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Mariano Paredes (President of Mexico)

José Mariano Epifanio Paredes y Arrillaga (c. 7 January 1797 – 7 September 1849) was a Mexican conservative general who served as president of Mexico between December 1845 and July 1846. He assumed office through a coup against the liberal administration led by José Joaquín de Herrera. He was the grandfather of 38th Mexican President Pedro Lascuráin Paredes.

During the Centralist Republic of Mexico he led three successful coups against the Mexican government. In 1842, he led a movement to overthrow the presidency of Anastasio Bustamante over a financial crisis, which led to the drafting of a new constitution known as the Bases Orgánicas, promulgated on 14 June 1843. In 1844, he proclaimed a coup against Antonio López de Santa Anna which was joined by congress in protest against Santa Anna's unconstitutional acts. In 1845, he led a coup against President José Joaquín de Herrera over his intention to recognize Texan independence, where he assumed the presidency.

His administration dealt with the start of the Mexican–American War in April 1846. Before the conflict started, Paredes had expressed interest in establishing a monarchy in Mexico before abandoning the idea to focus on the war. Due to a series of military losses, Paredes faced the prospect of being overthrown and resigned on 28 July 1846. Historian Michael Costeloe described Paredes as "strongly proclerical, he believed that a liberal democracy and federal structure were inappropriate for Mexico in its then state of development, and that the country could be governed only by the army in alliance with the educated and affluent elite."

Early life
Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga was born in Mexico in the year 1797 and began his military career as a cadet on 6 January 1812, during the Mexican War of Independence, initially fighting on the side of the Spanish loyalists. He was promoted to second lieutenant standard bearer in 1816 and in 1818 joined a company of grenadiers. He saw action twenty times when in March, 1821 his regiment switched sides and joined Agustín de Iturbide's Plan of Iguala. He joined in the battles that occurred prior to the Trigarantine Army's entrance into Mexico City. At Acámbaro Iturbide promoted him to captain of chasseurs. In the action at Arroyo Hondo, he formed part of the reconnoitering party made up thirty men and a few horses under the command of Epitacio Sanchez and they were able to hold off a superior Spanish force until Iturbide arrived with reinforcements and the Spaniards were repulsed. For his services at this battle Iturbide granted Paredes a coat of arms. He was present at San Luis de la Paz where seven hundred prisoners of war were taken and he took part in the siege and capture of Querétaro and Mexico City for which he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel.

After independence, he continued to serve in the military. His superiors viewed him as quarrelsome and Paredes found himself sent to the distant western provinces, embarking from San Blas, but a storm obliged him to return to port and continue the journey on land. In 1831, he was granted the rank of general.

Entry into politics
He found himself becoming involved in politics in 1835 during the collapse of the First Republic. The government had been overthrown in a coup led by Santa Anna, and Mexico was in the process of being transformed from a federal republic into the Centralist Republic of Mexico under a new constitution known as the Siete Leyes. The centralist movement gained the support of Paredes and he was in charge of the 1st brigade which captured Zacatecas from the federalists commanded by Garcia. He then participated in the Southern Campaign in Morelia.

He was promoted to division general in August, 1841 and named commander general of Jalisco. In the same month, due to President Anastasio Bustamante's inability to deal with the various political and financial crises afflicting the nation, Paredes published a manifesto to his fellow commander generals, calling for the formation of a new government. He gathered as many troops as he could, gathered more on the way and entered the city of Tacubaya where he was joined by Santa Anna. A military junta was formed which wrote the Bases of Tacubaya, a plan which swept away the entire structure of government, except the judiciary, and also called for elections for a new constituent congress meant to write a new constitution. Santa Anna then placed himself at the head of a provisional government.

Despite the key role he had played in establishing the new Bases of Tacubaya, Paredes was not invited to accept any position within it, as he was perceived to lack the talents for political administration. He was simply sent back to his post as commander general of Jalisco. Nonetheless, he remained loyal to Santa Anna. The congress which was elected proved itself to be federalist and on 11 December 1842, the Plan of Huejotzingo, which Paredes supported, called for the government to shut down the congress and replace it with a council of notables to continue the work of redrafting the constitution. The plan gained enough support to work and on 6 January 1843, a body of eighty prominent centralists known as the Junta Nacional instituyente was appointed by the government to write a new constitution. The Junta produced a new constitution known as the Bases Orgánicas on June 12, 1843.

Role in Santa Anna's overthrow of 1844
Paredes had been invited by Santa Anna to join the junta which he did so, but left to accept the post of commandant general of the state of Mexico. In the Barracks of the Celaya Battalion, he began to speak candidly against the government and Paredes found himself arrested in his own home, but subsequently absolved of any wrongdoing. The government sought to send him off to Yucatán where he would be less of a danger, but Paredes refused and the government responded by sending him away to Toluca. Paredes found himself feeling exasperated and unappreciated, especially given his key role in having established the entire political order. He became a senator but resigned in July, 1844 after only a month of service in the senate. There were rising tensions with the United States at this time, over the matter of Texas, and a series of forced loans had resulted in much disaffection. Paredes was considering that he could lead a potential revolution.

Knowing that he was still a potential danger, the government sent him off to be stationed in Sonora, but upon arriving in Guadalajara, he proclaimed against the government along with the Departmental Junta and the local garrison. The north of the country joined him, but Santa Anna maintained enough support to prepare a counterattack.

The nominal president at this time was Valentin Canalizo, though under the influence of Santa Anna. Congress condemned Santa Anna for having assumed military command without their authority. The ministers were censured by congress for allowing Santa Anna to imprison the Departmental Assembly of Querétaro and for replacing its governor. The administration responded by having congress shut down, and explaining that its measures were necessary given the ongoing emergency of a potential American annexation of Texas. This led to a military uprising within the capital against Canalizo. He resigned and on 6 December 1844, congress was restored and Jose Joaquin Herrera was installed as the new president with a new ministry. The country was now divided into three loyalties between Herrera's central government, Santa Anna's military forces, and Mariano Paredes' uprising.

Santa Anna with 14,000 men at Silao and on his way to crush Paredes, now proclaimed himself legitimate president and prepared to march upon Mexico City. After finding a siege of the now heavily defended capital impractical, he moved on to Puebla which despite its small garrison offered a fierce resistance. Meanwhile, Santa Anna had learned that Paredes and Herrera had joined forces and were now headed for his own. With the opposing forces about evenly matched, Santa Anna attempted to open negotiations, but Herrera would accept nothing less than unconditional surrender, and Santa Anna began plans to flee the country, only to be arrested near the town of Jico.

Paredes once again found himself in a situation where he had led a decisive revolution without ending up in the presidential seat. He was once again assigned to a post in the north, but found a new pretext for opposing the government as Herrera attempted to negotiate with the United States over the matter of Texas. The president had conceded the possibility of recognizing Texan independence as long as there was no annexation, but this was perceived by his opponents as an alienation of Mexican territory. At this point Paredes had not officially proclaimed against the government and he was assigned to a post near the capital. He however, disobeyed and claimed that he could not obey a treasonous government. He moved his forces to the town of Celaya, claiming to be simply watching over the security of travelers headed to the Lagos Fair. However, from that same town he issued a proclamation expressing that the government was giving away national territory, not upholding the Bases of Tacubaya, and besmirching the national honor.

Presidency
He officially called for the overthrow of the government on 14 December 1845, at San Luis Potosí City. He praised the former Spanish administration of the nation, painted a sorry picture of the Republic, and assured that this would be the last revolution, that he personally sought no office, and that a National Assembly would be installed in which all classes of society would be represented. His plan was ratified by the departmental assembly of San Luis Potosí, and was met with support or at least indifference throughout the rest of the country. The Herrera government however, was able to muster so little support to defend itself that President Herrera gave up the struggle and resigned on 30 December 1845. Paredes and his forces entered the capital three days later.

On 3 January Mariano Paredes finally ascended to the presidency. Paredes formed a new cabinet and proceeded to pass decrees against highwaymen, and for reducing the number of public offices.

On 26 January 1846, an official government convocation was decreed summoning an extraordinary congress with the power to make constitutional changes. The congress was designed to be corporatist. It was to be made up of 160 deputies, representing not geographical areas, but nine classes: land owners, merchants, miners, manufacturers, literary men, magistrates, public functionaries, clergy, and army, elected by the members of those classes.

Monarchical intrigues

The Plan of San Luis Potosí had contained a clause declaring that the constitutional congress it called for should have no restrictions in its abilities to reconstitute the nation. This was widely perceived as opening the path to abolishing the republic and establishing a monarchy. Paredes had expressed monarchist sentiments since 1832, opining that only a monarchy could prevent anarchy and protect the country against American ambitions.

Hence with Paredes as president and an approaching constitutional convention, monarchists saw an opportunity to establish a Mexican throne. During the interval between Paredes' assumption of power and the meeting of the constituent congress, a propaganda war was waged between supporters of a monarchy and of a republic, the former through the newspaper El Tiempo, edited by leading conservative intellectual Lucas Alamán.

In response to El Tiempo and Paredes' perceived monarchism, many Liberal Party newspapers changed their names to reflect their pro-republican stances. El Monitor Constitucional (The Constitutional Monitor) changed its name to El Monitor Republicano (The Republican Monitor). El Siglo XIX (The Nineteenth Century) changed its name to El Republicano (The Republican). Carlos Maria Bustamante began to publish a newsletter titled Mexico no quiere rey y menos a un extranjero, (Mexico doesn't want a king, let alone a foreign one).

Republican critics also pointed out that monarchy was unsuitable to the country because Mexico had no nobility to support such an institution. "With powerful arguments they maintained that the idea of a monarchy in Mexico was not only contrary to the wishes of the Mexican people, but also one that was not at all feasible, there being no such thing as a nobility in the country." Such arguments about the non-existence of a Mexican nobility were echoed by the Conservative statesman, Antonio de Haro y Tamariz, who sarcastically suggested that the government start granting titles to generals.

The perception that his administration was attempting to set up a monarchy led to strong opposition at a time when war threatened to break out with the United States at any moment. On 24 April, after the American invasion had already begun, Paredes issued a manifesto that he supported the republican form of government until the nation shall resolve upon a change.

Mexican–American War
In the first few months of the Mexican–American War, the Paredes administration was confronted with a series of catastrophic defeats. U.S. troops under Zachary Taylor had crossed the Rio Grande, and undefeated through a series of battles made it as far south as Saltillo. Meanwhile, American forces were in the process of taking California.

The constituent congress assembled on 6 June. Paredes appeared before it and proclaimed his loyalty to the republican form of government. Six days later, the congress ratified Paredes as president, and chose Nicolás Bravo as vice president with the latter being given command of Mexico's land forces in the ongoing war against the United States. The government was given emergency powers to seek funds for the war effort, stopping at the nationalization of property.

The course of the war inflamed opposition against the government, and facing revolution, Paredes resigned on 28 July, choosing to return to the military to help with the war effort.

On 3 August, the garrisons of Veracruz and San Juan de Ulúa revolted, proclaiming the plan of Guadalajara, and in the upheaval, the ex-president was captured and imprisoned. President Bravo was also deposed and Mariano Salas, the provisional president, on 22 August restored the Federal System which Paredes had played a role in overthrowing eleven years earlier.

Paredes was exiled on 2 October 1846, and headed for France. He returned before the end of the war, but never participated in the conflict, and found himself living in Tulancingo. He was invited to serve in the government, but declined for health reasons. A general amnesty absolved him of all previous charges in April 1849, and he died in September of that year.

title: Mariano Paredes (President of Mexico)


text: User talk:67.36.59.116

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:67.36.59.116


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/List of the Great Boners of all time/temp

List of the Great Boners of all time (now List of incidents famously considered great blunders)
This discussion has become very long, and is no longer being shown directly on this page in order to improve performance. Please click this link to view or participate in the discussion. Rossami (talk) 17:02, 24 Apr 2005 (UTC) Votes for deletion/List of the Great Boners of all time


text:
Talk:Phantoms (novel)

Untitled
Okay, I just moved this to Phantoms (novel). Due to the closeness of the movie to the book, the article should be written more about the book.--DooM Drat 17:08, Apr 24, 2005 (UTC)

....How can it say that the film got mostly good reviews??? On rottentomatoes.com's compilation of all known phantoms reviews comes out to 4% good, 96% bad.

... Did the person writing the description of the book even read it? This account little resembles the events of the book.

Fair use rationale for Image:Phantoms.jpg
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Plot summary
I've trimmed the plot summary using a much briefer summary from an older revision. --Tony Sidaway 18:18, 5 February 2008 (UTC)

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BetacommandBot (talk) 14:11, 8 March 2008 (UTC)

Monster
The word "monster" stands out like a thorn. According to both film and novel, it sounds a lot more like evolution gone horrible wrong and therefore the word "monster" shouldn't be there. I will change the article to read "creature" myself instead, if there are no objections --Maurice45 (talk) 14:13, 26 March 2008 (UTC)

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Valentín Canalizo

Valentín Canalizo Bocadillo (14 January 1794 – 20 February 1850), was a Mexican general and statesman who served twice as interim president during the Centralist Republic of Mexico and was later made Minister of War during the Mexican American War.

After Santa Anna reorganized the constitution as the Bases Orgánicas in 1843, he appointed Canalizo as interim president. Canalizo in practice was a puppet ruler for Santa Anna, but Santa Anna was then popularly elected in 1844 and assumed power personally in June of that year. He took leave two months later after his wife’s death, and Canalizo once again was chosen as interim president. After Mariano Paredes raised a revolt against the government, Santa Anna took command of the military to crush the uprising. Congress criticized this as illegal since Santa Anna was not president at the time, but the Canalizo government supported Santa Anna and dissolved the congress which only provoked popular opposition and led to Canalizo's downfall.

After stepping down from the presidency, he left the nation but came back to serve in the Mexican American War, during which he was appointed Minister of War under the liberal president Valentin Gomez Farias. He died in 1850.

Early life
Valentin Canalizo was born in Monterrey, and entered the Celaya Regiment as a cadet in August, 1811 the year after the War of Mexican Independence had begun. He ascended to the rank of sublieutenant and a year later reached the rank of lieutenant. He initially fought as a Spanish loyalist but switched sides to join Agustin de Iturbide in December 1820. He was present at the Siege of Valladolid, in the taking of San Juan del Rio y Zimapan and formed part of the forces which General Brancho surrendered to San Luis de la Paz. He was wounded in Azcapotzalco, and for his services at that battle was promoted to lieutenant colonel and granted an award of distinction. He held a command during the siege and taking of the capital.

He joined in the uprising that led to the downfall of the First Mexican Empire, and in 1825 he was promoted to sergeant major. He served in Jalisco as an assistant to fellow future President of Mexico, General Jose Joaquin Herrera, and on December 8, 1829 he joined the Plan of Jalapa which would lead to fall of the Guerrero administration. He was placed in charge of artillery in order to protect the entrance of the reserve army commanded by General Melchor Muzquiz under whose orders Canalizo was placed. For his services in the successful revolution, the newly established Bustamante government made Canalizo a colonel.

The government assigned him to the pacification of Jamiltepec where he was placed second in command to Eligio Ruelas. He also joined in the pacification of Costa Chica and Las Mixtecas, being in charge of troops during a battle at Zonactlan on January 26, 1831 where he routed the guerillas of Narvaez and Lima. On May, 1831 he was promoted to general of brigade and made commandant general of the State of Oaxaca. Here he tried to suppress the revolution of 1832 against Bustamante’s government, but when the revolution succeeded Canalizo accepted the authority of the new government.

In 1833, he joined in the uprising against the government of Valentin Gomez farias which led to the fall of the First Republic and the establishment of the Centralist Republic of Mexico. He was then made governor of the State of Mexico. After an uprising by Juan Alvarez in the south in favor of re-establishing the federal system, Canalizo was placed second in command of the troops sent to Acapulco to suppress the revolt and relieve the siege of that city. He continued to lead campaigns against sporadic uprisings. In 1838 his effort to capture Tampico from the federalist general Longinos Montenegro was repulsed. He retired to Monterey, and then to Monclova after which he defeated the General Canales, and he was called back to Mexico City.

President Bustamante was considering sending Canalizo on an expedition to Yucatán when the Bustamante administration was overthrown by Mariano Paredes in 1841. Canalizo remained loyal to Bustamante up until the president conceded defeat through the Convention of Estanzuela on October 6, 1841.

Santa Anna called for a congress to redraft the constitution through which he hoped to take control of the Centralist Republic, but the congress which was elected was thoroughly federalist. The Plan of Huejotzingo was now proclaimed urging that congress be dissolved and replaced by a Junta of Notbles who would write a centralist constitution. The plan was successfully carried out and amongst its supporters was Canalizo.

First Presidency
It was at this point that Santa Anna chose Canalizo to hold the post of interim president while he intended to rule from behind the scenes. Canalizo was chosen as one who would be loyal and non-threatening to Santa Anna’s power, while his past as a loyal follower of Bustamante gave the appearance of impartiality. He was officially appointed on October 2, 1843. Nonetheless he was widely perceived as a puppet.

President Canalizo established the Sisters of Charity, assigned funds to the College of San Gregorio, published regulations on public education, and arranged a contract for new navy and army uniforms.

A controversial element during the Canalizo administration was the amount of taxes imposed in spite of the country’s poverty. There were seven classes: land, industrial buildings, salaries, lucrative professions, luxuries, and the head tax.

Congress met on January 2, 1844 and the results of the presidential elections, decided by the departments, were counted. In the opening session, the congress announced that Santa Anna had been elected. The deputies contained a substantial amount of opposition to Santa Anna, and they responded to the results by restricting the presidential power and forbidding further executive legislation. A measure to remove Canalizo was introduced in the Senate, which had the authority to remove interim presidents, but it failed.

Santa Anna finally entered the capital on June 3, and Canalizo passed power over to him the following day.

Second Presidency
Santa Anna’s wife had died and on August 31, 1844, and he subsequently sought permission from the chamber of deputies to take leave momentarily. The Senate, who had the authority to choose the interim president once again chose Canalizo and he would find himself in the presidential chair once again on September 21, 1844. A month later on October 31, Mariano Paredes launched a revolt against the government in Guadalajara.

Santa Anna returned to the capital to lead an army against the uprising and entered Mexico City on November 18. As he was not legally president at the time the congress condemned Santa Anna’s assumption of military command as illegal, but he maintained support of the executive.

Santa Anna reached Querétaro who was supporting Paredes, and ordered the department assembly to retract its support. When this was refused, Santa Anna imprisoned the members of the assembly and replaced the governor with one of his generals. Upon reaching the news in the national capital, Deputy Llaca of Querétaro protested on behalf of his constituents and a formal protest was lodged against the ministers. Minister Baranda decided to meet with Santa Anna over the matter upon which it was decided to shut congress down.

On December 1, during a brief recess the military shut the doors of the legislative chambers. The ministry condemned congress and defended its measures as necessary to meet the national emergency. This led to public protest and the Ayuntamiento of Mexico City, and the Assembly of the Department of Mexico sided with congress. A statue of Santa Anna was vandalized with a noose around its neck.

By this time troops at the capital were expressing support for Paredes’ revolt and called upon Jose Joaquin Herrera to assume the presidency. Herrera summoned the deposed deputies and on December 6, issued an appeal to Canalizo to support congress and prevent bloodshed. As he saw that his support had evaporated Canalizo stepped down and handed the presidency over to Jose Joaquin Herrera.

Post Presidency
Canalizo was tried by the government and accused of trying to overthrow the constitution. In his defense, Canalizo claimed that he had no intention of abolishing the congress but merely suspending it due to the extraordinary circumstances. A general amnesty was passed by congress, but Canalizo preferred to leave the country. On October 25, 1845 he set out for Spain, but returned during the Mexican-American War in 1846.

He was made Minister of War under the administration of Valentin Gomez Farias. and supported the government's controversial measures of nationalizing the Catholic Church's lands, in order to fund the war. He stepped down on February 23 and was assigned a military command to defend Veracruz with General Romulo Diaz de la Vega as his second in command.

He was present at the Battle of Cerro Gordo, in charge of cavalry. His conduct during that battle, retreating without fighting, and abandoning a large amount of supplies, led to a congressional proposal to start an investigation. He no longer played any notable role in the war, and never again assumed any political office. He died in obscurity on February 20, 1850.

title: Valentín Canalizo


text:
Acorn worm

The acorn worms or Enteropneusta are a hemichordate class of invertebrates consisting of one order of the same name. The closest non-hemichordate relatives of the Enteropneusta are the echinoderms. There are 111 known species of acorn worm in the world, the main species for research being Saccoglossus kowalevskii. Two families—Harrimaniidae and Ptychoderidae—separated at least 370 million years ago.

Until recently, it was thought that all species lived in the sediment on the seabed, subsisting as deposit feeders or suspension feeders. However, the early 21st century has seen the description of a new family, the Torquaratoridae, evidently limited to the deep sea, in which most of the species crawl on the surface of the ocean bottom and alternatively rise into the water column, evidently to drift to new foraging sites. It is assumed that the ancestors of acorn worms used to live in tubes like their relatives Pterobranchia, but that they eventually started to live a safer and more sheltered existence in sediment burrows instead. The body length normally range from 2 cm to 2.5 m (Balanoglossus gigas), but one species, Meioglossus psammophilus, only reach 0.6 mm. Due to secretions containing elements like iodine, the animals have an iodoform-like smell.

Anatomy

Most acorn worms range from 9 to 45 cm in length, with the largest species, Balanoglossus gigas, reaching 1.5 m or more. The body is made up of three main parts: an acorn-shaped proboscis, a short fleshy collar that lies behind it, and a long, worm-like trunk. The creature's mouth is located at the collar behind the proboscis.

The skin is covered with cilia as well as glands that secrete mucus. Some produce a bromide compound that gives them a medicinal smell and might protect them from bacteria and predators. Acorn worms move only sluggishly, using ciliary action and peristalsis of the proboscis.

Digestive system
Many acorn worms are detritus feeders, eating sand or mud and extracting organic detritus. Others feed on organic material suspended in the water, which they can draw into the mouth using the cilia on the gill bars. Research indicates that the rate of feeding of acorn worms that are detritus feeders is dependent on food availability and flow rate. A groove lined with cilia lies just in front of the mouth and directs suspended food into the mouth and may allow the animal to taste.

The mouth cavity is tubular, with a narrow diverticulum or stomochord extending up into the proboscis. This diverticulum was once thought to be homologous with the notochord of chordates, hence the name "hemichordate" for the phylum. The mouth opens posteriorly into a pharynx with a row of gill slits along either side. The remainder of the digestive system consists of an oesophagus and intestine; there is no stomach.

In some families there are openings in the dorsal surface of the oesophagus connecting to the external surface, through which water from the food can be squeezed, helping to concentrate it. Digestion occurs in the intestine, with food material being pulled through by cilia, rather than by muscular action.

Acorn worms breathe by drawing in oxygenated water through their mouth. The water then flows out the animal's gills which are on its trunk. Thus, the acorn worm breathes about the same way as fish.

Circulatory system
Acorn worms have an open circulatory system, in which the blood flows through the tissues sinuses. A dorsal blood vessel in the mesentery above the gut delivers blood to a sinus in the proboscis that contains a muscular sac acting as a heart. Unlike the hearts of most other animals, however, this structure is a closed fluid-filled vesicle whose interior does not connect directly to the blood system. Nonetheless, it does regularly pulsate, helping to push blood through the surrounding sinuses.

From the central sinus in the collar, blood flows to a complex series of sinuses and peritoneal folds in the proboscis. This set of structures is referred to as a glomerulus and may have an excretory function, since acorn worms otherwise have no defined excretory system. From the proboscis, blood flows into a single blood vessel running underneath the digestive tract, from which smaller sinuses supply blood to the trunk, and back into the dorsal vessel.

The blood of acorn worms is colourless and acellular.

Respiratory system
Acorn worms continually form new gill slits as they grow in size, with some older individuals of species like Balanoglossus aurantiacus having more than a hundred on each side. The microscopic species Meioglossus psammophilus has just a single gill slit. The gills in some acorn worms have cartilaginous support structures. Each slit consists of a branchial chamber opening to the pharynx through a U-shaped cleft and to the exterior through a dorso-lateral pore (see diagram below). Cilia push water through the slits, maintaining a constant flow. The tissues surrounding the slits are well supplied with blood sinuses.

Nervous system
A plexus of nerves lies underneath the skin, and is concentrated into both dorsal and ventral nerve cords. While the ventral cord runs only as far as the collar, the dorsal cord reaches into the proboscis, and is partially separated from the epidermis in that region. This part of the dorsal nerve cord is often hollow, and may well be homologous with the brain of vertebrates. In acorn worms, it seems to be primarily involved with coordinating muscular action of the body during burrowing and crawling.

Acorn worms have no eyes, ears or other special sense organs, except for the ciliary organ in front of the mouth, which appears to be involved in filter feeding and perhaps taste (3). There are, however, numerous nerve endings throughout the skin.

Skeletal system
Acorn worms have a Y-shaped nuchal skeleton that starts their proboscis and collar on their ventral side. The length of the horns of the nuchal skeleton varies between species.

Similarities to chordates
Acorn worms have a circulatory system with a heart that also functions as a kidney. Acorn worms have gill-like structures that they use for breathing, similar to the gills of primitive fish. Therefore, acorn worms are sometimes said to be a link between classical invertebrates and vertebrates. Some also have a postanal tail which may be homologous to the post-anal tail of vertebrates. An interesting trait is that its three-section body plan is no longer present in the vertebrates, except for the anatomy of the frontal neural tube, later developed into a brain which is divided into three main parts. This means some of the original anatomy of the early chordate ancestors is still present even if it is not always visible.

One theory is that the three-part body originates from an early common ancestor of all the deuterostomes, and maybe even from a common bilateral ancestor of both the deuterostomes and protostomes. Studies have shown that the gene expression in the embryo share three of the same signaling centers that shape the brains of all vertebrates, but instead of taking part in the formation of their neural system, they are controlling the development of the different body regions.

Phylogeny
The internal relationships within the Enteropneusta are shown below. The tree is based on 16S +18S rRNA sequence data and phylogenomic studies from multiple sources.

Lifestyle
Acorn worms are rarely seen by humans because of their lifestyle. They live in U-shaped burrows on the sea-bed, from the shoreline down to a depth of 10,000 ft. (3,050 m). The worms lie there with the proboscis sticking out of one opening in the burrow. Acorn worms are generally slow burrowers.

To obtain food, many acorn worms swallow sand or mud that contains organic matter and microorganisms in the manner of earthworms (this is known as deposit feeding). At low tide, they stick out their rear ends at the surface and excrete coils of processed sediments (casts).

Another method that some acorn worms use to obtain food is to collect suspended particles of organic matter and microbes from the water. This is known as suspension feeding.

Reproduction
Acorn worms are dioecious, having separate biological sexes, although at least some species are also capable of asexual reproduction in the form of fragmentation. They have paired gonads, which lie close to the pharynx and release the gametes through a small pore near to the gill slits. The female lays a large number of eggs embedded in a gelatinous mass of mucus, which are then externally fertilized by the male before water currents break up the mass and disperse the individual eggs.

In most species, the eggs hatch into planktonic larvae with elongated bodies covered in cilia. In some species, these develop directly into adults, but in others, there is a free-swimming intermediate stage referred to as a tornaria larva. These are very similar in appearance to the bipinnaria larvae of starfishes, with convoluted bands of cilia running around the body. Since the embryonic development of the blastula within the egg is also very similar to that of echinoderms, this suggests a close phylogenetic link between the two groups.

After a number of days or weeks, a groove begins to form around the larval midsection, with the anterior portion eventually destined to become the proboscis, while the remainder forms the collar and trunk. The larvae eventually settle down and change into tiny adults to take on the burrowing lifestyle. A few species, such as Saccoglossus kowalevskii, lack even the planktonic larval stage, hatching directly as miniature adults.

title: Acorn worm


title: File:UgandanShillings1000.jpg


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Reversed

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. — Xezbeth 09:35, May 2, 2005 (UTC)

Reversed
Non-notable band. Motion to delete Linuxbeak 17:09, Apr 24, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete - they fall way below the relevant notability criteria if they haven't even finished a demo yet. Thryduulf 20:40, 24 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete Not notable. Anilocra 22:58, 24 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


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Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador

The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador) or, more commonly, CONAIE, is Ecuador's largest indigenous rights organization. The Ecuadorian Indian movement under the leadership of CONAIE is often cited as the best-organized and most influential Indigenous movement in Latin America.

Formed in 1986, CONAIE firmly established itself as a powerful national force in May and June 1990 when it played a role in organising a rural uprising on a national scale. Thousands of people blocked roads, paralyzed the transport system, and shut down the country for a week while making demands for bilingual education, agrarian reform, and recognition of the plurinational state of Ecuador. This was the largest uprising in Ecuador's history and established a new form of contention that would serve as a blueprint for a string of later uprisings.

CONAIE-led uprisings had a role in the fall of president Abdalá Bucaram and subsequent drafting of a new constitution in 1998. CONAIE leaders also participated in the 2000 coup d'état that deposed president Jamil Mahuad.

Overview
CONAIE's political agenda includes the strengthening of a positive Indigenous identity, recuperation of land rights, environmental sustainability, opposition to neoliberalism and rejection of U.S. military involvement in South America (for example Plan Colombia).

The Indigenous movement in Ecuador was consolidated during the 1990 uprising when CONAIE leaders issued 16 demands, the first of which was the declaration of Ecuador as a plurinational state. The return of lands to Indigenous people and control over territory have been consistent central demands for the Indigenous movement in Ecuador. In addition to these central concerns, CONAIE's 16-point platform broadly addressed cultural issues such as bilingual education and control of archaeological sites; economic concerns such as development programs; and political demands such as local autonomy.

The CONAIE position on the plurinational state was integrated into the 2008 constitution of Ecuador.

Organization
CONAIE represents the following indigenous peoples: Shuar, Achuar, Siona, Secoya, Cofán, Huaorani, Záparo, Chachi, Tsáchila, Awá, Epera, Manta, Wancavilca and Quichua.

CONAIE was founded in 1986 from the union of two confederations of Indigenous nations: the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) in the eastern Amazon region, and The Confederation of Peoples of Quichua Nationality (ECUARUNARI) in the central mountain region.

History
CONAIE was founded at a convention of some 500 indigenous representatives on November 13–16, 1986.

Initially forbidding its leaders from holding political office, CONAIE opposed alliances with political parties and presidential candidates. Instead, it promoted local campaigns. By 1996, however, grassroots pressure had pushed the organisation to rethink their position on electoral politics, with the president of CONAIE, Luis Macas running for national congress and the launching of the Pachakutik Plurinational Unity Movement - a political party based on the Indigenous movement.

Through the 1990s and early 2000s, CONAIE organised at least five national Indigenous uprisings, mobilising thousands of campesinos to shut down Quito. During these uprisings CONAIE made demands for land rights and plurinationalism while protesting corruption, deregulation, privatisation, and dollarisation of the Ecuadorian economy.

Beginning in 1993, CONAIE supported lawsuits against Chevron saying that the corporation deliberately dumped billions of gallons of toxic oil waste onto Indigenous lands as a cost-saving measure at the Lago Agrio oil fields.

1990 uprising
In May/June 1990, CONAIE organised the largest uprising in Ecuador's history, using trees and boulders to block roads, paralyze the transport system, and shutting down the country for a week. The 1990 uprising is generally regarded as marking the emergence of Indigenous peoples as new political actors on the national level, as CONAIE forced negotiation on their demands for bilingual education, agrarian reform, and recognition of the plurinational state of Ecuador.

The 1990 uprising marked the 500th anniversary since Columbus' first trip to the Americas. In Quito, protestors occupied the Santa Domingo Church and, protesting the failure of the legal system to process land claims. The protesters intended to occupy the church until CONAIE was able to meet with a government representative to discuss changes in policy regarding their land claim issues. Police surrounded the church. The occupiers in the Santa Domingo church were about to begin a hunger strike when "hundreds of thousands of Indians, in some areas with the support of mestizo peasants, blocked local highways and took over urban plazas. Their demands were focused mostly on land, but also included such issues as state services, cultural rights, and the farm prices of agricultural products. This movement caused so much disruption that the government relented and met with the leaders of CONAIE; the government made some concessions to people in rural areas and settled some land disputes, but the status of ancestral lands in the lowlands remained an unresolved issue.

1992-1994 uprisings advocating for land and water rights
In April 1992, two thousand Kichwa, Shuar, and Achuar people marched 240 miles (385 kilometers) from the Amazon to Quito to demand legalization of land holdings. Protestors refused to leave the capital until President Rodrigo Borja agreed to demarcate and title their lands.

In June 1994, Indigenous organizations protested a neoliberal economic reforms and privatisation of water resources. A coalition of Indigenous groups called for an uprising that shut down the country for several days in opposition to an Agrarian Reform Law that provided state support for capitalist agriculture, eliminated communal property, and privatized irrigation water. President Sixto Durán was forced to negotiate, and the final version of the law supported peasant agriculture, recognised water as a public resource, and reaffirmed communal land ownership.

Pachakutik
CONAIE initially forbid its members from holding political office, but in its December 1995 assembly it played a major role in the formation of the Pachakutik Plurinational Unity Movement, an electoral coalition of Indigenous and non-Indigenous social movements including CONFEUNASSC-CNC, Ecuador's largest campesino federation.

Pachakutik won 10% of the congressional seats in the 1996 elections, though the presidential candidate Freddy Ehlers failed to qualify for the second presidential round of votes.

1997 uprising and constitutional assembly
In August 1997 CONAIE led two straight days of protest demanding constitutional reform. CONAIE's leadership had a role in the fall of president Abdali Bucaram and the convening of a constitutional assembly. The resulting 1998 constitution defined Ecuador as a multiethnic and multicultural state. Many new rights were explicitly granted to indigenous groups in the new document, including "the right to maintain, develop, and fortify their spiritual, cultural, linguistic, social, political and economic identity and traditions." Through the constitution the state was given many new responsibilities and standards to follow in terms of environmental conservation, the elimination of contamination, and sustainable management. It also included the right of free, prior, informed consent for development projects on Indigenous lands. Finally, the document provides protection of self-determination among indigenous lands, preserving traditional political structures, and follows International Labour Organization, Convention 169 that outlines generally accepted international law on indigenous rights. All of these points had been sought after for so many years and were finally guaranteed in this rewrite of the most important document in the country.

Despite CONAIE and Pachakutik's triumph in this endeavor, government implementation of the policy has not exactly been consistent with the outline in that new constitution and the indigenous organizations have struggled since 1998. In cases such as ARCO’s deal to exploit oil resources in the Amazon, the government has totally ignored these new indigenous rights and sold communal land to be developed without another thought. Such violations have become commonplace and the reformation of the constitution seems in many ways to have just been a populist tactic used by the government to appease the indigenous groups while continuing to persistently pursue its neoliberal agenda. Because of this there has been an increasing amount of tension and differences of opinion within the indigenous movement, both between Pachakutik and CONAIE and within CONAIE itself. There even exists frustration among local tribes and the efforts of CONAIE because of the inability to stop the aggression of the government despite all that had been achieved.

1998-99 uprisings and 2000 coup d'état
Because of falling oil prices and agricultural failures, Ecuador experienced an economic collapse in 1998–99. President Jamil Mahuad sought a stabilisation loan from the IMF, but popular resistance to IMF reforms led to three large uprisings in 1998 and 1999 led by CONAIE. At the end of 1999, Mahuad announced plance to implement the IMF measures and dollarise the Ecuadorian economy.

On January 21, 2000, in response to Mahuad's plans, CONAIE, in coordination with organizations like CONFEUNASSC-CNC, blocked roads and cut off agricultural supplies to Ecuador's major cities. At the same time, rural indigenous protesters marched on Quito. In response, government officials ordered transit lines not to service Indians and individuals with indigenous characteristics were forcibly removed from interprovincial buses in an effort to prevent protesters from reaching the capitol. Nevertheless, 20,000 arrived in Quito where they were joined by students, local residents, 500 military personnel, and a group of rogue colonels.

Angry demonstrators led by Colonel Lucio Gutiérrez and CONAIE president Antonio Vargas stormed the Congress of Ecuador and declared a new "National Salvation Government". Five hours later, the armed forces called for the resignation of President Mahuad. For a period of less than 24 hours, Ecuador was ruled by a three-man junta – CONAIE's president Antonio Vargas, army colonel Lucio Gutiérrez, and retired Supreme Court justice Carlos Solórzano.

Only a few hours after taking the presidential palace, Col. Gutiérrez other collaborators handed over power to the armed forces' chief of staff, General Carlos Mendoza. That night Mendoza was contacted by the Organization of American States as well as the U.S. State Department, which hinted at the imposition of a Cuban-style isolation on Ecuador if power was not returned to the neoliberal Mahuad administration. Additionally, Mendoza was contacted by senior White House policy makers who threatened to end all bilateral aid and World Bank lending to Ecuador. The next morning, General Mendoza dissolved the new government and ceded power to Vice President Gustavo Noboa.

2002 elections and the FTAA
In 2002, CONAIE split its resources between political campaigning and a mobilization against the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) 7th Summit, which was being held in Quito.

In the presidential elections CONAIE backed populist Lucio Gutiérrez, a military man who had supported the 2000 coup. Gutiérrez was not widely trusted, but he was seen as the only alternative to rival candidate Álvaro Noboa, the richest man in Ecuador who embodied popular fears of crony capitalism.

Lucio Gutiérrez won the presidential race with 55% of the final vote, owing much of his victory to support from Pachakutik.

2005 uprising
Six months after the election of Gutiérrez, CONAIE proclaimed its official break with the government in response to what CONAIE termed a betrayal of "the mandate given to it by the Ecuadorian people in the last elections." Among other things, Gutiérrez's signing of a Letter of Intent with the International Monetary Fund sparked outrage. (see Indigenous Movement Breaks with President Lucio Guiterrez)

In 2005, CONAIE participated in an uprising which ousted president Lucio Gutiérrez. In an April 2005 Assembly of Peoples, and in their own contentious assembly in May, CONAIE made public calls for the ouster of both Gutiérrez and the entire mainstream political class under the slogan "Que se vayan todos" (They all must go), a phrase popularized by the December 2001 Argentine uprising.

In August 2005 CONAIE called for action among indigenous peoples in the Sucumbios and Orellana provinces to protest political repression, Petrobras' attempt to expand their petroleum extracting activities to the Yasuní National Park, and the general activities of Occidental Petroleum in the Amazon. Hundreds of protestors from the Amazon region took control of airports and oil installations in the two provinces for five days, which has prompted a strong response from Alfredo Palacio's government in Quito. The government called for a state of emergency in the two provinces and the army was sent in to disperse the protestors with tear gas, but in response to the growing crisis the state oil company has temporarily suspended exports of petroleum. Protestors have gone on record as saying that they want oil revenues to be redirected toward society, making way for more jobs and greater expenditures in infrastructure.

2010 and 2014 protests against water privatisation
A water bill proposed by the government of Rafael Correa was opposed by Indigenous organisations who charged that the legislation would allow transnational mining corporations to appropriate water (and privatisation of water in general), and that the bill would violate protection of water provided by the 2008 constitution. In April and May 2010 massive nationwide protests condemned Correa's legislation; protestors viewed the water bill as a neoliberal, extractivist policy that violated the tenets of sumak kawsay. CONAIE coordinated a National Mobilization in Defense of Water, Life, and Food Sovereignty, and protests blockaded the congressional building and roads across the country. Police responded with violent repression, but the campaign did result in the delay of the water law pending a referendum in Indigenous communities.

In 2014, the government fast-tracked a new water law that allowed the privatisation of water and permitted extractive activities near freshwater sources. Indigenous organisations responded with a Walk for Water, Life and People's Freedom beginning in June 2014 from the Zamora-Chinchipe province to Quito.

2012 protests
In 2012, the Ecuadorian government under Rafael Correa made agreements with China to enable investment of $1.4 billion to develop copper-gold mines in the Amazon rainforest in the Zamora Chinchipe province. Following these agreements, CONAIE organized several weeks of marching and demonstration in 2012 demanding consultation with affected Indigenous people and protection of water. Chinese companies eventually developed the Mirador mine, which exported its first copper in 2019, although Indigenous opposition stopped development of the San Carlos Panantza mine in 2020.

2013
The largest involvement CONAIE has had in recent politics is with large national oil companies who wish to drill and build on indigenous land. On "November 28th, 2013, plain-clothes officers in Quito, Ecuador summarily closed the offices of Fundación Pachamama, a nonprofit that for 16 years has worked in defense of the rights of Amazonian indigenous peoples and the rights of nature. The dissolution, which the government blamed on their “interference in public policy,” was a retaliatory act that sought to repress Fundación Pachamama's legitimate right to disagree with the government's policies, such as the decision to turn over Amazonian indigenous people's land to oil companies."


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Talk:Georges Bizet

Pronunciation
I boldly moved the pronunciation of Bizet's name, with the explanation "Moved name pronunciation from notes into lead section, as per most other biographies." reverted my edit, without explanation. Can someone please explain? I don't think this has anything to do wth the Infobox discussion above, so why should the format of the Bizet biography be different from so many others? Masato.harada (talk) 10:06, 17 December 2023 (UTC)

 * Placing the pronunciation in a footnote is permitted per MOS:PRONPLACEMENT, and I don't see a good reason to change that here. Nikkimaria (talk) 14:12, 17 December 2023 (UTC)
 * I concur. Thank you Nikkimaria.  Tim riley  talk   15:11, 17 December 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Georges Bizet