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Bali Nine

The Bali Nine were a group of nine Australians convicted for attempting to smuggle 8.3 kg of heroin out of Indonesia in April 2005. The heroin was valued at around A$4 million and was bound for Australia. Ringleaders Andrew Chan and Myuran Sukumaran were sentenced to death and executed on 29 April 2015. Six other members, Si Yi Chen, Michael Czugaj, Tan Duc Thanh Nguyen, Matthew Norman, Scott Rush and Martin Stephens, were sentenced to life imprisonment and another, Renae Lawrence, to a 20-year sentence but was released after the sentence was commuted in November 2018. The Indonesian authorities reported on 5 June 2018 that Tan Duc Thanh Nguyen had died of stomach cancer.

Background and arrests
Australian police were unclear how the two groups from Sydney and Brisbane were linked, but did establish the movements of members of the group before their departure for Indonesia. Several of the Bali Nine were employed by Eurest Australia, a multinational catering company with more than 9,000 employees. Norman, Lawrence, Stephens and Chan, the latter a supervisor with the company, all worked for Eurest, which provided hospitality services to the Sydney Cricket Ground, where the group was employed. Rush and Czugaj alleged they were recruited by Tan Duc Thanh Nguyen, their co-defendant and the alleged financier of the smuggling plan, while socialising at a karaoke bar in Brisbane.

Evidence was heard that Rush had met Nguyen six months earlier while fishing. He then travelled to Sydney with Nguyen to attend a 21st birthday party where he was introduced to Sukumaran, who called himself "Mark". It was alleged Nguyen offered them free trips to Bali. Several days later Rush and friend Czugaj returned to Sydney, where arrangements were made for them to travel to Indonesia. The Australian Federal Police (AFP) concluded that Sukumaran, Chan, Lawrence and Norman were part of a larger syndicate that successfully imported a commercial quantity of heroin into Australia from Indonesia on 23 October 2004. Other members of the syndicate were arrested in 14 AFP raids in Sydney and Brisbane on the same day in early May 2005.

Arrests in Indonesia
Lawrence and Stephens arrived in Indonesia on 6 April 2005, followed by Rush and Czugaj, old school friends from Brisbane, who arrived two days later. The group was introduced at a hotel where Chan and Sukumaran were staying, having arrived in Bali earlier.

Chan and Sukumaran handed out SIM cards to stay in contact. During their stay, police noted the group would spend a large amount of time in their hotel rooms, although Rush and Czugaj did make the most of their time in Bali and went shopping, eating, drinking and playing water sports. The group met again on 16 April for what police allege was a final briefing, before meeting for their final time at the airport before their 17 April arrest. After receiving information from the AFP about the group, including the names, passport numbers and information relating to their links to possible illegal drug trade, Indonesian police placed the group under constant surveillance for a week before their arrest.

The group was arrested on 17 April. Between them, they were in possession of more than 8.3 kg of heroin in plastic bags. On the same evening, Chan was removed from an Australian Airlines flight about to depart Ngurah Rai Airport for Australia. Chan had several mobile phones in his possession, but was carrying no drugs when arrested. He was believed to be the person responsible for collecting the heroin from the couriers upon their arrival in Australia.

Indonesian police believe a 22-year-old Thai woman, Cherry Likit Bannakorn, supplied Chan with the heroin. She was believed to have left Bali on 18 April 2005, a day after the nine Australians were arrested, and was briefly detained at the Thai-Malaysian border, but released as the paperwork needed for her to be extradited to Indonesia was not available.

Head of the surveillance team I Nyoman Gatra later testified in court during trials for the accused that police were initially unaware Sukumaran was part of the group, because original information obtained from the AFP did not mention him by name. Indonesian police assumed Sukumaran was Chan's bodyguard as he was seen to accompany Chan in Bali.

Pre-trial investigation
Indonesian law does not require that arrested people be immediately charged with an offence, and by 22 April 2005 no charges had yet been laid. Police indicated that the five arrested at the airport would be charged with drug trafficking, which carries the death penalty, while those arrested in the hotel would be charged with the lesser offence of drug possession, which carries a maximum penalty of ten years' imprisonment. It was suggested that Andrew Chan recruited the other eight to act as drug mules – couriers who would not arouse suspicion while carrying heroin to Australia – and offered them A$10,000 to A$15,000 each to carry out this task, and given A$5000 spending cash.

On 27 April 2005, Colonel Bambang Sugiarto, head of the Bali police drug squad, said police would seek to have all nine charged with offenses which carry the death penalty. He revealed that several of the nine had previously visited Bali using false passports, suggesting that they had acted as drug couriers before. Indonesian police released video evidence showing heroin being removed from the bodies of the four arrested at the airport. Indonesian police initially maintained that Chan was the "mastermind" of the importation plan.

Australian police said that they believed that an Australian drug syndicate was behind the plan. It was soon decided that Myuran Sukumaran, not Chan, was the real leader of the smuggling plot. Defence lawyers conceded that the four arrested at the airport were acting as drug couriers, but said they did it for the money to help their low-income families and because they were threatened with physical harm if they did not comply. They also said they did not know what they were transporting and did not know that drug trafficking in Indonesia carried the death penalty.

Reactions in Australia
The parents of Rush and Lawrence criticised the AFP for allowing the Indonesian police to arrest the nine rather than allowing them to fly to Australia and arresting them in Sydney upon their return. On 24 April 2005, AFP Commissioner Mick Keelty said the AFP would hand over all evidence it had obtained against the Bali Nine:

Lawrence's father, Bob Lawrence, said in October 2005 that he wanted to meet Keelty face to face after learning of the comments made by Lee Rush:

On 13 February 2006, Rush's parents gave an interview to the ABC TV program Australian Story, speaking out against AFP actions. Rush's parents were quoted as saying:

In an interview aired on the same episode of Australian Story, Mike Phelan of the AFP responded to the Rush family's criticisms and said:

Keelty went on to state that "if someone went back to Lee Rush and assured him that Scott would not be able to travel then that is their call."

Federal justice minister Chris Ellison, defended the AFP's actions:

The Foreign Minister, Alexander Downer, said that Australia opposed the death penalty and would seek clemency for the group if they were convicted.

Philip Ruddock, a federal MP, was quoted as saying:

Criminal trials
Criminal trials for the accused commenced in the Denpasar District Court on 11 October 2005. Three of the four arrested at the Melasti Bungalows, Nguyen, Chen and Norman, were tried together, with the remaining six defendants tried separately. All defendants faced a maximum penalty of death by firing squad if found guilty. The trials were often delayed due to the defendants complaining of illness, headaches and nausea. Australia's prime minister, John Howard, said the Australian government would oppose any death sentences imposed.

On 6 December 2005, Australian lawyers Robert Richter QC and Brian Walters QC called for the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions to extradite the nine to Australia on heroin conspiracy-related charges. On 7 December 2005, Denpasar District Court judge I Wayan Yasa Abadhi called for Australians not to interfere in the legal proceedings in Indonesia, saying:

Sukumaran remained mostly silent throughout the proceedings and blamed amnesia for his poor recollections of events leading to his arrest. Trials were scheduled to be completed with verdicts announced before 23 February 2006, before a legal deadline for the group's detention expired.

Lawrence claimed that she received threats of harm against herself and her family if she did not proceed with the plan to import heroin into Australia; she gave evidence in the Denpasar District Court, that she was ordered to book a flight to Bali. She claimed she did not know why she was ordered to travel and her colleague Stephens claims he was also ordered with threats to travel to Bali by Chan, who showed him some photographs of his family, as they were going about their daily lives, saying that they would be killed if he did not co-operate.

Rush further accused Chan of strapping the heroin to his body wearing rubber gloves. Chan protested his innocence and defending his silence during his final plea, reading from a two-page statement:

In sentencing Lawrence, the judges found no evidence to support her claim that her life was threatened and although the prosecutors requested a lighter 20-year sentence due to her early cooperation with police, the judges sentenced her to life imprisonment. On the next day, the remaining three defendants, Chen, Nguyen and Norman, were sentenced to life imprisonment as well. On 24 January 2006, the prosecutors demanded the death penalty for Sukumaran, this being the first time that a demand of death was put forward for any of the Bali Nine. They told the Bali court that there was no reason to show any leniency to the 24-year-old, because he helped organize the heroin smuggling operation. The prosecutors also claim that it was Sukumaran who strapped heroin to the bodies of his fellow accused. Indonesian police identified Sukumaran as one of the main players, in what they said to be a major smuggling ring. On 26 January, it was also recommended that Andrew Chan receive the death penalty.

On 14 February 2006, after learning of his fate, Sukumaran attacked photographers and threw water bottles at protesters and onlookers gathered outside the court building.

After news that the death penalty had been handed down, then-Australian Prime Minister John Howard, noting that the death penalty warnings had been in place in Indonesia for decades, implored the youth of Australia to take notice and not take such "terrible risks".

The death sentences were criticised by some Australians, who compared them to the light sentence given to Abu Bakar Bashir, the Indonesian leader of the terrorist group which carried out the 2002 Bali bombings that killed more than 200 people including 88 Australians. Both death sentences were cheered by some of those in court.

Allegations of bribery were made on 27 April 2015 relating to Indonesian judicial authorities, to reduce sentences to less than 20 years in prison. A former lawyer for Chan and Sukumaran declared that the original amount demanded was more than 1 billion rupiah (A$133,000), but two weeks before they were due to be sentenced, the "deal" failed and backfired, triggering a request for the death penalty. Julie Bishop, Australia's Minister for Foreign Affairs, expressed her concern over the allegations involving the questioning of the integrity of the judicial process.

Timeline of sentences and appeals
On 13 February 2006, Lawrence and Rush, the first of the nine to face sentencing, were sentenced to life imprisonment. The next day, Czugaj and Stephens were sentenced to life imprisonment, and the group ringleaders, Chan and Sukumaran, were sentenced to death by firing squad, the first ever death sentences imposed by the Denpasar District Court. The other three, Norman, Chen and Nguyen, were all sentenced to life imprisonment on 15 February 2006. On 26 April 2006, Lawrence, Nguyen, Chen, and Norman appealed and had their sentences reduced to 20 years, while the life sentences for Czugaj and Stephens were upheld. Prosecutors launched appeals against the changes in their sentences.

On 6 September 2006, it was revealed that as a result of appeals brought by prosecutors and heard by the Supreme Court, Chen had the death penalty reimposed after his reduced sentence of life imprisonment was overturned. Rush, Nguyen and Norman also had their appeal verdicts overturned and the death penalty imposed. The new death sentences were unexpected. Prosecutors, in their appeals against the 20-year terms faced by most of the nine, had only called for them to be upgraded to life imprisonment. Czugaj's life sentence, after being reduced to 20 years on appeal, was reinstated. Stephens' life sentence was upheld on appeal as were Sukumaran's and Chan's death sentences. Lawrence had not lodged a further appeal to her 20-year sentence, so her sentence was not rejudged.

On 6 March 2008, it was revealed that three of the four Bali 9 (Norman, Chen and Nguyen) who were issued death sentences on appeal had their sentences reduced to life imprisonment. The reduction was not officially announced, but court sources confirm that the judges decided to spare their lives. In August 2010, Rush launched his final appeal to overturn the death penalty, and was granted a judicial review, which commenced on 18 August 2010. On 10 May 2011, Rush's appeal was successful as his sentence was reduced to life imprisonment. On 21 September 2010, the leaders of the drug-smuggling ring, Chan and Sukumaran, appealed against their pending death-row sentence and to reduce their jail time to 20 years, instead of the previous life sentence. On 17 June 2011, it was announced that Chan's final judicial appeal had been rejected on 10 May. On 7 July 2011, it was announced that Sukumaran's final judicial appeal was dismissed. On 10 December 2014, the President of Indonesia Joko Widodo stated in a speech that he would not approve any clemencies for drug offences. On 30 December, Sukumaran's plea for clemency was rejected;  and Chan's plea for clemency was rejected on 22 January 2015.

Summary of sentences
All of the Bali Nine were convicted of drug trafficking of heroin.

Appeals
There were several avenues of appeal available to the Bali Nine. Lawyers had seven days post-sentencing to lodge appeals. There is no time limit for those convicted to request clemency from the President of Indonesia, but this requires an admission of guilt and had never been granted for a drug crime until 2009. All appealed to overturn their sentence. The sentences of Chen, Czugaj, Nguyen, Norman and Stephens stand at life imprisonment and Lawrence's sentence remains at 20 years after appeal. In May 2011, Rush's death sentence was reduced to life after he launched a final appeal in August 2010.

Chan and Sukumaran launched final appeals to have their death sentences reduced in August 2010. Chan lost his appeal to the Indonesian Supreme Court on 10 May 2011 and Sukumaran's appeal was dismissed on 6 July 2011. Both made pleas for clemency to the Indonesian President that were rejected in December 2014 and January 2015.

In late January 2015, lawyers for Chan and Sukumaran filed an application for a judicial review into their cases; which was rejected by the Denpasar District Court a few days later. Meanwhile, with a spokesperson for the Indonesian Attorney General stating that requests for judicial review did not preclude the execution process proceeding, Indonesian officials continued planning for the imminent execution of Chan and Sukumaran:

On 9 February 2015, lawyers for Chan and Sukumaran launched a rare challenge against the Indonesian president's refusal to grant them pardons; which was dismissed by the Indonesian government a day later.

On 6 April 2015, an Indonesian court rejected an appeal by Chan and Sukumaran, ruling that they could not challenge the decision by the Indonesian president to grant them clemency in court. One of their lawyers announced that a further appeal would be lodged with the Indonesian Constitutional Court to examine Widodo's refusal to give clemency. However, the Indonesian Attorney-General accused the lawyers of simply trying to buy time, and announced that there would be no more delays to the executions.

Execution of duo
Chan and Sukumaran were executed by firing squad early on 29 April 2015 on Nusa Kambangan prison island, along with six other prisoners convicted for drug offences. The six other men were Zaenal (or Zainal) Abidin (an Indonesian), Rodrigo Gularte (a Brazilian), and four Nigerians: Sylvester Obiekwe Nwolise, Raheem Agbaje Salami, Okwudily (or Okwudili) Oyatanze and Martin Anderson. Filipina Mary Jane Veloso was given a last-minute stay of execution following a pending investigation initiated in her home country about a drug trafficking syndicate in which she is expected to testify.

The executions were widely supported among the Indonesian public, while foreign diplomats protested against them.

Reaction in Australia
A candlelight vigil hosted by the Mercy Campaign, entitled Music for Mercy, was held in Sydney's Martin Place on the evening of 29 January 2015 in support of Chan and Sukumaran. The concert featured performances by Archibald Prize artist Ben Quilty, musicians Megan Washington, Josh Pyke, Kate Miller-Heidke, Paul Mac, Glenn Richards from Augie March, and The Presets' and Julian Hamilton; with media personalities Andrew Denton and his partner Jennifer Byrne and musician Missy Higgins who recorded video messages of support for Chan and Sukumaran. Amnesty International organised similar vigils in Federation Square, and in Adelaide, Canberra, and.

An academic at Swinburne University in Melbourne expressed in a lecture following the executions of Chan and Sukumaran that he had planned to ask Indonesian international students to leave his class. He has since apologised for his statements.

A poll was conducted by Roy Morgan Research from 27 February to 1 March 2015. The poll revealed that 53 per cent of Australians opposed the execution of Andrew Chan and Myuran Sukumaran while 47% supported it. Muhammad Prasetyo, Indonesia's attorney general, was reported as saying that there was strong support in Australia for the death penalty.

Related arrests
On 27 April 2005, Indonesian police shot and killed Man Singh Ghale, a known major Indonesian drug trafficker believed to be directly connected to the Bali Nine. Ghale, of Australian origin, was killed when police stormed his home.

Australian Federal Police commissioner Mick Keelty said Ghale was "directly linked" to the Bali Nine. Six men aged between 19 and 25 were arrested and released on bail in Brisbane on drug trafficking charges believed to be associated with the Bali Nine. On 12 February 2006, police arrested Do Hyung Lee, a 25-year-old of South Korean origin, at Brisbane Airport after arriving on a flight from South Korea. Lee was charged with drug trafficking and importation offences and appeared in the Brisbane Magistrates Court on 13 February 2006, the same day the first of the nine accused in Indonesia learned of their fate. Lee was bailed to reappear in court with the five others on 3 April 2006. Keelty told a Senate estimates committee hearing that more arrests were expected.

Prior criminal records and charges
Details of previous criminal convictions of some of the accused were not published during the trial to avoid harming legal defences in Indonesia. Once the Denpasar District Court reached guilty verdicts and issued sentences, it was reported in the Australian media that members of the group had been convicted of offences in Australia before their arrests in Indonesia. In December 2004 Rush pleaded guilty at the Inala Magistrates' Court in Queensland to 16 offences including drug possession, fraud, theft and drunk-driving. A warrant for his arrest in Australia remains in place over the theft of $A4,797 from the Commonwealth Bank via a forged cheque. Czugaj, also of Brisbane, has 14 convictions for offences including theft, wilful damage, traffic offences and fare evasion.

Lawrence and Norman were arrested on 26 March 2005 in New South Wales, while travelling along the Pacific Highway in a stolen Ford Laser after police used road spikes to intercept the stolen vehicle. Both were due to appear in the Gosford Magistrates Court to face car theft- and traffic-related charges. On 26 April 2005, they failed to appear due to their imprisonment in Indonesia a week earlier on 17 April 2005. Lawrence admitted, after her arrest in Indonesia on 17 April 2005, of having visited Bali twice before: in October and November 2004. She and Chan had made an earlier successful run with heroin from Bali to Australia during their October visit. The second delivery, scheduled for December 2004, was aborted when the heroin suppliers failed to deliver. She provided a statement to police saying she was paid $A10,000 for the successful heroin delivery but later retracted her statement.

Reaction after execution
Amnesty International strongly condemned the executions of Chan and Sukumaran together with six other drug-related convicts on 29 April 2015, describing them as "reprehensible". Diana Sayed, Human Rights Lawyer and Crisis Campaigner, said "The death penalty is always a human rights violation, but there are a number of factors that make today's executions even more distressing." The Australian ambassador to Indonesia was recalled after Chan and Sukumaran were executed. Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott stated that the executions were "cruel and unnecessary", claiming both men had been "fully rehabilitated" during their detention in prison. Opposition leader Bill Shorten agreed, saying he was "disgusted" at the execution.

title: Bali Nine


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Talk:The Social Contract, Or Principles of Political Right

This should not be a redirect page. Rousseau's book is a different thing from the social contract as an abstract concept. timo 07:37, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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Twin Peaks (San Francisco)

The Twin Peaks are two prominent hills with an elevation of about 925 ft located near the geographic center of San Francisco, California. The Twin Peaks are the second and third highest natural points in San Francisco; only 928 foot Mount Davidson is higher within city limits.

Location and climate
The North and South Twin Peaks, also known as "Eureka" and "Noe" respectively, are about 200 m apart. The peaks form a divide for the summer coastal fog pushed in from the Pacific Ocean. Their west-facing slopes often get fog and strong winds, while the east-facing slopes receive more sun and warmth. Elevation at each summit is just over 900 ft. Thin, sandy soil is commonplace on Twin Peaks, making them susceptible to erosion. On some rare occasions, Twin Peaks has been able to get a dusting of snow especially on February 5, 1976, when it got several inches of snow. Most recently on February 26, 2011, and February 5, 2019, Twin Peaks got a few flurries of snowflakes.

Early history
Before the arrival of the Europeans, the native Ohlone people may have used Twin Peaks as a lookout or hunting ground.

18th and 19th centuries
When the Spanish conquistadors and settlers arrived at the beginning of the 18th century, they called the area "Los Pechos de la Chola" or "Breasts of the Indian Maiden" and devoted the area to ranching. When San Francisco passed under American control during the 19th century, it was renamed "Twin Peaks".

21st century
In 2016 the SFMTA introduced a traffic calming pilot to reduce the amount of space allocated to cars and make the summit area more inviting to a wider range of travel modes. The "figure of 8" roadway around the two peaks was reduced to a two-way road on the western side of the peaks, with the east side designated for pedestrians and bikes only.

Attractions
Christmas Tree Point lies some 70 ft below the North Peak and offers vistas of San Francisco and San Francisco Bay. The view to the north extends no farther than Cobb Mountain (38.807°N, -122.741°W) 120 km away, but looking southeast down the Santa Clara Valley on a clear day, Santa Ana Mountain 36.8782°N, -121.2637°W is just visible 143 km away.

To the north is one of the city's many reservoirs. It is owned by the San Francisco Fire Department, and supplies water to the Fire Department's independent HPFS water system for fighting fires, established after the 1906 earthquake and fire.

The top of Twin Peaks is undeveloped. It is part of the 31 acre Twin Peaks Natural Area, managed and owned by the San Francisco Recreation and Parks Department. These preserved areas are home to many natural resources and wildlife. As part of the Mission blue butterfly habitat conservation, Twin Peaks is one of the few remaining habitats for this endangered species. Many bird species, insects and vegetation thrive in these areas.

The Muni Metro Twin Peaks Tunnel runs beneath Twin Peaks, linking downtown San Francisco with West Portal and the southwestern part of the city. There is no public transportation all the way to the top of the Peaks, but the 37 Corbett Muni line stops on Crestline Drive near a path up the hill.

The San Francisco Police Department Academy is at the base of the peaks.

The name "Twin Peaks" is also applied to the surrounding neighborhood.

Education
The San Francisco Unified School District operates the Ruth Asawa San Francisco School of the Arts in the Twin Peaks neighborhood. The closest SFUSD school to the top of Twin Peaks is Rooftop

title: Twin Peaks (San Francisco)


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User talk:Gopalkrishnan

Hello, I feel like me you are also new to wikipedia.

Perhaps you created the article RURAL MARKETS, which was identified for deletion. The article was revised by me and a consensus was created to keep the article in its new form as Rural markets. Some one has again edited the article and put certain remarks about the author. That was done Anonymously by 203.88.154.8 - I have removed those edits as they donot conform to wiki policies. Kindly keep a watch on the article so that unnecesssary edits are not made. Looking forward to many more informative articles by you. I would suggest you to write about you on your Page so that everyone learns about you and your interests on your User Page. Thanks.--Bhadani 07:37, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Speedy deletion nomination of Rural markets

A tag has been placed on Rural markets requesting that it be speedily deleted from Wikipedia. This has been done under section G12 of the criteria for speedy deletion, because the article appears to be a clear copyright infringement. For legal reasons, we cannot accept copyrighted text or images borrowed from other web sites or printed material, and as a consequence, your addition will most likely be deleted. You may use external websites as a source of information, but not as a source of sentences. This part is crucial: say it in your own words.

If the external website belongs to you, and you want to allow Wikipedia to use the text — which means allowing other people to modify it — then you must verify that externally by one of the processes explained at Donating copyrighted materials. If you are not the owner of the external website but have permission from that owner, see Requesting copyright permission. You might want to look at Wikipedia's policies and guidelines for more details, or ask a question here.

If you think that this notice was placed here in error, you may contest the deletion by adding to the top of the page that has been nominated for deletion (just below the existing speedy deletion, or "db", tag; if no such tag exists, then the page is no longer a speedy delete candidate and adding a hang-on tag is unnecessary), coupled with adding a note on the talk page explaining your position, but be aware that once tagged for speedy deletion, if the page meets the criterion, it may be deleted without delay. Please do not remove the speedy deletion tag yourself, but don't hesitate to add information to the page that would render it more in conformance with Wikipedia's policies and guidelines. The Resident Anthropologist (talk) 04:41, 14 February 2011 (UTC)

title: User talk:Gopalkrishnan


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Talk:Black hole (disambiguation)

{

title: Talk:Black hole (disambiguation)


text: User talk:67.121.232.87

title: User talk:67.121.232.87


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Stel Pavlou

Stelios Grant Pavlou (born 22 November 1970) is a British screenwriter and speculative fiction novelist. He is known for writing the novel Decipher and the screenplay for the film The 51st State.

Personal life
Pavlou was born in Kent, England on 22 November 1970 and went to the Chatham Grammar School for Boys. He attended the University of Liverpool in American Studies and received a degree in American Studies, which required that he spend a semester in the United States. Pavlou also served in the Cypriot army for one year.

Career
After graduating from the University of Liverpool Pavlou applied to approximately 600 media jobs, but with no success. He wrote the script for the film The 51st State (known as Formula 51 in the US) while he was living in Rochester, Kent and working for a local wine shop. The film was released in 2001 and starred Samuel L. Jackson and Robert Carlyle. For the British DVD release Pavlou did the audio commentary and included a featurette titled, "Who the Hell is Stel Pavlou." During 2001 Pavlou also published his debut novel, Decipher, through Simon & Schuster. The novel centers upon Atlantis and received reviews from The Independent, The Washington Post, and Cryptologia. He published a second novel, Gene, in 2005 and in 2017, released the first book in his children's fiction series Daniel Coldstar.

In 2021, Pavlou hosted a television show on the Discovery Channel titled "Hunting Atlantis," which has been criticised by professional archaeologists for pseudoscience and contributing to false perceptions of history and archaeology.

Selected works
Novels
 * 2001 Decipher and related website Atlantipedia
 * 2005 Gene
 * 2017 Daniel Coldstar: The Relic War
 * 2019 Daniel Coldstar: The Betrayer

Short stories Screenplays
 * 2006 "Checkpoint", published in Doctor Who Short Trips: The Centenarian
 * 2007 "Omegamorphosis", published in Short Trips: Destination Prague
 * 2007 "You Had Me at Verify User Name and Password", published in Short Trips: Snapshots
 * 2002 Screenplay for The 51st State / Formula 51 (including the DVD extra Who the hell is Stel Pavlou?)

title: Stel Pavlou


text: User:=Julius=

title: User:=Julius=


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Imperial Court System

The International Imperial Court System (IICS) also known as the International Court System is one of the oldest and largest LGBT organizations in the world. The Imperial Court System is a grassroots network of organizations that works to build community relationships for equality and raise money for charitable causes through the production of annual Gala Coronation Balls that invite an unlimited audience of attendees to be presented at Royal Court in their fanciest attire throughout North America along with numerous other fundraisers each year, all for the benefit of their communities. The Imperial Court System is the second largest LGBT organization in the world, surpassed only by the Metropolitan Community Church.

History
The Imperial Court System in the United States was founded in San Francisco, California, in 1965 by José Sarria. Sarria, affectionately known as "Mama José" or similar among Imperial Court members, adopted the stage name "Widow Norton" as a reference to Joshua Norton, a much-celebrated citizen of 19th-century San Francisco who had declared himself Emperor of the United States and Protector of Mexico in 1859.

Sarria soon became the nexus of a fundraising group with volunteer members bearing titles of nobility bestowed by yearly elected figurehead leaders of Emperor and Empress. In the United States, the first court outside of San Francisco was in Portland, Oregon, which joined with San Francisco in 1971 to start the Court System, followed by Seattle, and then by Vancouver (by the Empress of Canada, ted northe, who was crowned Empress of Canada in 1964 by the long-standing Rose Court of Portland Oregon and who always spelled his name in the lower case), who founded the Canadian Court System in 1971, after being inspired by attending a ball in Portland OR, and thus became the International Court System). These empires operated and formed policies more-or-less independently until an Imperial Court Council led by Sarria was formed to prevent participation by groups that were not strictly and solely involved with charitable fundraising.

For years, some chapters of the Canadian Imperial Courts remained outside the recognition of the Widow Norton and the Imperial Court Council for various reasons, some regulatory and some related to dispute over northe's title. Eventually ICS leadership recognized northe as The Empress of All Canada, which ended a substantial falling out between ted northe and the international court system. In 1997, northe was among the first recipients of the "José Honors Award" handed out by Sarria.

Infrequently, a schism within a court chapter has given rise to a "rogue court" unrecognized by the organization as a whole. Most of these so-called "rogue courts" or "rival courts" have collapsed and dissolved within a few years.

Structure
Each individual court chapter (or "Empire") is a separate, legally-incorporated charitable nonprofit organization that raises funds and awareness for various charities and civic causes for people in need within its realm. Each chapter has its own board of directors and is financially responsible for its own management. In addition to local non-profit status, many courts in the United States have Federal 501(c) status.

The Imperial Court Council, created in 1995, is an incorporated non-profit organization created to advise chapters of the Imperial Court System and, when necessary, to grant or rescind recognition by the ICS as a whole. The council also urges a degree of consistency regarding matters of protocol via proclamations which are generally observed by all chapters.

On 17 February 2007, Sarria (who turned 84 years old in December 2006) officially passed the leadership of the ICS to Empress Nicole the Great of San Diego, CA (real name Nicole Murray-Ramirez), who held the designation of Heir Apparent 1st in Line of Succession, in a ceremony held in Seattle, Washington.

Nicole the Great has been the titular leader of the ICS since. She uses the title of "Queen Mother I of the Americas" and has been assisted in this capacity by her Privy Council made up of Empress Coco LaChine of New York, NY, Emperor Rick Ford of Long Beach, California, Empress Milo of San Diego, California, Empress Jack-E of Reno, Nevada, Empress Panzi of New York, New York, Empress Remy Martin of San Francisco, and other Imperial Court Council members. Queen Mother Nicole the Great has created her own line of succession replacing those formerly so designated by Sarria. Like those monarchs in the former line of succession, these "Heirs Apparent" comprise the current day International Court Council.

After ted northe's death in May 2014, Avaughna Sanoir was selected as the new Empress of Canada in June. This title is currently not recognized by the ICS as of September 2014.

Chapters
The Imperial Court System over the past almost fifty years has grown to represent communities in 86 different locations across the United States, Canada, and Mexico. Some realms cover entire states, such as Alaska, Connecticut, Hawaii, Iowa or Montana while others cover cities such as the city of Toronto, counties or regions, the communities of Alameda County, California or the Greater Niagara Region.

Most chapters are Imperial Courts and are also known as "Empires". A few chapters are called "ducal court" (infrequently called a "duchy") or "barony" (infrequently called a "baronial court"). The term ducal court is typically used in the rare situation when one chapter's area overlaps with the territory of an already established chapter, as is the case with the Grand Ducal Council of San Francisco and the Grand Ducal Council of Alameda. The term barony is typically used when a new chapter has yet to fully be elevated to the level of infrastructure and successful fundraising characteristic with those chapters deemed full-fledged Imperial Courts. Except for the titles used by the monarchs (i.e. baroness rather than empress, etc.) baronial and ducal chapters function in essentially the same way as those chapters headed by Emperors and Empresses.

Indicative of the ICS's growth in the 1990s, three of North America's largest metropolitan areas -- Boston, Chicago, and Washington, DC, – established baronies which have since become prominent and successful Imperial Courts.

As the oldest chapter in the organization, the Imperial Court of San Francisco is considered the "Mother Court" of the Imperial Court System. The term "Mother Court" is also used for a court chapter who grants the recognition and establishment a new court. For example, the Imperial Court of New York is the Mother Court of the Imperial Court of Rhode Island at Providence.

Titles
Each court holds an annual "coronation" (or "adornment" in the case of baronies and ducal courts) which is usually the chapter's largest fundraiser and is attended by both local people and members of other chapters from across North America. The evening culminates with the ceremony in which the new monarch or monarchs are crowned. The method by which monarchs are selected varies from chapter to chapter, ranging from election by vote among the active membership in closed session to election by open vote of the community region in which individuals are residents...held between one week to up to six months before the coronation to election by all in attendance on the night of the ceremony.

The office of monarch is taken very seriously within the court system and requires a large commitment of the holder's time and money. Accordingly, while the presence of an "imperial couple" is the norm, it is not uncommon for an emperor or empress to reign alone depending on the availability of suitably dedicated and charismatic candidates with the necessary resources to fulfil the requirements of a one-year reign.

In the most frequent case, several weeks after coronation the new monarch or monarchs present their court titles at a fundraiser called investitures. The titles given to members vary from one chapter to another and are primarily left to the discretion of the reigning monarch or monarchs, the fons honorum (fountain of honor) of their chapter.

Typical titles awarded are Imperial Crown Prince, Grand Duchess, Marquess, Viscount, etc. Other appellations bestowed resemble offices or professions within a medieval or modern noble court rather than titles of nobility, such as "Court Jester" or "Chancellor of the Realm" and so forth. These titles may be as serious-sounding or as humorously campy as the monarchs wish.

Titles are traditionally based upon those used by European nobility (especially the British Peerage) but nothing prohibits the creation of titles such as Czarina, Raja or Sultan and these are sometimes used as well.

Noble titles are ranked according to an order of precedence so that, for example, a member who has been created a duke takes precedence over a member who has been created a countess. The main effect of this hierarchy involves the order that members are introduced during "protocol", a ceremonial procedure endemic to the Imperial Court in which courts are presented with courtiers titles read by the master of ceremonies as members approach the presiding monarchs of the coronation. This bit of pageantry, which is typically reserved for coronations and similar large events, gives Imperial Court members an opportunity to display their titles as well as costumes to the assembled crowd.

Monarchs, both reigning and former, are typically allowed to create various societies, clubs, houses, fraternities, sororities and so forth. These are typically for the sole purpose of granting membership to people they wish to honor. Many of these have colorful names that are either grandiose, humorous or both. Examples include the House of Fairies, Friends and Frivolity, the Order of the Far East, The Society of the Crown and Scepter, "La Casa De Milagros" – The House of Miracles, etc. In some cases, membership is exclusive; in other cases, it is granted relatively indiscriminately. Unlike titles, these memberships are rarely if ever regulated by chapters' by-laws or boards of directors.

Similar to society memberships are "family titles" such as the Foxx Family Den or the Surreal Family Dynasty. Monarchs often name people as sons, daughters, brothers, uncles, and so forth. These are likewise typically unregulated within the system and may be granted as freely or as sparingly as a monarch wishes.

Fundraising
Due to the decentralized nature of the organization and inconsistent record keeping in some chapters early in their histories, it is difficult to estimate the total amount of money raised by the ICS. Proceeds from the Imperial Court of New York City's renowned "Night of a Thousand Gowns" have resulted in as much as $67,000 donated to its charitable recipients in a single weekend. Since its inception, the Imperial Court de San Diego has raised at least $1 million. In 2008 (Reign 22), The Imperial Court of Toronto awarded their charities $60,000 under Emperor 22 Hunter James and Empress 22 Tiffany Louise-Charles.

Each court conducts numerous fundraisers throughout the year. Drag shows, ranging in size from performances at local bars to events in hotel ballrooms and other large venues, are the main way in which revenue is raised for charity. Especially in recent years, court chapters have diversified their fundraising strategies to include yard sales, gift raffles, etc. Court members also solicit donations at LGBT events, gay pride parades and other public events.

Imperial Court chapters donate the funds raised to a variety of causes including those related to AIDS, breast cancer, domestic abuse, and homelessness. Empires have also established or contributed to a variety of scholarships. Court chapters receive frequent recognition by elected officials and celebrities for their humanitarian contributions.

Unlike many other large charitable fundraising organizations, the Imperial Court System is composed entirely of volunteers. There are no paid positions within the Imperial Court System and both the culture of the Court System and the regulations set down by the boards of directors of each chapter prohibit any member from profiting from the Imperial Court or its activities. Rather, depending on individual level of involvement with the system, many court members spend hundreds or thousands of dollars of their own money each year on costumes, travel to events in other parts of North America, and donations to various charitable beneficiaries.

Membership
Most members are homosexual and transgender people, but membership is open to all. Gay, bisexual, transgender and straight people have all served as monarchs and court members. Drag queens and other sorts of cross-dressers collectively comprise about half of the membership.

The Court System also appeals to people interested in various forms of costume and dress-up who are willing to lend their enthusiasm to the court's culture of charitable fundraising. Included among these are people involved with the leather fetishism and leather subcultures, members of the Society for Creative Anachronism and similar historical reenactment hobbyists, various types of cosplay enthusiasts, and so on.

Most court members, especially monarchs, past-monarchs and those aspiring towards a throne, wear an assortment of regalia including elaborate crowns, bejeweled chains of office and other costume jewelry which is often custom-made for the wearer.

Related groups
Many court members are involved with other LGBT groups, especially non-profit groups that provide charitable services directly rather than providing the funds for such services as ICS does. Besides these, two specific spheres of activity have relevance to ICS history:

Competitive pageantry: Some court members have also been involved with competitive pageantry, especially drag pageants and the various leather competitions through which people may qualify for International Mister Leather. Like the ICS, these competitions provide an opportunity to garner titles while showcasing one's appearance and talents. Some court chapters grew out of the sphere of competitive pageantry and some courts conduct annual competitive "Mr. Gay. .." and "Miss Gay. .." (or similarly named) pageants as part of their fundraising schedule.

Ball culture: Less frequently, the Imperial Court System has had overlapping membership and joint ventures with drag houses of the type documented in Paris is Burning. For example, during the 1990s the annual "Snow Ball" in Hartford was both a coronation and a competition in which contestants did "walks" in various specific categories in order to win trophies. The ICS has innumerable "houses" within its ranks as mentioned above. However, unlike ballroom scene houses such as The House of Xtravaganza and House of Labeija, houses within the IICS are not an important means of organization within the group and there is no limit to the number of houses to which a person can belong.

title: Imperial Court System


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Bunny boiler

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. — Xezbeth 19:52, May 7, 2005 (UTC)

Bunny boiler
This page is a slang term and its etymology. It's already in Wiktionary so don't vote "transwiki". Kevin Rector (talk) 07:50, Apr 22, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, Wiktionary article is perfectly adequate. Average Earthman 08:52, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep. This can be expanded into a proper article on bunny boiling, examples of similar obsessive behaviour in reality, examples of the term used in the press, etc. Matthew Platts 14:21, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Yeah, with recipes, too. Mikkalai 21:56, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Already in Wiktionary. Concept can be covered in stalking, erotomania, girlfriend. --TenOfAllTrades (talk/contrib) 18:38, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. The term "bunny boiling" should not be used to lump together all sorts of obsessive behavior, that would obviously belong in the Obsessive Behavior article.  RickK 20:55, Apr 22, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. nonnotable, nonexpandable. BTW this is a slang term, not a medical term, kinda sorta "psycho". Mikkalai 21:56, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Doesn't *sound* medical, so that means it isn't! Medical terms are always either mutli-syllable mouthfuls (psychosomatic dyssentry), or based on the name of the first researcher/sufferer (Asperger's Syndrome) or Latin (no example comes to mind). It originates from a movie, so possibly fancruft. Master Thief Garrett 22:40, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Looks like it belongs in the dict, and it is. It seems that the problem has been solved to me, so we can del. BigFatDave 02:19, 23 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Add mention to Fatal Attraction and redirect. -- Antaeus Feldspar 15:27, 23 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Redirect to Fatal Attraction. Now, if'll you'll excuse me, I'm off to delete headache per MTGarrett's logic. FreplySpang (talk) 18:09, 23 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * LOL! No I didn't word it quite right did I! What I meant was that this is a fluff/invented term. Headache is an established term. LOL! Master Thief Garrett 03:00, 24 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
User talk:=Julius=

Questions, commentaries, ideas ? Insert here please...

title: User talk:=Julius=


text:
Talk:Side cap

Cunt cap
I restored this section with a proper citation. I left out the "biter"/"cockbiter" term because I couldn't find a good reference. 68.9.202.192 (talk) 14:28, 20 April 2009 (UTC)

Cap
Why is it sometimes called "pisscutter"?

 * Question moved from article -- Ferkelparade π 07:50, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)

[Although "garrison" makes sense with the cap's military background, is it possible that the name is actually a corruption of "Glengarry"?] - User:210.158.194.1

Forage cap?
Forage cap redirects here. I cannot find "forage cap" at either Merriam-Webster online or yourDictionary.com. If you Google "forage cap", it shows mostly US Civil War era kepis; thrown in for good measure are the soft German army field cap, the service cap, and the odd wedge. Anyone have a dress regulation they can quote verbatim or reference that tells one what a forage cap is officially? Or maybe a dictionary definition? In the CF, I only ever heard "forage cap" refer to the peaked service cap; some sergeants-major used it to refer to the women's service cap, especially the Navy one as opposed to the Army or Air Force ones ("bowlers"); or for the WWII era CWAC cap, which looked a lot like a transition between a kepi and a German field hat. Can anyone help? Tks.
 * Oh, and as to a source, Oxford confirms your usage, relating it to the Glengarry. SigPig 06:08, 8 February 2006 (UTC)

 * I can't point to a source, but I know that it was called a forage cap in the British Army (though they don't wear it any more as far as I know). That version of it could be unfolded to give (somewhat ridiculous-looking) ear flaps; I don't know if this is common to all forage caps. PeteVerdon 16:34, 22 April 2006 (UTC)

It has never been known in the British Army as a forage cap, always a Field Service Cap, although it may have been misnomered in the RAF. It is still specifically referred to in several regimental dress regulations, notably the Rifles. (FROGSMILE (talk) 11:06, 19 February 2011 (UTC))

 * I think it would be good to mention the flap thing. The Canadian version I think can do that, but you have to snip the little stitches that attach the flaps to the crown. I also have a Bundeswehr one with little snap-fasteners instead of stitches. Also, 'twould be nice if someone could get their mitts on the CF Dress Indtructions (and its equivalent in other armed forces) so we could get the official terminology that each country uses.
 * If I can get my hands on my old wedge cap, I'll put it on a dummy head and photo it flap-up and flap-down. SigPig 19:00, 18 May 2006 (UTC)

 * During the 195o's & 1960's many high schools in New Zealand had two weeks of compulsory military cadets each year. Army (and air) cadets were issued with the NZ version of the British forage cap. I can confirm that they had flaps! The caps had two brass (or bronze) buttons on the peak. Wearers could undo the buttons and the sides of the cap would fold down over the back of the neck, over the ears and under the chin. As young school pupils we thought they looked "daft". It was quite a clever, compact design. The flaps may have been of some benefit in a military context but we never knew of the caps being intentionally used for keeping one's head warm! (Source: personal use and memory). In truth, a user would probably wear a balaclava UNDER the forage cap to provide warmth with the flaps acting as a wind break. (I have no citations for this - it is just an assumption.)[(User:Tim Kerr Tim Kerr (talk) 22:05, 16 November 2009 (UTC)]

 * If you google by skipping most of the US references (i.e. use a site like google.co.uk, not google.com ) then you can find lots of references....for a look at forage caps, try silvermans.co.uk

 * Forage cap should NOT redirect here - it refers to a peaked cap earlier called the Service Dress Cap in the Commonwealth. Michael Dorosh Talk  13:40, 4 October 2006 (UTC)

 * Much as I agree with you, I must disagree with you. "Forage cap" seems to be one of those ambiguous terms: just like "service cap" or "field cap", what it is exactly depends on current dress regulations. Seems in Commonwealth nations, "forage cap" refers to what's currently at combination cap. However, it also seems to refer to the kepi-like cap sported by the Americans during their civil war. Just google "forage cap" and see what you get. Seems to me at best that "forage cap" could be a disambiguation page. --SigPig 03:59, 5 October 2006 (UTC)

 * It might be relevant to mention forage caps, which were in use in the 18th century, and which may have evolved into the side cap. In the 18th century, it was common for troops in camp and on fatigue duties to wear a cap made from old uniform material.  It was made of two pieces of cloth cut in a tall triangle, shaped just like civilian nightcaps.  Often the tip was decorated with a tassel.  It could be worn with the lower edge folded up, and the long tip stuck into the fold.  The Prussians certainly used this type of cap (called a Zipfelmütze in German), as did the French.  If we look at some side caps, we can see traces of this style is some of them.  Best regardsTheBaron0530 (talk) 14:07, 27 June 2017 (UTC)

 * 'Forage cap' essentially describes a function rather than any specific form of cap, of which there have been many over the last three hundred years that might come under that heading. Even though in certain English-speaking contexts the term has been ascribed- either formally or informally- to specific items of head dress, it would be a mistake to get bogged down in arguments as to whether one example  of cap might be a forage cap or not. Best to restrict to official terms, in respective languages, for specific periods.

Garrison cap ?
This article describes the US meaning of garrison cap to be what I would call a forage cap. The combination cap article describes that cap (a "peaked cap") also as being referred to as a garrison cap in US parlence.

Which is right ? Or is a garrison cap labelled as such when it can be worn in a garrison (i.e. working dress) and the term does not specifically refer to the design of cap.

Can someone in the know put these two articles right please ?

 * It seems that a number of these terms (garrison cap, forage cap, and service cap) refer to different pieces of headgear, depending on time and place. Some web sites I visited show the garrison cap as a WWI-era combination cap, others as a modern USMC field cap (it always looked like a train engineer cap, in camo colours). I do not know what these lids are called officially.
 * As for forage cap, that is also used to describe:
 * - the kepi/shako-like cap of the US Army around the Civil War;
 * - the old name for the peaked cap (combination cap) worn by the Canadian Forces, now called the servcie dress cap (which brings up its own problems)
 * - the predecessor to the bowler cap formerly worn by female members of the CF (resembled the Civil War cap)
 * - the WWII German Army field cap
 * - a pillbox cap
 * - and a number of specific regimental style undress fatigue caps from the 19th century or earlier
 * The RAF website appears to refer to this cap (historically, at least) as the "field service cap", since the first RFC uniform was an Army uniform with this side cap. Confusion reigns!
 * So I don't know if "garrison cap" is as ambiguous as "forage cap", but it is extremely Amero-centric. Maybe the generic cap should be called a "side cap", which is what it seems to be referred to internationally. --SigPig 06:09, 6 August 2006 (UTC)
 * This cap was called an overseas cap or cunt-cap in the US Army of the 1950s and 60s. At that time, a garrison cap was a round peaked cap with visor and internal grommet. Both were used with dress greens. In the sixties a baseball cap or helmet liner was used with fatigues, and wearing a beret could get you an Article 15. __Just plain Bill (talk) 00:43, 9 July 2009 (UTC)

Other terms for this accessory uniform piece
Although officiall called the Garrison Cap, I have also heard it refered to as a 'cunt cap'. What is the origin of this terminology? How wide spread is it?

 * It's officially a flight cap in the U.S. armed forces. The origin is from basic observation - it looks like a vulva. Cunt Cap is alliterate, and obvious. Certainly my flight in basic used the term, and I'm damn sure the TI didn't say it. It's as wide spread as far as the Air Force and people who know the word cunt is. I've heard it used from as far as people who were from different tech schools than I, and have heard old crusty NCO's use it. Obviously people in the ass-kissing positions would never use it in front of a subordinate (politics), but I'm sure there are some officers who are aware of cunts and how well they go with caps. -- 10:09, 31 August 2007 (UTC)

 * Look at article section "Offensive Term". -- Meyer 06:08, 4 October 2006 (UTC)

Why are their not several sections based on the difference in where in the different branches of service?
 * A crusty old Rifles NCO of my acquaintance, having reached W.O. rank, referred to his new side-cap as a "split-arse cap."JF42 (talk) 20:02, 2 April 2011 (UTC)

forage cap
From what I've heard from American Civil War re-enactors, the typical "civil war cap" is actually called a forage cap. It was designed so that the wearer could use it to forage in the woods for berries, nuts, etc. A version worn by officers, which wasn't as deep, was called a "kepi."

It's use wasn't restricted to the American Civil War, either. In a painting of Napoleon III's surrender at the end of the Franco-Prussian War, the emperor is wearing a forage cap. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Parmadil (talk • contribs) 04:45, 31 August 2008 (UTC)
 * My books addressing Civil War uniforms confirm that it is a forage cap. Forage cap redirects to this article, hence its inclusion here. →Wordbuilder (talk) 15:40, 20 April 2009 (UTC)
 * "Forage cap" has been the designation given to several different types of working or undress headdresses since the early 19th century. The design of cap has varied according to different armies or periods. Editor SigPig gives a good summary of different useages of the word in the British, Canadian and US armed forces in discussion entries above. It is a bit confusing that at the moment there is no reference in the actual text of the "garrison cap" article to the kepi style "forage cap" widely worn by both sides in the American Civil War. Perhaps a paragraph could be added. Alternatively, a separate article dealing specifically with forage caps could be created. Any views? Buistr (talk) 22:03, 20 April 2009 (UTC)

This needs to be clarified, as a separate article does currently exist at Forage cap. Either a hatnote at minimum, or a full sentence/paragraph. -- Quiddity (talk) 18:47, 22 November 2010 (UTC)

Forage caps: generics and specifics
The confusion arises, in part, because military nomenclature is neither scientific or consistent. A 'forage cap', as the name suggests, was originally any undress cap worn by British cavalry when tending to their mounts. Also called 'watering caps,' they tended to be round bonnets in form. Essentially it was working dress, worn for comfort and to protect the expensive and increasingly heavy helmets and shakos, etc. Over the years, however, this has come to mean any undress or working headgear. The French term bonnet de police covered the same function.

Technically, in the British army, 'forage cap' came to mean a round undress cap (peaked or not) as described in regulations, worn by all arms. Since the introduction, between 1895 and 1905, of the Field Service Cap followed by the Service Dress Cap, I believe 'forage cap' has come to signify a coloured, stiffened, peaked cap worn in certain orders of dress principally by Guards and Cavalry and for formal parade wear by most arms and branches; the most obvious exceptions being Scottish Regiments, the Parachute Regiment and the Royal Tank Corps.

The Russians call their version, rather quaintly, furashka.

More recently, however, as far as British lay usage goes, people would think of a forage cap as what was known officially here as the 'Field Service' or 'Side' cap- but essentially any similar peakless, pleated-crown, fore-and-aft, wedge-shape (I could go on), folding bonnet. (What the Russians would call pilotka.)

In form, it is a very basic, piece of generic head-gear, although quite complex in structure. It seems to have appeared first in the British army circa 1800 or a little earlier, then in the Austrian army ca.1812, but the idea of folding caps had been developing for some years, not least in the form of the Glengarry bonnet. At the same time the hanging 'flamme of the  French bonnet de police was beginning to atrophy, so that by the 1850's it was represented by a triangle of piping on one side of the body of the cap and by a tassle on the forward part of the crown. The resultant bonnet de police soufflet or bonnet de quartier with its braid-edged turn-ups resembled the 1812 laagermutze still being worn by the Austrians.

The fact that waiters in retro diners and other catering staff wear a similar cap is as much because a cheap paper cap can be folded flat and packed in boxes by the hundreds as because it is a snappy little number recalling the fragile certainties of the Eisenhower era. This underlies the basic functionality of the form. It's stowability was the essential factor. The additional comfort of flaps to keep the wearer's ears warm, when included in the design, were a bonus.

So, Emperor Napoleon III was not wearing a 'forage cap'. He was wearing a kepi- a soft, undress version of the tall shako cap- which first appeared in the Austrian cavalry early in the nineteenth century and was adopted in the 1840s as the working headgear of French Colonial troops in North Africa- the Casquette d'Afrique- and then by the elite riflemen of the Chasseurs de Vincennes- Casquette Chasseur and finally by the whole French army, when it was given the official name of bonnet de police visiere. (The Garde Imperiale kept their bonnet de police). The name kepi probably derived from the kappi of German-speaking volunteers in the Legion Etrangere. This essentially Austrian item became associated with the briefly victorious and modish Second Empire in France and was adopted by the U.S. Army, first in a stiff version, the 'Albert' or 'Gig' cap and subsq. the soft 'Forage Cap'- intended to be worn with the 'sack coat' for working dress. It was only because of the need for an inexpensive, mass-produced head dress at the outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861 that this Austro-Franco garment with its crown, crushed and tipped rakishly forward and known as the 'bummer's cap', became so widely associated with the US soldier of the later 19th century and why some might think a kepi -or kappi- is a 'forage cap'- which of course it essentially was. Confused? You should be.

This article is called 'Garrison Cap' because from the original writer's point of view, in his part of the world, that was the generic name for the peakless, fore-and-aft, pleat-crown uniform cap (or bonnet). That wasn't correct, but an article with an accurate generic name as its title would be unworkable, even if such a title could be agreed on.

"Military undress headgear"? "Military undress and working headgear"? Not much help either.

Perhaps it would be best to restrict Garrison Cap to the North American Usage and cross-refer to other articles on the parallel forms: "Side Cap/ "Field Service Cap" ; "Bonnet de Police / Calot" etc,etc.JF42 (talk) 23:00, 2 April 2011 (UTC)

 * That's a well written and informative addition JF42. Whatever the outcome of the garrison cap/forage cap/etc confusion, I suggest that you incorporate some or all of your material into the text of the actual article(s). Buistr (talk) 04:01, 3 April 2011 (UTC))

 * Thanks for the kind compliment. A bit off the cuff, to be truthful. I will give your suggestion some thought.JF42 (talk) 21:58, 3 April 2011 (UTC)

"Cuntcap" removal.
98.215.174.164 removed the section mentioning the term "cuntcap", as the reference cited turned out to be a false reference. I've reinstated the section as it's clear from this talkpage and a quick net search that that term is in use; but I've removed the questionable reference for now. Vulgarity is no reason to remove content from the encyclopedia. mcpusc (talk) 07:57, 17 June 2009 (UTC)

Well, if the term is soooooo common and universal as you claim, surely someone can find a legitmate credible source for the term? The persistent absence of a credible citation leads to the obvious conclusion there is no legitmate credible source for the offensive term.

Cited with a minute of searching. You keep citing "vulgarity" and "obscenity", but wikipedia is not censored. Please stop. mcpusc (talk) 22:50, 29 June 2009 (UTC)

whatever pal. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 98.215.174.164 (talk) 17:57, 2 July 2009 (UTC)

 * Wikipedia is not censored. Agreed. But I've tidied up the synonyms and added a new section. There is no need, just because they exist, to include every synonym and slang equivalent to an article's head name in its very first sentence. -- Picapica (talk) 11:10, 30 July 2010 (UTC)

In my 22 years in the US Army the Garrison cap was always referred to as the Cunt Cap. Not PC but who cares.--Degen Earthfast (talk) 12:39, 22 June 2011 (UTC)

Ask anyone who ever served - both my father (Korean War era) and maternal uncle (Vietnam War) refer to it as a "cunt cap." These are anecdotal, but how many anecdotal accounts does one need before one accepts such as fact - soldiers use a lot of slang and vulgarities and while the new PC armed forces may have phased such out as "sexist," it was in use for decades and likely used far more frequently than the "official" terminology. Hell, you'll be telling us next that creamed chipped beef on toast is no longer "shit-on-a-shingle" because it didn't get written up that way by an academic in a journal article about military life.

Most common name?
The lead to the article currently says:

 * ''"It is known as a garrison cap (in the United States), a wedge cap (in Canada), or officially field service cap[1] (in the United Kingdom and Commonwealth countries), but it is more generally known as the side cap."

This doesn't make sense to me. If the English speaking countries of the world call it a garrison cap, wedge cap and field service cap, how can it be "generally known" as a side cap? Who else is left to call it by this name? The only possible explanation I see is if the UK & Commonwealth call it side cap unofficially. I have no idea if that's true, but if it is, it should be stated right here. NipsonAnomimata (talk) 16:23, 2 June 2013 (UTC)
 * I would hypothesize that the generic term is used when someone wants to refer to the style of hat in general, as opposed to its individual instances (with their slight variations) used in each servicebranch/country.
 * The South African navy seems to use "side cap" officially.
 * Searching google books: "side cap" military might lead to further info. Refs and clarifications would definitely be helpful in the article. HTH. –Quiddity (talk) 20:30, 2 June 2013 (UTC)

Angled Wear --why?
i've seen many vintage photos and some modern ones too of them being worn at an angle --sometimes remarkably so. i recall one caption mentioning "jaunty angle" --can anyone explain why this is done? i've wondered for decades actually and never found info. anyone? Cramyourspam (talk) 20:05, 11 June 2014 (UTC)
 * No practical reason but simply a whimsical practice derived from service custom. More common when individuals were off duty and out of sight of NCOs enforcing regulations. Buistr (talk) 03:38, 10 January 2019 (UTC)

RCAF
Regarding this edit "Some who wear air force uniform are not in RCAF, and some in the RCAF do not wear air force uniform)". The RCAF is not a separate military service like the RAF or the USAF. It is a command within the Canadian Armed Forces. So what is commonly called RCAF uniform is really CAF air force uniform. It is not uncommon for CAF airpersons to be employed outside the RCAF. In fact there is a whole squadron, 427 Special Operations Aviation Squadron, that is not part of the RCAF but instead part of Canadian Special Operations Forces Command. And it also not unusual to see naval and army uniforms in an RCAF unit. Logistics Branch members for example, can transfer between units across the whole CAF, but they do not change uniforms if they transfer from an RCN unit to an RCAF unit. Indefatigable (talk) 16:43, 8 February 2018 (UTC)
 * Can you please provide a source for individuals who are not in the RCAF wearing the RCAF uniform? While technically correct, the environmental commands function incidentally to military services, so I am not sure what point you are trying to make.Garuda28 (talk) 17:45, 8 February 2018 (UTC)

Image caption change
In this edit, I've changed the caption from
 * Great Patriotic War veteran wearing both a gymnastyorka and a pilotka.

to
 * A man in Russia dressed as a veteran of the Great Patriotic War wearing both a gymnastyorka and a pilotka.

for the following reasons: - Mardus /talk 18:56, 9 January 2019 (UTC)
 * Even if the person were to have been a veteran of the Great Patriotic War, which ended in 1945, then he should have been at least 16 in 1945 in order for him to have been drafted (or enlisted) into the Soviet Army, which would have made his birth year 1929 at the very latest. As the photo was shot in 2008, the person should have been at least 79 years old, but this man looks far too young to be a veteran of WWII.
 * commons:File talk:Dashing war veteran and cadets in SPb.jpg contains a Russian-language complaint, that the man is wearing either an emblem or pendant appearing to be that of the Suvorov Military School, the earliest wearable signs for the graduates of which were implemented in 1958.
 * The man also carries with him what looks like an open can of beer.

'In the British Army, the first cap to be adopted'
"In the British Army, the first cap to be adopted of this style was the "Glengarry", which was authorised for all British infantry regiments in 1868 (although Scottish regiments had been wearing it since 1848)"

In fact the military version of the folding bonnet, known as the glengarr was first adopted by the 79th Highlnders around 1841. It was then ordered for all Highland regiments (instead of the round 'Kilmarnock' bonnet- worn by all infantry) in 1852.

However, fore-and-aft folding forage caps were shown being worn by British infantry in illustrations by W.H. Pyne produced in 1803. These were superceded by round bonnets in the course of the Napoleonic wars. JF42 (talk) 21:18, 17 May 2019 (UTC)

Russian images illustrating United Kingdom section
Why have images illustrating Russian caps been placed in the United Kingdom section? JF42 (talk) 07:52, 15 June 2019 (UTC)

 * Sorry but could you clarify this? The only illustration currently in the United Kingdom section is a photograph showing the RAF Field Service Cap of 1940. There are two pictures of the Russian pilotka but both appear in the Russia/Soviet Union section. Buistr (talk) 08:51, 15 June 2019 (UTC)

 * Well, in the page I am looking at, at the top left of frame, parallel to the section title 'United Kingdom' is the photograph of a individual dresed in WW2 Russian uniform. On the right hand side  opposite is the image of a  pilotka. Below that image  is a monochrome photograph of King George VI and Air Chief Marshal Hugh Dowding in RAF side caps.

JF42 (talk) 15:50, 23 June 2019 (UTC)

 * I don't see what you're seeing. Maybe the page layout has chanced since 2019? I checked in Chrome both on my Mac and on my phone. Elf | Talk 20:04, 29 December 2021 (UTC)
 * Yes, it was an old layout issue, one long ago fixed. There's a reason why one shouldn't respond to years-old comments like these unless a cursory glance shows that the issue persists. Mostly because any such issues are long taken care of. oknazevad (talk) 20:50, 29 December 2021 (UTC)

Tabs containing country names should be put into alphabetical order
In my opinion, any tabs containing country names should be put into alphabetical order as in my opinion it will improve the presentation of the article. Xboxsponge15 (talk) 20:04, 17 May 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Side cap


text:
Adua-class submarine

The Adua-class submarine was the fourth sub-class of the 600 Series of coastal submarines built for the Regia Marina (Royal Italian Navy) during the 1930s. There were 17 submarines in this class, almost all named after places in Ethiopia which had been an Occupied by Italy since 1936, but only one, ITALIAN SUBMARINE Alagi, survived World War II. Three submarines of this class (Gondar, Ascianghi, and Neghelli) were sold to Brazil before the war and replaced with submarines of the same names.

Design and description
The Adua-class submarines were essentially repeats of the preceding Perla-class submarine design. They displaced 680 LT surfaced and 844 LT submerged. The submarines were 60.18 m long, had a beam of 6.45 m and a draft of 4.7 m.

For surface running, the boats were powered by two 600 bhp diesel engines, each driving one propeller shaft. When submerged each propeller was driven by a 400 hp electric motor. They could reach 14 kn on the surface and 7.5 kn underwater. On the surface, the Adua class had a range of 3180 nmi at 10.5 kn, submerged, they had a range of 74 nmi at 4 kn.

The boats were armed with six internal 53.3 cm torpedo tubes, four in the bow and two in the stern. One reload torpedo was carried for each tube, for a total of twelve. They were also armed with one 100 mm deck gun for combat on the surface. The light anti-aircraft armament consisted of one or two pairs of 13.2 mm machine guns.

Service
The boats, once commissioned, were assigned to complete the squadrons of "600" submarines strengthening the 11th and 14th Squadrons at La Spezia and 43rd at Taranto. After initial training, many of these boats carried out training cruises in the Dodecanese and along the coast of North Africa.

During the Spanish Civil War (1937–1938) five of the submarines already in service made seven special missions on behalf the Franco's regime without much success.

During 1938–39 the boats largely changed their assignment locations: there was at first a single squadron on four submarines at La Spezia four other submarines formed the 23rd Squadron at Naples, and five more were assigned to Leros. In 1939 there was not a single boat of the series at La Spezia, while the squadron at Leros was strengthened. In 1939 four boats from Naples and Taranto bases were sent to Tobruk.

At the outbreak of the World War II, there were four submarines assigned to each of the bases of La Spezia, Cagliari, Messina and Taranto, and one submarine, ITALIAN SUBMARINE Macallé was located at the Red Sea base of Massawa.

title: Adua-class submarine


text:
Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close

Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close is a 2005 novel by Jonathan Safran Foer. The book's narrator is a nine-year-old boy named Oskar Schell. In the story, Oskar discovers a key in a vase that belonged to his father, a year after he is killed in the September 11 attacks. The discovery inspires Oskar to search all around New York for information about the key and closure following his father's death.

Synopsis
Oskar Schell is a nine-year-old boy whose father, Thomas Schell, died in the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001. The novel begins after the tragedy, with Oskar narrating. Since his father's death, Oskar struggles with insomnia, panic attacks, and depression. He often describes the feeling of depression as wearing heavy boots, and deals with this by giving himself bruises. His relationship with his mother has also become strained, particularly as she has started dating a man named Ron, whom Oskar resents for having replaced his father.

One day, in his father's closet, Oskar finds a key in a small envelope inside a vase that he accidentally broke; in the keyshop he finds the name Black and thinks this has something to do with the key. Curious, Oskar sets out on a mission to contact every person in New York City with the last name of Black in the hope of finding the lock that belongs to the key his father left behind, creating a binder with mementos of his journey.

One of the first people Oskar meets is a 48-year-old woman named Abby Black. Oskar and Abby instantly become friends, but she has no information on the key. Oskar continues to search the city. Toward the end of his journey Oskar meets an old man he calls "the renter" because until the point of meeting, Oskar had only heard of the old man's existence from his grandmother who referred to him as the new tenant in her apartment. The reader learns towards the end of the book that "the renter" is actually Oskar's grandfather, who abandoned his grandmother while she was pregnant with Thomas, though Oskar does not realise the connection.

The book spans many months of Oskar's journey, some of which he is accompanied by his eccentric elderly neighbour, Mr. A. Black, and they develop a close friendship. After meeting with a woman named Ruth in the Empire State Building, who has a history of her own with the building, Mr. Black ends his travels with Oskar, who struggles with his departure. He tries to visit Mr. Black again later but finds out he has moved house, presumably to be with Ruth, and is selling his apartment, leaving behind a card for Oskar, reading "Oskar Schell: Son". Eight months after Oskar initially met Abby, he finds a message from her on the answering machine. Oskar had not touched that phone since his father died because his father's last words had been on an identical answering machine which Oskar had kept hidden from his mother. Oskar finds out that Abby called him directly after his visit, saying she was not completely honest with him and might be able to help. Oskar returns to Abby's apartment after listening to this message, and Abby directs him to her ex-husband, William Black.

When Oskar talks to William, he learns that the key once belonged to William's father. In his will, William's father left William a key to a safe-deposit box, but William had already sold the vase at the estate sale to Thomas Schell. Then, Oskar tells William something that he "never told anyone" – the story of the last answering machine message Oskar received from his father, during the attack of 9/11. Disappointed that the key does not belong to him, Oskar then gives William the key and goes home angry and sad, not interested in the contents of the box. Oskar also discovers that his mother knew about his activities the entire time and was contacting everyone with the name Black in New York City. After the first few visits she called every Black that he would meet and informed them that Oskar was going to visit and why. In response, the people Oskar met knew ahead of time why he was coming and usually treated him in a friendly manner.

Resolving to try to move on from his father's death, Oskar bonds with Ron after finding out that he met his mother at a support group after having lost his wife and daughter in a car accident. On the second anniversary of his father's death, Oskar meets with "the renter" and they go to dig up his father's grave. Contemplating on what to put into the empty coffin, "the renter" decides to bury various letters that he had written to his unborn son. Shortly after returning home, Oskar reconciles with his mother and vows to become better and allow for her to find happiness again, and she tells him how Oskar's father lied to her in his last call, telling her that he was coming home, to assure her not to worry over his death. Before going to bed, Oskar takes out his binder and proceeds to rearrange the pages in reverse in an attempt to relive the last few hours with his father and achieve closure.

The novel has a parallel narrative that eventually converges with the main story. This narrative is portrayed through a series of letters written by Oskar's grandfather to Oskar's father Thomas, and by Oskar's grandmother to Oskar himself. The letters written by Oskar's grandfather explain his past in World War II, his first love, and his marriage to Oskar's grandmother. The letters written by Oskar's grandmother explain her past in meeting Oskar's grandfather, the trouble in their relationship, and how important Oskar is to her. Upon learning of his son's death, Oskar's grandfather promptly returns to New York and tracks down Oskar and his grandmother. His grandmother decides to let him live with her in her apartment temporarily, which results in them becoming intimate, and he watches over Oskar from afar before meeting him. Shortly after burying the letters with Oskar, his grandfather returns to the airport where Oskar's grandmother follows him. After discussing the war, losing their loved ones and their marriage, they decide to stay in the airport for a while.

The final pages are a flip-book style animation of a photograph of a man falling from the World Trade Center, derived from a photograph by Lyle Owerko. The animation makes the man appear to fall upwards.

Characters

 * Oskar Schell is the nine-year-old protagonist of Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close. He is an eccentric, intelligent, and clever young boy who self-identifies as a number of things including inventor, amateur entomologist, origamist, and amateur archaeologist. He often contemplates deeper topics and shows great empathy beyond what the average 9-year-old might have. His thoughts have a tendency to trail off into far-flung ideas, such as ambulances that alert passersby to the severity of their passengers' conditions and plantlike skyscrapers, and he has several assorted hobbies and collections. He is very trusting of strangers and makes friends easily, though he does not have many friends his own age. In the film it is alluded that he has Autism. Oskar mentions being taken in for testing in his first interaction with Abby Black, however he states that "...Tests weren't definitive."
 * Oskar's mother, Linda Schell, referred to as "Mom" by Oskar in the book, cares for her family greatly. After Thomas's death, Linda tells Oskar "I won't fall in love again."[4] Though it is implied that she knows Oskar is running around the city meeting strangers, she nevertheless allows him to do so in order to discover more about his father.
 * Oskar's grandmother is a kind woman who is very protective of Oskar. She calls out to him often, and Oskar always responds with "I'm okay" out of habit. When she arrived in the United States, she read as many magazines as she could to integrate herself into the culture and language. As Anna's (Oskar's grandfather's first love) younger sister, she enters into a tumultuous marriage with Oskar's grandfather, and the couple breaks up before the events of the novel.
 *  Mr A. Black is an elderly man who is one hundred and three years of age, who lives in the same apartment building as Oskar, and joins him for some of his journey. Prior to meeting Oskar, Mr. Black had not left his apartment in twenty-four years, after having had a rather adventurous life. He is nearly deaf, and cries after Oskar turns on his hearing aids after a "long time" where he was unable to hear.
 * Oskar's grandfather, Thomas Schell Sr. (also referred to as "the renter") is an important character in the story, even though he does not physically meet Oskar until the book's end. After the death of his first love, Anna, Oskar's grandfather loses his voice completely and consequently tattoos the words "yes" and "no" on his hands. He carries around a "daybook" where he writes phrases he cannot speak aloud. He marries Anna's younger sister, Oskar's grandmother.
 * Anna is an absent character. She is Oskar's grandfather's first love. Oskar's grandfather falls in love with her instantly. She dies in the Dresden firebombings of World War II after telling Oskar's grandfather of her pregnancy. She is Oskar's grandmother's sister.
 * Abby Black is William Black's ex-wife. She is forty-eight years old and lives by herself. She is friendly and welcoming to Oskar when he arrives at her house, though she does decline Oskar's offer of a kiss.
 * Oskar's father, Thomas Schell, dies before the events of the book begin, having been in 1 World Trade Center the day of the attacks. Oskar remembers him as caring, smelling of aftershave and always humming the song "I Am the Walrus" by The Beatles. Thomas Schell organizes several expeditions for Oskar, such as a game to find an object from every decade of the past century. These adventures with his father are one of the reasons Oskar begins his journey about the key.
 * Stan is the doorman in the building Oskar lives in. He alerts Oskar when he has mail.
 * Buckminster is Oskar's cat.

Background
Jonathan Safran Foer's inspiration for his main character came when having difficulty with another project. In an interview, Foer stated, "I was working on another story and I just started to feel the drag of it. And so, as a side project, I got interested in the voice of this kid. I thought maybe it could be a story; maybe it would be nothing. I found myself spending more and more time on it and wanting to work on that". On the challenges of writing a novel in a child's voice, Foer responded, "It's not the voice of a child exactly," adding that "in order to create this thing that feels most real, it's usually not by actually giving the most accurate presentation of it."

Foer combined the character he had been developing with the 9/11-centered plot. He created the story line from his personal experiences and reactions regarding the terrorist attacks on 9/11. Foer was sleeping off jet lag after returning to New York City from a trip to Spain, when he was woken by a phone call from a friend: "He said, 'You have to turn on the TV, a plane has crashed into the World Trade Center.' And then he said, 'I think it's going to be a very strange day.'" In another interview, Foer said, "I think it's a greater risk not to write about [9/11]. If you're in my position—a New Yorker who felt the event very deeply and a writer who wants to write about things he feels deeply about—I think it's risky to avoid what's right in front of you."

Themes
Major themes of Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close include trauma, mourning, family, and the struggle between self-destruction and self-preservation. Sien Uytterschout and Kristiaan Versluys have examined the specific types of trauma and recuperative measures that Oskar's grandmother and grandfather go through after the Dresden bombings and that Oskar goes through after the loss of his father. They argue that Oskar has a simultaneous death wish and extreme need for self-preservation: This theme is echoed in Thomas Schell, Sr.'s pronounced survivor guilt and Oskar's grandmother's well-disguised inability to cope with her trauma. They also argue that though Oskar's journey to "find" his father does not help him get over his traumatic experience, it does allow him to grow closer to his mother.

Cultural impact
Authors began producing 9/11 novels as early as 2002 as a way of recognizing the tragedy. Jonathan Safran Foer's novel was one of many that confronted the aftermath of the attacks through the eyes of a New Yorker. However, 9/11 fiction is not only a new subgenre, but a new struggle for many authors. Richard Gray stated in his book on 9/11 literature After The Fall, "If there was one thing writers agreed about in response to 9/11, it was the failure of language; the terrorist attacks made the tools of their trade seem absurd." There was a desire to write about the experience, to recognize the individual impact, as well as the greater social impact, while appreciating the mourning of the country, but many authors found it difficult to do so.

Foer utilizes the child narrator in an attempt to connect with that struggle. The struggle of the child to understand the trauma is reflective of the struggle many faced after the trauma of the 9/11 attacks.

Foer's novel was one of the most popular and widely read novels of this post 9/11 fiction subgenre. Because of its great popularity, its message had a greater impact than many novels of its kind. Apart from the terrorist attacks of September 11, the novel also sheds light on the experience of terrible tragedy. Rebecca Miller of the Library Journal claims "Foer nimbly explores the misunderstandings that compound when grief silences its victims." The novel makes sense of and provides a way of moving on from the grief of the specific catastrophe. "Few works of literature have succeeded in drawing lasting meaning, whole or fragmentary, from modernity's string of catastrophes... but Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close is one of them, providing a tool to create understanding of grief and loss."

Critical response
John Updike, writing for The New Yorker, found the novel to be "thinner, overextended, and sentimentally watery," compared to Foer's first novel. He stated, "the book's hyperactive visual surface covers up a certain hollow monotony in its verbal drama." In a review for The New York Times, Michiko Kakutani said, "While it contains moments of shattering emotion and stunning virtuosity that attest to Mr. Foer's myriad gifts as a writer, the novel as a whole feels simultaneously contrived and improvisatory, schematic and haphazard." Kakutani also stated the book was "cloying" and identified the unsympathetic main character as a major issue. The topic of the child narrator is a contentious one. Many critics found the child narrator to be unbelievable and not relatable.

Despite several unfavorable reviews, the novel was viewed positively by several critics. Foer's child narrator was featured in a critical article titled "Ten of the Best Child Narrators" by John Mullan of The Guardian in 2009. The Spectator stated that "Safran Foer is describing a suffering that spreads across continents and generations" and that the "book is a heartbreaker: tragic, funny, intensely moving". "Foer's excellent second novel vibrates with the details of a current tragedy but successfully explores the universal questions that trauma brings on its floodtide.... It's hard to believe that such an inherently sad story could be so entertaining, but Foer's writing lightens the load." Sam Munson, in a review of two novels on catastrophe claimed, "Foer has a natural gift for choosing subjects of great import and then pitching his distinctive voice sharply enough to be heard above their historical din."

Reception
Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close received the following accolades: Despite the above, the book has frequently been challenged. According to the American Library Association, it was one of the top one hundred banned and challenged books between 2010 and 2019.
 * New York Public Library's "Books to Remember" list
 * International Dublin Literary Award Shortlist (2007)
 * The Morning News Tournament of Books (Quarterfinalist, 2006)
 * The New York Times Bestseller (Fiction, 2005)
 * Libraires du Québec (Lauréat Roman hors Québec, 2007)
 * ALA Outstanding Books for the College Bound (Literature & Language Arts, 2009)
 * ALA Notable Books for Adults (2006)
 * Village Voice 25 Favorite Books (2005)
 * V&A Illustration Award (2005)

Film adaptation
A film adaptation of the novel was released on January 20, 2012. The script was written by Eric Roth, and Stephen Daldry directed. Tom Hanks, Sandra Bullock, John Goodman, Viola Davis, Max von Sydow and Jeffrey Wright starred, alongside 2010 Jeopardy! Kids Week winner Thomas Horn, 12, as Oskar Schell. The film was produced by Paramount Pictures and Warner Bros.

Reviews

 * Extremely Cloying & Incredibly False review by Harry Siegel in New York Press
 * Terror Comes to Tiny Town – review by Laura Miller in New York magazine
 * A Bag of Tired Tricks – review by B. R. Myers in The Atlantic
 * A tower of babble – review by Michel Faber in The Guardian

title: Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close


text:
Talk:Salerno

Untitled
The history of Salerno seems to be a copy, complete with spelling and grammatical mistakes, of a number of websites including http://www.salernocity.com/turismo/Salernostorica/Introduzione/default_ing.asp

The dates need cleaning up: "The Goths were defeated by the Greeks whose domination lastes 15 years (from 53 to 568)" 53to 568 is 515 years, not 15. Or do they mean the 15 years from 553 to 568? --Robinspw 07:50, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)

--Shall we add a list of notable people of Salerno? Thanks, --Eletto 00:36, 3 October 2006 (UTC)

A large battle occured during World War II called the Battle of Salerno, this article mentions nothing about it. Dan Kieffer 16:13, 24 May 2007 (UTC)

There is a church SS. Crucifisso in piazza Matteotti in the mediaeval area, its crypt contains two vii-viii frescoes. From the crypt there is also a secret tunnel that goes all the way to castel Arecchi, though it's not now accessible. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Computatioi (talk • contribs) 10:31, 18 October 2007 (UTC)

Would it be worth adding the Sacred Family chapel to the list of churches? It is a modernist/brutalist building of some note; designed by Paolo Portoghesi in the late 1960s and built, I believe, by 1974 - making it one of the first of a wave of such churches constructed after Vatican II. Thanks — Preceding unsigned comment added by 31.53.41.31 (talk) 00:46, 31 December 2018 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just added archive links to 2 one external links on Salerno. Please take a moment to review my edit. You may add after the link to keep me from modifying it, if I keep adding bad data, but formatting bugs should be reported instead. Alternatively, you can add to keep me off the page altogether, but should be used as a last resort. I made the following changes:
 * Attempted to fix sourcing for http://www.sitiunesco.it/index.phtml?id=674
 * Attempted to fix sourcing for http://www.salernocity.com/tempo/cultura/centrostorico/default.asp

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title: Talk:Salerno


text:
James G. Oldroyd

James Gardner Oldroyd (25 April 1921 – 22 November 1982 ) was a British mathematician and noted rheologist. He formulated the Oldroyd-B model to describe the viscoelastic behaviour of non-Newtonian fluids.

Life
Oldroyd was born in 1921 and educated at Bradford Grammar School, and Trinity College, Cambridge. On graduation, during the Second World War, he worked for the Ministry of Supply. After the war he joined the Research Laboratory of Courtaulds. In 1946 he married Marged Katryn Evans. In 1953 he became professor of mathematics at the University of Wales, Swansea until 1965 and head of the Applied Mathematics department from 1957. In 1965 he moved to Liverpool University, becoming head of the Department of Applied Mathematics and Theoretical Physics in 1973 until his death. He died 22 November 1982, and was survived by his wife Katryn and three sons.

Work
In 1950 he published a paper "On the Formulation of Rheological Equations of State" which has been described as "probably the most important single paper in theoretical rheology" as it established the basic requirements for mathematical models of rheology. For this and other major papers he received international recognition, including the Gold Medal of the British Society of Rheology, and a tribute issue of its Bulletin on his sixtieth birthday.

title: James G. Oldroyd