Workers' Party suggested the government to revise the policy, while still not understanding the rationale behind the decision, and that the move would discourage competition from SBC's channels. TV3 refused to make any representation to Singaporean authorities under the claim that the channel was strictly aimed at Malaysian audiences.

TV3 was available on Singapore CableVision (now StarHub TV), Singapore's only cable TV operator, until it was removed at 9pm, 22 July 2002 owing to copyright issues. Its final broadcasting hours were 11:30 am to 9 pm.

Screening of film about Golda Meir
An episode of the American documentary series Against the Odds profiling former Israeli prime minister Golda Meir was inadvertently broadcast on 18 April 1985. The station apologised for the showing, and a spokesman for the network was "deeply regretted". The mistake came from an unusual taking of one of the films that were not submitted for approval at the time by the Film Censorship Board. Israel and Malaysia don't maintain diplomatic ties.

Moral controversies
According to the Asia Wall Street Journal, as soon as TV3 started broadcasting, the channel was put under pressure from Muslim fundamentalists over a growing concern that the channel promoted an "open society" that eroded national values. The Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement strongly condemned the American series seen on the network, knowing that they were "detrimental to the Eastern social ethics", but that would "also destroy Islamic values". Its secretary-general Kamaruddin Jaafar demanded that TV3 should stop airing Western shows and introduce religious and educational programmes in their place. At the time, a television critic said that, if the pressure from religious leaders increased, the channel would remove Solid Gold from its schedule.

On 8 December 1984, Anwar Ibrahim, chief of the youth wing of UMNO condemned the channel's approach and its preferrence for English over Malay.

In 2007, a reality television programme broadcast on TV3 called Sensasi was banned amid accusations that host Awal Ashaari "humiliating a person to sensationalise the issue" along with complaints to actress Rosnah Mat Aris that touched on sensitive issues relating to Islam by linking Siti Khadijah, wife of the Islamic prophet Muhammad to the present issue of women courting younger men. Another reality television show, Teleskop, was banned in 1995 after panellist Nasir Jani's swearing towards Prime Minister at the time, Mahathir Mohamad on air.

In 2010, TV3 broadcast a Hari Raya Aidilfitri advertisement featuring an old man on a flying trishaw and blooming lotus-like flowers, which were said to be reminiscent of Christian and Hindu motifs. This sparked an outcry from Malay supremacist organisations and the Muslim far-right who accused it of "humiliating and insulting Islam". The advertisement was withdrawn after just a few days and TV3 was fined MYR50,000 for the broadcast, in addition to issuing an on-air apology.

Airing of Into the Wild
On 24 March 2012, TV3 aired a 2007 American film, Into the Wild which stars Emile Hirsch, in which he displays his genitals openly in one of the film's scene. TV3 apologized for the showing of the film's indescent scene to Malaysian viewers, while stated that it "acquiesce to the mistakes that occur that cause objections from several parties".

Suspicions of plagiarism from RTL Nieuws
In 2015, TV3 was accused of plagiarism, after it was revealed that its new news design was copied from the Dutch RTL Nieuws, which had introduced its new news design in May 2014.

Wow Shop
From 1 April 2016 to 31 December 2016, A teleshopping block called CJ Wow Shop was broadcast across Media Prima channels. Some of the conglomerate's channels (especially NTV7, 8TV and TV9) were more affected by the changes. This block attracted huge criticism on social media as a large part of daytime schedule has been replaced by CJ Wow Shop, which these slots had been previously running mostly reruns, religious programming and children's programming. CJ Wow Shop was renamed as Wow Shop on 1 November 2020.

title: TV3 (Malaysian TV network)


text:
Wikipedia:Peer review/Hotline Communications/archive1

Hotline Communications
I was surprised good ol' wiki didn't have an article about this one, so I created a new one, and now I need your help. Long story short, Hotline is the grand daddy of file sharing. That egregious piece of software went through many ups and downs but was ultimately doomed to commercial failure due to mismanagement, internal legal battles, and competition from modern p2p software. Now it has vanished into oblivion it seems. I'm sure some of you know about it out there, so come lend a hand or at least make some suggestions. Phils 14:34, 8 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * It seems decent to me. About the only things I can think to suggest are to add appropriate categories (File sharing, Peer to peer, &c.); link "peer-to-peer" in the top section and, if possible, add in a screen shot of the Mac client. — RJH 17:01, 13 Apr 2005 (UTC)

!One could argue Hotline is not a true P2P app but as some client-server software suite. One that can be used by any average user.!


text:
Titchmarsh

Titchmarsh may refer to:

 * Titchmarsh, Northamptonshire, a village in England
 * Alan Titchmarsh (born 1949), English celebrity gardener, writer and broadcaster
 * The Alan Titchmarsh Show
 * Charles Titchmarsh (1881–1930), English cricketer
 * Edward Charles Titchmarsh (1899–1963), English mathematician
 * Titchmarsh theorem (disambiguation)
 * Titchmarsh convolution theorem
 * Brun–Titchmarsh theorem
 * Valentine Titchmarsh (1853–1907), English cricketer and cricket umpire

title: Titchmarsh


text:
Talk:Internment of Japanese Americans/Archive 1

Shorne wrote: "I agree with those who dislike this article's apologetic tone. It gives a pro-internment POV. Just one example among many: all the harping on ships that got bombed, spies that got caught, and similar military issues seems to build up the US's case for internment. The typical Yankee redneck reader seeing all that will come to think that the internment was justified. ...There seems to be little mention of the forced acculturation that was very much a part of these camps. Nor is there a word about the hateful references to "Japs", often supplemented with hideous caricatures, that the US government disseminated."

A comment regarding the use of "hateful references to Japs" seems silly coming from a poster who uses the phrase "typical Yankee redneck" and is himself apparently unaware of the irony in his complaint.

Shorne also wrote:

"Also, while I do not wish to diminish the experience of the leftists, Jews, Slavs, and others who were sent to Hitlerian "relocation centres", I feel that the term concentration camp is entirely appropriate. It is perhaps better, in a general piece such as this one, to use the standard term instead, but I am not happy with the insinuation that these US concentration camps were incomparably milder than the Nazi ones. That is entirely too easy to say from an armchair."

Easy to say because it is entirely accurate. How does the death rate compare when comparing Nazi concentration camps to Japanese American internment camps?