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Atlas Network

Atlas Network, formerly known as Atlas Economic Research Foundation, is a non-governmental 501(c)(3) organization based in the United States that provides training, networking, and grants for libertarian, free-market, and conservative groups around the world.

Atlas Network was founded in 1981 by Antony Fisher, a British entrepreneur, who wanted to create a means to connect various think tanks via a global network. Described as "a think tank that creates think tanks," the organization partners with nearly 600 organizations in over 100 countries.

Notable members of Atlas Network include think tanks such as the Institute of Economic Affairs in the United Kingdom; the Cato Institute, Heartland Institute, Heritage Foundation, American Legislative Exchange Council, Manhattan Institute, Pacific Research Institute, and Acton Institute in the United States; the Fraser Institute and MacDonald-Laurier Institute in Canada; the Centre for Independent Studies in Australia; and the New Zealand Taxpayers' Union.

History
Atlas Network was founded in 1981 in San Francisco as the Atlas Economic Research Foundation by Antony Fisher, a British entrepreneur who was influenced by economist F.A. Hayek and his book, The Road to Serfdom. After founding the Institute of Economic Affairs in London in 1955, Fisher had helped establish the Fraser Institute, the Manhattan Institute and the Pacific Research Institute in the 1970s. The late Linda Whetstone, Fisher's daughter, served as chairman of Atlas Network. Margaret Thatcher, F. A. Hayek, and Milton Friedman, all friends of Fisher, formally endorsed the organization.

Fisher conceived Atlas Network as a means to connect various think tanks via a global network through which the organizations could learn best practices from one another and "pass the best research and policy ideas from one to the other." Initially comprising only Fisher's think tanks, Atlas Network grew to include many others, including those affiliated with the Koch family. Major American think tanks in Atlas Network now include the Cato Institute, the Heartland Institute, The Heritage Foundation, and the American Legislative Exchange Council, which are active in conservative politics. Atlas Network states on its website that it is nonpartisan. Atlas Network has received funding from American and European businesses and think tanks to coordinate and organize libertarian organizations in the developing world.

Atlas Network has been described as "self-replicating, a think tank that creates think tanks." The 2019 and 2020 Global Go To Think Tank Index Report ranked Atlas Network as 54th among the "Top Think Tanks in the United States." The organization's website says it is not named after Ayn Rand's novel Atlas Shrugged, but some published sources say it is. Atlas Network has "hundreds of member think tanks across the world, and their members produce white papers, meet with politicos, liaise with the media, write legislation, and much more," as described by WNYC.

In 1981, Atlas Network helped economist Hernando de Soto found the Institute for Liberty and Democracy (ILD) in Peru and invested in the Institut Economique de Paris (IEP) in France. In 1983, Fisher helped launch the National Center for Policy Analysis (NCPA) in Dallas, Texas, and the Jon Thorlaksson Institute in Iceland (now replaced by the Icelandic Research Centre for Innovation and Economic Growth). Atlas Network helped establish the Hong Kong Centre for Economic Research in 1987 and the Liberty Institute in New Delhi in 1996. Atlas Network grew from 15 think tanks in nine countries in the mid-1980s to 457 think tanks in 96 countries as of 2020. The rapid growth of Atlas, now arguably the largest think tank network in the world, was partly prompted by challenges to fossil fuel interests from governmental efforts against climate change, Bryan S. Turner suggests. Atlas Network generally refrains from taking any institutional positions on public policy subjects that its affiliates support.

According to The Guardian, more than a fifth of Atlas Network affiliates worldwide had either opposed tobacco controls or taken tobacco donations. A 2017 paper in the International Journal of Health Planning and Management said that Atlas Network "channeled funding from tobacco corporations to think tank actors to produce publications supportive of industry positions." The University of Bath's Tobacco Control Research Group said Atlas Network "appears to have played a particular role in helping the tobacco industry oppose tobacco control measures in Latin America" during the 1990s. Le Monde identified 17 Atlas Network partners engaged in lobbying and advocacy for "tobacco harm reduction," which supports vaping as a substitute for smoking.

Atlas Network has been linked to oil and gas producers, and to efforts opposing initiatives by governments and activists on climate change. It collaborated with the Macdonald-Laurier Institute of Canada in a push for oil and gas development on Indigenous land, according to documents described in The Guardian. Its affiliates in Canada have "extensive and deepening board interlocks" involving the fossil fuel industry, other policy groups, and academia, and are "a reactionary current" against most climate actions, Nicolas Graham wrote in the Canadian Review of Sociology. An article in The New Republic blamed Atlas Network for its members' efforts in some countries to criminalize climate protesting, particularly in Germany. Various academics have described Atlas as an "oil-industry-funded transnational network" and "the predominant vehicle for fossil capital's global mobilization against climate science and policy", and its affiliates as being "partly funded by Koch and allied capitalists, with heavy support from fossil fuel-based fortunes". Atlas Network told The New Republic that it has "no partnerships with extractive industries such as oil and gas companies, we receive no funding from oil and gas companies and have not received funding from oil and gas companies for nearly 15 years."

The Intercept, The Guardian, and The New Republic have described Atlas Network as having ties to right-wing and conservative movements, including the administration of Donald Trump in the United States, Brexit in the United Kingdom, and anti-government protests in Latin America. According to The Guardian, "Atlas took no position on Brexit itself, and many of its European partners were opposed, but directors of UK groups in the network were prominent in the official campaign to take Britain out of the EU." In Brazil, Atlas Network had a role in the "Free Brazil" movement in 2014 that led to the rise of Jair Bolsonaro and sponsors the Liberty Forum where policies of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva were opposed.

Atlas Network was linked to an online campaign that used fake accounts against the Cuban government during the 2021 Cuban protests, according to disinformation expert Julián Macías Tovar. Tovar, cited in The Guardian, also said that Atlas Network members' Twitter accounts had been involved in bot or troll center campaigns during the 2019 Bolivian political crisis, the 2021 Ecuadorian general election, and the 2021 Peruvian general election.

Leadership
The chief executive officer of Atlas Network is Brad Lips. Lips joined Atlas Network, then known as the Atlas Economic Research Foundation, in 1998 and became CEO in 2009. He is the author of Liberalism and the Free Society in 2021. He has said he advocates for a "freedom philosophy," and quoting Friedman, has summarized Atlas Network's function as "to develop alternatives to existing policies, to keep them alive until the politically impossible becomes the politically inevitable." In an opinion article in The Chronicle of Philanthropy, Lips argued for funding market-oriented nonprofit groups instead of increasing traditional foreign aid. He has said Atlas Network is nonpartisan and "willing to talk to all parties."

Matt Warner is the organization's president, while Tom G. Palmer serves as executive vice president for international programs. Warner and Palmer co-authored the book Development with Dignity: Self-Determination, Localization, and the End of Poverty. Palmer, known in libertarian circles since the 1970s, has promoted libertarian efforts in various countries including communist and post-communist Eastern Europe, Iraq and Afghanistan; after the 2022 Russian invasion, he traveled inside Ukraine to help coordinate Atlas Network aid, which according to the Washington Examiner totaled $3.5 million by December 2022. Atlas Network worked with its partners to create the Ukraine Freedom Fund, acquiring, transporting, and providing goods to Ukrainian civilians affected by the war.

Only 30 people work specifically for Atlas Network, although more than a thousand people participate in it via its partner think tanks, according to Global Think Tanks: Policy Networks and Governance, published in 2020.

Atlas Network is organized into centers by region. Entrepreneur Magatte Wade is director of the Center for African Prosperity and the historian Ibrahim B. Anoba is a fellow at the center. Wade said in Reason that the solution to Africa's economic problems lies in a "cheetah generation" of young Africans who embrace free markets, individualism, human rights, and transparency in government. In her words, "[Africa is] poor because we don't let our entrepreneurs work."

Antonella Marty of Argentina served as a fellow for the Center for Latin America, which publishes the annual Index of Bureaucracy. Atlas Network also runs the Center for United States and Canada and the Center for Asia and Oceania.

Training and networking
Atlas Network offers training, consulting, and professional certification related to fundraising, marketing, organizational leadership, and think tank management through its Atlas Network Academy program. In 2020, Atlas Network trained nearly 4,000 people in promoting free-market voices, preparing nearly 900 people to work at global think tanks. Philadelphia Magazine described Atlas Network as "supporting free-market approaches to eliminating poverty and noted for its refutation of climate change and defense of the tobacco industry."

Atlas Network holds four regional Liberty Forums (in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and Europe) and an international conference in the United States. At its December 2021 "Liberty Forum and Freedom Dinner" in Miami, Florida, for think tank partners from around the world, Mario Vargas Llosa and Yeonmi Park were among the 800 attendees, and Yotuel performed. Llosa, a Nobel Prize winner and classical liberal, is considered a "friend" of the organization. An Atlas Network executive wrote in the New York Post that its Liberty Forums are "like an Anti-Davos," offering trade-show-type environments for think tanks to exchange ideas.

In Canada, Atlas Network partners with about a dozen think tanks. Atlas Network has partnered with the F.A. Hayek Foundation in Slovakia, the Association for Liberal Thinking in Turkey, the Lithuanian Free Market Institute, and Libertad y Desarrollo in Chile to establish Free Enterprise Training Centers. The organization also partners with Chile's Fundación Piensa and Argentina's Libertad y Progreso.

In 2021, Atlas Network partnered with Cuban anti-communism activist Ruhama Fernandez to share her story after Fernandez was arrested for criticizing the Cuban government. The Ukraine-based Bendukidze Free Market Center is also an Atlas Network partner. Commentator Deroy Murdock, an Atlas Network senior fellow as of 2017, wrote that the organization "encourages institutions to use local knowledge to reduce government obstacles to upward mobility," featuring local entrepreneurs who overcome such obstacles.

In Australia, Atlas Network has partnered with several free-market think tanks, including the Centre for Independent Studies, Institute of Public Affairs, and LibertyWorks. In New Zealand, Atlas Network has partnered with the free-market think tank New Zealand Taxpayers' Union. The leader of New Zealand's libertarian ACT party, David Seymour, once worked for the Atlas Network-affiliated Frontier Centre for Public Policy in Canada (Atlas chair Debbi Gibbs' father helped found ACT).

In May 2024, Atlas Network co-hosted its Europe Liberty Forum in Madrid, Spain, with its Spanish partner Fundalib (Foundation for the Advancement of Liberty).

Grants
Atlas Network provides limited amounts of financial support to new think tanks on a case-by-case basis. Grants are usually given for specific projects and range between $2,000 and $5,000.

In 2020, Atlas Network provided more than $5 million in the form of grants to support its network of more than 500 partners worldwide. According to Atlas Network, its grants fund coaching, networking, pitch competitions, award programs, and other "ambitious projects for policy change."

The organization funds Costa Rica's IDEAS Labs, which helped reform the country's pension laws in 2020. Atlas Network also supports the Philippines-based Foundation for Economic Freedom, which works on property rights.

Atlas Network supports the Burundian think tank CDE Great Lakes, which has helped reduce the paperwork and fees required to start a business in the country. The think tank works with local entrepreneurs such as "Papa Coriandre," who formalized his small business and has since grown it from two to 139 employees.

Awards
Atlas Network’s Templeton Freedom Award, supported by Templeton Religion Trust and named after Sir John Templeton, was established in 2004. In 2015, the Acton Institute was awarded $100,000 for its documentary film “Poverty, Inc.” In 2020, the Center for Indonesian Policy Studies won the award for its Affordable Food for the Poor Initiative. In 2021, India's Centre for Civil Society was the winner. In 2022, the Sri Lanka–based Advocata Institute, an Atlas Network partner, won its Asia Liberty Award and the Templeton Freedom Award.

The organization's Think Tank Shark Tank competition allows professionals to pitch their projects to judges. In 2018, Dhananath Fernando won the Asia Think Tank Shark Tank championship for his research on the high cost of construction in Sri Lanka and his proposal to lower the taxes on construction materials. In 2019, Students for Liberty and Entrepreneurship (South Sudan) led by John Mustapha Kutiyote won the award for promoting home ownership by women. Students for Liberty Brasil won the 2021 Latin America competition for their project on educating Brazilian favela residents about property rights.

Financials
As a non-governmental 501(c)(3) organization, Atlas Network receives donations from foundations, individuals, and corporations, but not government funding.

It has received major funding from Koch family foundations including the Charles Koch Foundation and the Charles Koch Institute, along with Koch-affiliated funds such as Donors Trust. Other donors include the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, the John Templeton Foundation and the Lilly Endowment.

Research by the activist website DeSmog said Atlas Network had received millions of dollars from Koch-affiliated groups, the ExxonMobil Foundation, and the Sarah Scaife Foundation. As of 2005, Atlas Network had received $440,000 from ExxonMobil itself. In 2023, Atlas Network said it had received no funding from oil and gas companies "for nearly 15 years".

Of Atlas Network partners, 57% in the United States received funding from the tobacco industry between 1990 and 2000. Analysis in the International Journal of Health Planning and Management in 2016 said that a lack of transparency and data about think tank funding had made it difficult to ascertain the amounts of tobacco industry funding to Atlas Network and partners since 2003.

Atlas Network said that corporate funding accounted for less than 2% of its total donations in 2020. National Review said in 2021 that "fossil-fuel and tobacco interests" provided less than 1% of Atlas Network's funding over two decades, versus 98% from individuals and foundations.

As of 2020, Atlas Network had assets of $15,450,264.

Funding details as of 2020:

title: Atlas Network


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license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:68.2.61.244


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Template talk:House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (UK) sidebar

TfD nomination of Template:House of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha
Template:House of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha has been nominated for deletion. You are invited to comment on the discussion at the template's entry on the Templates for Deletion page. Thank you. Eixo 13:32, 22 August 2006 (UTC)

Grandchildren
Should the children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren of Queen Victoria also be included on this template. They are all British Royals and belonged to this royal house, even tho their mum did not. Astrotrain 19:05, Apr 24, 2005 (UTC)

Looks like the above has been done. --Wesley Biggs 13:21, 30 Apr 2005 (UTC)

But it is only the grandchildren through the sons. I will change the template to so that these are only the agnatic grandchildren. --StanZegel 20:06, 25 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Not so- Princesses Alexandra and Maud of Fife are granddaughters of Edward VII through their mother. Astrotrain 20:47, August 25, 2005 (UTC)
 * Where, then, is Wilhelm II of Germany? He is the son of a daughter of Queen Victoria. Don't we need to either note that only agnatic grandchildren are listed (and delete few stray non-agnatics), or we need to list all of them (including Kaiser Wilhelm, Queen Victoria Eugenie of Spain, etc. --StanZegel 01:47, 26 August 2005 (UTC)

 * I've removed Alexandra and Maud because they're not part of the House of S-C-G. I believe on all the dynasty templates, Grandchildren doesn't mean all the grandchild of the header monarch, just the agnatic grandchildren of the monarch in that particular House. It'd be quite pointless putting Agnatic in front though, because that's all they can be to belong to the respective Houses. Craigy [[Image:Flag of the United Kingdom.svg|15px]] (talk) 01:55, August 26, 2005 (UTC)
 * I think they should be put back. They are a special case since they gained their royal titles in spite of being in the female line, and they are clearly British Royality under the House of SCB. Astrotrain 18:57, August 26, 2005 (UTC)

 * I think the usual, general, casual reader will assume that when he sees a list in an encylopedia that it is authoritative and complete. He is not going to be aware of the "rules" of who is a member or not of a House. By putting the adjective Agnatic on the grandchildren heading, he is alerted that there is something special about the listing. He can look up the term and thus then realize that the listing is not exhaustive, and why. Otherwise, won't he question why Kaiser Wilhelm II (routinely noted as a grandson of QVictoria) is not listed? Will he doubt the accuracy of the Wikipedia? I know I would, and I'm a specialist compared to him. I think that the reader deserves some notice that the list is not ALL of the grandchildren, although the present heading implies that it is. --StanZegel 04:25, 26 August 2005 (UTC) I notice that the Hanover template lists ALL of the grandchildren, so that is another argument for doing the same here. --StanZegel 06:31, 26 August 2005 (UTC)

 * The template clearly states British Royality- House of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha so why would anyone expect the German Kaiser to be counted as British Royality. As for the Hanover template, the reason all grandchildren are listed is because none of GIII's daughters had children. Astrotrain 18:57, August 26, 2005 (UTC)

 * Lest this become a candidate for Lamest Edit Wars, my final entry in this dialogue is to refer to my logical stance above: either list all the grandchildren, or use a qualifying adjective to indicate that you are not. --StanZegel 20:04, 26 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Why are Alexandra and Maud listed, but not George V's children? Weren't they considered, at least, dynasts of SCG? Morhange 22:32, 29 April 2006 (UTC)

Here is the List of Grandchildren of Edward VII
 * Alastair Duff, Marquess of Macduff (16/06/1890)
 * Alexandra, Duchess of Fife (17/05/1891)
 * Maud of Fife (03/04/1893)
 * Edward VIII (23/06/1894)
 * George VI (14/12/1895)
 * Mary, Princess Royal and Countess of Harewood (25/04/1897)
 * Henry, Duke of Gloucester (31/03/1900)
 * George, Duke of Kent (20/12/1902)
 * Olav V of Norway (02/07/1903)
 * Prince John (12/07/1905) —Preceding unsigned comment added by 81.77.200.91 (talk • contribs)

 * Macduff and Olav V do not belong in this template whatsoever. It is intended to include only Princes and Princesses of the United Kingdom. Really, Alexandra and Maud of Fife should not be in this template either, but at least they were princesses. Charles 10:59, 3 April 2008 (UTC)

Prince Friedrich Josias of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha
He's not showing up on the list, even though I have him added there. Morhange 20:10, 16 January 2007 (UTC)
 * That's because, due to the variable status of the template, it needs adding to other parts too. Don't worry, I'll do it – DBD 20:59, 16 January 2007 (UTC)

RfC notification
A request for comments which may impact this template has been started at Wikipedia talk:Manual of Style/Biographies. You are welcome to comment there. Fram (talk) 14:29, 31 July 2013 (UTC)


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Yesler Terrace, Seattle

Yesler Terrace is a 22 acre mixed-income, mixed-use neighborhood in Seattle, Washington, United States. It was originally completed in 1941 as the state's first public housing development and the first racially integrated public housing development in the United States. It occupies much of the area formerly known as Yesler Hill, Yesler's Hill, or Profanity Hill. The development is administered by the Seattle Housing Authority, who have been redeveloping the neighborhood into a mixed-income area with multi-story buildings and community amenities since 2013.

Etymology
The name derives ultimately from Henry Yesler, pioneer mill owner. Yesler Way was originally the skid road on which logs were skidded down to the mill. The southern part of the hill came to be known as Yesler's Hill, Yesler Hill, or Profanity Hill. These names referred roughly to the part of First Hill south of the original King County Courthouse at 8th Avenue and Terrace Street. Razed in 1931, the courthouse site was roughly the western portion of the present-day Harborview Medical Center. The name "Profanity Hill" could have its origins from the cursing of the attorneys and litigants at having to climb so steep a grade after missing the cable car, or because of the slum neighborhood known for its uncouth inhabitants to the south where Yesler Terrace is now situated.

Description
Yesler Terrace is located on the southernmost part of First Hill, along Yesler Way immediately east of downtown Seattle. Uphill across Interstate 5 from Pioneer Square and the International District. Much of the site included Nihonmachi or Japantown until Executive Order 9066 ordered residents to be interned.

Yesler Terrace sits on 28 acre with 561 residential units in 68 buildings, many of which are two-story rowhouses. Unlike most public housing developments, residents have their own private yards.

Yesler Hillclimb
The Yesler Hillclimb is a pedestrian thoroughfare connecting the Little Saigon area of Seattle's Chinatown-International District with Yesler Terrace. The hill climb has a ramp, staircase, and mosaics. In mid 2012, Seattle Housing Authority had hoped to start construction in 2013.

Demographics
As of 2005, there were 1,167 residents. An estimated 38% of households are Asian or Asian American, 40% are African or African American, 11% are White, and 3% Native American.

Redevelopment

Talks of redeveloping the 60-year-old Yesler Terrace, which had become the oldest public housing project in the city, began in 2004 amid similar schemes to redevelop Rainier Vista, High Point and NewHolly into mixed-income neighborhoods. Formal planning on the project began in 2006 with the hiring of a planning team and recruitment for a citizen review panel.

The $1.7 billion redevelopment project of the neighborhood began in 2013, with plans to replace existing homes with 5,000 mixed-income residential units, 900,000 sqft of office space, and 153,000 sqft of retail and community space. The new development will include at least 561 units for those earning 30% of the area median income (AMI) or less as well as 290 units for 60% of AMI and 850 units for 80% of AMI. The SHA partnered with private developers including Vulcan Real Estate to build market rate and 80% housing in the community. The first new building, Kebero Court, opened in May 2015 and was followed by the opening of Raven Terrace in February 2016. The project, the largest such redevelopment in Seattle's history, is anticipated to take up to 15 years for the full buildout.

The First Hill Streetcar, which began operation in 2016, connects Yesler Terrace to Capitol Hill via Broadway, and the International District via Jackson Street.

Prior to the start of construction, existing Yesler Terrace residents had organized to oppose any redevelopment plans that would reduce the number of units available to residents with the lowest income.

Parks and recreation

Yesler Terrace Park is a 1.8 acre public park operated by Seattle Parks and Recreation in the redeveloped Yesler Terrace neighborhood. It opened in 2018 and includes playgrounds, garden spaces, basketball courts, and a small soccer pitch. The park cost $5 million to construct and is adjacent to an existing community center.

Ela Lamblin's stainless steel gazebo structure Whirl Piece: Current Events (2005) is installed in the park.

Education
Yesler Terrace is served by three Seattle Public Schools schools: Bailey Gatzert Elementary School, Washington Middle School, and Garfield High School.

title: Yesler Terrace, Seattle


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Invigilator

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete moink 08:36, 9 May 2005 (UTC)

Invigilator
Dictdef. The page has already been transwikied to wiktionary. RickK 19:07, Apr 24, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, unless someone can think of a useful place to redirect it (Standardized testing?). I admit when I transwikied it I was surprised to find that it was a word :) --Dmcdevit 19:42, 24 Apr 2005 (UTC) (vote changed --Dmcdevit 20:44, 24 Apr 2005 (UTC))
 * redirect to Test (student assessment) or Standardized test/Standardized testing (they have merge tags, but it's not obvious which will be kept). It is a word that I became all too familiar with from the first exams I had to sit when I was about 11 or 12, right through to univesity. Thryduulf 20:37, 24 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * I was unsure of the redirect as I had no idea how common the term was. I'll go by your experience and change my vote. --Dmcdevit 20:44, 24 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * We use redirects a lot, even for uncommon terms :) Radiant_* 15:38, Apr 25, 2005 (UTC)
 * Ah, true... But not usually for words I hadn't heard of until I looked them up in the dictionary to make sure it's not a hoax before putting it in Wiktionary. But I guess I'm just dumb. :) --Dmcdevit 22:19, 25 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Perhaps its a term peculiar to the UK? Thryduulf 22:31, 25 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * I think so now. In fact, just today I came upon it's usage in International Baccalaureate papers talking about the May tests. They go by all British spelling/wording, so that explains my (American) non-understanding. Definitely redirect. I've heard the same position referred to as a "proctor" over here. --Dmcdevit 00:58, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Now I would have had no idea what a "proctor" was before reading your message! Perhaps its one for the article about UK/USA English differences? Thryduulf 08:55, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Wow! Are you really speaking the same language? :) --Dmcdevit 22:17, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Somebody once said that "England and America are two nations divded by a common language"! (I don't know who though, a web search shows attributions to one of Winston Churchill, George Bernard Shaw and Oscar Wilde). Thryduulf 23:13, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Well, at least we both use pounds! (yours are for weight too, right?) --Dmcdevit 23:29, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * We use pounds for weight and currency. And if that isn't confusing enough, we also use kilograms for weight (but not yet Euros for currency!). Thryduulf 23:54, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Bet you didn't know we use kilos (shortened like that),too, but only for narcotics. I don't know why... --Dmcdevit 23:57, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * It's a dicdef. It's already in Wiktionary.  The suggestion to redirect does not make sense to me in this case.  First, the term can apply to examiners of all tests, not merely standardized tests.  Second, none of the recommended pages actually use the term "invigilator" (or "proctor").  If I followed such a link, I would be more confused than helped.  Based on the current state of the articles, I have to recommend a straight delete.  Rossami (talk) 05:55, 27 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Lack of mention in the recommended redirect does not mean we should delete it. It just means we should merge and redirect, and it will be there. --Dmcdevit 21:54, 27 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * A fair comment if you can find a way to do it that fits with the flow, content and topic of the current articles. I tried briefly last night and decided not to save my change.  I felt I was making the article worse, not better.  Rossami (talk) 00:17, 28 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


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Paul Fleming (poet)

Paul Fleming (also spelt Flemming; 5 October 1609 – 2 April 1640 ) was a German physician and poet.

As well as writing notable verse and hymns, he spent several years accompanying the Duke of Holstein's embassies to Russia and Persia. He also lived for a year at Reval on the coast of Estonia, where he wrote many love-songs.

Life
Born at Hartenstein, Saxony, the son of Abraham Fleming, a well-to-do Lutheran pastor, Fleming received his early education from his father before attending a school at Mittweida and then the famous St. Thomas School at Leipzig. He received his initial medical training at Leipzig University, where he also studied literature and graduated as a Doctor of Philosophy before gaining his medical doctorate at the University of Hamburg.

The Thirty Years' War drove Fleming to Holstein, where in 1633 Frederick III, Duke of Holstein-Gottorp, engaged him as physician, courtier and steward. Towards the end of 1633 the Duke sent Fleming with Adam Olearius as a member of an embassy to Russia and the Persian Empire headed by Otto Brüggemann and Philipp Kruse. Fleming was outside Germany for almost six years, much of them in the two foreign empires. Travelling into Russia, Fleming was in an advance party of the embassy which went to Novgorod, where he remained while negotiations went on with the Swedes and the Russians. At the end of July 1634 the ambassadors joined the party, and the embassy proceeded to Moscow, arriving on 14 August. After four months in the capital city, the Holstein embassy departed again for the Baltic on Christmas Eve, 1634, and on 10 January 1635 arrived at Reval (now Tallinn) in Swedish Estonia. While the ambassadors continued to Gottorp some of the party, including Fleming, remained in Reval. In the event, Fleming was there for about a year, during which he organized a poetry circle called "the Shepherds". Not long after his arrival in Reval, Fleming began his courtship of Elsabe Niehus, the daughter of Heinrich Niehus, a merchant originally from Hamburg. He wrote love poems for her, and they became engaged to be married. In 1636 the embassy proceeded to Persia, by way of a further visit to Moscow, and Elsabe was left behind. Fleming's Epistolae ex Persia were four letters in verse written during his time in Persia, between 1636 and 1638. The embassy was at Isfahan in 1637. On returning to Reval, Fleming found that Elsabe had married another man and became engaged to her sister, Anna Niehus.

In 1639 Fleming resumed his medical studies at the University of Leiden, and in 1640 was awarded a doctorate. He settled in Hamburg, where he died on 2 April 1640.

Poetry
With his contemporaries Martin Opitz (1597–1639), Andreas Gryphius (1616–1664), Christian Hoffmann von Hoffmannswaldau (1616–1679) and the rather later Daniel Casper von Lohenstein (1635–1683), Fleming is one of the writers now called "the Silesian poets" or "the Silesian school". As a lyricist he stands in the front rank of German poets. Fleming's well-known poems include Auf den Tod eines Kindes (On the Death of a Child) and Madrigal. A number of his sonnets are about the places he visited in his travels. The only collections published in his lifetime were Rubella seu Suaviorum Liber (1631) and Klagegedichte über das unschuldigste Leiden und Tod unsers Erlösers Jesu Christi (Laments concerning the most innocent Suffering and Death of our Saviour Jesus Christ), printed early in 1632, the second of which begins with an invocation of Melpomene, the Muse of tragedy. His Teutsche Poemata (Poems in German), published posthumously in 1642, was later renamed Geistliche und weltliche Gedichte (Spiritual and Secular Poems) and contains many notable love-songs.

Fleming wrote in Latin as well as in German, and his Latin poems were published in a single volume in 1863, edited by Johann Martin Lappenberg. Fleming has been called a man of "real poetic genius", "the only good poet in Germany during the Thirty Years' War", "possibly the greatest German lyric poet of the seventeenth century" and "the German Herrick". Günter Grass has called him "one of the major figures in German seventeenth-century literature".

Musical settings
Fleming wrote the hymn in nine stanzas "In allen meinen Taten" (In all that I do) on the melody of "Innsbruck, ich muss dich lassen" by Heinrich Isaac, which is contained in several hymnals. Johann Sebastian Bach used the final stanza to close both cantatas Meine Seufzer, meine Tränen (BWV 13) and Sie werden euch in den Bann tun (BWV 44). The complete hymn is the base for Bach's chorale cantata In allen meinen Taten (BWV 97). Already in the 17th century another composer, David Pohle (1624–1695), had set twelve of Fleming's love-songs to music. Johannes Brahms set "Lass dich nur nichts bedauern" as Geistliches Lied, Op. 30. Pauline Volkstein also set Fleming’s texts to music.

Works
Source:
 * Rubella seu Suaviorum Liber (1631)
 * Klagegedichte über das unschüldigste Leiden undt Tod unsers Erlösers Jesu Christi (Laments concerning the most innocent Suffering and Death of our Saviour Jesus Christ) (1632)
 * Prodromus (1641)
 * Teutsche Poemata (Poems in German) (1646)
 * Geistliche und weltliche Gedichte (Spiritual and Secular Poems) was the title of later editions of Teutsche Poemata

title: Paul Fleming (poet)


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Wikipedia:Wikipedia Signpost/2005-04-25/From the editor

As you read this week's The Signpost you may notice slight changes in style, as for the first time Michael Snow's careful hand is not moderating and clarifying each article. I have been asked to fill in during his vacation, and hope to maintain the steady tone and thorough coverage that have marked the first months of the Signpost.

Last week saw the first use of a new newsroom for contributing stories and ideas; it is now being used to develop all of the articles that go into each issue. Please take advantage of it to write about the projects and events closest to your heart.

--Samuel Klein

Also this week: Editor's note — Papal scoop — Writing contest — T.R.O.L.L. — Features and admins — Press coverage — The Sanger memoirs — Newsroom


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Snowmass Mountain

Snowmass Mountain is a 14099 ft mountain in the U.S. state of Colorado, and the thirty-fourth highest mountain peak in the state. Located in the Elk Mountains within the Maroon Bells-Snowmass Wilderness of the White River National Forest, it lies along the border between Pitkin and Gunnison counties, west of Aspen and southwest of the town of Snowmass Village.

Snowmass Mountain is named for the large snowfield that lies on its eastern slopes. Snowmass Mountain should not be confused with the Snowmass ski area, located outside Snowmass Village; nor with nearby Snowmass Peak, a lower but more visually striking peak that towers over Snowmass Lake. Hagerman Peak sits between Snowmass Mountain and Snowmass Peak and is also often mistaken for Snowmass Mountain.

Hiking/climbing
The route most commonly used to climb Snowmass Mountain is the Snowmass Creek approach. The route to the summit starts at Snowmass Lake, which is itself an 8.1 mi hike up Snowmass Creek from the parking area. Most people hike to the lake, camp the night and then proceed to the top. This route is recommended in the spring and early summer when the snowfield still covers much of the route; however an ice axe and crampons are recommended for travel on the snowfield. Later in the summer there is more travel on talus (scree) and more danger from rockfall. An alternative in snow-free conditions is to hike up to the saddle between the peak and Hagerman Peak. From that point there are climbers' trails which proceed on the opposite (west) side of the ridge to the summit.

A different and much less used route climbs the west side of Snowmass Mountain from Geneva Lake, which is accessed from the North Fork of the Crystal River.

Historical names

 * Snowmass Mountain
 * Snowmass Peak

title: Snowmass Mountain


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Bryn railway station

Bryn railway station is a railway station serving the suburb of Bryn in Ashton-in-Makerfield, Greater Manchester, England. The station is situated on the electrified Liverpool–Wigan line 16+1/4 mi northeast of Liverpool Lime Street and 3+3/4 mi south of Wigan. The station, and all trains serving it, are operated by Northern Trains.

Facilities
The station is the only unstaffed one on the Huyton-to-Wigan line, being outside the Merseytravel area (but within that of Transport for Greater Manchester). Ticket machines have recently been installed on both platforms. The old station buildings shown in the caption have since been demolished and were replaced by basic waiting shelters. Digital display screens and timetable poster boards on each side provide train running information. Step-free access is provided only on the Wigan-bound platform.

Services
Monday to Saturday daytimes, there is a half-hourly service to Wigan North Western northbound and Liverpool Lime Street southbound. Evenings there is an hourly service in each direction.

From 10 December 2017 there has been an hourly service on Sundays, to Blackpool North northbound and Liverpool Lime Street southbound for the first time in many years.

History
The station was opened on 1 December 1869 by the Lancashire Union Railway on its route between St Helens and Blackburn via Wigan and Chorley. The line beyond Wigan was closed to passengers in January 1960 and completely in 1971.

Electrification
The Liverpool-to-Manchester line electrification also encompasses the entire Liverpool-to-Wigan route. This allows electric trains to operate from Bryn to Liverpool, St Helens and Wigan. Electrification was completed in May 2015.

title: Bryn railway station


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Talk:Family traditions

Revision of the article commenced
Revision of the article commenced - interested editors are requested to contribute. Thanks.--Bhadani 19:10, 24 Apr 2005 (UTC)

VfD
On April 20, 2005, this article was nominated for deletion. The result was keep rewrite. See Votes for deletion/Family traditions for a record of the discussion. Mindspillage (spill yours?) 15:42, 4 May 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:Family traditions


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Wikipedia:WikiProject Swiss municipalities/List of title variations

It can be used to monitor changes on the listed pages (using "Related changes"). Please don't disambiguate pages on this and avoid removing links without prior discussion. You may want to add missing variations.

 * WikiProject Swiss municipalities/List of title variations/A-C
 * WikiProject Swiss municipalities/List of title variations/D-K
 * WikiProject Swiss municipalities/List of title variations/L-N
 * WikiProject Swiss municipalities/List of title variations/O-S
 * WikiProject Swiss municipalities/List of title variations/T-Z


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Implicit-association test

The implicit-association test (IAT) is an assessment intended to detect subconscious associations between mental representations of objects (concepts) in memory. Its best-known application is the assessment of implicit stereotypes held by test subjects, such as associations between particular racial categories and stereotypes about those groups. The test has been applied to a variety of belief associations, such as those involving racial groups, gender, sexuality, age, and religion but also the self-esteem, political views, and predictions of the test taker. The implicit-association test is the subject of significant academic and popular debate regarding its validity, reliability, and usefulness in assessing implicit bias.

The IAT was introduced in the scientific literature in 1998 by Anthony Greenwald, Debbie McGhee, and Jordan Schwartz. The IAT is now widely used in social psychology research and, to some extent, in clinical, cognitive, and developmental psychology research. More recently, the IAT has been used as an assessment in implicit bias trainings, which aim to reduce the unconscious bias and discriminatory behavior of participants.

Implicit cognition and measurement
In 1995, social psychology researchers Anthony Greenwald and Mahzarin Banaji asserted that the idea of implicit and explicit memory can apply to social constructs as well. If memories that are not accessible to awareness can influence our actions, associations can also influence our attitudes and behavior. Thus, measures that tap into individual differences in associations of concepts should be developed. This would allow researchers to understand attitudes that cannot be measured through explicit self-report methods due to lack of awareness or social-desirability bias. In essence, the purpose of the IAT was to reliably assess individual differences in a manner producing large effect sizes. The first IAT article was published three years later in 1998.

Since its original publication date, the seminal IAT article has been cited over 4,000 times, making it one of the most influential psychological developments over the past couple of decades. Furthermore, several variations in IAT procedure have been introduced to address test limitations, while numerous applications of the IAT were also developed, including versions investigating bias against obesity, suicide risk, romantic attachment, attitudes regarding sexuality, and political preferences, among others. Finally, as is characteristic of any psychological instrumentation, discussion and debate of the IAT's reliability and validity has continued since its introduction, particularly because these factors vary between different variations of the test.

Application and use
A computer-based measure, the IAT requires that users rapidly categorize two target concepts with an attribute (e.g. the concepts "male" and "female" with the attribute "logical"), such that easier pairings (faster responses) are interpreted as more strongly associated in memory than difficult pairings (slower responses).

The IAT is thought to measure implicit attitudes: "introspectively unidentified (or inaccurately identified) traces of past experience that mediate favorable or unfavorable feeling, thought, or action toward social objects." In research, the IAT has been used to develop theories to understand implicit cognition (i.e. cognitive processes of which a person has no conscious awareness). These processes may include memory, perception, attitudes, self-esteem, and stereotypes. Because the IAT requires that users make a series of rapid judgments, researchers believe that IAT scores may also reflect attitudes which people are unwilling to reveal publicly. The IAT may allow researchers to get around the difficult problem of social-desirability bias and for that reason it has been used extensively to assess people's attitudes towards commonly stigmatized groups, such as African Americans and individuals who identify as homosexual.

Procedure
Task 1 (practice): Task 2 (practice): Tasks 3 and 4 (data collection): Task 5 (practice): Tasks 6 and 7 (data collection): Example of a typical IAT procedure

A typical IAT procedure involves a series of seven tasks. In the first task, an individual is asked to categorize stimuli into two categories. For example, a person might be presented with a computer screen on which the word "Black" appears in the top left-hand corner and the word "White" appears in the top right-hand corner. In the middle of the screen a word, such as a first name, that is typically associated with either the categories of "Black" or "White". For each word that appears in the middle of the screen, the person is asked to sort the word into the appropriate category by pressing the appropriate left-hand or right-hand key. On the second task, the person would complete a similar sorting procedure with an attribute of some kind. For example, the word "Pleasant" might now appear in the top left-hand corner of the screen and the word "Unpleasant" in the top right-hand corner. In the middle of the screen would appear a word that is either pleasant or unpleasant. Once again, the person would be asked to sort each word as being either pleasant or unpleasant by pressing the appropriate key. On the third task, individuals are asked to complete a combined task that includes both the categories and attributes from the first two tasks. In this example, the words "Black/Pleasant" might appear in the top left-hand corner while the words "White/Unpleasant" would appear in the top right-hand corner. Individuals would then see a series of stimuli in the center of the screen consisting of either a name or word. They would be asked to press the left-hand key if the name or word belongs to the "Black/Pleasant" category or the right-hand key if it belongs to the "White/Unpleasant" category. The fourth task is a repeat of the third task but with more repetitions of the names, words, or images.

The fifth task is a repeat of the first task with the exception that the position of the two target words would be reversed. For example, "Black" would now appear in the top right-hand corner of the screen and "White" in the top left-hand corner. The sixth task would be a repeat of the third, except that the objects and subjects of study would be in opposite pairings from previous trials. In this case, "Black/Unpleasant" would now appear in the top right-hand corner and "White/Pleasant" would now appear in the top left-hand corner. The seventh task is a repeat of the sixth task but with more repetitions of the names, words, or images. If the categories under study (e.g. Black or White) are associated with the presented attributes (e.g. Pleasant/Unpleasant) to differing degrees, the pairing reflecting the stronger association (or the "compatible" pairing) should be easier for the participant. In the Black/White-Pleasant/Unpleasant example, a participant will be able to categorize more quickly when Black and Pleasant are paired together than when White and Pleasant are paired if they have more positive associations with Black people than with White people (and vice versa if White and Pleasant are categorized more quickly).

Variations of the IAT include the Go/No-go Association Test (GNAT), the Brief-IAT and the Single-Category IAT. An idiographic approach using the IAT and the SC-IAT for measuring implicit anxiety showed that personalized stimulus selection did not affect the outcome, reliabilities and correlations to outside criteria.

The Go/No-go Association Test (GNAT) is a variation of the IAT that assesses implicit attitudes or beliefs by measuring the relationship between a target concept and two different extremes of an attribute. Specifically, the strength of relationship is assessed by how quickly the items belonging to the target category and specific attribute (yellow and good or yellow and bad) can be picked from surrounding distractor items that are not associated with the target concept or attribute. Respondents are required to press a key when they identify a stimulus that belongs to one of these categories, and not to press a key when they see stimuli that does not belong to those categories. The difference in ability to correctly associate the concept with the specific attributes is described to be the measure of automatic attitude. Unlike the IAT, which measures response latency, the GNAT measures accuracy in identifying the specific relationships between the target concept and specific attributes.

The Single Category IAT, also known as Single-Target IAT (ST-IAT), is unique in that it uses one target category instead of the two required in the original IAT. During the ST-IAT, respondents complete a discrimination block of the evaluative stimuli. The second block consists of sorting target concepts and positive items with one response key and negative items with the other. In the last block, respondents are required to sort target stimuli and negative items together with one key, and positive items with the other key. In comparison to the IAT, which uses contrasts in latency between two concepts and two attributes, the ST-IAT focuses on latency differences in relation to one concept and two attributes.

Valence
Valence IATs measure associations between concepts and positive or negative valence. They are generally interpreted as a preference for one category over another. For example, the Race IAT shows that more than 70% of individuals have an implicit preference for Whites over Blacks. On the other hand, only half of Black individuals prefer Blacks over Whites (cf. the earlier "doll experiment" developed by psychologists Kenneth and Mamie Clark during the early civil rights era). Similarly, the Age IAT generally shows that most individuals have an implicit preference for young over old, regardless of the age of the person taking the IAT. The Weight IAT indicates that medical students have lower implicit biases towards obese individuals compared to the general public, but increased explicit biases, although public explicit and implicit biases remained stable. Research with the Sexuality IAT shows that heterosexual individuals have an implicit preference for heterosexuals, associating them with more positive attributes. In contrast, bisexual individuals indicated a preference for heterosexuals over homosexuals, specifically as a result of attributing homosexuals to negative attributes. Neither of these trends of attributing more positive or negative attributes to a specific sexual identity are seen with homosexual respondents. Some other valence IATs include the Weight IAT, the Sexuality IAT, the Arab-Muslim IAT, and the Skin-tone IAT.

Stereotype
Stereotype IATs measure associations between concepts that often reflect the strength to which a person holds a particular societal stereotype. For example, the Gender-Science IAT reveals that most people associate women more strongly with liberal arts and men more strongly with science. Similarly, the Gender-Career IAT indicates that most people associate women more strongly with family and men more strongly with careers. The Asian IAT shows that many people more strongly associate Asian Americans with foreign landmarks and European Americans more strongly with American landmarks. Some other stereotype IATs include the Weapons IAT and the Native IAT.

The Implicit Association Test measures the strength of associations between concepts and evaluations or stereotypes to reveal an individual’s hidden or subconscious biases. People show an automatic preference for their ingroup. Another example of stereotypical IAT is Racial IAT. In this test, one is asked to associate images of black people with either good or bad and images of white people with good or bad on various keyboard keys. Individuals often respond more quickly to black and bad than to white and good. Therefore, it has been discovered that there is a greater unconscious bias against black individuals. For example, the scholarly article "Relations among the Implicit Association Test, Discriminatory Behavior, and Explicit Measures of Racial Attitudes" by Allen R. McConnell and Jill M. Leibold states " As predicted, those who revealed stronger negative attitudes toward Blacks (vs Whites) on the IAT had more negative social interactions with a Black (vs a White) experimenter and reported relatively more negative Black prejudices on explicit measures. The implications of these results for the IAT and its relations to intergroup discrimination and to explicit measures of attitudes are discussed."

Self-esteem
The self-esteem IAT measures implicit self-esteem by pairing "self" and "other" words with words of positive and negative valence. Those who find it easier to pair "self" with positive words than negative words are purported to have higher implicit self-esteem. Generally, measures of implicit self-esteem, including the IAT, are not strongly related to one another and are not strongly related to explicit measures of self-esteem.

Brief
The Brief IAT (BIAT) uses a similar procedure to the standard IAT but requires fewer classifications. It involves approximately four to six tasks rather than seven, only uses combined tasks (corresponding most closely to tasks 3, 4, 6, and 7 on the standard IAT), and has fewer repetitions. Additionally, it requires specification of a focal concept in each task as well as a single attribute, instead of two. For example, although, White, Black, Pleasant, and Unpleasant stimuli all appear, participants would press one key when White and Pleasant words appear and another key when "anything else" appears. Subsequently, participants would press one key when Black and Pleasant words appear and another key when "anything else" appears. Unlike the GNAT, the Brief IAT doesn't not use accuracy of correctly identifying the specific concept and attribute requested. Instead, the latency is used to acquire results.

Child
The Child IAT (Ch-IAT) allows for children as young as four years of age to take the IAT. Rather than words and pictures, the Ch-IAT uses sound and pictures. For example, positive and negative valence are indicated with smiling and frowning faces. Positive and negative words to be classified are voiced out loud to children.

Studies using the Ch-IAT have revealed that six-year-old White children, ten-year-old White children, and White adults have comparable implicit attitudes on the Race IAT.

Theoretical interpretation
According to Greenwald, the IAT provides a "window" into a level of mental operation that operates in unthinking (unconscious, automatic, implicit, impulsive, intuitive, etc.) fashion because associations operating without active thought (automatically) can help performance in one of the IAT's two "combined" tasks, while interfering with the other. Respondents to the IAT experience a higher (conscious, controlled, explicit, reflective, analytic, rational, etc.) level of mental operation, when they try to overcome the effects of the automatic associations. The IAT succeeds as a measure because the higher level fails to completely overcome the lower level.

The interpretation that the IAT provides a "window" to unconscious mental contents has been challenged by Hahn and colleagues, whose results indicated that people are highly accurate in predicting their own IAT scores for a variety of social groups.

De Houwer theorizes that the IAT is a measure of a response compatibility effect, in which participants first learn to associate positive and negative words and concepts with pressing specific keys on the keyboard. Later in the test, when participants are instructed to sort words and concepts that are both negative and positive with the same keyboard key, De Houwer argues that much of the latency and incorrect responses that result from this change are due to the increased cognitive complexity of the task, and not necessarily a reflection of implicit bias.

Brendl, Markman, and Messner have proposed a random walk model process to explain responses in the critical portions of the IAT. They theorize that test respondents base their responses on a process of mental evidence-gathering that continues until the evidence for one option or the other (right or left key) reaches a threshold, at which time a decision is made, and action is taken. This requires consideration of both the concept and the attribute, which can be congruent or incongruent - all factors that affect decision speed. All evidence during the compatible block of the test is congruent, allowing for fast decision-making. However, incongruent concept and attribute in the incompatible task leads to longer processing time. Increased task difficulty also increases evidence threshold criterion, further decreasing decision speed.

An alternative or complementary theory from Mierke and Klauer holds that the cognitive control processes required to switch back and forth between categorizing based on concept versus based on attribute leads to reduced speeds in the critical blocks of the test. In other words, it is much less mentally demanding to sort concepts in the compatible block when only one aspect of the concept must be focused upon. Comparatively, sorting concepts in the incompatible block, which requires focusing on both concept and attribute not only takes longer to process because of the increased complexity, but also because the previous concept may have required a different cognitive effort.

Finally, Rothermund and Wentura propose a figure-ground model of explanation for the IAT. In essence, this theory suggests that IAT respondents simplify their task by relying on salience. For example, negative is salient for most people, so if a respondent is to press the right key for negative words, the individual will plan to press the right key for all negative words (figure), and the left key for any other (non-negative) words (ground). This leads to fast decision-making in the compatible task and two of the critical tasks, but not for the third critical task, in which two salient categories require different keys pushed.

There is empirical support for all these explanations of the IAT's effects, but this is not necessarily evidence against the IAT's overall validity, as these theories are not mutually exclusive. Furthermore, regardless of the fundamental cognitive processes of the IAT, studies show that multiple implementations of the test validly measure their targeted constructs, and the psychometric value of each implementation varies as a function of its individual characteristics (e.g., construct measured, participant characteristics, testing environment).

Heider's balance theory
In 1958, Fritz Heider proposed the balance theory, which stated that a system of liking and disliking relationships is balanced if the product of the valence of all relationships within the system is positive. In the theory, there are concepts and associations. Concepts are persons, groups, or attributes; and among attribute concepts, there are positive and negative valences. Associations are relations between pairs of concepts, and the strength of association is the potential for one concept to activate another, either by external stimuli or by excitation through their associations with other, already active, concepts. The theory followed the assumption of associative social knowledge: an important portion of social knowledge could be represented as a network of variable-strength associations among person concepts (including self and groups) and attributes (including valence).

Balance–congruity principle
When two unlinked or weakly linked nodes are linked to the same third node, the association between these two should strengthen. This is the principle of balance–congruity. The nodes in the principle of balance–congruity are equivalent to the concepts in Heider's balance theory, and the three involved nodes/concepts make up a system. Since every relationship within the system here is positively associated, this, according to a derivation of Heider's theory, also represents a balanced system where the product of the direction of all associations within the system is positive.

Balanced-identity research design
In 2002, Greenwald and his colleagues introduced the balanced-identity design as a method to test correlational predictions of Heider's balance theory. The balanced identity design incorporated Heider's theory, the balance–congruity principle, and the assumption of centrality of self. The assumption of centrality of self is that in an associative knowledge structure, the self's centrality can be represented by its being associated with many other concepts that are themselves highly connected in the structure. The concepts in a typical balanced identity design are the self, a social group/object, and either a valence attribute or nonvalence attribute. There are thus five important associations possible in a typical balanced identity design that connect these three categories of concepts. An attitude is the association of a social group/object with a valence attribute; a stereotype is the association of a social group with one or more nonvalence attributes; self-esteem is the association of the self with a valence attribute; a self-concept is the association of the self with one or more nonvalence attributes; and the last important association is between the self and a social group/object, which is called an identity. However, in a typical balanced identity design, only three of the five possible associations come into play, and they are usually either identity, self-concept, and stereotype or identity, self-esteem, and attitude. Researchers using a balanced identity design are the ones to determine the set of concepts they want to investigate, and each one of the associations within the system that the researchers created will then be tested and analyzed statistically with both implicit and explicit measures.

Typical results of balanced-identity research design with implicit measures
A typical result of a balanced identity design usually shows that a group's identity is balanced, at least with implicit measures. According to a derivation of Heider's balance theory, since there are three concepts in a typical balanced identity design, the identity is balanced either when all three relations are positive or when one positive and two negative relations are present in the triad system. The triad system of "me—male—being good at math" will be used as an example here, and its typical result acquired from the Implicit Association Test (IAT) will be shown below. For male subjects, the three associations within the triad are usually all positive. For female subjects, the "me—male" association is usually negative, the "male—being good at math" association is usually positive, and the "me—being good at math" association is usually negative. As it's shown, for both the male and female subjects, their group identities are balanced.

Comparison to findings with explicit reports
Self-reporting is also usually used in a balanced identity design. Although self-reports don't necessarily reflect the predicted consistency patterns from Heider's theory, it is often used to compare with the results from the Implicit Association Test (IAT). Any discrepancies between the self-reports and the IAT results on the same association in a balanced identity design can be an indication of an experience of conflict. The above triad system of "me—male—being good at math" is a good example. For female subjects, whereas the Implicit Association Test (IAT) typically shows a stronger positive association of "male" and "being good at math," the explicit self-reporting usually shows a weaker positive association or even a weaker negative association of "male" and "being good at math." Also, whereas the IAT typically shows a stronger negative association of "me" and "being good at math" for the same female subjects, the self-reporting usually shows a weaker negative or even a weaker positive association of "me" and "being good at math." In this case, the female group is believed to be experiencing a conflict. The common explanation for a group experiencing a conflict is that in an effort to change a stereotypical view that has been around in the society for a really long time, even though people who belong to a certain social group believe that they are able to reject this stereotype (shown in explicit measures), the exact stereotypical thought is still going to remain in the back of their heads (shown in implicit measures), maybe not as much as those who actually believe in that thought. So maybe with time, as a stereotype gradually fades away, that conflict will fade away as well.

Limitations
The IAT has been widely used as a measure for the balanced identity design because data obtained with this method revealed that predicted consistency patterns from Heider's theory were strongly apparent in the data for implicit measures by IAT but not in those for parallel explicit measures by self-report. The general explanation for why explicit measures by self-report did not reflect the predicted consistency patterns from Heider's theory was that self-report measures can go astray when respondents are either unwilling or unable to report accurately, and these problems could be more than enough to obscure the operation of consistency processes. There are, however, still limitations to the theory. For example, the balanced identity IAT measures only give group results rather than individual results, so it has its limitations when an analysis requires for individual pinpoint data to analyze, for instance, how balanced one's identity is relative to others'. It is hopeful, however, that researchers working with the Implicit Association Test (IAT) are trying hard to overcome challenges such as the one described above.

Criticism and controversy
The IAT has engendered some controversy in both the scientific literature and in the public sphere (e.g. in the Wall Street Journal). For example, it has been interpreted as assessing familiarity, perceptual salience asymmetries, or mere cultural knowledge irrespective of personal endorsement of that knowledge. A more recent critique argued that there is a lack of empirical research justifying the diagnostic statements that are given to the lay public. For instance, feedback may report that someone has a [minimal/slight/moderate/strong] automatic preference for [European Americans/African Americans], though critics contest the degree to which such conclusions can be drawn from an IAT. Proponents of the IAT have responded to these charges but the debate continues. According to an article in The New York Times, "there isn't even that much consistency in the same person's scores if the test is taken again". In addition, researchers have recently claimed that results of the IAT might be biased by the participant's lacking cognitive capability to adjust to switching categories, thus biasing results in favor of the first category pairing (e.g. pairing "Asian" with positive stimuli first, instead of pairing "Asian" with negative stimuli first).

Validity research
Since its introduction into the scientific literature in 1998, a great deal of research has been conducted in order to examine the psychometric properties of the IAT as well as to address other criticisms on validity and reliability.

Construct validity
The IAT is purported to measure relative strength of associations. However, some researchers have asserted that the IAT may instead be measuring constructs such as salience of attributes or cultural knowledge.

Predictive validity
A 2009 meta-analysis lead-authored by Greenwald concluded that the IAT has predictive validity independent of the predictive validity of explicit measures. A follow-up meta-analysis lead-authored by Frederick L. Oswald criticised Greenwald's study for overestimating the correlations between IAT scores and discriminatory behavior by including studies that didn't actually measure discriminatory behavior (such as those which found a link between high IAT scores and certain brain patterns) and treating published findings in which high IAT scores correlated with better behavior toward out-group than in-group members as evidence of implicitly biased individuals overcompensating. Oswald's team found that implicit measures were only weakly predictive of behaviors and no better than explicit measures. Some research has found that the IAT tends to be a better predictor of behavior in socially sensitive contexts (e.g. discrimination and suicidal behaviour) than traditional "explicit" self-report methods, whereas explicit measures tend to be better predictors of behavior in less socially sensitive contexts (e.g. political preferences). Specifically, the IAT has been shown to predict voting behavior (e.g. ultimate candidate choice of undecided voters), mental health (e.g. a self-injury IAT differentiated between adolescents who injured themselves and those who did not), medical outcomes (e.g. medical recommendations by physicians), employment outcomes (e.g. interviewing Muslim-Arab versus Swedish job applicants), education outcomes (e.g. gender-science stereotypes predict gender disparities in nations' science and math test scores), and environmentalism (e.g., membership of a pro-environmental organisation).

When patients were tested on their subconscious feelings towards death, suicidal patients are put at risk. Research shows that those experiencing deep suicidal thoughts are not likely to share their true experiences.

In applied settings, the IAT has been used in marketing and industrial psychology. For example, in determining the predictors of risk-taking behaviour of pilots in general aviation, attitudes towards risky flight behaviour as measured through an IAT have shown to be a more accurate forecast of risky flight behaviour than traditional explicit attitude or personality scales. The IAT has also been used in clinical psychology research, especially anxiety and addiction research.

Salience asymmetry
Researchers have argued that the IAT may measure salience of concepts rather than associations. Whereas IAT proponents claim that faster response times when pairing concepts indicate stronger associations, critics claim that faster response times indicate that concepts are similar in salience (and slower response times indicate that concepts differ in salience). There is some support for this claim. For example, in an old-young IAT, old faces would be more salient than young faces. As a result, researchers created an old-young IAT that involved pairing young and old faces with neutral words (non-salient attribute) and non-words (salient attribute). Response times were faster when old faces (salient) were paired with non-words (salient) than when old faces (salient) were paired with neutral words (non-salient), supporting the assertion that faster response time can be facilitated by matching salience.

Although proponents of the IAT acknowledge that it may be influenced by salience asymmetry, they argue that this does not preclude interpreting the IAT as a measure of associations.

Culture versus person
Another criticism of the IAT is that it may measure associations that are picked up from cultural knowledge rather than associations actually residing within a person. The counter-argument is that such associations may indeed arise from the culture, but they can nonetheless influence behavior.

To address the possibility that the IAT picks up on cultural knowledge rather than beliefs that are present in a person, some critics of the standard IAT created the personalized IAT. The primary difference between a standard valence IAT and the personalized IAT is that rather than using pleasant and unpleasant words as category labels, it uses "I like" and "I don't like" as category labels. Additionally, the Personalized IAT does not provide error feedback for an incorrect response as in the standard IAT. This form of the IAT is more strongly related to explicit self-report measures of bias.

Proponents of the standard IAT argue that the Personalized IAT increases the likelihood that those taking it will evaluate the concept rather than classify it. This would increase its relationship with explicit measures without necessarily removing the effect of cultural knowledge. In fact, some researchers have examined the relationship between perceptions of general American attitudes and Personalized IAT scores and have concluded that the relationship between the IAT and cultural knowledge is not decreased by personalizing it. However, it is important to note that there was no relationship between cultural knowledge and standard IAT scores either.

Ability to fake result
The IAT has also demonstrated a reasonable amount of resistance to social-desirability bias. Individuals asked to fake their responses on the IAT have demonstrated difficulty in doing so in some studies. For example, participants who were asked to present a positive impression of themselves were able to do so on a self-report measure of anxiety but not an IAT measuring anxiety. Nonetheless, faking is possible, and recent research indicates that the most effective method of faking the IAT is to intentionally slow down responses for pairings that should be relatively easy. Most subjects, however, do not discover this strategy on their own, so faking is relatively rare. An algorithm developed to estimate IAT faking can identify those who are faking with approximately 75% accuracy.

There is a recent study showing that participants can even speed up their responses during the relatively difficult response pairings in an autobiographical implicit association test that aims to test the veracity of autobiographical statement. Specifically, participants who were instructed to speed up their responses to fake the test were able to do so. The effect was larger when participants were trained in speeding up. Most importantly, guilty participants who speed up their responses during the difficult response pairing successfully beat the test to obtain an innocent result. In other words, participants can reverse their test outcome without being detected.

Susceptibility to conscious control
Distinct from faking (the deliberate obscuring of a true association), some studies have shown that heightening awareness about the nature of the test can change the outcome, potentially by activating different fluencies and associations. For example, in one study, a simple reminder from the experimenter ("Please be careful not to stereotype on the next section of the task") was sufficient to significantly reduce the expression of biased associations on a race IAT. Notably, there was not a significant decrease in overall reaction time in this experiment, indicating that this "control" may also be implicit.

Familiarity
A common criticism of the IAT is that it may be difficult to associate positive attributes with less familiar concepts. For example, if a person has had less contact with members of a particular ethnic group, they may have a more difficult time associating members of that ethnic group with positive words simply because of this lack of familiarity. There is some evidence against the familiarity based on studies that have ensured equal familiarity with the African American and White names as well as the faces appearing on the Race IAT.

Order
As the IAT relies on a comparison of response times in different tasks pairing concepts and attributes, researchers and others taking the IAT have speculated that the pairing on the first combined task may affect performance on the next combined task. For example, a participant who begins a gender stereotype IAT by pairing female names with family words may subsequently find the task of pairing female names with career words more difficult. Research has indeed shown a small effect of order. As a result, it is recommended to increase the number of classifications required in the fifth IAT task. This gives participants more practice before doing the second pairing, thus reducing the order effect. When studying groups of people, this effect could be countered by giving pairings first to different participants (e.g. half of participants pair female names and family words first, the other half pair female names with career words first).

Cognitive fluency and age
The IAT is influenced by individual differences in average IAT response times such that those with slower overall response times tend to have more extreme IAT scores. Older subjects also tend to have more extreme IAT scores, and this may be related to cognitive fluency, or slower overall response times.

An improved scoring algorithm for the IAT, which reduces the effect of cognitive fluency on the IAT, has been introduced. A summary of the scoring algorithm can be found on Greenwald's webpage.

Experience
Repeated administrations of the IAT tend to decrease the magnitude of the effect for a particular person. This issue is somewhat ameliorated with the improved scoring algorithm. An additional safeguard to control for IAT experience is to include a different type of IAT as a comparison. This allows researchers to evaluate the degree of magnitude decrease when administering subsequent IATs.

The act of taking the Race IAT has also been found to exacerbate the negative implicit attitudes that it seeks to assess. Results from four pre-registered experiments demonstrated that completing a Race IAT resulted in increases in White participants’ negative automatic racial evaluations of Black people as measured by two different implicit measures (Single Category IAT and the Affective Misattribution Procedure ) but did not generalize to another measure of automatic racial bias (Shooter Bias Task ).

Reliability
The IAT demonstrates inconsistent internal consistency and its test-retest reliability stands at 0.60, a relatively weak level. IAT scores also seem to vary between multiple administrations, indicating that it may measure a combination of trait (stable characteristics of people) and state (subject to variation based on situation-specific circumstances) characteristics. One example of the latter case is that scores on the Race IAT are known to be less biased against African Americans when those taking it imagine positive Black exemplars beforehand (e.g. Martin Luther King). Similarly, the Race IAT scores for an individual may indicate bias, but that bias is diminished on another IAT administered after associating with a mixed-race group. In fact, Race IAT scores can be changed even more easily; administering the IAT in different languages yields significantly different scores for bilingual individuals. For example, studies conducted with Moroccan participants fluent in both French and Arabic showed that participants are biased when completing an IAT in their native language; however, that bias is diminished when completing an IAT in another language. Similar results were found in the United States when administering an English and Spanish IAT on bilingual Hispanic Americans. Another state characteristic that may well influence IAT scores is the time of day a person completes the task, with findings that holding a preference for one's own racial group is lowest in the morning, but increases over the course of the day and into the evening; however, this may be more to do with who completes the task at each time of day than a function of circadian rhythms.

In popular culture
After establishing the IAT in the scientific literature, Greenwald, along with Mahzarin Banaji (Professor of Psychology at Harvard University) and Brian Nosek (Associate Professor of Psychology at the University of Virginia), co-founded Project Implicit, a virtual laboratory and educational outreach organization that facilitates research on implicit cognition.

The IAT has been profiled in major media outlets (e.g. in the Washington Post) and in the popular book Blink, where it was suggested that one could score better on the implicit racism test by visualizing respected black leaders such as Nelson Mandela. The IAT was also discussed in a 2006 episode of The Oprah Winfrey Show.

In the episode "Racist Dawg" on King of the Hill, Hank and Peggy take an IAT, colloquially referred to as the "racist test" to see if they prefer the company of white or black people.

title: Implicit-association test


text:
John M. Loh

John Michael Loh (born March 14, 1938) is a retired four-star general in the United States Air Force (USAF) who last served as Commander, Air Combat Command from June 1992 to July 1995. His other four-star assignment include being the 24th Vice Chief of Staff of the Air Force from June 1990 to March 1991, and Commander, Tactical Air Command from March 1991 to June 1992.

Loh graduated from Gonzaga College High School, Washington, D.C., in 1956 and the United States Air Force Academy in 1960. He has a master's degree in aeronautical engineering from Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He commanded the Aeronautical Systems Division, Air Force Systems Command. He also commanded Tactical Air Command, then upon its deactivation, became the first commander of Air Combat Command. He is a command pilot with more than 4,300 flying hours, primarily in fighter aircraft, and flew 204 combat missions in the Vietnam War. Loh retired from the USAF on July 1, 1995. He founded JML & Associates, Inc. the same year.

Education

 * 1956 Graduated from Gonzaga College High School, Washington, D.C.
 * 1960 Received a Bachelor of Science degree in Engineering Science, U.S. Air Force Academy, Colorado Springs, Colorado
 * 1966 U.S. Air Force Fighter Weapons School, Nellis Air Force Base, Nevada
 * 1968 U.S. Air Force Test Pilot School, Edwards Air Force Base, California
 * 1973 Received a Master of Science degree in Aeronautical Engineering, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Massachusetts
 * 1978 Air War College, Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama

Assignments

 * June 1960 – January 1961, student officer, primary pilot training, Bainbridge Air Force Base, Georgia
 * January 1961 – October 1961, student officer, basic pilot training, Craig Air Force Base, Alabama
 * October 1961 – July 1962, student officer, intercept pilot training, Perrin Air Force Base, Texas
 * July 1962 – June 1963, pilot, 76th Fighter Interceptor Squadron, Westover Air Force Base, Massachusetts
 * September 1965 – April 1966, pilot, 33rd Tactical Fighter Wing, Eglin Air Force Base, Florida
 * April 1966 – July 1967, pilot, 40th Tactical Fighter Squadron, Eglin Air Force Base, Florida
 * July 1967 – October 1968, test pilot, USAF Test Pilot School, Edwards Air Force Base, California
 * October 1968 – November 1969, pilot, 389th Tactical Fighter Squadron, 366th Tactical Fighter Wing, Da Nang Air Base, South Vietnam
 * November 1969 – May 1972, fighter requirements staff officer, Fighter Division, Directorate of Operational Requirements, Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff, Research and Development, Headquarters U.S. Air Force, Washington, D.C.
 * June 1972 – August 1973, graduate student, Aeronautical Engineering, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
 * August 1973 – January 1975, YF-16/YF-17 program manager, Headquarters Aeronautical Systems Division, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio
 * January 1975 – July 1977, director of projects, F-16 Program, Aeronautical Systems Division, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio
 * August 1977 – June 1978, student, Air War College, Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama
 * June 1978 – July 1979, assistant deputy commander for operations, 23rd Tactical Fighter Wing, England Air Force Base, Louisiana
 * July 1979 – September 1980, deputy commander for operations, 23rd Tactical Fighter Wing, England Air Force Base, Louisiana
 * October 1980 – April 1981, vice commander, 23rd Tactical Fighter Wing, England Air Force Base, Louisiana
 * April 1981 – April 1983, assistant deputy chief of staff for requirements, Headquarters Tactical Air Command, Langley Air Force Base, Virginia
 * April 1983 – July 1984, assistant deputy chief of staff for operations, Headquarters Tactical Air Command, Langley Air Force Base, Virginia
 * July 1984 – July 1985, deputy chief of staff for requirements, Headquarters Tactical Air Command, Langley Air Force Base, Virginia
 * August 1985 – July 1987, director of operational requirements, Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Research, Development and Acquisition, Headquarters U.S. Air Force, Washington, D.C.
 * July 1987 – July 1988, vice commander, Aeronautical Systems Division, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio
 * August 1988 – June 1990, commander, Aeronautical Systems Division, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio
 * June 1990 – March 1991, vice chief of staff, Headquarters U.S. Air Force, Washington, D.C.
 * March 1991 – June 1992, commander, Headquarters Tactical Air Command, Langley Air Force Base, Virginia
 * June 1992 – July 1995, commander, Air Combat Command, Langley Air Force Base, Virginia

Major awards and decorations

 * Air Force Distinguished Service ribbon.svg Air Force Distinguished Service Medal
 * [[Image:Legion of Merit ribbon.svg|60px]] Legion of Merit with oak leaf cluster
 * [[Image:Distinguished Flying Cross ribbon.svg|60px]] Distinguished Flying Cross
 * [[Image:Meritorious Service Medal ribbon.svg|60px]] Meritorious Service Medal
 * [[Image:Air Medal ribbon.svg|60px]] Air Medal with seven oak leaf clusters
 * Air Force Commendation Medal ribbon.svg Air Force Commendation Medal
 * [[Image:Vietnam Service Medal ribbon.svg|60px]] Vietnam Service Medal with silver service star
 * Vietnam gallantry cross unit award-3d.svg Vietnam Gallantry Cross Unit Citation

Other achievements
Loh was awarded the Daedalian Fellowship for graduate study in 1972. Also, he is the recipient of the 1972 Air Force Research and Development Award, and the Air Force's Eugene M. Zuckert Senior Management Award for 1989. In 2009 he honored by the United States Air Force Academy with their Distinguished Graduate award.

title: John M. Loh


text:
Cammie King

Eleanore Cammack "Cammie" King (August 5, 1934 – September 1, 2010) was an American actress and public relations officer. She is best known for her portrayal of Bonnie Blue Butler in Gone with the Wind (1939). She also provided the voice for the doe Faline as a fawn in the animated Disney film, Bambi (1942).

Early life and family
King was born in Los Angeles, California, on August 5, 1934. Her parents were W. Cammack King, a chemical plant manager, and Eleanore King, a schoolteacher. Her older sister, Diane, was a child actress. Her parents divorced a few years after the filming of Gone With the Wind. Her mother then married Herbert Kalmus, co-founder of Technicolor, in 1949.

Acting career
Though King's acting career only spanned a few years, she appeared in two of the biggest films of the era, Gone with the Wind and Bambi. She landed the part of Bonnie Blue Butler in Gone With the Wind at the age of four, after casting directors had tested 250 applicants for the role, including her seven-year-old sister Diane. After Diane was deemed too old for the part, she told the staff, "My sister looks like me and is only four and she can read lines". Cammie did remember her lines, but she was unable to keep her eyelids from moving during Bonnie's death scene and was fitted with a death mask. An adult male small person served as a body double for Bonnie's fall from the horse.

Cammie provided the voice of Faline as a fawn in Disney's 1942 film Bambi. According to the Los Angeles Times, she was cast in a third role in the early 1940s but broke out with chicken pox on the day filming began and was dropped from the cast list. Reflecting on her film career, she once joked, "I peaked at 5".

Education and later career
King studied at Marymount High School and went on to attend the University of Southern California, graduating in 1956 with a bachelor's degree in communications. Afterwards she worked as a production assistant on Climax!, a CBS-TV anthology series.

In 1980, she moved to Northern California and had a long public-relations career that included working for the Mendocino Coast Chamber of Commerce. In the early 2000s, King made a guest appearance as a contestant on the TV game show To Tell the Truth, hosted by John O'Hurley. She spent 40 years working as a marketing coordinator for the Fort Bragg-Mendocino Coast Chamber of Commerce.

King often appeared at retrospectives with the surviving Gone With the Wind cast members. In 2009, she privately published a small book, Bonnie Blue Butler: A Gone With the Wind Memoir, mainly selling copies directly to fans via personal appearances and the internet.

Personal life
She married Walter "Ned" Pollock in 1957. Together they adopted two children, Matthew and Katharine. Pollock died of cancer in 1968. She then married Michael W Conlon in 1971, and he adopted her two children. She and Conlon divorced in 1975. Her father-in-law from her second marriage, Judd Conlon, was a musical arranger for many Disney films including Alice in Wonderland (1951) and Peter Pan (1953).

King died on September 1, 2010, at her home in Fort Bragg, California, at age 76, from lung cancer.

title: Cammie King


text:
PMI

PMI may stand for:

Computer science

 * Pointwise mutual information, in statistics
 * Privilege Management Infrastructure in cryptography
 * Product and manufacturing information in CAD systems

Companies

 * Philip Morris International, American multinational tobacco company
 * Picture Music International, former division of EMI that specialised in music video releases
 * Precious Moments, Inc., American catalog order company
 * Precision Monolithics, former American semiconductor company
 * PMI Group, a holding company whose primary subsidiary is the PMI Mortgage Insurance Co

Economics

 * Passenger-mile, a unit of measurement
 * Post-merger integration
 * Private mortgage insurance or lenders mortgage insurance
 * Purchasing Managers' Index, of business sentiment

Organizations

 * Plumbing Manufacturers International
 * Project Management Institute
 * Indonesian Red Cross Society (Palang Merah Indonesia

Schools

 * PMI Colleges, formerly the Philippine Maritime Institute
 * PMI Colleges Bohol, Tagbilaran City
 * Pima Medical Institute, US

Medicine

 * The pulse at the point of maximum impulse (PMI) is the apex beat of the heart
 * Post-mortem interval, the time since a death

Technique

 * Positive material identification of a metallic alloy
 * Preventive maintenance inspection, USAF

Other uses

 * Palma de Mallorca Airport (IATA airport code PMI)
 * Pointwise mutual information, measure in statistical probability theory
 * US Presidential Management Internship, now Presidential Management Fellows Program
 * President's Malaria Initiative, U.S. Government initiative to control and eliminate malaria

title: PMI


text:
Namco System 11

The Namco System 11 (システムイレブン) is a 32-bit arcade system board developed jointly by Namco and Sony Computer Entertainment. Released in 1994, the System 11 is based on a prototype of the PlayStation, Sony's first home video game console, using a 512 KB operating system and several custom processors. The Namco System 12 (システムトゥエルブ) is an upgraded version of the System 11 that was released in 1996, featuring faster processing power.

History
Namco's research managing director Shegeichi Nakamura met with Sony Computer Entertainment head Ken Kutaragi in 1993 to discuss the preliminary PlayStation specifications, with Namco subsequently developing the System 11 arcade board based on PlayStation hardware and Tekken as their answer to Sega's popular Virtua Fighter. Tekken was initially planned for the Namco System 22, after Namco heard Sega was developing Virtua Fighter 2 for their new Sega Model 2 board, before the development of Tekken was later moved to the System 11 after the meeting with Kutaragi. Tekken was the first game to use the System 11, and was initially released for arcades in September 1994, several months before the PlayStation's Japanese release in December 1994.

Although the System 11 was technically inferior to the Sega Model 2 arcade board, its lower price made it an attractive prospect for smaller arcades. According to the June 1995 issue of Edge:

"Namco took a significant risk in basing its Tekken coin-op on raw PlayStation hardware, considering that it would be competing directly with Sega's Model 2-powered Virtua Fighter 2 ... For once, a home system can boast an identical conversion of a cutting-edge coin-op ... Namco's research section managing director, Shegeichi Nakamura ... explains: "When Sony came along we decided to go for a low-cost system—in short, we've left the big arcade stores to Sega and VF2 and Tekken has been sold to smaller arcade centres" ... Namco has a further four titles planned for System 11, all of which are likely to make the jump to the PlayStation."

Technical specifications

 * Main CPU: MIPS R3000A 32-bit RISC processor @ 33.8688 MHz, Operating performance - 30 MIPS, Instruction Cache - 4KB
 * BUS: 132 MB/s.
 * OS ROM: 512 KB
 * Sound CPU: Namco C76 (Mitsubishi M37702)
 * Sound chip: Namco C352
 * Main RAM: 2 MB
 * Video VRAM: 2 MB
 * Sound RAM: 512 kB
 * Graphical Processor: 360,000 polygons/s, sprite/BG drawing, adjustable framebuffer, No line restriction, 4,000 8x8 pixel sprites with individual scaling and rotation, simultaneous backgrounds (parallax scrolling)
 * Sprite Effects: Rotation, Scaling up/down, Warping, Transparency, Fading, Priority, Vertical and Horizontal Line Scroll
 * Resolution: 256x224 - 640x480
 * Colors: 16.7 million colors, Unlimited CLUTs (Color Look-Up Tables)
 * Other Features: custom geometry engine, custom polygon engine, MJPEG decoder

title: Namco System 11


text:
Snowmass

Snowmass may refer to:

 * Snowmass Village, Colorado, a town in Pitkin County, Colorado, U.S.
 * Snowmass (ski area)
 * Snowmastodon site, an archaeological excavation near the town where well-preserved fossils of mammoths, mastodons, and plants were found in an ancient lakebed (subject of a 2012 Nova documentary)
 * Snowmass, Colorado, an unincorporated town in Pitkin County, Colorado, U.S.
 * Snowmass Mountain, a mountain in the Elk Mountains in Colorado, U.S.
 * Snowmass Process, the name of the Particle Physics Community Planning Exercise organized by the Division of Particles and Fields (DPF) of the American Physical Society about once per decade.

title: Snowmass