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Cycle of poverty

In economics, a cycle of poverty or poverty trap is when poverty seems to be inherited causing subsequent generations to not be able to escape it. It is caused by self-reinforcing mechanisms that cause poverty, once it exists, to persist unless there is outside intervention. It can persist across generations, and when applied to developing countries, is also known as a development trap.

Families trapped in the cycle of poverty have few to no resources. There are many self-reinforcing disadvantages that make it virtually impossible for individuals to break the cycle. This occurs when poor people do not have the resources necessary to escape poverty, such as financial capital, education, or connections. Impoverished individuals do not have access to economic and social resources as a result of their poverty. This lack may increase their poverty. This could mean that the poor remain poor throughout their lives.

Controversial educational psychologist Ruby K. Payne, author of A Framework for Understanding Poverty, distinguishes between situational poverty, which can generally be traced to a specific incident within the lifetimes of the person or family members in poverty, and generational poverty, which is a cycle that passes from generation to generation, and goes on to argue that generational poverty has its own distinct culture and belief patterns.

Measures of social mobility examine how frequently poor people become wealthier, and how often children are wealthier or achieve higher income than their parents.

Economic factors
According to the United States Census, in 2012 people aged 18–64 living in poverty in the country gave the reason they did not work, by category:
 * 31% – Ill or disabled
 * 26% – Home or family reasons
 * 21% – School or other
 * 13% – Cannot find work
 * 8% – Retired early

Some activities can also cost poor people more than wealthier people. For example, if unable to afford the first month's rent and security deposit for a typical apartment lease, people sometimes must live in a hotel or motel at a higher daily rate. If unable to afford an apartment with a refrigerator, kitchen, and stove, people may need to spend more on prepared meals than if they could cook for themselves and store leftovers.

In the case of banking, people who cannot maintain a minimum daily balance in a savings account are often charged fees by the bank, whereas people with larger amounts of wealth can earn interest on savings and substantial returns from investments. Unbanked people must use higher-cost alternative financial services, such as check-cashing services for payroll and money orders for transferring to other people. People who have had previous credit problems, such as overdrafting an account, may not be eligible to open a checking or savings account. Major reasons for not opening a bank account include not trusting banks, being concerned about not making a payment due to a bank error or delay, not understanding how banks work, and not having enough money to qualify for a free account.

Though most industrialized countries have free universal health care, in the United States and many developing countries, people with little savings often postpone expensive medical treatment as long as possible. This can cause a relatively small medical condition to become a serious condition that costs more to treat, and possibly causing lost wages due to missed hourly work. (Though poor people may have lower overall personal medical expenses simply because illnesses and medical conditions go untreated, and on average life span is shorter.) Higher-income workers typically have medical insurance which prevents them from experiencing excessive costs and often provides free preventive care for example. In addition to personal savings they can use, higher-income workers are also more likely to be salaried and get sick time that prevents them from losing wages while seeking treatment.

Because no skills or experience are required, some people in poverty make money by volunteering for medical studies or donating blood plasma.

Internal and external factors sustaining poverty
Amongst the most popular characterizations of the ongoing experience of poverty are that: or a combination of all three reasons (Bertrand, Mullainathan, & Shafir, 2004 ).
 * 1) It is systemic or institutionalized or
 * 2) A person is misguided by emotional challenges driven by historical experiences or
 * 3) A person is affected by a mental disability,

Systemic factors
Donald Curtis (2006), a researcher at the School of Public Policy in the United Kingdom, identified that governments regard the welfare system as an enabling task. Curtis (2006) maintained, however, that the system lacks cohesiveness, and is not designed to be an empowerment tool.

For example, outside parties are funded to manage the effort without much oversight creating a disconnected system, for which no one leads (Curtis, 2006). The result is mismanagement of budget without forwarding progress, and those that remain in the poverty loophole are accused of draining the system (Curtis, 2006).

Bias
Jill Suttie (2018), wrote that implicit bias can be transferred nonverbally to children with no more than a look or a gesture, and as such is a learned behavior. Critical thinking skills can ward off implicit bias, but without education and practice, habitual thoughts can cloud judgment and poorly affect future decisions.

Decision-making
A Dartmouth College (2016) study reported that probabilistic decision-making follows prior-based knowledge of failure in similar situations. Rather than choose success, people respond as if the failure has already taken place. Those who have experienced intergenerational poverty are most susceptible to this kind of learned behavior (Wagmiller & Adelman, 2009).

Intergenerational
Professors of Sociology Wagmiller and Adelman (2009) asserted that roughly 35–46% of people who have experienced hardship in young and middle adulthood also experienced moderate to severe poverty in childhood. As of 2018, 7.5 million people experienced poverty in California alone (Downs, 2018).

Mental illness
In a qualitative study, Rudnick et al., (2014), studied people living in poverty with mental illness and determined that participants felt that wellness care, nutrition, housing, and jobs were severely lacking. Respondents asserted that the most significant problem was access to quality services; bureaucratic systems appear to be devoid of logic and treatment by providers were often unaccommodating and uncooperative (Rudnick et al., 2014).

Lowered productivity
The stress of worrying about one's personal finances can cause lower productivity. One study on factory workers in India found payment earlier in the work period increased average worker output by 6.2%.

Choices and culture
According to a 2009 and 2011 study made by the Brookings Institution, people who finish high school, get a full-time job, and wait until age 21 to marry and have children end up with a poverty rate of only 2%, whereas people who follow none of the steps end up with a poverty rate of 76%.

Early childhood adversity and basic needs stressors contributing to the cycle of generational poverty

 * The stress of early childhood adversities, including basic need stressors and, at times, abuse and neglect are major causes of generational poverty. Studies have shown that the trauma of child abuse manifests negatively in adult life in overall health and even in employment status. Abuse and neglect are potential adversities facing those in poverty, the adversity that is shared among all below the poverty line is the daily stress over basic needs. "The stress of meeting basic needs takes all precedent in the family, and children learn that the only way to survive is to focus on getting basic needs met". Every member of a household in poverty lives the struggle of basic needs stressors and is impacted by it. The ability to secure and pay for childcare is another contributing factor to the problems those in poverty have with finding and keeping a job. These stressors are not just unpleasant, they are catastrophic to a body's health and development. Exposure to chronic stress can induce changes in the architecture of different regions of the developing brain (e.g., amygdala, hippocampus), which can impact a range of important functions, such as regulating the stress response, attention, memory, planning, and learning new skills, and also contribute to dysregulation of inflammatory response systems that can lead to a chronic "wear and tear" effect on multiple organ systems. Chronic stress is detrimental to our health and has even been proven to harm memory and organs, including the brain. Working memory, defined as a human's capacity to store information in the brain for immediate use, is known to be shorter for children raised in poverty versus those raised in even a middle-class environment. Children suffering through basic needs stressors from the earliest of years have to work harder than their peers to learn and absorb information.

Family background
A 2002 research paper titled "The Changing Effect of Family Background on the Incomes of American Adults" analyzed changes in the determinants of family income between 1961 and 1999, focusing on the effect of parental education, occupational rank, income, marital status, family size, region of residence, race, and ethnicity. The paper (1) outlines a simple framework for thinking about how family background affects children's family and income, (2) summarizes previous research on trends in intergenerational inheritance in the United States, (3) describes the data used as a basis for the research which it describes, (4) discusses trends in inequality among parents, (5) describes how the effects of parental inequality changed between 1961 and 1999, (6) contrasts effects at the top and bottom of the distribution, and (7) discusses whether intergenerational correlations of zero would be desirable. The paper concludes by posing the question of whether reducing the intergenerational correlation is an efficient strategy for reducing poverty or inequality.

Because improving the skills of disadvantaged children seems relatively easy, it is an attractive strategy. However, judging by American experience since the 1960s, improving the skills of disadvantaged children has proved difficult. As a result, the paper suggests, there are probably cheaper and easier ways to reduce poverty and inequality, such as supplementing the wages of the poor or changing immigration policy so that it drives down the relative wages of skilled rather than unskilled workers. These alternative strategies would not reduce intergenerational correlations, but they would reduce the economic gap between children who started life with all the disadvantages instead of all the advantages.

Another paper, titled Do poor children become poor adults?, which was originally presented at a 2004 symposium on the future of children from disadvantaged families in France, and was later included in a 2006 collection of papers related to the theme of the dynamics of inequality and poverty, discusses generational income mobility in North America and Europe. The paper opens by observing that in the United States almost one half of children born to low income parents become low income adults, four in ten in the United Kingdom, and one-third in Canada. The paper goes on to observe that rich children also tend to become rich adults—four in ten in the U.S. and the U.K., and as many as one-third in Canada. The paper argues, however, that money is not the only or even the most important factor influencing intergenerational income mobility. The rewards to higher skilled and/or higher educated individuals in the labor market and the opportunities for children to obtain the required skills and credentials are two important factors. Conclusions that income transfers to lower income individuals may be important to children but they should not be counted on to strongly promote generational mobility. The paper recommends that governments focus on investments in children to ensure that they have the skills and opportunities to succeed in the labor market, and observes that though this has historically meant promoting access to higher and higher levels of education, it is becoming increasingly important that attention be paid to preschool and early childhood education.

Lack of jobs due to deindustrialization
Sociologist William Julius Wilson has said that the economic restructuring of changes from manufacturing to a service-based economy has led to a high percentage of joblessness in the inner-cities and with it a loss of skills and an inability to find jobs. This "mismatch" of skills to jobs available is said to be the main driver of poverty.

Effects of modern education
Research shows that schools with students who perform lower than the norm are also those hiring least-qualified teachers as a result of new teachers generally working in the area that they grew up in. This leads to certain schools not producing many students who enter tertiary education. Graduates who previously attended these schools are not as skilled as they would be if they had gone to a school with higher-qualified instructors. This leads to education perpetuating a cycle of poverty. People who choose to work in the schools close to them do not adequately supply the school with enough teachers. The schools must then outsource their teachers from other areas. Susanna Loeb from the School of Education at Stanford conducted a study and found that teachers who are brought in from the suburbs are 10 times more likely to transfer out of the school after their initial year. The fact that the teachers from the suburbs leave appears to be an influential factor for schools hiring more teachers from that area. The lack of adequate education for children is part of what allows for the cycle of poverty to continue. The problem undergoing this is the lack of updating the knowledge of the staff. Schools have continued to conduct professional development the same way they have for decades.

Culture of poverty
Another theory for the perpetual cycle of poverty is that poor people have their own culture with a different set of values and beliefs that keep them trapped within that cycle from generation to generation. This theory has been explored by Ruby K. Payne in her book A Framework for Understanding Poverty. In this book she explains how a social class system in the United States exists, where there is a wealthy upper class, a middle class, and the working poor class. These classes each have their own set of rules and values, which differ from each other. To understand the culture of poverty, Payne describes how these rules affect the poor and tend to keep them trapped in this continual cycle. Time is treated differently by the poor; they generally do not plan ahead but simply live in the moment, which keeps them from saving money that could help their children escape poverty.

Payne emphasizes how important it is when working with the poor to understand their unique cultural differences so that one does not get frustrated but instead tries to work with them on their ideologies and help them to understand how they can help themselves and their children escape the cycle. One aspect of generational poverty is a learned helplessness that is passed from parents to children; a mentality that there is no way for one to get out of poverty and so in order to make the best of the situation one must enjoy what one can when one can. This leads to such habits as spending money immediately, often on unnecessary goods such as alcohol and cigarettes, thus teaching their children to do the same and trapping them in poverty. Another important point Payne makes is that leaving poverty is not as simple as acquiring money and moving into a higher class but also includes giving up certain relationships in exchange for achievement. A student's peers can have an influence on the child's level of achievement. Coming from a low-income household a child could be teased or expected to fall short academically. This can cause a student to feel discouraged and hold back when it comes to getting involved more with their education because they are scared to be teased if they fail. This helps to explain why the culture of poverty tends to endure from generation to generation as most of the relationships the poor have are within that class.

The "culture of poverty" theory has been debated and critiqued by many people, including Eleanor Burke Leacock (and others) in her book The Culture of Poverty: A Critique. Leacock claims that people who use the term, "culture of poverty" only "contribute to the distorted characterizations of the poor." In addition, Michael Hannan in an essay argues that the "culture of poverty" is "essentially untestable." This is due to many things including the highly subjective nature of poverty and issues concerning the universal act of classifying only some impoverished people as trapped in the culture.

Life shocks
2004 research in New Zealand produced a report that showed that "life shocks" can be endured only to a limited extent, after which people are much more likely to be tipped into hardship. The researchers found very little differences in living standards for people who have endured up to 7 negative events in their lifetime. People who had 8 or more life shocks were dramatically more likely to live in poverty than those who had 0 to 7 life shocks. A few of the life shocks studied were:
 * Marital
 * Marriage (or similar) break-ups (divorce)
 * Becoming a single parent
 * Unplanned pregnancy and birth of a child
 * Lost of income (or increase in debt):
 * Bankruptcy
 * Substantial financial loss
 * Redundancy (being laid off from a job)
 * 3 months or more unemployed
 * Unexpected and substantial drop in income
 * A non-custodial sentence (community service, or fines, but not imprisonment)
 * Forced sale of house
 * Eviction
 * Major damage to home
 * House burgled
 * Victim of violence
 * Incarceration
 * Illness lasting three weeks or more
 * Major injury or health problem

The study focused on just a few possible life shocks, but many others are likely as traumatic or more so. Chronic PTSD, complex PTSD, and depression sufferers could have innumerable causes for their mental illness, including those studied above. The study is subject to some criticism.

Tracking in education
History in the United States has shown that Americans saw education as the way to end the perpetual cycle of poverty. In the present, children from low to middle income households are at a disadvantage. They are twice as likely to be held back and more likely not to graduate from high school. Recent studies have shown that the cause for the disparity among academic achievement results from the school's structure where some students succeed from an added advantage and others fail as a result of lacking that advantage. Educational institutions with a learning disparity are causing education to be a sustaining factor for the cycle of poverty. One prominent example of this type of school structures is tracking, which is predominantly used to help organize a classroom so the variability of academic ability in classes is decreased. Students are tracked based on their ability level, generally based on a standardized test after which they are given different course requirements. Some people believe that tracking "enhances academic achievement and improves the self-concept of students by permitting them to progress at their own pace."

The negative side is that studies have shown that tracking decreases students' opportunity to learn. Tracking also has a disproportionate number of Latinos and African Americans that have low socioeconomic status in the lower learning tracks. Tracking separates social classes putting the poor and minority children in lower tracks where they receive second-rate education, and the students who are better off are placed in upper tracks where they have many opportunities for success. Studies have found that in addition to the higher tracks having more extensive curriculum, there is also a disparity among the teachers and instructional resources provided. There appears to be a race/class bias which results in intelligent children not receiving the skills or opportunities needed for success or social/economic mobility, thus continuing the cycle of poverty. There is an overall perception that American education is failing and research has done nothing to counter this statement, but instead has revealed the reality and severity of the issue of the existence of tracking and other structures that cause the cycle of poverty to continue.

General approaches
While many governmental officials are still trying to solve poverty, many states and localities are making an effort to break the cycle. Mayor Bloomberg of New York City has been advocating a plan where parents are paid up to $5,000 a year for meeting certain goals that will better their lives. This policy was modeled after a Mexican initiative that aims to help poor families make better decisions that will help them in the long-term and break cycle of poverty and dependence that have been known to last for generations. In addition, many states also have been making an attempt to help break the cycle. For example, a bill has been proposed in the California Assembly that "would establish an advisory Childhood Poverty Council to develop a plan to reduce child poverty in the state by half by 2017 and eliminate it by 2027". Even when the plan has poverty reduction as the goal, a rise in child poverty might be the reality for many states as it was in Connecticut. States are attempting to not only decrease the number of people in the cycle of poverty, but to also adjust the stringent work requirements that resulted from Congress's welfare reform. The tougher work restrictions have upset many poverty advocates who believe the new regulations prevent individuals who are vulnerable or who lack skills from preparing for work. California Democratic Representative McDermott believes as a result of this and other effects of the new limitations, it has been harder for individuals to escape a life of poverty.

In his book Children in Jeopardy: Can We Break the Cycle, Irving B. Harris discusses ways in which children can be helped to begin breaking the cycle of poverty. He stresses the importance of starting early and teaching children the importance of education from a very young age as well as making sure these children get the same educational opportunities as students who are richer. Family values such as nurturing children and encouraging them to do well in school need to be promoted as well as a non-authoritarian approach to parenting. Harris also discusses the importance of discouraging teenage pregnancy and finding ways in which to decrease this phenomenon so that when children are born they are planned and wanted and thus have a better chance at breaking the cycle of poverty.

It has been suggested by researchers like Lane Kenworthy that increasing welfare benefits and extending them to non-working families can help reduce poverty as nations that have done so have had better results.

The Harlem Children's Zone is working to end generational poverty within a 100-block section of Harlem using an approach that provides educational support and services for children and their families from birth through college. This approach has been recognized as a model by the Obama administration's anti-poverty program.

Two-generation poverty alleviation approach
A two-generation poverty alleviation approach focuses on the education, health and social services, and opportunities that parents and children desperately need to lift their families from the depths of the bondage of poverty to a stable and healthy state mentally, physically, and financially. A two-generation approach is a holistic plan for poverty alleviation and "is needed to help low-income parents and children improve their situation". Using a two-generation approach, parents are taught additional career skills, provided leadership training, and given access to job opportunities with higher wages. Children are given access to better educational programs, free preschool, free childcare, and the supplies they'll need to be successful in school. The family unit receives counseling for the current stressors of poverty as well as childhood trauma. All members of the household are given access to full healthcare benefits, food services at home and in school, and financial relief for their bills, clothing, and transportation in the short-term to relieve the basic needs stressors that prevent the family from taking the time to learn and grow. The preschool program Head Start believes that the only system that works for a preschool is one where the child as a whole is considered, which includes their health and their parents' ability to succeed. The two-generation poverty alleviation approach sees each member relieved of the basic needs stressors that plague their minds, ensures that they are physically and mentally healthy, provides them the opportunities to learn the skills needed for higher wage jobs, and gives them access to higher wage jobs without discrimination.

Austerity
In his 2014 book, Mark Blyth claims that austerity not only fails to stimulate growth, but effectively passes that debt down to the working classes. As such, many academics such as Andrew Gamble view Austerity in Britain less as an economic necessity, and more as a tool of statecraft, driven by ideology and not economic requirements. A study published in The BMJ in November 2017 found the Conservative government austerity programme had been linked to approximately 120,000 deaths since 2010; however, this was disputed, for example on the grounds that it was an observational study which did not show cause and effect. More studies claim adverse effects of austerity on population health, which include an increase in the mortality rate among pensioners which has been linked to unprecedented reductions in income support, an increase in suicides and the prescription of antidepressants for patients with mental health issues, and an increase in violence, self-harm, and suicide in prisons.

Mass incarceration
Several scholars have linked mass incarceration of the poor in the United States with the rise of neoliberalism. Sociologist Loïc Wacquant and Marxist economic geographer David Harvey have argued that the criminalization of poverty and mass incarceration is a neoliberal policy for dealing with social instability among economically marginalized populations. According to Wacquant, this situation follows the implementation of other neoliberal policies, which have allowed for the retrenchment of the social welfare state and the rise of punitive workfare, whilst increasing gentrification of urban areas, privatization of public functions, the shrinking of collective protections for the working class via economic deregulation and the rise of underpaid, precarious wage labor. By contrast, it is extremely lenient in dealing with those in the upper echelons of society, in particular when it comes to economic crimes of the upper class and corporations such as fraud, embezzlement, insider trading, credit and insurance fraud, money laundering and violation of commerce and labor codes. According to Wacquant, neoliberalism does not shrink government, but instead sets up a "centaur state" with little governmental oversight for those at the top and strict control of those at the bottom.

Effects on children
Children are most vulnerable to the cycle of poverty. Because a child is dependent on their guardian(s), if a child's guardian is in poverty, then they will be also. It is almost impossible for a child to pull themself out of the cycle due to age, lack of experience, lack of a job, etc. Because children are at such a young and impressionable age, the scars they gain from experiencing poverty early in life inevitably carry on into their adult life. "Childhood lays the foundations for adult abilities, interests, and motivation." Therefore, if they learn certain poverty-related behaviors in childhood, the behaviors are more likely to perpetuate.

Studies have shown that household structure sometimes has a connection to childhood poverty. Most studies on the subject also show that the children who are in poverty tend to come from single-parent households (most often matriarchal). In 1997, nearly 8.5 million (57%) poor children in the US came from single-parent households. With the rate of divorce increasing and the number of children born out of wedlock increasing, the number of children who are born into or fall into single-parent households is also increasing. However, this does not mean that the child/children will be impoverished because of it.

According to Ashworth, Hill, & Walker (2004), both urban and rural poor children are more likely to be isolated from the nonpoor in schools, neighborhoods, and their communities. Human nature is to have relationships with others but when a child is isolated due to their socioeconomic status, it is hard to overcome that when the status does not improve. Therefore, poor children also have more tense relationships which sometimes results in abnormal, non-constructive, or other unexplained behaviors.

There have been programs developed to specifically address the needs of poor children. Francis Marion University's Center of Excellence to Prepare Teachers of Children of Poverty has a number of initiatives devoted to equipping teachers to be more effective in raising the achievement of children of poverty. It is located in South Carolina and provides direct teacher training as well as facilitates research in the area of poverty and scholastic achievement. Head Start is a program for low income families who provides early childhood education as well as parent involvement. Results show that attending these programs increases children's academic outcomes. The problem is that in high poverty areas this is supposed to be a helpful resource, but they start to hold lower quality due to lack of funds to keep places updated.

Often the communities in which impoverished children grow up in are crime ridden areas; examples of these areas in America are Harlem and the Bronx. Crime and maltreatment at a young age may reduce a child's ability to learn by up to 5%. Adopting a criminal lifestyle only worsens the effects of the cycle as they are often incarcerated or killed in many types of gang violence.

Developing world
In the developing world, many factors can contribute to a poverty trap, including: limited access to credit and capital markets, extreme environmental degradation (which depletes agricultural production potential), corrupt governance, capital flight, poor education systems, disease ecology, lack of public health care, war and poor infrastructure.

Jeffrey Sachs, in his book The End of Poverty, discusses the poverty trap and prescribes a set of policy initiatives intended to end the trap. He recommends that aid agencies behave as venture capitalists funding start-up companies. Venture capitalists, once they choose to invest in a venture, do not give only half or a third of the amount they feel the venture needs in order to become profitable; if they did, their money would be wasted. If all goes as planned, the venture will eventually become profitable and the venture capitalist will experience an adequate rate of return on investment. Likewise, Sachs proposes, developed countries cannot give only a fraction of what is needed in aid and expect to reverse the poverty trap in Africa. Just like any other start-up, developing nations absolutely must receive the amount of aid necessary (and promised at the G-8 Summit in 2005 ) for them to begin to reverse the poverty trap. The problem is that unlike start-ups, which simply go bankrupt if they fail to receive funding, in Africa people continue to die at a high rate due in large part to lack of sufficient aid.

Sachs points out that the extreme poor lack six major kinds of capital: human capital, business capital, infrastructure, natural capital, public institutional capital, and knowledge capital. He then details the poverty trap: "The poor start with a very low level of capital per person, and then find themselves trapped in poverty because the ratio of capital per person actually falls from generation to generation. The amount of capital per person declines when the population is growing faster than capital is being accumulated ... The question for growth in per capita income is whether the net capital accumulation is large enough to keep up with population growth."

Sachs argues that sufficient foreign aid can make up for the lack of capital in poor countries, maintaining that, "If the foreign assistance is substantial enough, and lasts long enough, the capital stock rises sufficiently to lift households above subsistence."

Sachs believes the public sector should focus mainly on investments in human capital (health, education, nutrition), infrastructure (roads, power, water and sanitation, environmental conservation), natural capital (conservation of biodiversity and ecosystems), public institutional capital (a well-run public administration, judicial system, police force), and parts of knowledge capital (scientific research for health, energy, agriculture, climate, ecology). Sachs leaves business capital investments to the private sector, which he claims would more efficiently use funding to develop the profitable enterprises necessary to sustain growth. In this sense, Sachs views public institutions as useful in providing the public goods necessary to begin the Rostovian take-off model, but maintains that private goods are more efficiently produced and distributed by private enterprise. This is a widespread view in neoclassical economics.

Several other forms of poverty traps are discussed in the literature, including nations being landlocked with bad neighbors; a vicious cycle of violent conflict; subsistence traps in which farmers wait for middlemen before they specialize but middlemen wait for a region to specialize first; working capital traps in which petty sellers have inventories too sparse to earn enough money to get a bigger inventory; low skill traps in which workers wait for jobs using special skill but firms wait for workers to get such skills; nutritional traps in which individuals are too malnourished to work, yet too poor to afford sustainable food; and behavioral traps in which individuals cannot differentiate between temptation and non-temptation goods, and therefore cannot invest in the non-temptation goods which could help them begin to escape poverty.

title: Cycle of poverty


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Johnny Berry

Reginald John Berry (1 June 1926 – 16 September 1994), also listed as John James Berry, was an English footballer. Berry joined Manchester United from Birmingham City in 1951. Despite his diminutive stature, he was a natural right winger with technique and pace. One of the Busby Babes, the February 1958 Munich air disaster brought his career to an end.

Personal life
Berry was born in Aldershot, Hampshire, the son of Mary (née O'Connor) and Reginald Berry, a Sergeant in the Royal Horse Artillery; he lived with his family on Crimea Road in the town. As a boy, he played football for St Joseph's School in Aldershot and Aldershot YMCA, and on leaving school he worked as a projectionist for a local cinema. He tried to sign for Aldershot but was told he was too short. During service with the Royal Artillery in the Second World War, he was brought to the attention of Birmingham City and signed as a professional at St Andrews in 1944.

Berry died of cancer in a hospice in Farnham in Surrey at the age of 68 in September 1994 after a short illness and was buried in the Catholic section at Aldershot Cemetery. He was the first surviving player of the Munich air disaster to die.

Berry married Hilda Reeves at Aldershot in 1948. They had three sons; Neil (who was later the head teacher of Brampton Manor School), and twins Paul (born 1952) and Craig (1952–1995).

Career
In 1951, Matt Busby paid Birmingham City £25,000 to bring Berry to Manchester United. Berry played 277 matches for Manchester United, scoring 44 goals along the way, including helping Manchester United win three league titles. He played regularly for the first six seasons, before losing his place in the starting XI to youngster Kenny Morgans.

Berry was also capped four times by England while playing for Manchester United, his chances of regular international action inevitably restricted by the form of Stanley Matthews and Tom Finney on the wing.

Injuries sustained in the Munich air disaster in February 1958 brought his footballing career to an end at the age of 31. When he woke up, he was totally unaware of the plane crash, his injuries having caused mild amnesia. A month after he regained consciousness, he found out about the crash from seeing a newspaper. He spent two months in hospital with a fractured skull, a broken jaw, a broken elbow, a broken pelvis, and a broken leg. All of his teeth had to be removed while treating his jaw injuries. He only found out which of his teammates had been killed some time after he returned to England. When still in hospital, he would complain to manager Matt Busby that his teammate Tommy Taylor was a poor friend for not visiting him, unaware that Taylor had died in the accident. Doctors treating Berry felt that he was not well enough to be told that any of his colleagues had died at the time.

His first job after retiring from football was with Massey Ferguson at Trafford Park, but in 1960 he was asked to leave the Manchester United-owned house to accommodate new signing Maurice Setters, and he left Manchester to return to Aldershot. He later ran a sports business with his younger brother Peter in Cove, a village near Aldershot, until the 1980s. Peter was also a professional footballer, most notably with Crystal Palace. They also ran the Berry Brothers sports shop at Queensmead in Farnborough. Johnny Berry spent the final years of his working life as a storeman in a local television warehouse.

Depiction in media
Neil Berry published a book in 2007, The Forgotten Babe, describing his father's years at Manchester United.

Honours
Manchester United
 * Football League First Division: 1951–52, 1955–56, 1956–57
 * FA Charity Shield: 1952, 1956, 1957
 * FA Cup runner-up: 1956–57

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Johnny Berry


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Henry de Vere Stacpoole

Henry de Vere Stacpoole (9 April 1863 – 12 April 1951) was an Irish author. His 1908 romance novel The Blue Lagoon has been adapted into multiple films. He published using his own name and sometimes the pseudonym Tyler de Saix.

Biography
Stacpoole was born in Taney, Kingstown —today's Dún Laoghaire— near Dublin, on April 9, 1863; he was the last son of the Reverend William Church Stacpoole, a theologian and principal of Kingstown School, and Charlotte Augusta (née Mountjoy). He had three older sisters: the eldest was Florence Stacpoole, who wrote books and pamphlets on health and medicine. Henry attributed his love for nature which characterized his entire existence to the influence of his mother, who was of Irish origin but had spent her childhood until the age of twelve in the wildest and most wooded regions of Canada. Reverend William died prematurely in 1870 and the mother decided to return to Ireland where she raised her four children alone. Due to breathing problems that were misdiagnosed, in the winter of 1871 the family moved for a long stay in the south of France, at Nice.

He was educated at Portarlington Boarding School in Ireland 100 miles from Kingstown. It was not a happy experience; in the autobiographical Men and Mice he wrote about the fact that his noisy and rough companions abused him physically and mentally, making him feel like "a little [King] Arthur in a cage of baboons". One night he fled through an adjacent girls' school, but his older sister dragged him back to boarding school.

After moving his family to London, he enrolled at Malvern College in Worcestershire, a progressive school that finally met his expectations. He studied medicine at St George's and St Mary's hospitals and became a doctor in 1891, despite being attracted much more to literature than to anatomy classes. He practised only sporadically, initoally as a doctor aboard a layout ship.

As a young man he befriended Pearl Craigie (known as John Oliver Hobbes) and this facilitated his first publication, a poem about Belgravia. In 1890 he met Aubrey Beardsley, Alfred Noyes and other writers and artists of the Yellow Book group. This environment influenced his first novel, The Intended (1894), a tragic novel about two look-alikes, one rich and the other poor, who exchange places for fun; but it had very little success. Years later, Stacpoole retold this story in The Man Who Lost Himself (1918); a penniless American who impersonates his rich lookalike in England; and this time it was a commercial success.

His second, Pierrot! (1896), is set during the Franco-Prussian War and deals with an ambiguous relationship between a French boy and his look-alike psychic double, in the form of a Prussian officer; all through a story of "family curses" from which it appears that the young Frenchman may be a parricide. Hobbes recommended a lighter approach to the subject.

Pierrot was followed by Death, the Knight, and the Lady (1897), a powerful mix of reincarnation, disguise, and uxoricide. The originality of the themes and the development was beyond doubt, but the audience was certainly not prepared. These novels, and The Rapin (1899), all failed commercially.

In these early works Stacpoole develops his vision of existence for which the body is a "shell" – "chrysalis" he often says in these texts – waiting for a potential "charmer" that allows him to "divide", so that this existence can be shared by several bodies.

In the summer of 1898, Stacpoole practised as a country doctor in Somerset and wrote The Doctor (1899), a novel about English village life centred on an old doctor and a niece French who comes to upset his routine. Stacpoole considered this his best work, but at this time his public and critical success was very modest.

By the early 1900s, Stacpoole had become a permanent professional writer; in an interview, he claimed that he wrote 2000 words a day and that his main sources of inspiration were Edgar Allan Poe, Victor Hugo, Eugène Sue and Robert Louis Stevenson.

He would be spared the "storm of success" for another seven years, during which time he published seven books, including a collection of children's stories and two novels in collaboration with his friend William Alexander Bryce. In 1904 he enlisted the assistance of the Royal Literary Fund based on the fact that sciatica and depression prevented him from writing.

Public success came, however, in 1905 with a comic-romantic novel, Fanny Lambert, and in 1907 with a sea adventure, Crimson Azaleas; in the latter two rude sailors adopt a Japanese orphan. He also wrote articles and novels for periodicals, particularly for the Daily Express.

Still practising as a doctor, on 17 December 1907 he married Margaret Ann Robson, at St Stephen's Church, Westbourne Park. At that time he lived at Eden Vue, Langtivathby, Cumberland, where he practised medicine. After the wedding, the couple moved to Stebbing, Essex, where Stacpoole met H.G. Wells and served as a magistrate.

Stacpoole's greatest commercial success came in 1908 with The Blue Lagoon, which was reprinted at least twenty-four times in thirteen years, and from which films were released in 1923, now lost, then 1949 and 1980. The Blue Lagoon is the story of two cousins, Dicky and Emmeline Lestrange, stranded on a remote island with a beautiful lagoon. As children, they are cared for by Paddy Button, a corpulent sailor who drinks until he dies after only two and a half years. Frightened and confused by the macabre vision of the sailor's corpse, the children flee to another part of Palm Tree Island. Five years pass and eventually fall in love. Sex and birth are as mysterious to them as death, but they manage to copulate instinctively and conceive a child. The story of the birth of her little son is interesting: the fifteen-year-old Emmeline, alone in the jungle, loses consciousness and wakes up to find a boy on the ground near her. Calling the child Hannah (an example of Stacpoole's penchant for gender reversals), the Lestranges live in family bliss until they are unexpectedly expelled from their tropical Eden.

The Blue Lagoon is part of a genre that focuses on childhood and fantasy from a psychological and sentimental perspective. This genre became popular during the Edwardian era, thanks to the success of books such as The Wonderful Wizard of Oz by L. Frank Baum, Peter Pan by J. M. Barrie, and The Blue Bird by Maurice Maeterlinck. He was also influenced by Lewis Carroll's Alice's Adventures in Wonderland and the Book of Genesis.

The Blue Lagoon is believed to have sparked a trend of island-themed novels in popular fiction. However, the author of the novel expressed his dissatisfaction with the trend due to copyright infringement. The book also had a notable impact on Edgar Rice Burroughs' Tarzan of the Apes. Although Stacpoole initially had no intention of writing sequels, he eventually authored two additional books: The Garden of God (1923) and The Gates of Morning (1925). These three novels were later compiled and published in The Blue Lagoon Omnibus in 1933.

In August of 1920, the theatrical adaptation of The Blue Lagoon, written by Norman MacOwan and Charlton Mann, premiered at the Prince of Wales Theatre. The stage version was met with critical acclaim and enjoyed a successful eight-month run, captivating audiences with its captivating storyline and dynamic characters. However,the adaptation was not without its challenges. A significant hurdle that the production team had to overcome was a rights dispute with the original publisher, T. Fisher Unwin, which caused a lengthy delay of 12 years from the novel's release to the debut of the stage adaptation. Despite this setback, the play eventually made its way to the stage, where it proved to be a smash hit, delighting audiences with its captivating plot and enchanting characters.

After the success of The Blue Lagoon, Stacpoole's fame and recognition skyrocketed. Throughout his extensive career, he authored more than sixty books, predominantly in the fiction genre. His literary work gained widespread popularity in North America, with numerous translations in major European languages. Moreover, his books were repeatedly reprinted for four to five decades, attesting to his enduring popularity. Stacpoole's written works explored diverse settings, encompassing ancient Athens, Iceland, the Greek islands, and France, among others. This variety of locations is indicative of his lifelong passion for travel, which he developed during his childhood years.

He published some works under the pseudonym Tyler de Saix, including The Vulture's Prey (1909). A moving depiction of Belgian atrocities in the Congo, The Pools of Silence (1910), was the result of a trip to Africa; after reading this work Sir Arthur Conan Doyle was induced to organize a conference to discuss these atrocities and make them as public as possible.

During World War I Stacpoole and his wife left Stebbing and moved to Astle House, Castle Hedingham. Shortly before 1920, they moved to London; his neighbour was the scholar Arthur S. Way, who induced him to undertake the translation of Sappho's poems. He moved to Cliff Dene, Bonchurch, Isle of Wight, in November 1922; the description of these places is in The Story of My Village (1947). We also have the same setting in Goblin Market (1925), a delicate social and psychological novel starring a middle-aged man. In 1922 Stacpoole published several volumes of verse, including his translations of Sappho and François Villon (of whom he also wrote a popular biography). After Margaret died in 1934, he gave the village of Bonchurch a pond and a bird "sanctuary" in her memory. On March 21, 1938, he married Margaret's sister, Florence Robson. He had no children from either marriage.

Due to his deep love and appreciation for nature, he established the Penguin Club, which was dedicated to protecting seabirds from the harmful effects of oil. This cause had been close to his heart since the 1920s, and he continued to actively pursue it throughout his life. Despite being known for his romantic treasure hunt stories, Stacpoole also wrote two captivating memoirs, Men and Mice (1942) and More Men and Mice (1945), which showcased his sentimental side.

Stacpoole was a robust and tall man, with a cheerful character. Along with Conan Doyle, he believed in the existence of fairies after the Cottingley fairy incident in the 1920s, when fairies were apparently photographed by two young girls named Elsie and Frances.

He died due to cerebral thrombosis after an operation in hospital at Shanklin, Isle of Wight, on 12 April 1951. He was laid to rest at St Boniface Church, Bonchurch.

The Blue Lagoon series of novels

 * The Blue Lagoon (1908)
 * The Garden of God (1923) (sequel to The Blue Lagoon)
 * The Gates of Morning (1925) (sequel to The Garden of God)
 * The Girl of the Golden Reef: A Romance of the Blue Lagoon (1929)
 * The Blue Lagoon Omnibus (1933)

Other novels

 * The Intended (1894)
 * Pierrot! (1895)
 * Death, the Knight, and the Lady: A Ghost Story (1897)
 * The Doctor: A Study from Life (1899)
 * The Rapin (1899). Republished as Toto: A Parisian Sketch (1910).
 * The Bourgeois (1901)
 * The Lady-Killer (1902)
 * Fanny Lambert (1906)
 * The Golden Astrolabe, co-authored by W. A. Bryce (1906).
 * The Meddler: A Novel of Sorts, co-authored by W. A. Bryce (1907).
 * The Crimson Azaleas: A Novel (1908)
 * The Cottage on the Fells (1908). Republished as Murder on the Fell (1937)
 * Patsy (1908)
 * The Reavers: A Tale of Wild Adventure on the Moors of Lorne, co-authored by W. A. Bryce (1908)
 * The Man Without a Head, using the pseudonym Tyler De Saix (1908)
 * The Vulture's Prey, using the pseudonym Tyler De Saix (1908)
 * Garryowen: The Romance of a Race-Horse (1909)
 * The Pools of Silence (1909)
 * The Cruise of the King Fisher: A Tale of Deep-Sea Adventure (1910)
 * The Drums of War (1910)
 * The Ship of Coral: A Tropical Romance (1911)
 * The Order of Release (1912)
 * The Street of the Flute-Player: A Romance (1912)
 * Molly Beamish (1913)
 * Bird Cay (1913)
 * The Children of the Sea: A Romance (1913)
 * Father O'Flynn (1914)
 * Monsieur de Rochefort: A Romance of Old Paris (1914), published in the US as The Presentation (1914)
 * The New Optimism (1914)
 * The Blue Horizon: Romance from the Tropics and the Sea (1915)
 * The Pearl Fishers (1915)
 * The Red Day (fictional diary) (1915)
 * The Reef of Stars: A Romance of the Tropics (1916), published in the US as The Gold Trail (1916)
 * Corporal Jacques of the Foreign Legion (1916)
 * In Blue Waters (1917)
 * Sea Plunder (1917)
 * The Starlit Garden (1917), published in the US as The Ghost Girl (1918)
 * The Willow Tree: The Romance of a Japanese Garden (1918)
 * The Man Who Lost Himself (1918)
 * The Beach of Dreams: A Story of the True World (1919)
 * Under Blue Skies (1919)
 * A Man of the Islands (1920)
 * Uncle Simon, co-authored by Margaret Stacpoole (1920), published in the US as The Man Who Found Himself (1920)
 * Satan: A Story of the Sea King's Country (1921)
 * Satan: A Romance of the Bahamas (1921), filmed as The Truth About Spring (1965)
 * Men, Women, and Beasts (1922)
 * Vanderdecken: The Story of a Man (1922)
 * Golden Ballast (1924)
 * Ocean Tramps (1924)
 * The House of Crimson Shadows (1925)
 * The City in the Sea (1925)
 * The Mystery of Uncle Bollard (1927)
 * Goblin Market (1927)
 * Tropic Love (1928)
 * Roxanne (1928), published in the US as The Return of Spring (1928)
 * Eileen of the Trees (1929)
 * The Tales of Mynheer Amayat (1930)
 * The Chank Shell (1930), published in the US as The Island of Lost Women (1930).
 * Pacific Gold (1931)
 * Love on the Adriatic (1932)
 * The Lost Caravan (1932)
 * Mandarin Gardens (1933)
 * The Naked Soul: The Story of a Modern Knight (1933)
 * The Longshore Girl (1935)
 * The Sunstone (1936)
 * Ginger Adams (1937)
 * High-Yaller (1938)
 * Due East of Friday (1939)
 * An American at Oxford (1941)
 * Oxford Goes to War (1943)
 * Harley Street (1946)
 * The Story of My Village (1947)
 * The Land of Little Horses. A Story (1949)
 * The Man in Armour (1949)

Story collections

 * Poppyland (1914)
 * The North Sea and Other Poems (1915)
 * Stories East and West: Tales of Men and Women (1926)
 * The Vengeance of Mynheer Van Lok and Other Stories (1934)
 * Green Coral (1935)
 * Old Sailors Never Lie and Other Tales of Land and Sea by One of Them (1938)

Poetry

 * Poems and Ballads (1910)
 * In a Bonchurch Garden: Poems and Translations (1937)

Autobiography

 * Men and Mice (1942)
 * More Men and Mice (1945)

Biography

 * François Villon: His Life and Times, 1431-1463 (literary biography) (1916)

Translations

 * The Poems of François Villon (1914)
 * Sappho: A New Rendering (1920)

Stage

 * The Blue Lagoon by Norman MacOwan and Charlton Mann (1920)

Motion pictures

 * Garryowen (1920)
 * The Man Who Lost Himself (1920)
 * Beach of Dreams (1921)
 * The Blue Lagoon (1923)
 * The Starlit Garden (1923)
 * The Reef of Stars (1923)
 * Satan's Sister (1925)
 * The Man Who Lost Himself (1941)
 * The Blue Lagoon (1949)
 * The Truth About Spring (1965)
 * The Blue Lagoon (1980)
 * Return to the Blue Lagoon (1991)
 * Blue Lagoon: The Awakening (2012)

title: Henry de Vere Stacpoole


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Ipswich railway station

Ipswich railway station is on the Great Eastern Main Line in the East of England, serving the town of Ipswich, Suffolk. It is 68 mi down the line from London Liverpool Street and, on the main line, it is situated between Manningtree to the south and Needham Market to the north.

Ipswich is also the terminus of the East Suffolk Line to Lowestoft, a branch line to Felixstowe and a branch line to Ely, Cambridgeshire. Its three-letter station code is IPS.

The station is operated by Greater Anglia, which also operates all trains serving it, as part of the East Anglia franchise.

History
The Eastern Union Railway (EUR) opened its first terminus in Ipswich, called Ipswich Stoke Hill, in 1846 on Station Road at the other end of the current tunnel, close to the old quay for the steamboats and the aptly named Steamboat Tavern. The Ipswich Steam Navigation Company had been formed in 1824/25 during a period of "steamship mania" and briefly offered services from the quay between Ipswich and London calling at Walton-on-the-Naze.

The current station is just to the north of Stoke tunnel, which was constructed by the Ipswich & Bury Railway as part of the Ipswich to Ely Line opening as far as Bury St. Edmunds in late 1846.

The station was re-sited to its present location in 1860. Some sources suggest that the main building was thought to be principally the work of Peter Bruff, who had certainly started the structure.

Architect Sancton Wood(1816-1886) won a competition to design the new station and it may have been his design. However the architectural series started by Nikolaus Pevsner states:

''“The present station opened in 1860. By Robert Sinclair, the Eastern Counties Railway’s engineer, although Gordon Biddle suggests the design may have been Peter Bruff’s. Called ‘graceful and pretty’ in the Handbook of 1864. Perhaps it struck people as that when it was new. White and red brick, with round-arched windows, low and spreading. The buildings on the island platform, added in 1883, are much more ornate, with carved keystones, terracotta roundels and ironwork by Matthew T Shaw & Co, Millwall.”''

As built in 1860, the station had a single main through platform with some shorter bay platforms at the north end. When the new station was completed, a new road (Princes Street) linking the station to the town was also opened.

By the 1860s, the railways in East Anglia were in financial trouble and most were leased to the Eastern Counties Railway (ECR). Although they wished to amalgamate formally, they could not obtain government agreement for this until 1862, when the Great Eastern Railway (GER) was formed by the amalgamation. The island platform at Ipswich was added by the GER in 1883. In 1883 an island platform was opened (today's Platform 3 and Platform 4) to improve operations at the station. Many of the original platform buildings exist today and close inspection reveals the heads of what are believed to be Greek Gods incorporated into the design.

Ipswich engine shed (later shed code 32B) opened in 1846 and was at the south end of Stoke tunnel. It was the third-largest shed in the Great Eastern area during the steam era, after those at Stratford and Cambridge.

At the beginning of World War I, soldiers of the Norfolk Yeomanry regiment were deployed to Ipswich to guard key railway bridges in the area. They were relieved by the 9th field company Royal Engineers.

In 1923, the GER amalgamated with other railways to form the London and North Eastern Railway (LNER).

On 30 April 1932, the LNER arranged an exhibition of railway stock at Ipswich. The show was opened by Sir Arthur Churchman, of tobacco family fame, and over 16,000 visited the show. The proceeds were divided between the Ipswich and East Suffolk Hospital and railway charities. The exhibits were (class/wheel arrangement/number/name):

The show also included a sleeping car and a new composite corridor coach.
 * 'Hush Hush' W1 class 4-6-4 No. 10000;
 * A1 Class 4-6-2 No. 4476 Royal Lancer with corridor tender and "Flying Scotsman" headboard;
 * Class D49 4-4-0 No. 201 "The Braham Moor". This last locomotive was brand new and had not been in service.

In 1948, following nationalisation of the railways, Ipswich became part of the British Railways Eastern Region.

By the late 1970s, the costs of running the dated mechanical signalling systems north of Colchester was recognised and, in 1978, a scheme for track rationalisation and re-signalling was duly submitted to the Department of Transport. This was followed by a proposal to electrify the Great Eastern Main Line in 1980. The early 1980s saw track rationalisation and signalling work carried out in the Ipswich area and, on 9 April 1985, the first electric train consisting of two Class 305 electric multiple units (EMU) worked into Ipswich station. The previous year another member of the class had been dragged to Ipswich by a diesel locomotive and was used for crew training. The first passenger carrying train was formed of British Rail Class 309 EMUs which ran on 17 April 1985. The plan was for most trains to be formed of British Rail Class 86 locomotives which, until the line to Norwich was electrified, would changeover with the Class 47s at Ipswich and this arrangement commenced from 1 May 1985. During 1985–87, the line to Norwich was electrified and through electric working commenced in May 1987.

The station's original lifts were removed in 1983 when the line was electrified.

Following the privatisation of British Rail, services from Ipswich were operated by Anglia Railways from 1997 until 2004, after which the franchise was won by National Express East Anglia (operating under the 'one' brand, including 'one' Great Eastern and 'one' Anglia, until February 2008).

In the five years between 2004–05 and 2008–09, patronage rose by 50% from 2 million per year to 3 million per year. Ticket barriers were installed in the station building in 2009 and the exit gate on platform 2 was closed permanently.

New lifts, which had been promised for many years since they were removed in 1983, were opened in June 2011.

In October 2011, the Department for Transport awarded the new franchise to Abellio, the services formerly operated by National Express transferring to Greater Anglia in February 2012. Abellio then became responsible for the operation of Ipswich station.

Description
There is an avoiding line between the lines that serve the main through platforms 2 and 3. Prior to electrification there were two short sidings at the London end of the "up" platform which were used for locomotive changes on up trains when required.
 * Platform 1 is a bay platform for trains to/from Lowestoft and Felixstowe, as well as some Cambridge and Peterborough services.
 * Platform 2 is used for through-trains to London from Norwich as well as most Felixstowe services.
 * Platform 3 is used for through-trains to Norwich from London as well as some Cambridge services.
 * Platform 4 (4A, 4B and 4C) is used for services to Cambridge, Lowestoft and Peterborough, and stopping services to London.

Platforms 3 and 4 can be accessed via the footbridge or lift.

Opposite platform 4 is a stabling point used by Freightliner diesel and electric locomotives. Classes 66, 70, 86 and 90 are the most common, although locomotives of other companies have been known to use the point in the past. In July 2019 Freightliner was granted planning permission to build a maintenance depot within the yard.

The station has extensive facilities including self-service ticket machines, ticket counters, a convenience store, two cafes, a multi-storey car park, taxi stand, bus station and ATMs. The whole stations is now fully accessible, with lifts having been installed in 2011.

The entrance to the station was remodelled during 2015 in a £1 million scheme.

Historic overview
Passenger train services to and from Ipswich have always been dominated by the main line to London Liverpool Street but traffic to the north serves lines to Bury St Edmunds, Norwich, and also the East Suffolk Line for Great Yarmouth South Town and later to Lowestoft where through-trains operated until the 1980s and were briefly revived in the early part of the 21st century, although the need for more commuter seats south of Colchester saw these terminating at Ipswich (with two daily services extended to Harwich International ).Many minor local stations closed during the 1960s, as did branch lines to Framlingham and Aldeburgh. Branch services on the Felixstowe line have, with the exception of the first few years of that line's existence, started from Ipswich as have local stopping services on the East Suffolk, Norwich and Cambridge lines. One interesting working in the 1920s and 1930s was a train that operated from Sheffield via Worksop, Spalding, March and Ely to Felixstowe during the summer months.

By far the most interesting working was the “Boat Train” which operated between Harwich Parkeston Quay and various destinations until the 1990s. The privatisation of British Rail in the 1990s saw this service terminated at Peterborough. Another long-distance working was from Colchester to York via Lincoln, which ran for a number of years.

Throughout the steam era trains were predominantly hauled by Great Eastern Railway locomotives and, indeed, when steam ended in Suffolk in 1960, some of these locomotives were still operated. After the grouping of 1923, LNER designed locomotives were also employed in the area with the B17 4-6-0 class working many main line services. After nationalisation in 1948, British Railways introduced the Britannia class 4-6-2 class which worked main line services until succeeded by diesels in the late 1950s. East Anglia was the first area to be worked completely by diesel trains with Class 40s taking over main line express workings. The first one of these ran in June 1958, complete with a headboard with the wording "First Diesel Hauled train on the GE in public service". These were succeeded by Class 37 and Class 47 up until electrification in the mid-1980s when Class 86 took over, followed by Class 90 locomotives from 2003. Local services in the diesel era were worked by Diesel Multiple Units, although smaller diesel locomotives such as Class 31 worked local trains such as Ipswich - Birmingham and Ipswich - Cambridge during the 1980s.

Former train operating company Anglia Railways ran services known as London Crosslink from Norwich to Basingstoke via Stratford. This service started in 2000 and ended in 2002, employing British Rail Class 170 DMUs.

In January 2020, the Class 745 FLIRT multiple unit sets began entering service to replace the Class 90 hauled sets. Following the introduction of these units, the loco-hauled sets have all been withdrawn from service, with the last Class 90 running passenger services on 24 March 2020. Class 90s are still operating Freightliner services along with Class 66 and Class 70 diesels and Class 86 electrics.

Current timetable
The following services typically call at Ipswich:

Goods facilities
Ipswich had a number of goods facilities and a myriad of private sidings as well as extensive railways in the docks. In 2021 only the Upper Yard is open.

Upper Yard
This is located between Ipswich and East Suffolk Junction on the east side of the line. The yard is still active (as of 2018) with Freightliner (container) trains recessing or running round before running to/from the docks at Felixstowe.

In the past a branch from this yard ran down and across Ranelagh Road, crossed the River Gipping to Ipswich Lower Yard and the eastern part of Ipswich docks but traffic ceased in circa 1990. The remains of the branch line are still visible today (2018).

In the main yard a transhipment shed existed for a number of years where small consignments were transferred between wagons; there was no public or road access to this facility, which closed in 1951. Local and regional freight trains serving local stations as well as the other goods facilities in the Ipswich area were re-marshalled in this yard. Regional destinations included Goodmayes and Temple Mills in London and Whitemoor (March) in Cambridgeshire.

The yard was developed for longer trains during 2014 with improved access to and from the East Suffolk Line and longer sidings. The majority of trains are traffic to or from Felixstowe Docks.

Further changes were made during 2021 with the construction of a new vehicle maintenance facility (VMF) which opened in August 2022 with freight locomotives now stabling in the Upper Yard/East Suffolk Junction area.

Ranelagh Road sidings
Another branch further to the north crossed over Ranelagh Road to a headshunt and then served a warehouse. This was built circa 1920 and was at one time going to be a new route into Ipswich docks avoiding the level crossing on the other branch. The warehouse served a number of companies including Boots, J Lyons & Co, McFarLanes Biscuits, and Swift and Co. The site was also used to dump redundant permanent way materials and in the 1970s travelling circuses used the site.

The bridge was demolished in 1967 and an abutment remains (in 2013). The rest of this site has been redeveloped with retail facilities.

Lower Yard
This yard contained a wooden goods shed where goods for the town were loaded or unloaded. Cattle pens were also located close to this yard (traffic ceased in the 1960s) and there was a siding to Constantine Road power station. A small engine shed was located in this area for locomotives that worked in the docks (although they were officially allocated to Ipswich engine shed). At the east end of the yard the railway lines crossed over Bridge Street (which until the 1980s was the first road crossing over the River Orwell) and from 1903 there was a tram line necessitating special signaling arrangements between the two systems.

In the latter part of the 20th century a construction terminal and a British Oxygen Company terminal were also located in this area. Most of the site has now been redeveloped into retail premises.

Ipswich docks
The docks were served by a myriad of dockside lines which fell out of use during the 1990s and few remnants of the dockside lines are evident today.

This was built as a branch off the Bury line in 1848 crossing the River Gipping adjacent to the station and served the northern side of the docks area. The town corporation would not allow steam engines to pass over Stoke Bridge so the dockside tramway was worked by horses until the corporation relented in 1880. However even then the locomotives had to be fitted with animal guards and side valances, an arrangement that continued until 9 May 1969.

An early customer of this line was a carriage building company called Quadling. Initially starting business as Catt and Quadling they built a number of carriages for the Eastern Union Railway at a works in Handford Road, Ipswich. This premises which had no railway access was blown down in a gale in February 1847 damaging several carriages under construction and after that Catt withdrew from the rail side of the business but continued making road carts. Quadling relocated to new premises (located in the modern day Quadling Street in Ipswich) and had a siding off the branch. The company built further carriages for the EUR and Great Western Railway as well as some coal wagons. However this premises also suffered significant gale damage in February 1863 leading to Quadling becoming bankrupt.

Ipswich Lower Goods Yard was constructed by the ECR on this line in 1860.

After 1880 the lines were worked by small locomotives with enclosed wheels such as J70 tram engines. The dockside tramways covered both sides of the dock and crossed the 1881 lock gates at the south end of the dock. Freight was switched between trains and ships on the dockside.

Sidings were provided for the following businesses (list not complete or date specific):

 * Fisons (fertiliser)
 * Packards (fertiliser)
 * Esso/Shell/National Benzole/BP (Oil)
 * Tolly Cobbold (Brewery)
 * Cliff Quay Power station (which closed in 1983)
 * Ipswich Gas works
 * Cranfields (Mill)
 * William Brown (Timber)

Freight traffic to the docks ceased when freightliner (container) and grain traffic to Cliff Quay ceased in 1992.

East Suffolk Junction
This is where the main line for Norwich and the East Suffolk Line split. There were industrial sidings serving Eastern Counties Farmers, Petters (Ipswich) Limited and Manganese Bronze and Brass. These companies had their own locomotives which worked to and from the upper yard.

An extensive site with loading and unloading platforms was developed in 1934 to serve the needs of the 1934 Royal Agricultural Show which was held on 3–7 July 1934 at Chantry Park. A civil engineers depot was developed here afterwards.

In 2013 it was suggested that this area will be the site of the locomotive fuelling point which will be relocated from the station. However no such move had materialised by the September 2018.

Sproughton Sugar Beet Factory
A British Sugar Corporation owned facility (which traded as Ipswich Beet Sugar Factory until 1936) which had its own fleet of industrial locomotives although on occasion shunting locomotives from Ipswich engine shed were also hired out to the factory. The sidings were established in 1925 and at times were used as an overflow when the upper yard at Ipswich was congested. Rail traffic ceased in 1982.

West Bank
This branch still exists (as of 2018) but traffic has been sporadic over the last few years, In 2013 it was not until 20 August that traffic in the form of sea dredged aggregate was operated on the branch. It was hoped this would be a weekly trip and sand traffic to Watford was also expected.

Originally known as the Griffin Wharf Branch it had sidings serving dockside sidings such as (note list not complete or date specific):
 * Ransomes & Rapier (Engineering works)
 * Cooksedge & Co Ltd
 * Christopherson
 * Watkins
 * Coal Depot (GER/LNER).

A couple of shunting horses were based at this location during Great Eastern days (pre-1923). The West Bank Ferry terminal was developed in 1973.

Derby Road railway station and Westerfield railway station both had goods yards and a number of industrial facilities were located on the Felixstowe Branch Line.

Horse Box and Carriage truck traffic
A small set of sidings existed at the south end of Ipswich station on the up side of the tracks adjacent to the tunnel. Only one track was accessible from the main line the other sidings being accessed from a wagon turntable. Shunting horses were used in this location to position the vehicles and Ipswich had an allocation of around 30 horses in the 1890s. One track off the wagon turntable led to a small shed which housed a steam fire engine mounted on a flat truck.

By the 1970s only a single siding remained which was used to occasionally stable locomotives and was lifted c1980.

Signalling
The following is a list of signal boxes found during the period during Ipswich was controlled by mechanical signaling. The last of these boxes closed in 1985 when the area was re-signalled and electrified. Currently all signals are controlled from Colchester Power Signal Box.

 * Halifax Junction (access from main line to West Bank/Griffin Wharf Branch and Ipswich engine shed)
 * Ipswich Station (south end of Ipswich station on platform 3/4)
 * Ipswich Goods Junction (120 levers for signals and points manned by 3 shifts of signalmen supported by two box lads)
 * Ipswich Upper Yard (known locally as No.2 Box)
 * Ipswich East Suffolk Junction
 * Sproughton (opened 1925 and replaced the signal box at Bramford).
 * Westerfield Bank (1898-1926)
 * Westerfield Junction
 * Derby Road
 * Ranelagh Road Crossing Box
 * Lower Yard

Water troughs
Water troughs were installed at Halifax Junction in 1897 south of Ipswich tunnel. These were used by trains to pick up water using a scoop operated by the engine crew, although water cranes were located on the platforms at the station as well. Using the troughs was a quicker method of filling the tenders of steam locomotives and they were located between the rails in the centre of the tracks. These were heated in winter to prevent freezing. The Ipswich troughs fell out of use in the 1960s when steam locomotives were withdrawn from East Anglia.

Ipswich tunnel
Ipswich tunnel was built by the Eastern Union Railway's engineer Peter Bruff and opened in November 1846. Trains from Bury St. Edmunds passed the existing station site (at that point undeveloped) and continued to Halifax Junction south of the tunnel where they then reversed into the original Croft street terminus. The tunnel was built as there was no room between the River Orwell and Stoke Hill to build a railway and is thought to be the first tunnel in the world to be built on a continuous curve. During its construction many fossils were found including those of a Woolly mammoth. Further excavations in 1908 and 1919 were led by Nina Frances Layard revealed remains of mammoths, a turtle and lions. The latter excavation was as a result of the GER widening the cutting east of the tunnel to accommodate some additional sidings. Further bones were found in 1975 by archeologist John Wymer.

There have been two accidents in the tunnel. On 5 May 1910 a wagon examiner was taking a short cut through the tunnel (this was forbidden) when it is believed he tripped whilst trying to get out of the way of an engine. On 21 August 1912 a platelayer (track worker) was hit by the engine of a troop train having failed to get out of the way.

For many years the tunnel was regarded as an obstacle to electrification with insufficient clearance for the overhead wires. In 1985 however the tunnel was temporarily closed and the track bed lowered to accommodate the overhead electric lines. The tunnel was closed again in 2004 to allow for work to lower the track in order to enable larger containers to pass through on goods trains to and from the Port of Felixstowe.

Ipswich Railway Chord
The Ipswich Railway Chord (or 'Bacon Factory Chord' in early documentation), officially the Bacon Factory Curve is a short 1,415 m section of track constructed to link the East Suffolk Line and the Great Eastern Main Line just north of Ipswich Goods Yard. This chord, which was opened to traffic in March 2014, allows freight trains from the Port of Felixstowe to access the West Coast Main Line using the Ipswich to Ely Line and a cross-country route via Nuneaton, rather than via the Great Eastern Main Line and the North London Line. The chord was built on the site of an old Bacon Factory, hence its original name. Preliminary work for the chord started in August 2012, and the Secretary of State for Transport granted full development consent on 5 September 2012, coming into effect on 26 September 2012. Two new junctions were created by the scheme—Boss Hall Junction at the eastern end of the chord with the East Suffolk Line and Europa Junction with the Great Eastern Main Line located close to the site of the Sproughton sugar beet sidings. The chord opened to regular traffic on 31 March 2014 although the first revenue earning train headed by Class 66 locomotive 66733 on a Felixstowe–Doncaster container train ran on 24 March. The first, passenger train to have used the chord was on 11 November 2017, when Flying Scotsman used the chord to turn around her Norwich to Ipswich "Cathedrals Express" Railtour.

title: Ipswich railway station


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Ikiryō

Ikiryō (生霊), also known as shōryō (しょうりょう), seirei (せいれい), or ikisudama (いきすだま), is a disembodied spirit or ghost in Japanese popular belief and fiction that leaves the body of a living person and subsequently haunts other people or places, sometimes across great distances. The term(s) are used in contrast to shiryō, which refers to the spirit of those who are already deceased.

Summary
The popular belief that the human spirit (or soul) can escape from the body has been around since early times, with eyewitness accounts and experiences (hauntings, possessions, out-of-body experience) reported in anecdotal and fictional writings. Vengeful spirits (怨霊) of the living are said to inflict curses (祟り) upon the subject or subjects of their vengeance by means of transforming into their ikiryō form. It is believed that if a sufficient grudge is held, all or part of the perpetrator's soul leaves the body, appearing in front of the victim to harm or curse them, a concept not so dissimilar from the evil eye. The ikiryō has even made its way into Buddhist scriptures, where they are described as "living spirits" who, if angered, might bring about curses, even just before their death. Possession is another means by which the Ikiryō are commonly believed to be capable of inflicting harm, the possessed person thought to be unaware of this process. However, according to mythology, the ikiryō does not necessarily act out of spite or vengefulness, and stories are told of the ikiryō who bears no grudge, or poses no real threat. In recorded examples, the spirit sometimes takes possession of another person's body for motives other than vengeance, such as love and infatuation (for example the Matsutōya ghost below). A person's ikiryō may also leave the body (often very shortly before death) to manifest its presence around loved ones, friends and/or acquaintances.

Classical literature

In classical literature, The Tale of Genji (ca. 1000) describes the "well known" episode of the ikisudama (the more archaic term for ikiryō) that emerged from Genji's lover Lady Rokujo, and tormented Genji's pregnant wife Aoi no Ue, resulting in her death after childbirth. This spirit is also portrayed in Aoi no Ue, the Noh play adaptation of the same story. After her death, Lady Rokujo became an onryō and went on to torment those who would later become Genji's consorts, Murasaki no Ue and.

In the Heian period, a human soul leaving a body and drifting away is described by the old verb akugaru meaning "departure". In The Tale of Genji, the mentally troubled Kashiwagi fears that his soul may be found wandering (akugaru), and requests that last rites are performed on his body to stop his soul from escaping if this should happen.

Konjaku Monogatarishū contains the tale "How the Ikiryo Spirit of Omi Province Came and Killed a Man of the Capital". In the tale, a commoner encounters a noblewoman and guides her to the house of a certain Senior Assistant Minister of Popular Affairs (民部大夫) in the capital. Little did the guide know that he was guiding the ikiryō of a woman to her neglecting husband. Upon reaching the house the lady vanishes, though the gates remain shut. Wailing noises are heard inside the house. The following morning, the guide learns that the master of the house had complained the ikiryō of his former wife was present and causing him illness, shortly after which he died. The guide later seeks out the lady's house in Ōmi Province. There a woman speaks to him through blinds, acknowledging the man's services that day, and showers him with gifts of silk cloth.

The ikiryō can also possess the object of its infatuation, who is neither rival nor enemy. The Matsutōya Yūrei, a tale allegedly based on events that occurred during Kyōhō 14 or 15 (1729–1730), a Kyoto merchant named Matsutōya Tokubei (松任屋徳兵衛) had a teenaged son named Matsunosuke possessed by the spirit of two women who loved him, and who tormented the boy's conscience. On occasion, he would be suspended in mid-air, engaging in conversation as if the girls were present before his eyes, the ikiryō's words being spoken through the boy's lips. Finally the family sought help from a renowned priest named Zōkai. The priest successfully exorcised the boy and cured his condition, but rumors had already spread regarding the incident.

The horror story (kaidan) collection Sorori Monogatari (曾呂利物語), published Kanbun 3, or 1663, includes a tale of a woman whose ikiryō assumed the shape of her severed head. One night, a man traveling towards Kyoto arrives at place called Sawaya in Kita-no-shō, Echizen Province (now Fukui City), where he mistakedly thinks he saw a chicken fly from the base of a nearby stone tower on to the road. The imagined chicken turns out to be (or has transformed into) a lively severed head of a woman. When the face grins at him, he attacks with a sword, and chases it to a home in the capital of the province. Inside the house, the housewife awakes from a nightmare being chased by a man brandishing a blade. The wandering head was, according to the title, the woman's mōnen, or her wayward thoughts and obsessions. The woman later turns Buddhist nun to repent for her sins.

Regional near-death spirits
Sightings of ikiryō belonging to those whose deaths are imminent have been recorded from all over Japan. Stories abound of spirits that materialize (or otherwise manifest their presence) to someone dear to them, such as immediate family. The recipient of the visit experiencing a metaphysical foreshadowing of this person's death, before any tangible news of bereavement arrives.

Many of the local terms for the ikiryō were collected by Kunio Yanagita and his school of folklorists.

In the tradition of the Nishitsugaru District, Aomori Prefecture, the souls of the person/s on the brink of death are called amabito, and believed to depart from the body and walk around, sometimes making noises like that of the door sliding open.

According to Yanagita, tobi-damashi (飛びだまし) is the equivalent term to the Senboku District, Akita region. Yanagita defines this as the ability of certain persons to traverse the world in their ikirȳo form. Such individuals are purported to have voluntary control of this ability, in contrast to those who are only temporarily capable of tapping into such a state as a precursor to their death.

In the Kazuno District in Akita Prefecture, a soul that pays visit to acquaintances is called an omokage (面影〔オモカゲ〕), and assumes the form of a living human, that is to say, it has feet and make pitter-patter noises, unlike the stereotypical Japanese ghost that have no legs or feet.

Yanagita in Tōno Monogatari Shūi reported that in the Tōno Region, Iwate Prefecture, "the thoughts of the dead or the living coalesce into a walking shape, and appear to the human eye as an illusion is termed an omaku in this region." An example being a beautiful girl aged 16 or 17, critically ill with a case of "cold damage" (傷寒), i.e., typhoid fever or a similar disease. She was seen wandering around the construction site of the Kōganji temple rebuild project in, the days before her death.

In Kashima District, Ishikawa on the Noto Peninsula, a folklorist recorded belief in the shininbō (死人坊), said to appear two or three days before someone's death, which was seen passing through on its visits to danna-dera (the family temple, also called bodaiji). The temple was believed to be the soul's final resting grounds, where one finds a place amongst their ancestors.

Soul flames
There are cases where the wandering ikiryō appear as a floating "soul flame", known in Japan as the hitodama or hidama. However, a "soul flame" from a person who is near death is not considered unusual, with the traditional conception among Japanese being that the soul escapes the body within a short phase (several days) either before or after death. Therefore, pre-death soul flames may not be treated as cases of ikiryō in works on the subject of ghosts, but filed under chapters on the hitodama phenomenon.

One case of a near-death hitodama deemed "suitable for discussion" under the topic of ikiryō by a folklorist closely resembled the aforementioned tale of the woman's head in the Sorori Monogatari, namely, that the subject who witnessed the soul's apparition pursued it ruthlessly, until he discovered the owner of the soul, who claimed to have seen the entire experience of being chased during a dream. The subject worked at the town office of Tōno, Iwate, and one night, he reported seeing an hidama emerge from a stable and into the house's entrance where it was "flying around". He claimed to have chased it with a broom, and trapped it beneath a washbasin. A while after, he was rushed out to see his sick uncle on the brink of death, but he made sure to release the fireball from its trapping. He soon learned that his uncle had only just died, but his uncle came back to life again, enough so to accuse the nephew of chasing him with a broom and capturing him. Similarly, the folklore archives of Umedoi, Mie Prefecture (now part of Inabe) tells a tale about a band of men who, late in the night, spotted and chased a fireball into a sake warehouse, waking a maid who was asleep inside. The maid later professed to being "pursued by many men and fleeing" to take refuge in the warehouse.

Ikiryō as an illness
During the Edo period, there was a belief that there was a condition called rikonbyō (離魂病), whereby the soul would not just separate from the body, but assume the shape and appearance of the sufferer. The condition was also known interchangeably as kage no yamai (影の病), alternately written as kage-no-wazurai (カゲノワズライ).

This affliction is treated as an instance of ikiryō by folklorist Ensuke Konno in his chapter on the topic. The case study example is that of Yūji Kita, doomed by the kage no yamai for three generations in succession, recorded in the Ōshu Banashi (奥州波奈志) by Tadano Makuzu.

The identical double might be seen by the sufferer or be witnessed by others, and can be classed as a doppelgänger phenomenon. Others have reported a sort of out-of-body experience, whereby their consciousness inhabits the ikiryō to see their own lifeless body.

Similar activity or phenomena
The ushi no koku mairi (丑の刻参り) is, when one, in the hour of the ox (1 am to 3 am), strikes a nail in a sacred tree, and thus becomes an oni while alive, and using these oni powers, would inflict curses and calamity upon a rival. Although many ikiryō generally are spirits of humans that leave the body unconsciously and move about, deeds akin to performing magic rituals and intentionally tormenting a target can also be interpreted as ikiryō. In the same way, in the Okinawa Prefecture, performing of a magic ritual with the intention of becoming an ikiryō is termed.

title: Ikiryō


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Template:Geologic timescale category

This category contains events which happened in the , a division of the geologic time scale. See geologic time scale for information about its divisions and how they relate to each other.

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Lime (band)

Lime is a Canadian disco band from Montreal, Quebec. The group was originally composed of married couple Denis and Denyse LePage who had a 1981 number one US Dance hit with "Your Love". They continued to perform as recently as 2018, although others have also performed under the name of Lime.

History
In 1979, Denis LePage wrote, arranged, and released an instrumental 12" single vinyl record called "The Break" under the name Kat Mandu. It appeared first on Unidisc Records. The single was successful and peaked at number three on Billboard's Disco chart. Lime released their debut album Your Love in 1981. The title track was a gold record and a #1 Billboard Disco-chart hit in the US. 1982 saw the release of Lime's second album Lime II supported by the single "Babe We're Gonna Love Tonight", which reached #6 on the Billboard Dance Chart.

Although known for their work with Unidisc, the band also had ties to the Matra label. Later in the band's run, Denis transitioned and they continued to perform together, however there have also been performances by Joy Dorris and Rob Hubertz under the brand of Lime.

Denis LePage died from cancer on August 21, 2023, at the age of 74.

Studio albums

 * Your Love (1981)
 * Lime II (1982)
 * Lime 3 (1983)
 * Sensual Sensation (1984)
 * Lime – The Greatest Hits (1985)
 * Unexpected Lovers (1985)
 * Take the Love (1986)
 * A Brand New Day (1988)
 * Caroline (1991)
 * Stillness of the Night (1998)
 * Love Fury (2002)

Compilations

 * The Greatest Hits (1985)

title: Lime (band)


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Italy First (airline)

Italy First was a regional charter airline based in Rimini in Italy. It also operates air taxi and air ambulance services. Its main base is Miramare Airport, Rimini. After operating on ACMI basis for Meridiana, AlpiEagles, Minerva, and finally Airone, at the end of 2005, the management sold the airplanes and retired from flight operations.

History
The airline was established in 1999 and is 100% owned by Gruppo Condor.

Fleet
The Italy First fleet at finish operations in January 2005.

title: Italy First (airline)


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George Grant Elmslie

George Grant Elmslie (February 20, 1869 – April 23, 1952) was an American Prairie School architect whose works are is mostly found in the Midwestern United States. He worked with Louis Sullivan and later with William Gray Purcell as a partner in the firm Purcell & Elmslie.

Career
Elmslie began his apprenticeship in the office of William LeBaron Jenney, who originated the steel frame skeleton used in modern building construction. In 1887, Elmslie joined Frank Lloyd Wright and George Maher in the office of Joseph Lyman Silsbee, a Western New York based architect who had moved to Chicago. After Wright left to go to work for Dankmar Adler and Louis Sullivan in 1887, he recommended Elmslie to Sullivan. In 1888, Elsmlie joined Wright at Adler & Sullivan, which led to a 20-year association between Elmslie and Sullivan. Wright and Elmslie shared an office next to Sullivan's. Elmslie was Sullivan's chief draftsman and ornamental designer. He detailed the ornamentation for Sullivan's Wainwright Building in St. Louis, the Schlesinger & Mayer Department store in Chicago and the National Farmers Bank in Owatonna, Minnesota.

Purcell & Elmslie
The architectural practice most widely known as Purcell & Elmslie consisted of three partnerships. The first, Purcell & Feick, was created at Minneapolis, Minnesota, in 1907 between Purcell and his Cornell School of Architecture classmate, George Feick, Jr. George Elmslie and Purcell had been friends since 1903, when Purcell worked for a short while in the office of Louis Sullivan, and Elmslie was an informal influence in the work of Purcell & Feick. In 1909, Elmslie joined the office in Minneapolis, Minnesota, and the name of the firm changed to Purcell, Feick, & Elmslie in 1910. Feick left the partnership in 1912, and the name of the practice became Purcell & Elmslie until being dissolved in 1921.

Over the course of the partnership, Purcell & Elmslie became one of the most commissioned firms among the Prairie School architects, second only to Frank Lloyd Wright. Following the dissolution of his partnership with Purcell, Elmslie worked occasionally with various other architects, including Lawrence A. Fournier, William S. Hutton, Hermann V. von Holst, William Eugene Drummond, and William L. Steele, and produced a number of banks, train stations, commercial, and institutional buildings during the 1920s and 1930s. In private practice Elmslie concentrated primarily on commercial designs. As his commission work decreased, he sought work with William S. Hutton and helped him with the design of the Washington Irving, the Oliver Morton and the Thomas Edison Schools in Hammond, Indiana, and also the design of Thornton Township High School in Calumet City, Illinois.

Elmslie was elected a Fellow in the American Institute of Architects in 1947.

Personal life

Elmslie claimed to have been born in 1871, and he carefully kept his true birth year a secret all his life except from a very few people. Though some have suggested it was due to his immigration status in 1884, there were no laws that would have restricted his entry at the time. Elmslie died on April 23, 1952, and is interred at Graceland Cemetery in Chicago.

title: George Grant Elmslie


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Albert Quixall

Albert Quixall (9 August 1933 – 12 November 2020) was an English professional footballer who played as an inside-forward. He joined Sheffield Wednesday as a youth and debuted in their professional side in 1951. He played almost 250 league games for Wednesday and became known as the "Golden Boy", also being capped five times for the England national team. Quixall joined Manchester United in 1958 for a record transfer fee, a signing made by Matt Busby to rebuild his team following the Munich air disaster. Quixall played 184 games for United and was regarded by Bobby Charlton as key to many of his goals in this era. He ended his football career at Oldham Athletic and Stockport County. In retirement he lived in Greater Manchester and ran a scrap metal firm.

Early life
Born in Sheffield, West Riding of Yorkshire, on 9 August 1933, Quixall joined the ground staff of Sheffield Wednesday as a 14-year old. He played twice for the England schoolboys international team. Away from the club Quixall found work as an apprentice joiner.

Club career
Quixall signed with Sheffield Wednesday as an amateur in 1948 and turned professional in 1950. He made his debut in February 1951 as a 17-year-old centre forward and went on to play almost 250 League games, scoring 66 League and Cup goals with the Owls. He was in his prime with Sheffield Wednesday, and gained much media attention, becoming the "Golden Boy" of British football. He helped the club win promotion in 1952 and 1956 and appeared in the 1954 FA-Cup semi-final.

Quixall joined Manchester United in September 1958 for a then British record fee of £45,000, one of Matt Busby's key recruits in building a new team in the aftermath of the Munich air disaster, which had killed eight players and ended the careers of two others on 6 February that year. After seven games without a win for United, Quixall eventually helped the team go on a run of only two losses in 23 matches to end the season as runners-up in the First Division.

Quixall's only medal with the club was the 1963 FA Cup. Altogether, he scored 56 goals in 184 games for the Red Devils. Manchester United midfielder Bobby Charlton recalled in his autobiography that Quixall played a key role in many of his goals in this era. He noted that Quixall "played a significant role in my rush of goals. When I broke through an offside trap, often it was to get on to the end of one of Albert's perfectly placed passes".

Along with Johnny Giles and David Herd, he was dropped after Everton beat United 4–0 in the 1963 FA Charity Shield. He rarely featured in the 1963–64 season, last appearing for United on Boxing Day 1963. He left the club at the end of the season, moving to Oldham Athletic for £7,000, spending two years at Boundary Park before finishing his professional career at Stockport County in 1967. Quixall afterwards spent brief spells at non-league Altrincham and Radcliffe Borough.

International career
Quixall was capped five times for England between 1953 and 1955. He made his first appearance in a world cup qualifying match against Wales on 10 October 1953 and his final appearance in a friendly against Portugal on 22 May 1955. He made the starting line-up four times and appeared once as a substitute.

He was the last surviving member of the England squad at the 1954 World Cup.

Later life and death
After his football career ended Quixall moved to Greater Manchester and established a scrap metal business which he ran until his retirement. Sheffield Wednesday named a hospitality suite at Hillsborough in his honour. On 12 November 2020, Quixall died at the age of 87.

Honours
Manchester United
 * FA Cup: 1962–63

title: Albert Quixall