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Dimitrije Mitrinović

Dimitrije "Mita" Mitrinović (Serbian Cyrillic: Димитрије Мита Митриновић; 21 October 1887 – 28 August 1953) was a Serbian philosopher, poet, revolutionary, mystic, theoretician of modern painting and traveler.

Early life and radicalism
Mitrinović was born in 1887 into a family of Orthodox faith and Serbian culture at Donji Poplat, municipality Berkovići in Herzegovina during the Austro-Hungarian occupation. His father, Mihailo, was in the service of the Austro-Hungarian government and ran an experimental farm. Dimitrije was educated at Mostar Gymnasium. As a young student, he surrounded himself with a group that would later form the Mlada Bosna (Young Bosnia) movement, in his country's struggle for independence from Austria-Hungary and in the moves to create a united Yugoslavia.

In 1907, he went to study Philosophy in Zagreb before breaking up his studies in 1911 to join the sculptor Ivan Meštrović in Rome where he spent some time promoting his works. Mitrinović was one of the leading ideologists of Young Bosnia and one who promoted Serbian nationalist aims, claiming the Croats had to be 'nationalized' and their language 'corrected', and arguing for Serbian expansionism. In the years leading up to the First World War, he achieved prominence with his poetic writings along with his literary criticism, initially dabbling in expressionism before shifting to futurism.

During this period Mitrinović edited the Sarajevo literary paper, Bosanska Vila. Its contributors included poets Risto Radulović and Vladimir "Vlado" Gaćinović. All three are alleged to have been members of secret political societies illegal in the Austro-Hungarian Empire; only Mitrinović survived World War I. In 1913, he went to Munich to study art history under Heinrich Wölfflin. There he was acquainted with intellectuals Eric Gutkind, Wassily Kandinsky and Paul Klee.

Mitrinović came to England in 1914 to work for the Serbian Legation in London and moved among influential cultural circles in the country. From late 1914 to early 1915, he participated in exhibitions of Meštrović's work, which included a model of a monument he had designed to commemorate the Battle of Kosovo.

Career and thought
He began his work in the field of art by translating Rig-Veda and the works of Virgil into Serbian. He was one of the first advocates of the avant-garde artistic group Der Blaue Reiter and organized exhibitions on the work of Kandinsky. Besides art history, he also studied Philosophy while staying in Rome, Madrid, Paris, Munich, and Tübingen.

Being in favour of the building of a universal utopia, like many of the leading minds of his time, he wrote about the inevitable creation of the Pan-European community. Ten years before La rebelión de las masas by Ortega y Gasset, Mitrinović prophesied: "Being different from the other races, the population of Europe has always given birth to its contradictions and always with the chances of their solution in some ultimate synthesis."

He was a regular contributor to the epoch-making periodical The New Age (the author of the column "World Affairs"), alongside Ezra Pound, and according to Edwin Muir, Mitrinović "has erupted with wild and profound contemplations ... not looking several ages ahead, like Shaw or Wells, but several millennia ahead."

The Utopian and messianic ideas of Mitrinović (influenced by philosophical concepts of Husserl and Peter Demianovich Ouspensky, the esoteric doctrine of G. I. Gurdjieff, and the psychoanalytical school of Freud, Jung and Adler) were brought to the attention of the public not only in the periodical The New Age but also in the periodical The New Atlantis (which Mitrinović edited) and The New Albion (which he co-edited with A. R. Orage).

In 1927, Mitrinović was entrusted with the founding of the Adler's Society (the English Branch of the International Society for Individual Psychology). He and Adler later parted ways due, allegedly, to "politicizing of his [Mitrinović's] scientific concepts". Mitrinović later founded the New Europe Group.

Mitrinović advocated a metaphysical Utopia (based on Plotinus, Clement of Alexandria, Lao Tzu, Jakob Böhme) but was also politically pragmatic. He published an open letter to Adolf Hitler in 1933 in which he accused Hitler of "behaving and acting as an evil superman ... possessed with some weird vision" which is "incomprehensible for the human mind and belief and quite certainly, and in all forms and essence, directed against the Orthodox soul."

Writings
The works of Mitrinović have remained scattered in numerous European periodicals (like the provocative texts based on psychological and philosophical theories, such as: Frojd prema Adleru (Freud versus Adler), Značaj Jungovog dela (The Importance of Jung's Work), Marks i Niče kao istorijska pozadina Adlera (Marx and Nietzsche as the Historical Background of Adler), Načela genija (The Principles of Genius), Carstvo snova (The Realm of Dream). Many of his works (including much of his poetry) were published in Serbian periodicals, and one of his major works, Aesthetic Contemplations, was published in Bosanska Vila.

In addition to the selected works of Dimitrije Mitrinović (published in Serbian, a number of years after his death) and the special study by Predrag Palavestra, Dogma i utopija (Dogma and Utopia) published in Serbian in 1977), two books have been distributed by Columbia University Press, New York; the first of them was published in 1984 and the second one in 1987. The authors of these books are Andrew Rigby (Initiation and Initiative: An Exploration of the Life and Ideas of Dimitrije Mitrinović) and H. C. Rutherford (Certainly Future: Selected Writings by Dimitrije Mitrinović).

In 1914, wishing to establish the movement "The Fundamentals of the Future", he maintained correspondence with the following potential associates: Giovanni Papini, Stanisław Przybyszewski, Martin Buber, Gershom Scholem, Upton Sinclair, Henri Bergson, H. G. Wells, Dmitry Merezhkovsky, Leonid Andreyev, Maxim Gorky, Maurice Maeterlinck, Pablo Picasso, Filippo T. Marinetti, Anatole France, George Bernard Shaw, and Knut Hamsun.

Library and archive
The Mitrinović Library contains a collection of over 4,500 volumes, based on Mitrinović's private collection. The Library thus reflects Mitrinović's very wide range of interests and command of languages. Particular areas of strength are philosophy, politics, society, religions and esoterica. The collection includes rare books on art history, literature, psychology, history, science, oriental studies, astrology, Freemasonry, theosophy, and more. Most material is from the nineteenth and early twentieth century; the main languages used are English and German, with also French and some Asian and Eastern European languages.

Part of the library was bequeathed to the Belgrade University Library in 1956 and part of it donated to University of Bradford in 2003 and 2004.

The archive that was donated to the University of Bradford by the Foundation New Atlantis in 2003 and 2004 includes published and unpublished writings of Mitrinović and documents and correspondence produced by members of Mitrinović's circle, of the New Europe Group, and of the New Atlantis Foundation.

title: Dimitrije Mitrinović


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The Avett Brothers

The Avett Brothers are an American folk rock band from Concord, North Carolina. The band is made up of two brothers, Scott Avett (banjo, lead vocals, guitar, piano, kick-drum) and Seth Avett (guitar, lead vocals, piano, hi-hat) along with Bob Crawford (double bass, electric bass, violin, backing vocals) and Joe Kwon (cello, backing vocals). Mike Marsh (drums), Tania Elizabeth (fiddle) and Bonnie Avett-Rini (piano) are touring members of the band.

Following on from Seth and Scott's former rock band Nemo, The Avett Brothers combine bluegrass, country, punk, pop melodies, folk, rock and roll, indie rock, honky tonk, and ragtime to produce a novel sound described by the San Francisco Chronicle as having the "heavy sadness of Townes Van Zandt, the light pop concision of Buddy Holly, the tuneful jangle of the Beatles, the raw energy of the Ramones."

Beginnings (2000–2002)
Scott and Seth Avett have played music together since childhood as their grandmother was a concert pianist and their father Jim Avett was a guitarist. Their collaborative partnership began in the late 1990s with the merger of Seth's Mount Pleasant High School rock band Margo and Scott's college group Nemo. Margo had released the song "Dumbfight" on a compilation album before merging with Nemo. After releasing three albums with Nemo, the Avetts started experimenting with acoustic music with some friends at night. After a few street performances and parties they performed under the names The Back Porch Project or Nemo Downstairs. The brothers and Nemo guitarist John Twomey put together an EP entitled The Avett Bros in 2000 while performing both as the Avett Brothers (with Scott, Seth and John) and as Nemo.

When Nemo broke up Scott and Seth continued to write acoustic music together. In early 2001 the stand-up bassist Bob Crawford, formerly of the Memphis Quick 50, joined the Avetts, and the band released their first full-length album, Country Was. The Avett Brothers set out on a self-booked tour to promote the new album and in late 2002 began preparations for a follow-up.

A Carolina Jubilee, Mignonette, and Four Thieves Gone (2003–2006)
After releasing a live album of original songs and covers entitled Live at the Double Door Inn the brothers settled down to compile a new full-length album. During this time the band began a partnership with Dolph Ramseur, a local label owner who had been impressed by the group's live show and original material. After 70 hours in the studio, the band recorded the album A Carolina Jubilee, released by Ramseur Records in 2003. Unlike their previous albums, A Carolina Jubilee demonstrated the band's genre-crossing writing and performing.

In 2004, the band released their third album, Mignonette, which featured polished harmonies, introspective lyrics and a sense of dedication that pushed the band to new heights. The album, running longer than 70 minutes, included vocals by the Avetts' sister Bonnie Avett and their father Jim Avett. Mignonette was named after an English yacht which sank off the Cape of Good Hope resulting in the cannibalism case R v Dudley and Stephens.

In 2005, the band released Live, Volume 2, recorded at the Neighborhood Theatre in Charlotte and King's Barcade in Raleigh, North Carolina. The album spanned material from their career up to that point.

In early 2006, the band released Four Thieves Gone: The Robbinsville Sessions to much acclaim. The album was recorded in a lake house in Robbinsville, North Carolina, over the course of 10 days and included collaborations with Paleface and Ian Thomas. The album was titled Four Thieves Gone after Scott Avett realized their song "Denouncing November Blue" sounded identical to the Charlie Daniels song "Uneasy Rider", whom they ultimately credited with the songwriting.

During extensive touring in support of the album Scott and Seth Avett produced The Gleam, an EP of intimate, stripped-down recordings, which was released in September 2006. They were inspired to create the album as a duo after their experience writing and recording "Famous Flower of Manhattan" during the Four Thieves Gone sessions.

Emotionalism (2007–2008)

The band released Emotionalism on May 15, 2007. It debuted at the top of the Billboard Top Heatseekers Albums chart, number 134 on the Billboard 200 and number 13 on the Independent Artist Chart. In support of the album the band made their national television debut on May 12 on Late Night with Conan O'Brien performing "Paranoia in B-Flat Major." Emotionalism marked the first appearance of the cellist Joe Kwon who has since become a full-time touring and recording member of the band.

On November 1, 2007, the Americana Music Association presented the Avett Brothers with two awards, as Duo/Group of the Year and as New/Emerging Artist of the Year. In July 2008, the band released The Second Gleam, a stripped-down acoustic album like The Gleam. In the same month, the band announced they had chosen Rick Rubin to produce their next album and were now signed to his American Recordings label.

I and Love and You (2009–2011)

From September 8 to October 8, 2009, the Avett Brothers released 13 short videos describing their music and fans in anticipation of their upcoming album, I and Love and You. The videos included clips from past concerts, fan interviews and interviews with the members of the band. I and Love and You, released on September 29, 2009, peaked at number 16 on the Billboard 200 best-selling albums chart, number 8 on the best-selling digital albums chart, number 7 on the rock albums chart, and number 1 on the folk albums chart.

In the wake of the album's release the Avett Brothers appeared on late-night TV programs, including the Late Show with David Letterman, The Late Late Show with Craig Ferguson, and Late Night with Jimmy Fallon. On January 21, 2010, the band was featured on the long-running PBS series Austin City Limits.

In January 2010 drummer Jacob Edwards was added to the Avetts' touring lineup. In the fall of 2010 the band released their third live album and first concert DVD, Live, Volume 3. The performance was recorded the previous year during the band's homecoming concert at Bojangles' Coliseum in Charlotte, North Carolina.

In early 2011, Avett Brothers bassist Bob Crawford learned that his daughter Hallie had a seizure due to a brain tumor. He took a hiatus from the band and was temporarily replaced by Langhorne Slim bassist Paul Defiglia. Crawford returned to play with the band on the 53rd Grammy Awards in 2011, performing "Head Full of Doubt/Road Full of Promise" and then joining Mumford and Sons and Bob Dylan for a performance of "Maggie's Farm." After successful treatment at St. Jude Children's Research Hospital his daughter's condition stabilized, and he returned to the band. The band kept Defiglia as a touring member, playing organ, double bass, and keyboard.

The Carpenter and Magpie and the Dandelion (2012–2015)
In 2011, the band began the demo process for the followup to I and Love and You for a 2012 release, also produced by Rick Rubin. 24 songs were recorded. On June 26, 2012, the Avett Brothers released a preview of the single "Live and Die" on NPR Music and announced that their sixth studio album, The Carpenter, would be released on September 11, 2012. It debuted at number 4 on the Billboard 200 and was nominated for the Grammy award for Best Americana Album at 55th annual Grammy Awards. Jacob Edwards left the band in December 2012. Mike Marsh, formerly the drummer of Dashboard Confessional, which recorded songs from I and Love and You, joined the band as a touring member at their annual New Year's Eve show in 2012.

On June 12, 2013, the Avett Brothers announced that a follow-up companion to The Carpenter would be released in the fall of 2013. On July 27, at the Newport Folk Festival, the band announced that the new album would be entitled Magpie and the Dandelion. On August 8, they told NPR that Magpie and the Dandelion, which consisted mostly of songs recorded during sessions for The Carpenter, would be released on October 15, 2013. The NPR announcement also premiered their new single "Another Is Waiting." The album was released to generally warm reviews and peaked at number 5 on the Billboard 200 during its first week. Tania Elizabeth, who had recorded with the Avetts during the Magpie and the Dandelion sessions, began touring with the band on November 21, 2013.

Near the end of May 2014, Seth Avett and Bob Crawford mentioned in different interviews they were recording demos for their next album, to be produced by Rick Rubin. During their concert on December 13, 2014, in Myrtle Beach, South Carolina, Seth and Scott mentioned they spent November recording songs for their upcoming album. In November 2015 Seth updated the release estimate to be "early 2016."

On November 23, 2015, the band announced their fourth live album and second concert DVD, titled Live, Vol. Four would be released on December 18, 2015. The live album was recorded at their concert in Raleigh, North Carolina, on December 31, 2014. While touring in support of Live, Vol. Four the band spoke of their ninth studio album.

True Sadness and Closer Than Together (2016–2019)
On March 3, 2016, the band announced the expected release of their ninth full-length studio album, True Sadness, which Seth Avett described as "a patchwork quilt, both thematically and stylistically." The album was released on June 24, 2016, and debuted at number 3 on the Billboard Top 200, topping the U.S. Folk and U.S. Top Rock charts, though reviews were mixed. Entertainment Weekly praised the band's experimentation and "willingness to tear down boundaries" while Pitchfork criticized the "baffling layers of synthesizers in what feels like a ploy to push the Avetts into clear Top 40 territory." The album was nominated for two awards, Best Americana Album and Best Americana Roots Performance (the album's lead single, "Ain't No Man"), at the 59th Annual Grammy Awards. On January 31, 2017, it was announced that a documentary about the production of True Sadness, entitled May It Last: A Portrait of the Avett Brothers, directed by Judd Apatow and Michael Bonfiglio, would premiere at the 2017 South by Southwest film festival. The documentary was released on HBO on January 29, 2018.

Also during this period, in October 2016, the band was inducted into the North Carolina Music Hall of Fame. While the core four members of the band remained the same, the remaining line-up of the band continued to evolve. On August 18, 2017, the band announced that keyboardist Paul Defiglia would be leaving the band on September 3, 2017. Scott and Seth's older sister Bonnie Avett Rini immediately joined them on tour playing piano. And on August 27, 2018, Tania Elizabeth announced on Instagram that she was taking maternity leave from the band but returned for the majority of their 2019 tour.

On December 21, 2017, Scott Avett mentioned in an interview that they were again working with producer Rick Rubin on new material. Ten months later, in October 2018, the band debuted the song "Roses & Sacrifice" on Late Night with Seth Meyers, and in an interview Scott Avett stated their next album would release the following year, in 2019, describing the album as “by no means a political record, but it’s more about blatant social and political issues than ever before." The next month, on November 16, 2018, "Roses & Sacrifice" was released as a single on the American Recordings label, with follow-up singles "Trouble Letting Go" and "Neapolitan Sky" released on December 21, 2018, and February 1, 2019, respectively. On May 6 the band released "Sun, Flood, or Drought," a song featured in the documentary The Biggest Little Farm. On June 13 the band announced that their next album would be titled Closer Than Together, to be released on October 4, 2019, and described as "informed by what is happening now." The album reached No. 2 on the Billboard Americana/Folk charts to mixed reviews.

The Third Gleam and The Avett Brothers (2020–present)
In a late February 2020 interview, Scott Avett stated "we plan to at least have another release this year if all goes well." On June 29, 2020, the band announced the third installment of their Gleam series, The Third Gleam (stylized The Gleam III) would release on August 28, 2020. It released to generally favorable reviews and was supported by two drive-in concerts at the Charlotte Motor Speedway to allow social distancing for the COVID-19 pandemic. The Avett Brothers released a cover of Woody Guthrie's "This Land Is Your Land" on Friday, October 30, four days before the 2020 United States presidential election.

In August 2019 the band announced that a stage musical based on their music, titled Swept Away, would debut at the Berkeley Repertory Theatre in June 2020. It was postponed to 2022 due to the pandemic, opening on January 9.

On February 28, the band announced their twelfth studio album would be a self-titled album, releasing on the Ramseur Records label on May 17, 2024. The band announced a Fall 2024 US tour in support of the album and revealed that the "Swept Away" stage play based on their music would be debuting in the autumn of 2024.

Members
Recording members Touring musicians
 * Seth Avett – lead and backing vocals, guitar, hi-hat, piano, drums, kazoo, percussion (2000–present)
 * Scott Avett – lead and backing vocals, banjo, kick drum, harmonica, guitar, piano, drums, kazoo, percussion (2000–present)
 * Bob Crawford – backing and lead vocals, double bass, bass guitar, trumpet, violin, mariachi bass, kazoo (2001–present)
 * Joe Kwon – cello, musical saw, backing vocals, cowbell, kazoo, piano (2006–present)
 * Mike Marsh – drums (2012–present)
 * Bonnie Avett-Rini – piano (2017–present)
 * Tania Elizabeth – violin, vocals, kazoo (2013–2018, 2019–present)

Previous members Previous touring members
 * John Twomey – guitar (2000–2001)
 * Jacob Edwards – drums (2010–2012)
 * Paul Defiglia – piano, double bass, organ, vocals (2011–2017)

Timeline

 * * Jacob Edwards appears on the October 2013 album Magpie and the Dandelion despite having stopped touring with the band in December 2012.

Discography
Studio albums
 * Country Was (2002)
 * A Carolina Jubilee (2003)
 * Mignonette (2004)
 * Four Thieves Gone: The Robbinsville Sessions (2006)
 * Emotionalism (2007)
 * I and Love and You (2009)
 * The Carpenter (2012)
 * Magpie and the Dandelion (2013)
 * True Sadness (2016)
 * Closer Than Together (2019)
 * The Avett Brothers (2024)

Awards and nominations
Americana Music Honors & Awards

 * 2007
 * The Avett Brothers
 * Emerging Artist of the Year
 * Won
 * 2007
 * Emotionalism
 * Album of the Year
 * Nominated
 * 2007
 * rowspan=3|The Avett Brothers
 * Duo/Group of the Year
 * Won
 * 2008
 * Duo/Group of the Year
 * Nominated
 * 2010
 * Duo/Group of the Year
 * Won
 * 2010
 * "I and Love and You"
 * Song of the Year
 * Nominated
 * 2011
 * rowspan=3|The Avett Brothers
 * Duo/Group of the Year
 * Won
 * 2014
 * Duo/Group of the Year
 * Nominated
 * 2023
 * Lifetime Achievement Award for Performance
 * Won
 * Won
 * 2014
 * Duo/Group of the Year
 * Nominated
 * 2023
 * Lifetime Achievement Award for Performance
 * Won
 * Lifetime Achievement Award for Performance
 * Won

Grammy Awards

 * 2013
 * The Carpenter
 * Best Americana Album
 * Nominated
 * 2017
 * "Ain't No Man"
 * Best American Roots Performance
 * Nominated
 * 2017
 * True Sadness
 * Best Americana Album
 * Nominated
 * True Sadness
 * Best Americana Album
 * Nominated

Other appearances

 * "Live and Die", from The Carpenter, was used in the 2012 Judd Apatow comedy This Is 40 and was included on its soundtrack.
 * "If It's the Beaches", from The Gleam, was used in season two of the television series Friday Night Lights and was included on the soundtrack album Friday Night Lights Vol. 2.
 * "I and Love and You" was used in the episode of the same title, in season seven, of the television series One Tree Hill.
 * "Kick Drum Heart", from I and Love and You, was used in the episode "Live for Today, Pray for Tomorrow", the first episode of the second season of MTV's World of Jenks.
 * The NBC drama Parenthood has used several songs by the Avett Brothers:
 * "Kick Drum Heart", from I and Love and You, was used in the opening scene of the pilot and was later included on the show's soundtrack.
 * "Slight Figure of Speech", from I and Love and You, was played in the background in the episode "Qualities and Figures", in season two.
 * "Part from Me", from Magpie and the Dandelion, was used in the episode "Limbo", in season five.
 * "Open Ended Life", from Magpie and the Dandelion, was used in the episode "Fraud Alert", in season five.
 * "The Once and Future Carpenter", from The Carpenter, was used in the episode "The Scale of Affection Is Fluid", in season six.
 * "Will You Return", from Emotionalism, was the theme song of the Peabody Award–winning public television series A Chef's Life.
 * "Head Full of Doubt/Road Full of Promise", from I and Love and You, was used in the episode "Halt & Catch Fire", the thirteenth episode of the tenth season of the CW's Supernatural.
 * The Netflix series Love has used several songs by the Avett Brothers:
 * "No Hard Feelings", from True Sadness, was used in the episode "Friends Night Out", in season two.
 * "Kick Drum Heart", from I And Love And You, was used in the episode "The Cruikshanks", in season three.
 * On November 1, 2012, the band appeared on Jimmy Kimmel Live and performed "I and Love and You" with the Brooklyn Philharmonic.
 * On February 22, 2013, the band appeared on Late Night with Jimmy Fallon to perform a medley of "Kick Drum Heart" and "Geraldine".
 * On September 30, 2013, the band performed "Vanity" on Late Night with Jimmy Fallon with Chris Cornell.
 * On December 31, 2013, the band performed their songs "All My Mistakes", from Emotionalism, and "Head Full of Doubt" and "Road Full of Promise", from I and Love and You, and a cover version of Tom T. Hall's "How I Got to Memphis" on Showtime's "Another Day, Another Time: Celebrating the Music of Inside Llewyn Davis".
 * On January 20, 2017, the band performed "Give Me Love (Give Me Peace on Earth)" on The Late Show with Stephen Colbert.
 * On June 6, 2017, the band appeared in the documentary The American Epic Sessions directed by Bernard MacMahon. The band recorded live on the restored first electrical sound recording system from the 1920s.
 * On January 24, 2018, the band performed "No Hard Feelings" on The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon.
 * On January 26, 2018, the band performed "I Wish I Was" on Megyn Kelly Today.
 * On January 29, 2018, the Judd Apatow directed documentary May It Last: A Portrait of the Avett Brothers premiered on HBO.
 * On July 18, 2018, Scott and Seth Avett appeared on comedian Pete Holmes' podcast You Made It Weird with Pete Holmes.
 * On October 24, 2018, the band made their 25th late night television appearance performing their unreleased song "Roses and Sacrifice" on Late Night with Seth Meyers.
 * On October 7, 2019, the band performed "Tell the Truth" on The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon.
 * Their song "Murder in the City" was used in the Netflix series "Outer Banks" which aired February 23, 2023.

In popular culture
References to and lyrics by The Avett Brothers feature prominently in Slammed, a New York Times best-selling romance novel by Colleen Hoover

Swept Away: A New Musical, consisting of songs from various Avett Brothers albums, premiered at the Berkeley Repertory Theatre in 2022.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: The Avett Brothers


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Sexsmith, Alberta

Sexsmith is a town in northern Alberta, it is on Highway 2, 20 km north of Grande Prairie.

Sexsmith is located in the Peace River Country region of Alberta, one of the most fertile growing areas in the province. The town was once known as the "grain capital of the British Empire": In a 10-year period from 1939 to 1949, it shipped more grain than any other port in the empire.

History
The townsite of Sexsmith was established on the homestead of Benny Foster, a 1911 settler, and was originally named "Bennville" or "Benville", but it was discovered that the name had already used by another town, so it was renamed Sexsmith after a local trapper who came to the area in 1898. The railway arrived in 1916, and grain companies began building grain elevators in 1917. Because of the fertile soil, the area is one of the largest grain producing areas in the world, and by 1949 became the Grain Capital of the British Empire, shipping more grain than any other region.

Demographics
In the 2021 Census of Population conducted by Statistics Canada, the Town of Sexsmith had a population of 2,427 living in 853 of its 929 total private dwellings, a change of NaN% from its 2016 population of 2,620. With a land area of 13.01 km2, it had a population density of in 2021.

In the 2016 Census of Population conducted by Statistics Canada, the Town of Sexsmith recorded a population of 2,620 living in 873 of its 937 total private dwellings, a change of NaN% from its 2011 population of 2,418. With a land area of 13.24 km2, it had a population density of in 2016.

Economy
Ovintiv owns an oil and natural gas liquid processing plant with a total capacity of 115,000 barrels per day, from wells drilled into the Montney Formation.

Education
Sexsmith has three schools:
 * Robert W. Zahara Public School
 * Sexsmith Secondary School
 * St. Mary's Catholic School

Sexsmith is also the home of a post-secondary institution:
 * Peace River Bible Institute

Notable people
• Colin Carter

• Jason Duda

• Garry Edmundson

• Walter Paszkowski

• Carter Rowney

title: Sexsmith, Alberta


text:
Aberdeen North (Scottish Parliament constituency)

Aberdeen North was a constituency of the Scottish Parliament from 1999 to 2011. It elected one Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) by the first past the post method of election. Also, it was one of nine constituencies in the North East Scotland electoral region, which elects seven additional members, in addition to nine (now ten) constituency MSPs, to produce a form of proportional representation for the region as a whole.

Electoral region

 * See also North East Scotland (Scottish Parliament electoral region)

Between 1999 and 2011, the North East Scotland electoral region consisted of Aberdeen Central, Aberdeen North, Aberdeen South, Angus, Banff and Buchan, Dundee East, Dundee West, Gordon, and West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine.

The region covered the Aberdeenshire council area, the Aberdeen City council area, the Dundee City council area, part of the Angus council area, a small part of the Moray council area, and a small part of the Perth and Kinross council area.

Constituency boundaries
The Aberdeen North constituency was created at the same time as the Scottish Parliament, in 1999, with the name and boundaries of an existing Westminster constituency. In 2005, however, the boundaries of the Westminster (House of Commons) constituency were subject to major alterations.

Boundary review
 See Scottish Parliament constituencies and regions from 2011

Following their First Periodic review of parliamentary constituencies to the Scottish Parliament, the Boundary Commission for Scotland has created three newly shaped seats for the Aberdeen City council area. These seats, first contested at the 2011 election, are Aberdeen Central, Aberdeen Donside, and Aberdeen South and North Kincardine. Aberdeen North will be succeeded by Aberdeen Donside.


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Rhodesian Bush War

The Rhodesian Bush War also known as the Second Chimurenga  as well as the Zimbabwean War of Independence, was a civil conflict from July 1964 to December 1979 in the unrecognised country of Rhodesia (later Zimbabwe-Rhodesia and now Zimbabwe).

The conflict pitted three forces against one another: the Rhodesian white minority-led government of Ian Smith (later the Zimbabwe-Rhodesian government of Bishop Abel Muzorewa); Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army, the military wing of Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union; and the Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army of Joshua Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union.

The war and its subsequent Internal Settlement, signed in 1978 by Smith and Muzorewa, led to the implementation of universal suffrage in June 1979 and the end of white minority rule in Rhodesia, which was renamed Zimbabwe Rhodesia under a black majority government. However, this new order failed to win international recognition and the war continued. Neither side achieved a military victory and a compromise was later reached.

Negotiations between the government of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia, the government of the United Kingdom, and Mugabe and Nkomo's united "Patriotic Front" took place at Lancaster House, London in December 1979, and the Lancaster House Agreement was signed. The country returned temporarily to British control and new elections were held under British and Commonwealth supervision in March 1980. ZANU won the election and Mugabe became the first Prime Minister of Zimbabwe on 18 April 1980, when the country achieved internationally recognised independence.

Background
The origin of the war in Rhodesia can be traced to the conquest of the region by the British South Africa Company in the late 19th century, and the dissent of native leaders who opposed foreign rule. Britons began settling in Southern Rhodesia in the 1890s, and while it was never accorded full dominion status, these settlers effectively governed the country after 1923.

In his famous "Wind of Change" speech, UK Prime Minister Harold Macmillan revealed Britain's new policy to only permit independence to its African colonies under majority rule. But many white Rhodesians were concerned that such immediate change would cause chaos as had resulted in the former Belgian Congo after its independence in 1960.

Britain's unwillingness to compromise led to Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) on 11 November 1965. Although Rhodesia had the private support of neighbouring South Africa and Portugal, which still owned Mozambique, it never gained diplomatic recognition from any country.

Although the vote in Rhodesia was constitutionally open regardless of race, property requirements left many Black Africans unable to participate. The new 1969 constitution reserved eight seats in the 66 seat parliament for "Non-Europeans" only, with a further eight reserved for tribal chiefs.

Amidst this backdrop, African nationalists advocated armed struggle to bring about black rule, primarily denouncing the wealth disparity between the races. Two rival nationalist organisations emerged in August 1963: the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), after disagreements about tactics, as well as tribalism and personality clashes. ZANU and its military wing ZANLA were headed by Robert Mugabe and consisted primarily of Shona tribes. ZAPU and its military wing ZIPRA consisted mainly of Ndebele under Joshua Nkomo.

Cold War politics
Cold War politics played into the conflict. The Soviet Union supported ZIPRA and China supported ZANLA. Each group fought a separate war against the Rhodesian security forces, and the two groups sometimes fought against each other as well. In June 1979, the governments of Cuba and Mozambique offered direct military help to the Patriotic Front, but Mugabe and Nkomo declined. Other foreign contributions included military officials from North Korea, who taught Zimbabwean militants to use explosives and arms in a camp near Pyongyang. By April 1979, 12,000 ZANLA guerrillas were training in Tanzania, Ethiopia, and Libya while 9,500 of its 13,500 extant cadres operated in Rhodesia. South Africa clandestinely gave material and military support to the Rhodesian government.

The Rhodesian Front (RF)—the ruling party—took an uncompromising position against the communist ideology of the ZIPRA and ZANLA. Ian Smith further expounded this by portraying the conflict as primarily anti-communist in nature. The Rhodesian whites viewed the British demand for majority rule as a direct attack on their way of life. Having previously witnessed the Mau Mau Rebellion, Rhodesians refused to allow the majority-rule policy to come into effect. Much of the Rhodesian economy as well as the land was controlled by white Rhodesians, and, fearing total confiscation by either the ZIPRA or ZANLA, the RF elected to hold onto unofficial minority-rule. In ignoring other contributing factors to the conflict, Smith and the RF were able to strengthen ties with the West, but Britain remained neutral. The division between the communists and anti-communists caused the fighting to spill over the Rhodesian borders. Neighbouring African nations, supported primarily by North Korea, China, and the Soviet Union, used communist material support to begin launching guerrilla attacks on the RSF and on Rhodesian civilians and infrastructure.

The United States took the official position that it would not recognise Rhodesia as an independent state, but some American soldiers who had seen combat in Vietnam joined the Rhodesian Security Forces. The Rhodesian government created advertising campaigns in order to attract soldiers from Western countries, and the security forces amassed a force of nearly 1,400 soldiers who were highly trained in special forces and guerrilla warfare, bringing the total of the Rhodesian military force to over 10,000 men.

The Soviet Union became involved in the Rhodesian Bush War to combat the push from the anti-communist West and to challenge the Chinese presence in the region. Soviet military technology quickly appeared in the Zimbabwean countryside and by 1979 ZIPRA were utilizing SAM weaponry to target Rhodesian civilian assets and Viscount aircraft. Just as they had done in various other African countries and conflicts, the Soviets supported opposition forces with weapons and training. In addition to the physical assistance, Moscow launched a propaganda campaign exaggerating British involvement in the conflict in order to boost support for intervention. The Soviets were large suppliers of munitions and training, but refused to directly enter the conflict. The Chinese, on the other hand, were limited in their abilities to offer tangible aid to the ZANLA. Chinese influence throughout the conflict was primarily focused on small scale sabotage efforts and anti-western propaganda.

Inevitably, the Bush War occurred within the context of regional Cold War in Africa, and became embroiled in conflicts in several neighbouring countries. Such conflicts included the Angolan War of Independence (1961–1975) and Angolan Civil War (1975–2002), the Mozambican War of Independence (1964–1974) and Mozambican Civil War (1977–1992), the South African Border War (1966–1989), and the Shaba I (1977) and Shaba II (1978) conflicts.

Perceptions
The conflict was seen by the nationalist groups and the UK government of the time as a war of national and racial liberation. The Rhodesian government saw the conflict as a fight between one part of the country's population (the Whites) on behalf of the whole population (including the Black majority) against several externally financed parties made up of predominantly Black radicals and communists. The Nationalists considered their country occupied and dominated by a foreign power, namely Britain, since 1890.

The British government, in the person of the governor, had indirectly ruled the country from 1923, when it took over from the British South Africa Company and granted self-governing status to a locally elected government, made up predominantly of Whites. Ian Smith's Rhodesian Front party was elected to power in 1962 and unilaterally declared independence on 11 November 1965 to preserve what it saw as the self-government it had possessed since 1923.

The Rhodesian government contended that it was defending Western values, Christianity, the rule of law, and democracy by fighting Communists, but it was unwilling to compromise on most political, economic and social inequalities. White Rhodesians typically believed that black grievances were not organic and endogenous in origin but were externally fomented by foreign agitators. The Smith administration claimed that the legitimate voice of the black Shona and Ndebele population were the traditional chiefs, not the ZANU and ZAPU nationalists, whom it regarded as dangerous, violent usurpers.

In 1978–1979, the Smith administration tried to blunt the power of the nationalist cause by acceding to an "Internal Settlement" which ended minority rule, changed the name of the country to Zimbabwe-Rhodesia, and arranged multiracial elections, which were held in 1979 and won by Bishop Abel Muzorewa, who became the country's first Black head of government. Unsatisfied with this and spurred on by Britain's refusal to recognise the new order, the nationalist forces persisted.

The war ended when, at the behest of both South Africa (its major supporter) and the United States, the Zimbabwe-Rhodesian government ceded power to Britain in the Lancaster House Agreement in December 1979. The UK Government held another election in 1980 to form a new government. The election was won by ZANU. The new government, headed by Robert Mugabe, was recognised internationally, and the country was renamed Zimbabwe.

Rhodesian Security Forces

Despite the effect of economic and diplomatic sanctions, Rhodesia developed and maintained a powerful and professional military. In June 1977, Time magazine reported that "man for man, the Rhodesian army ranks among the world's finest fighting units."

The army was always relatively small, just 3,400 regular troops in 1970. By 1978–79 it had grown to some 10,800 regulars nominally supported by about 40,000 reservists – although by the last year of the war, perhaps as few as 15,000 were available for active service. While the regular army consisted of a professional core of white soldiers (and some units, such as the Rhodesian SAS and the Rhodesian Light Infantry, were all-white), by 1978–1979 the rest was majority black.

By contrast, army reserves were largely white, and toward the end of the war were increasingly called up to deal with the growing insurgency. The regular army was supported by the paramilitary British South Africa Police of about 8,000 to 11,000 men (the majority of whom were black) and 19,000 to 35,000 police reservists (which, like their army counterparts, were largely white). The police reserves acted as a type of home guard.

The war saw the extensive operation of Rhodesian regulars as well as special forces units such as the Selous Scouts and the Rhodesian SAS. The Rhodesian Army fought bitterly against the black nationalist guerrillas. The Rhodesian Army also comprised mostly black regiments such as the Rhodesian African Rifles. As the war went on, the frequent call-up of reservists was increasingly used to supplement the professional soldiers and the many volunteers from overseas.

By 1978, all white men up to the age of 60 were subject to periodic call-up to the army; younger men up to 35 might expect to spend alternating blocks of six weeks in the army and at home. Many of the overseas volunteers came from Britain, Ireland, South Africa, Portugal, Hong Kong, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United States with the latter three being held in high regard for their recent Vietnam War experience.

Considering the arms embargo, the Rhodesian Army was well-equipped. The standard infantry weapon was the Belgian FN FAL rifle as produced in South Africa under license as the R1 rifle and supplemented by the H&K G3 rifle that came from Portuguese forces. However, other weapons such as the British L1A1 ('SLR') variant of the FAL and the older British Lee–Enfield bolt-action rifle were used by reservists and the British South Africa Police. Other weapons included the Bren LMG in both .303" and 7.62mm NATO, Sten SMG, Uzi, Browning Hi-Power pistol, Colt M16 rifle (very late in the war), FN MAG (FN MAG58) general-purpose machine-gun, 81 mm mortar, and Claymore mines. After UDI, Rhodesia was heavily reliant on South African and domestically produced weapons and equipment, as well as international smuggling operations, commonly referred to as "sanction-busting". South Africa provided extensive support to Rhodesia in the form of a Lend / Lease program and both the official and unofficial support of many branches of the South African armed forces.

The Rhodesian Air Force (RhAF) operated a variety of equipment and carried out numerous roles, with air power providing the Rhodesians with a significant advantage over their guerrilla enemy. The fleet consisted mainly of British aircraft and largely obsolete aircraft, such as the World War II vintage Douglas Dakota transport aircraft and the British de Havilland Vampire. The arms embargo caused a lack of spare parts from external suppliers and RhAF had to find alternative means to keep its aircraft flying. The larger South African Air Force provided extensive training, aircraft and aircrews in support of RhAF operations from 1966. The Rhodesians also used more modern types of aircraft like the Hawker Hunter and Canberra bombers, the Cessna Skymaster as well as Aérospatiale Alouette III (SA316) helicopters until they were supplemented by the Agusta Bell 205. Very late in the war, the Rhodesian forces were able to smuggle and use a few Agusta Bell UH-1 Iroquois helicopters.

At the beginning of the first war, much of Rhodesia's military hardware was of British and Commonwealth origin, but during the course of the conflict, new equipment such as Eland armoured cars were procured from South Africa. Several Polish-made T-55 tanks destined for Idi Amin's regime in Uganda were diverted to Rhodesia by the South Africans, in the last year of the war. The Rhodesians also produced a wide range of wheeled mine-proofed armoured vehicles, often using Mercedes Unimog, Land Rover and Bedford truck components, including unlicensed copies of the Mercedes-Benz UR-416.

During the course of the war, most white citizens carried personal weapons, and it was not unusual to see white housewives carrying submachine guns. A siege mentality set in and all civilian transport had to be escorted in convoys for safety against ambushes. Farms and villages in rural areas were frequently attacked by guerrillas.

The Rhodesian government divided the country into eight geographical operational areas: North West Border (Operation Ranger), Eastern Border (Operation Thrasher), North East Border (Operation Hurricane), South East Border (Operation Repulse), Midlands (Operation Grapple), Kariba (Operation Splinter), Matabeleland (Operation Tangent), Salisbury and District ("SALOPS").

African nationalist guerrilla forces
The two major armed groups campaigning against Ian Smith's government were the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), the armed wing of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), and the Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA), the armed wing of the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU). The fighting was largely rural, as the two rival movements tried to win peasant support and to recruit fighters while attacking the local government administration and white civilians. To ensure local domination, ZANLA and ZIPRA sometimes fought against each other as well as against the security forces.

ZANLA
ZANLA was the armed wing of ZANU. The organisation also had strong links with Mozambique's independence movement, FRELIMO. ZANLA, in the end, was present on a more or less permanent basis in over half the country, as evidenced by the location of the demobilisation bases at the end of the war, which were in every province except Matabeleland North. In addition, they were fighting a civil war against ZIPRA, despite the formation of a joint front by their political parties after 1978. It was ZANLA's intention to occupy the ground, supplant the administration in rural areas, and then mount the final conventional campaign. ZANLA concentrated on the politicisation of the rural areas using force, persuasion, ties of kinship and collaboration with spirit mediums.

ZANLA tried to paralyse the Rhodesian effort and economy by planting Soviet anti-tank land mines on the roads. From 1972 to 1980 there were 2,504 vehicle detonations of land mines (mainly Soviet TM46s), killing 632 people and injuring 4,410. Mining of roads increased 33.7% from 1978 (894 mines or 2.44 mines were detonated or recovered per day) to 1979 (2,089 mines or 5.72 mines a day).

In response, the Rhodesians co-operated with the South Africans to develop a range of mine protected vehicles. They began by replacing air in tyres with water which absorbed some of the blast and reduced the heat of the explosion. Initially, they protected the bodies with steel deflector plates, sandbags and mine conveyor belting. Later, purpose built vehicles with V-shaped blast hulls dispersed the blast and deaths in such vehicles became unusual events.

ZIPRA
ZIPRA was the anti-government force based around the Ndebele ethnicity, led by Joshua Nkomo, and the ZAPU political organisation. In contrast to ZANLA's Mozambique links, Nkomo's ZIPRA was more oriented towards Zambia for local bases. However, this was not always with full Zambian government support: by 1979, the combined forces based in Zambia of ZIPRA, Umkhonto we Sizwe (the armed wing of the African National Congress of South Africa) and South-West African SWAPO fighters were a major threat to Zambia's internal security. Because ZAPU's political strategy relied more heavily on negotiations than armed force, ZIPRA grew slower and less elaborately than ZANLA, but by 1979 it had an estimated 20,000 combatants, almost all based in camps around Lusaka, Zambia.

ZIPRA was responsible for two attacks on civilian Air Rhodesia Viscount aeroplanes, on 3 September 1978 and 12 February 1979. Using SA-7 surface-to-air missiles, the guerrillas shot down each plane during its ascent from Kariba Airport. ZIPRA took advice from its Soviet instructors in formulating its vision and strategy of popular revolution. About 1,400 Soviet, 700 East German and 500 Cuban instructors were deployed to the area.

On the advice of the Soviets, ZIPRA built up its conventional forces, and motorised with Soviet armoured vehicles and a number of small aeroplanes, in Zambia. ZIPRA's (i.e. ZAPU's) intention was to allow ZANLA to bring the Rhodesian forces to the point of defeat, and then take the victory from the much lighter forces of ZANLA and the essentially defeated Rhodesians. ZIPRA kept a light presence within Rhodesia, reconnoitring, keeping contact with the peasants and sometimes skirmishing with ZANLA.

ZIPRA's conventional threat partly distracted Rhodesian forces from fighting ZANLA. By the late 1970s, ZIPRA had developed a strategy known as Storming the Heavens to launch a conventional invasion from Zambia, supported by a limited number of armoured vehicles and light aircraft. An operation by the Rhodesian armed forces to destroy a ZIPRA base near Livingstone in Zambia was never launched.

The ZAPU/ZIPRA strategy for taking over Zimbabwe proved unsuccessful. In any event, the transfer of power to black nationalists took place not by the military take-over expected by ZAPU/ZIPRA, but by a peaceful and internationally supervised election. Rhodesia reverted to British rule as the colony of Southern Rhodesia (the UK had never recognised Rhodesia's declaration of independence) and a general election took place in early 1980, supervised by British and other international forces.

Robert Mugabe (of ZANLA/ZANU) won this election, because he was the only major competitor of the majority ethnicity, Shona. Once in power, Mugabe was internationally recognised as Zimbabwe's leader and was installed as head of government, and had the backing of the overwhelming majority ethnic group. He was therefore able to quickly and irreversibly consolidate his power, forcing ZAPU, and therefore ZIPRA which was ZAPU's army, to give up hope of taking over the country in the place of ZANU/ZANLA.

Foreign involvement
Both sides of the Cold War were involved in the Rhodesian Bush War.

During the war, Israel's government declared its support for Rhodesia and cultivated material ties. Israel gave Rhodesia the right to produce its own Uzis alongside material shipments. This resulted in the Uzi becoming standard in the Rhodesian army, police, and its white citizens. Helicopters provided by Israel to Rhodesia were also used in counter-insurgency operations. These counter-insurgency operations were based on Israeli tactics, as Israeli companies were used to construct a 500-mile belt of landmines along the border of Mozambique and Zambia.

Civil disobedience (1957–1964)

In September 1956, bus fares in Salisbury were raised so high that workers were spending 18% to 30% of their earnings on transportation. In response, the City Youth League boycotted the United Transport Company's buses and succeeded in preventing the price change. On 12 September 1957 members of the Youth League and the defunct ANC formed the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress, led by Joshua Nkomo. The Whitehead administration banned the SRANC in 1959 and arrested 307 leaders, excluding Nkomo who was out of the country, on 29 February in Operation Sunrise.

Nkomo, Mugabe, Herbert Chitepo, and Ndabaningi Sithole established the National Democratic Party in January 1960. Nkomo became its leader in October. An NDP delegation headed by Nkomo attended the constitutional conference in January 1961. While Nkomo initially supported the constitution, he reversed his position after other NDP leaders disagreed. The government banned the NDP in December 1961 and arrested NDP leaders, excluding Nkomo who, again, was out of the country. Nkomo formed the Zimbabwe African People's Union which the Whitehead administration banned in September 1962.

The United Federal Party (UFP) had been in power since 1934, earning it the nickname of "the establishment", and roughly represented Southern Rhodesian commercial and major agricultural interests. The UFP contested the 1962 general election on a ticket of racial "partnership", whereby blacks and whites would work together. All ethnically discriminatory legislation would be immediately repealed, including the Land Apportionment Act, which defined certain areas of the land as eligible for purchase only by blacks, others as exclusively for whites, and others as open for all races.

About 45% of the country was split in this way; another 45% comprised reserved Tribal Trust Lands (TTL), which housed tribesmen, and gave local chiefs and headmen a degree of self-government in a similar manner to American Indian reservations. The remainder was national land. The country had originally been split up in this way during the early days of white immigration to prevent the new arrivals from using their superior finances to buy all of the land in the country.

The UFP proposed to repeal the black and white purchase areas, but keep the Tribal Trust and national lands. It also committed to general black advancement. These proposals proved largely repugnant to the mostly white electorate, which feared that premature black ascendancy would threaten Rhodesia's economic prosperity and security, as well as their own personal affairs.

Most turned away from the ruling UFP party, causing it to lose in the 1962 election to the newly formed Rhodesian Front (RF), a conservative party opposed to any immediate shift to black rule. Winston Field and Ian Smith became Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, respectively. Nkomo, legally barred from forming a new party, moved ZAPU's headquarters to Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

In July 1963, Nkomo suspended Ndabaningi Sithole, Robert Mugabe, Leopold Takawira, and Washington Malianga for their opposition to his continued leadership of ZAPU. On 8 August, they announced the establishment of the Zimbabwe African National Union. ZANU members formed a militant wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army, and sent ZANLA members to the People's Republic of China for training.

First phase (1964–1972)

On 4 July 1964, ZANU insurgents ambushed and murdered a white foreman from Silverstreams Wattle Company, Pieter Johan Andries (Andrew) Oberholzer. The killing had a lasting effect on the small, close-knit white community. The Smith administration detained ZANU and ZAPU leaders in August 1964. The major leaders imprisoned were Ndabaningi Sithole, Leopold Takawira, Edgar Tekere, Enos Nkala and Maurice Nyagumbo. The remaining military leaders of the ZANLA Dare ReChimurenga were Josiah Tongogara and the barrister Herbert Chitepo. Operating from bases in Zambia and later from Mozambique, militants began launching attacks against Rhodesia.

The conflict intensified after Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) from Britain on 11 November 1965. Sanctions (embargo) were imposed by Britain and endorsed by member states of the United Nations. The embargo meant that Rhodesia was hampered by a lack of modern equipment but it used other means to receive vital war supplies such as oil, munitions, and arms via the apartheid government of South Africa and Portugal. War material was also obtained through elaborate international smuggling schemes through Portuguese Mozambique, domestic production, and captured infiltrating enemy combatants.

Five months later, on 28 April 1966, the Rhodesian Security Forces engaged militants in Sinoia, during the first major engagement of the war. Seven ZANLA men were killed, and in retaliation the survivors killed two civilians at their farm near Hartley three weeks later.

During Portuguese rule of Mozambique, until 1974–1975, Rhodesia was able to defend its border with Zambia relatively easily and prevent many guerrilla incursions. It set up a strong defense along the Zambezi River running from Lake Kariba to the Mozambique border. Here 30-man camps were established at 8-kilometre intervals supported by mobile rapid reaction units. From 1966 to 1970, these defences accounted for 175 insurgents killed for the loss of 14 defenders. The conflict continued at a low level until 21 December 1972 when ZANLA conducted the attack on Altena Farm in north-east Rhodesia. In response, the Rhodesians moved to attack nationalists in their foreign camps and staging areas before they could infiltrate into Rhodesia.

Secret cross-border operations by the Special Air Service began in the mid-1960s, with Rhodesian Security Forces already engaging in hot pursuits into Mozambique. However, three weeks after the attack on Altena Farm, ZANLA killed two civilians and abducted a third into Mozambique and then Tanzania. In response, SAS troops were inserted into Mozambique with the approval of the Portuguese administration, in the first officially sanctioned external operation. The Rhodesian government began authorising an increasing number of external operations.

In the first phase of the conflict (until the end of 1972), Rhodesia's political and military position was strong. Nationalist guerrillas did not make serious inroads. In the early 1970s, the two main nationalist groups faced serious internal divisions, aid from the Organisation of African Unity was temporarily suspended in 1971, and 129 nationalists were expelled from Zambia after they were alleged to have plotted against President Kenneth Kaunda.

Britain's efforts to isolate Rhodesia economically had not produced major compromises by the Smith Government. Indeed, late in 1971 the British and Rhodesian Governments had negotiated a compromise political settlement which would have bowed to the Smith Government's agenda of postponing majority rule into the indefinite future. Nevertheless, when it was found that such a delayed approach to majority rule was unacceptable to most of Rhodesia's African population, the deal fell apart.

In 1971, Rhodesia joined Alcora Exercise, a secret defensive alliance for Southern Africa, formalised in 1970 by Portugal and South Africa. Alcora formalised and deepened the political and military co-operation between the three countries against the revolutionary insurgency in Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique and South West Africa and against the hostile neighbouring countries.

However, the end of Portuguese rule in Mozambique created new military and political pressures on the Rhodesian Government to accept the principle of immediate majority rule.

Second phase (1972–1979)
The black nationalists continued to operate from secluded bases in neighbouring Zambia and from FRELIMO-controlled areas in the Portuguese colony of Mozambique, making periodic raids into Rhodesia. By 1973, guerrilla activity was increasing in the aftermath of the Altena Farm raid, particularly in the northeast part of the country where portions of the African population were evacuated from border areas, and compulsory military service for whites was extended to one year. As the war intensified, conscription was raised to men between the ages of 38 and 50, though this was modified in 1977. No white male 17-year-olds were allowed to leave the country.

In April 1974, the left-wing Carnation Revolution in Portugal heralded the coming end of colonial rule in Mozambique. A transitional government was formed within months and Mozambique became independent under FRELIMO rule on 25 June 1975. Such events proved beneficial to ZANLA and disastrous for the Rhodesians, adding 800 mi of hostile border. Indeed, with the demise of the Portuguese Empire, Ian Smith realised Rhodesia was surrounded on three sides by hostile nations and declared a formal state of emergency. Soon Mozambique closed its border, however Rhodesian forces continued to cross the border in "hot pursuit" raids, attacking the nationalists and their training camps, and engaged in skirmishes with Mozambican security forces.

By 1975–1976, it was clear that an indefinite postponement of majority rule, which had been the cornerstone of the Smith Government's strategy since UDI, was no longer viable. Even overt South African support for Rhodesia was waning. South Africa began scaling back economic assistance to Rhodesia, placed limits on the amount of fuel and munitions being supplied to the Rhodesian military, and withdrew the personnel and equipment they had previously provided to aid the war effort, including a border police unit that had been helping guard the Rhodesia-Zambia border.

In 1976, the length of active military service was extended to 18 months; this took effect immediately, with soldiers about to end their one-year service finding their active service extended. Even after discharge from regular service, white men entered the reserve forces, and were often called up for duty and subjected to long military service. In addition, Rhodesia recruited additional black men to volunteer for military service. Although some raised questions about their loyalty, the Rhodesian government stated that it had no doubts about their loyalty, and planned to train black officers. Legislation to conscript blacks was introduced and came in effect in 1979, but the response to call-ups was poor. Rhodesia also recruited foreign volunteers for service, with groups of foreigners who served in Rhodesia including the Crippled Eagles and 7 Independent Company.

Late in 1976, Ian Smith accepted the basic elements of the compromise proposals made by US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger to introduce majority rule within two years. The Smith Government then sought to negotiate an acceptable settlement with moderate black leaders, while retaining strong white influence in key areas. The Rhodesian military, in turn, aimed to erode the rising military strength of the ZANLA and ZIPRA to the greatest extent possible in order to "buy time" for an acceptable political settlement to be reached.

Use of biological and chemical weapons
As the war continued to intensify, the Rhodesian Security Forces initiated a Chemical and Biological Weapons (CBW) programme to kill guerrillas both inside Rhodesia and in external camps in Zambia and Mozambique. The effort had three fronts. First, it aimed to eliminate guerrillas operating inside Rhodesia through contaminated supplies either provided by contact men, recovered from hidden caches, or stolen from rural stores.

Secondly, it aimed to contaminate water supplies along guerrilla infiltration routes into Rhodesia, forcing the guerrillas to either travel through arid regions to carry more water and less ammunition or travel through areas patrolled by the security forces. Finally, the Rhodesians sought to hit the guerrillas in their camps in Mozambique by poisoning food, beverages, and medicines.

The chemicals most used in the Rhodesian programme were parathion (an organophosphate insecticide) and thallium (a heavy metal commonly found in rodenticide). Biological agents the Rhodesians selected for use also included Vibrio cholerae (causative agent of cholera) and Bacillus anthracis (causative agent of anthrax). They also looked at using Rickettsia prowazekii (causative agent of epidemic typhus), and Salmonella typhi (causative agent of typhoid fever), and toxins—such as ricin and botulinum toxin.

Laying of minefields
Between 1976 and 1979, the Rhodesian Army laid extensive minefields along the country's eastern and northern borders to prevent infiltration and resupply of fighters based in Zambia and Mozambique. The mines were laid in dense patterns, one of which was known as the "Cordon Sanitaire" in six main districts and were estimated at independence to cover 511 sq km, later revised down to 310 sq km. The Zimbabwe Government estimated that the minefields contained 2.6 million anti-personnel landmines.

Nyadzonya raid
The Rhodesian Security Forces called up part-time soldiers on 2 May 1976 in preparation for a major counter-offensive. On 9 August 1976, Rhodesian Selous Scouts aided by former ZANLA commander Morrison Nyathi attacked a ZANLA camp at Nyadzonya in Mozambique containing over 5,000 guerrillas and several hundred refugees. The Selous Scouts, who numbered 72, dressed in FRELIMO uniforms and disguised their vehicles, attaching FRELIMO licence plates and painting them in FRELIMO colours. White soldiers wore black ski masks. They crossed the unmanned border into Mozambique at 0005 hours on 9 August and drove through the early morning to the camp, passing several FRELIMO sentries who saluted them as they went by.

When they reached the ZANLA camp at 0825 hours the six ZANLA soldiers on duty allowed them to enter, and the Rhodesian vehicles moved in and took up prearranged positions around the edge of the parade ground, on which stood about 4,000 guerrillas. When all was ready a Rhodesian soldier took his vehicle loudspeaker and announced, in Shona, "Zimbabwe tatora", meaning "we have taken Zimbabwe", and Nyathi blew a whistle signalling the cadres to muster. The cadres began cheering and ran towards the vehicles, packing around them as more ran onto the parade ground from other areas of the camp.

The Rhodesians then opened fire and continued shooting until there was no movement on the parade ground, then they returned to Rhodesia. More than 300 ZANLA insurgents were reported killed by the Rhodesians, with four Selous Scouts lightly wounded. This figure is corroborated by ZANLA's official report, though publicly both ZANLA and ZIPRA claimed that Nyadzonya had been a refugee camp.

Later, on 7 October 1976, militants bombed a railroad bridge over Matetsi River when a train carrying ore passed over. Black nationalist guerrillas attacked a tea plantation and killed 27 black workers near the Mozambican border on 21 December 1976.

Escalation of the war (1977)
By 1977, the war had spread throughout Rhodesia. ZANLA continued to operate from Mozambique and remained dominant among the Mashona peoples in eastern and central Rhodesia. Meanwhile, ZIPRA remained active in the north and west, using bases in Zambia and Botswana, and were mainly supported by the Ndebele tribes. With this escalation came sophistication, organisation and modern weapons for the guerrillas, and although many were still untrained, an increasing number were trained in Communist bloc and other sympathetic countries.

Weapons fielded included TT pistols, PPSh-41 submachine guns, AK-47 and AKM assault rifles, SKS semi-automatic carbines, RPD and RPK light machine guns, as well as RPG-2 and RPG-7 rocket propelled grenade launchers and various Soviet grenades. The Rhodesians only discovered how well equipped the nationalists had become when raids on guerrilla base areas towards the end of the war revealed mortars, 12.7 mm and 14.5 mm heavy machine guns and even heavier calibre weapons such as 122 mm multiple rocket launchers.

On 3 April 1977, General Peter Walls announced that the government would launch a campaign to win the "hearts and minds" of Rhodesia's black citizens. In May, Walls received reports of ZANLA forces massing in the city of Mapai in Gaza Province, Mozambique. Prime Minister Smith gave Walls permission to destroy the base. Walls told the media the Rhodesian forces were changing tactics from contain and hold to search and destroy, "adopting hot pursuit when necessary".

On 30 May 1977, during Operation Aztec, 500 troops crossed the Mozambican border and travelled 60 mi to Mapai, engaging the ZANLA forces with air cover from the Rhodesian Air Force and paratroopers in C-47 Dakotas. The Rhodesian government said the military killed 32 ZANLA fighters and lost one Rhodesian pilot. The Mozambican government disputed the number of casualties, saying it shot down three Rhodesian planes and a helicopter and took several thousand troops prisoner, all of which was denied by Minister of Combined Operations, Roger Hawkins.

Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, condemned the incident on 1 June, and Walls announced a day later that the Rhodesian military would occupy Mapai until they had eliminated ZANLA's presence. But the American, British, and Soviet governments also condemned the raid and Rhodesian forces later withdrew from the area. The United Nations Security Council denounced the incursion of the "illegal racist minority regime in Southern Rhodesia" in Resolution 411, on 30 June 1977.

Militants bombed a Woolworths department store in Salisbury on 6 August 1977, killing 11 and injuring 70. Militants from Mozambique killed 16 black civilians in eastern Rhodesia on 21 August, burning the farmworkers' homes on a white-owned farm. In November 1977, in response to the buildup of ZANLA guerrillas in Mozambique, Rhodesian forces launched Operation Dingo, a pre-emptive combined arms surprise attack on guerrilla camps at Chimoio and Tembue in Mozambique. The attack was carried out over three days, from 23 to 25 November 1977. While these operations reportedly inflicted thousands of casualties on Robert Mugabe's ZANLA cadres, probably blunting guerrilla incursions in the months that followed, nevertheless a steady intensification of the insurgency continued through 1978.

To disrupt FRELIMO's hold on Mozambique, the Rhodesian Central Intelligence Organisation helped to create and support an insurgency movement within Mozambique. This guerrilla group, known as RENAMO, battled with FRELIMO even as Rhodesian forces fought the ZANLA within Mozambique.

In May 1978, 50 civilians were killed in crossfire between Marxist militants and the Rhodesian military, the greatest number of civilians killed in an engagement until then. In July, Patriotic Front members killed 39 black civilians and the Rhodesian government killed 106 militants. By mid-1978, black nationalist guerrillas had killed nearly 40 Christian missionaries. Seven white Catholic missionaries were killed by guerrillas at St. Paul's Mission, Musami on 6 February 1977. In the single worst attack on missionaries, 12 British missionaries and their children were killed in the Vumba massacre on 23 June 1978.

On 4 November 1978, Walls said 2,000 Patriotic Front militants had been persuaded to defect and fight for the Rhodesian Security Forces. In December 1978, a ZANLA unit penetrated the outskirts of Salisbury and fired a volley of rockets and incendiary device rounds into the main oil storage depot. The storage tanks burned for five days, giving off a column of smoke that could be seen 80 mi away. Half a million barrels of petroleum product—a quarter of Rhodesia's fuel—was destroyed.

In 1978, 450 ZANLA militants entered from Mozambique and attacked the town of Umtali. At the time, ZANU said the militants were women, an unusual characteristic, but in 1996 Joyce Mujuru said the vast majority involved were men and ZANU concocted the story to make Western organisations believe women were involved in the fighting. In retaliation for these acts, the Rhodesian Air Force bombed guerrilla camps 125 mi inside Mozambique, using Canberra B2 aircraft and Hawker Hunters – actively, but clandestinely, supported by several of the more capable Canberra B(I)12 aircraft of the South African Air Force. A number of joint-force bomber raids on guerrilla encampments and assembly areas in Mozambique and Zambia were mounted in 1978, and extensive air reconnaissance and surveillance of guerrilla encampments and logistical build-up was carried out by the South African Air Force on behalf of the RhAF.

Airliners shot down
Rhodesian external operations extended into Zambia after Nkomo's ZIPRA nationalists shot down two unarmed Vickers Viscount civilian airliners with Soviet-supplied SA-7 heat-seeking missiles. Encamped beneath the path of ascent towards Salisbury from Kariba Airport, the ZIPRA cadres downed Air Rhodesia Flight 825 on 3 September 1978 and Air Rhodesia Flight 827 on 12 February 1979. In the first incident, eighteen civilians on board survived, and five of these went away to find water. Half an hour later nine ZIPRA fighters arrived, promising help; three of the thirteen survivors hid when they saw them. In the words of Time magazine, the ZIPRA cadres "herded together the ten people at the wreckage, robbed them of their valuables, and finally cut them down with automatic weapons fire". Nkomo claimed responsibility for the attack and spoke of it to the BBC in a way Rhodesians considered gloating. In the second attack all 59 people on board were killed in the crash. In retaliation for the shooting down of Flight 825 in September 1978, Rhodesian Air Force Canberra bombers, Hunter fighter-bombers and helicopter gunships attacked the ZIPRA guerrilla base at Westlands farm near Lusaka in October 1978, warning Zambian forces by radio not to interfere.

The increased effectiveness of the bombing and follow-up 'air mobile' strikes using Dakota-dropped parachutists and helicopter 'air cav' techniques had a significant effect on the development of the conflict. As late as September 1979, despite the increased sophistication of guerrilla forces in Mozambique, a raid by Selous Scouts, with artillery and air support, on "New Chimoio" still reportedly resulted in heavy ZANLA casualties. However, a successful raid on the Rhodesian strategic fuel reserves in Salisbury also underscored the importance of concluding a negotiated settlement and achieving international recognition before the war expanded further.

Military pressure
The larger problem was that by 1979, combined ZIPRA and ZANLA strength inside Rhodesia totalled at least 12,500 guerrillas and it was evident that insurgents were entering the country at a faster rate than the Rhodesian forces could kill or capture. In addition, 22,000 ZIPRA and 16,000 ZANLA fighters remained uncommitted outside the country. Joshua Nkomo's ZIPRA forces were preparing their forces in Zambia with the intent of confronting the Rhodesians through a conventional invasion. Whether such an invasion could have been successful in the short term against the well trained Rhodesian army and air force is questionable. However, what was clear was that the insurgency was growing in strength daily and the ability of the security forces to continue to control the entire country was coming under serious challenge.

By putting the civilian population at risk, ZIPRA and the ZANLA had been particularly effective in creating conditions that accelerated white emigration. This not only seriously undermined the morale of the white population, it was also gradually reducing the availability of trained reserves for the army and the police. The economy was also suffering badly from the war; the Rhodesian GDP consistently declined in the late 1970s.

Politically, the Rhodesians were therefore pinning all their hopes on the "internal" political settlement that had been negotiated with moderate black nationalist leaders in 1978 and its ability to achieve external recognition and support. This internal settlement led to the creation of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia under a new constitution in 1979.

Resolution
Under the agreement of March 1978, the country was renamed Zimbabwe-Rhodesia, and in the general election of 24 April 1979, Bishop Abel Muzorewa became the country's first black prime minister. On 1 June 1979, Josiah Zion Gumede became President. The internal settlement left control of the military, police, civil service, and judiciary in white hands, and assured whites about one-third of the seats in parliament. It was essentially a power-sharing arrangement between whites and blacks. The factions led by Nkomo and Mugabe denounced the new government as a puppet of white Rhodesians and fighting continued. The hopes for recognition of the internal settlement, and of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia, by the newly elected Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher did not materialise after the latter's election in May 1979. Likewise, although the US Senate voted to lift sanctions against Zimbabwe-Rhodesia, the Carter administration also refused to recognise the internal settlement.

While Prime Minister Thatcher clearly sympathised with the internal settlement and thought of the ZANLA and ZIPRA leaders as terrorists, she was prepared to support a push for further compromise if it could end the fighting. Britain was also reluctant to recognise the internal settlement for fear of fracturing the unity of the Commonwealth. Thus later in 1979, the Thatcher government called a peace conference in London to which all nationalist leaders were invited.

The outcome of this conference would become known as the Lancaster House Agreement. During the conference, the Zimbabwe-Rhodesian Government accepted a watering down of the 1978 internal settlement while Mugabe and Nkomo agreed to end the war in exchange for new elections in which they could participate. The economic sanctions imposed on Rhodesia were lifted in late 1979, and the country reverted to temporary British rule until elections could be held. Under the Constitution of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia (Amendment) (No. 4) Act 1979 of 11 December 1979, the country formally reverted to its colonial status as Southern Rhodesia. The Zimbabwe-Rhodesian parliament voted itself out of power, and Lord Soames was appointed by the British government to rule the country as Governor-Designate, arriving in Salisbury on 12 December to take over from President Gumede. On 21 December 1979, a cease-fire was announced. An election was scheduled for early 1980. The British Commonwealth deployed an observer force, the Commonwealth Monitoring Force, to the country for the transitional period. Britain contributed 800 soldiers and 300 Royal Air Force personnel, along with small naval and marine contingents. Australia, Fiji, Kenya, and New Zealand also contributed smaller numbers of troops. A nine-man British advance party arrived on 8 December to begin establishing a logistics base, and this was followed by the arrival of the main force shortly after.

The war would end in a military stalemate. However, the political compromise which was reached after combat ceased would work to the advantage of the black nationalists, especially those aligned with ZANU leader Robert Mugabe. Mugabe himself stated in an interview published in the 28 April 1980 edition of the New York Times "We did not win a military victory ... We reached a political settlement ... A compromise."

During the election of 1980, there were accusations of voter intimidation by Mugabe's guerrilla cadres, sections of which were accused of not having assembled in the designated guerrilla assembly points as required under the Lancaster House Agreement, and the international observers as well as Lord Soames were accused of looking the other way. The Rhodesian military may have seriously considered a coup d'état in March 1980. This alleged coup was to consist of two stages: Operation Quartz, coordinated attacks on guerrilla assembly points within the country, and Operation Hectic, the assassination of Mugabe and his key aides.

However, even in the context of alleged voter intimidation by ZANLA elements, widespread support for Mugabe from large sections of the black population (in particular from the Shona language group which made up the overwhelming majority of the country's population) could not be seriously disputed. Moreover, the clear absence of any external support for such a coup, and the inevitable conflagration that would have engulfed the country thereafter, scuttled the plan.

The election of early 1980 was won by Mugabe, who became prime minister after ZANU-PF received 63% of the vote. By 16 March 1980, all Commonwealth forces had departed, save for 40 infantry instructors who temporarily stayed behind to train the new nation's army. On 18 April 1980, interim British rule ended and the country was internationally recognised as independent. The colony of Southern Rhodesia was formally renamed Zimbabwe, and on 18 April 1982, the government changed the name of the country's capital from Salisbury to Harare.

Aftermath
According to Rhodesian government statistics, more than 20,000 were killed during the second war. From December 1972 to December 1979, 1,120 members of the Rhodesian security forces were killed, along with 10,050 guerrillas who were killed in Rhodesia, and an unknown number in Mozambique and Zambia, 7,790 black civilians, and 468 white civilians.

After he assumed power, Robert Mugabe acted incrementally to consolidate his power, forming a coalition government with his ZAPU rivals and the white minority. The Rhodesian Army was merged with guerrilla forces to form the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, and the Rhodesian security forces were merged with ZANLA and ZIPRA forces. Joshua Nkomo was given a series of cabinet positions. The South African government recruited white Rhodesian Security Forces personnel in what was designated Operation Winter and around 5,000 took this up.

However, Mugabe was torn between keeping his coalition stable and pressures to meet the expectations of his followers for social change. Clashes between ZANLA and ZIPRA forces took place in 1980 and 1981. In February 1982, Mugabe fired Nkomo and two other ZAPU ministers from his cabinet, triggering bitter fighting between ZAPU supporters in Ndebele-speaking region of the country and the ruling ZANU. Between 1982 and 1985, the military crushed armed resistance from Ndebele groups in Matabeleland and the Midlands in a military crackdown known as Gukurahundi, a Shona term which translates roughly to mean "the early rain which washes away the chaff before the spring rains". The Gukurahundi campaigns were also known as the Matabeleland Massacres.

The Zimbabwean military's North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade was deployed to Matabeleland to crush resistance. German journalist Shari Eppel estimates approximately 20,000 Matabele were murdered in these first years after the war; most of those killed were victims of public executions.

Violence between ZANLA and ZIPRA continued until 1987. In December 1987, the two groups reached an accord which saw them merge into one party known as ZANU PF, headed by Mugabe. Mugabe then became President and gained additional powers, as the office of Prime Minister was abolished.

Beyond Zimbabwe's borders, as a result of Rhodesian aid and support for RENAMO, the Rhodesian Bush War also helped influence the outbreak of the Mozambique Civil War, which lasted from 1977 until 1992 and claimed a million lives.

Overview
Unlike many post-colonial African conflicts, the Second Rhodesian Bush War spawned an extensive written military historiography. Though the territory at the center of the conflict was known by four different names throughout the time of the war, historiographic works tend to call the country "Rhodesia" or "Zimbabwe". Histories that use the former term often focus on the actions of white soldiers without much account of the conflict's political context, while many works that use the latter term frame the event as a victorious guerrilla liberation war.

Rhodesian narratives
Many Rhodesian veterans wrote memoirs about their service after the second Bush War, most of them emanating from soldiers who served in the RLI or Selous Scouts. These works were either self-published, published with vanity presses, or with specialized publishing houses. The memoirs published without editorial oversight often suffered from spelling errors and other mistakes, but tended to focus more on unit culture and non-military activities such as poaching, or "taming" captured African insurgents into domestic servants. Most of these books were released in Africa; few became commercial successes in the United Kingdom or the United States. Grouped together with fictional novels about the war, the memoirs are sometimes placed in a genre of "neo-Rhodesian" literature. Claims involving use of biological and chemical weapons by Rhodesian forces appeared only in post-war literature.

The first major Rhodesian memoir to be released was Reid-Daly's account of the Selous Scouts, Selous Scouts Top Secret War, published by Galago—a publishing house run by Peter Stiff—in 1982. Galago continued to be a major publisher of these works. Publishing of these memoirs accelerated during Zimbabwe's economic decline in the 1990s. These works increasingly incorporated material from other memoirs and some secondary works, though they generally displayed little knowledge of ZANLA's or ZIPRA's version of events. Many also featured direct and indirect criticism of other soldiers and memoirists. Some of these disputes led to lawsuits. Seizures of white-owned farms in the 2000s led to a massive growth in the literature. Revised editions of previous memoirs were also common. Chris Cocks' Fireforce was re-released by Galago and edited by Stiff. Stiff removed all references to drug use in the new edition, since he wanted to portray the RLI as heroes.

Zimbabwean nationalist discourse
Early literature on nationalist guerrillas in Rhodesia tended to focus on ZANLA and ignore ZIPRA. Several autobiographies and memoirs were published by Zimbabwean nationalists in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Masipule Sithole, the younger brother of Ndabaningi, wrote Zimbabwe: Struggles within the Struggle, which described conflicts between ZANU and ZAPU with an emphasis on ethnic disagreements. David Martin and Phyllis Johnson published The Struggle for Zimbabwe in 1981, which chronicled the formation and development of nationalist movements. It was printed with a favourable foreword by Mugabe and was wielded by the post-independent Zimbabwean government as evidence of the courage and sacrifices of ZANU and ZANLA, including incorporation into secondary school curriculum. The first major academic work covering the nationalist guerrilla perspective of the war was Terence Ranger's Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe, published in 1985. It focused on eastern Rhodesia and constituted a largely uncritical account of ZANLA activities in that area. The book did not address violence inflicted by ZANLA on African TTL residents and concluded that rural blacks were "united" in supporting the guerrilla movement. Ranger later reflected that his work duplicated ZANU's nationalist rhetoric. Romanticised interpretations of the Zimbwabwean nationalist endeavor fell out of scholarly favour in the mid-1990s. Since then, more critical works of the nationalist movement have predominated, highlighting complexities in the war. More works focusing on ZIPRA have also been published, though the nature of differences between ZANLA and ZIPRA as well as the geographical spread of the two guerrilla forces remains debated.

Critical analysis
In her 1992 book, Zimbabwe's Guerrilla War, political scientist Norma J. Kriger rejected "the existing portrait of ZANU's successful politicisation of the Zimbabwean countryside during the liberation war" and concluded that relations between nationalist guerrillas and TTL villagers in Mutoko District were predominantly characterized by violence and coercion. She also wrote that insofar as peasants voluntarily collaborated with ZANLA, it was often in the hopes of using them to settle petty personal scores and protect their local interests. Historian Luise White wrote that the white Rhodesian war accounts did not present a unified and agreed telling of the conflict, and instead "struggled over what being a white Rhodesian meant, and what pasts and futures soldiers brought to the war". Reflecting on their truthfulness, White stated, "Many of the stories and events in these memoirs are not true, or at least not wholly accurate." Reid-Daly later testified during a lawsuit involving an authorship dispute that he had "exaggerated or embellished the true story" several times in Selous Scouts Top Secret War. Many of these works maintained that the Rhodesian Army "won every battle but lost at the negotiating table" at Lancaster House. White criticized this view, writing, "First, there weren't really any battles, and second, while Rhodesian soldiers were not routed anywhere, they did not win any decisive victories either, especially during the mid-1970s when guerrilla forces were in disarray. In terms of strategy in the middle and late 1970s, it is not altogether clear that the Rhodesian state wanted victory more than it wanted a strong position from which to negotiate some kind of transition to majority rule." Academic M. T. Howard wrote that the portrayal of the Rhodesian Army as a nearly-invincible institution served both white Rhodesian and black Zimbabwean nationalist discourses; the former benefitted from showing a capable force which was never defeated in the field while the latter argued that their ultimate success was made more impressive.

title: Rhodesian Bush War


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User:DarkSkywise~enwiki

Oh lookie, a whole blank space! What shall I do with it? Tell you about ME maybe? Or maybe not? Would really hate to get slapped again or have somebody telling my friends they... errr... well, that's not impotant anymore cuz they weren't very obedient so they all still live which I think is a rather good thing. Where were we? Oh, we were deciding if I should tell about me, right? Errrr... I live in the Netherlands, in the city with the largest cheesmarket worldwide *gets slapped for bragging* *slaps back cuz it's absolutely true* and I'm also the chief administrator of the largest techno music forum worldwide *gets slapped* *slaps back yet again* which is even the 6th largest forum of ALL internet forums in the whooooooole world *back and forth slapping sounds* but am still the mostest famoustest as the creator of StickHorsie who isn't yet famous enough to be on Wiki yet....

Wot? You read ALL of this?

Want me to go on?

nl:Gebruiker:DarkSkywise

title: User:DarkSkywise~enwiki


text:
User talk:KASchmidt

Welcome!

Hello,, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! Please sign your name on talk pages using four tildes (~~); this will automatically produce your name and the date. If you need help, check out Where to ask a question, ask me on my talk page, or place  on your talk page and someone will show up shortly to answer your questions. Again, welcome! Lachatdelarue (talk) 14:49, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)
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Shahrisabz
Guess what? Even as a "newbie" you can rename pages, at least most of the time! There's a button at the top of each article ('move') that allows you to do this. As long as the move isn't disputed, and there isn't already an article (like a redirect) at the target page, you can move pages with ease. :) On a side note, please don't put templates like on your userpage, they're for mainspace articles only. I'm going to go ahead and remove it for you. Happy editing. Lachatdelarue (talk) 14:49, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Alexander in non-western sources
Hey, I saw your changes to Alexander the Great, and enjoyed them; you clearly have a scholar's grasp of the topic. If you are minded, come drop by the Wiki Classical Dictionary, for example the section on extant western and non-western sources. Lectiodifficilior 20:12, 18 May 2005 (UTC)

Pashtun
Thanks for your comment the other day on Talk:Pashtun. Glad to have someone reasonable & konwledgable on there, because I don't have much time to keep up with this (very contentious) page lately. -- Jmabel | Talk 16:17, May 22, 2005 (UTC)

Central Asia
WikiProject Central Asia has finally been created. Would you care to join us? Aelfthrytha 21:55, 5 July 2006 (UTC)

title: User talk:KASchmidt


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M2 motorway (Northern Ireland)

The M2 is a motorway in Belfast and County Antrim in Northern Ireland. It is in two sections, the southern section running from north Belfast to Antrim and the northern section acts as a bypass of Ballymena, with the A26 road linking the two sections. In total it is 22 miles (36.2 kilometres). The M2 has the busiest sections of any road or motorway in Northern Ireland. The M2 is one of Northern Ireland's most important motorways, forming most of the main route from Belfast city to both Belfast International Airport and less than a quarter of the way to Derry. It forms part of the unsigned European route E01, E16 and E18 roads.

Southern section
The route starts at as a continuation of the M3 to the west of the River Lagan at Duncairn. It strikes north past the docks and to the east of Fortwilliam before turning west on slip roads at Junction 2. It now runs through the northern suburbs of Belfast past Whitewell and enters the hill section as it climbs at a gradient of up to 1 in 15, one of the steepest in the United Kingdom. It then passes south of Glengormley before leaving the city behind at Ballyvesy. Entering the countryside, it runs parallel to Ballymartin Water before reaching Junction 5 north of Templepatrick, then crosses Six Mile Water before arriving to the north of Burnside at Junction 6. Running around the north of Antrim, shortly after Junction 7 the road meets an incomplete junction where the motorway would have continued to Ballymena. When the road widens, it becomes the M22.

Northern section
The route begins to the south east of Ballymena at Ballycregy as a continuation of the A26 and heads north under the roundabout at junction 10. Running east of Crebilly it crosses the River Braid and turns more north west to the west of Rabbit Hill passes south of Killyflugh, passes east of Leymore and terminates on the A26 by Teeshan. The unbuilt Junction 8 was for Kells and Connor and Junction 9 for a future Ballymena southern bypass.

History
A route roughly along the line of the M2 had been planned since the 1930s, but the first concrete plans for the North Approach were announced in 1946. In 1956 proposals for several motorways, including the M2, were announced with the M2 running directly to Ballymena. Part of this alignment became the A8(M). In 1964 the plans were further extended to route the M2 via Antrim to Coleraine, away from its original direct alignment over difficult terrain, which is how the plans for construction were then progressed. The A8(M) was already under construction, so it was left as a spur.

Due to financial restraints, it was decided to prioritise the sections of the road required urgently, with the first stage being started on 2 September 1963. Construction continued until 1975, with the road being opened in the following sections:
 * Junctions 1 to 2 opened in 1973
 * Junctions 2 to 4 opened in 1966
 * Junctions 4 to 5 opened in 1975
 * Junctions 5 to M22 opened in 1971
 * Junctions 10 to 12 opened in 1969

In 1993 Junction 7 was opened to provide access to Antrim Area Hospital.

The section between Junctions 7 and 10 was to be the next section constructed, but with the onset of The Troubles and then direct rule, nearly all the planned motorway projects were cancelled. The A26 between M22 Junction 1 and Junction 10 of the M2 was progressively upgraded to a dual carriageway and so it is now unlikely that the M2 will ever be completed.

The section between Junctions 1A and 2 is ten lanes (five lanes and two full-width shoulders each way) and, when it was opened, was the widest motorway in the United Kingdom.

Motorway service areas
Petrogas opened a Motorway service area in April 2015 off the northbound carriageway between the Glengormley and Templepatrick junctions. Branded "Applegreen" the service area contains food franchises including Burger King. A second service area is under construction off the southbound carriageway.

Southern section

 * In April 2008 a plan was approved to construct a flyover enabling a direct link between the M2 and A12 Westlink, to be completed between 2013 and 2018.

title: M2 motorway (Northern Ireland)