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Oyo Empire

The Oyo Empire was a Yoruba empire in West Africa. It was located in present-day southern Benin and western Nigeria (including the South West zone and the western half of the North Central zone). The empire grew to become the largest Yoruba-speaking state through the organizational and administrative efforts of the Yoruba people, trade, as well as the military use of cavalry. The Oyo Empire was one of the most politically important states in Western Africa from the mid-17th to the late 18th century and held sway not only over most of the other kingdoms in Yorubaland, but also over nearby African states, notably the Fon Kingdom of Dahomey in the modern Republic of Benin on its west.

Legend of origin
The origins of the Oyo Empire lie with Oranyan (also known as Oranmiyan), the last prince of the Yoruba Kingdom of Ile-Ife (Ife). Oranmiyan made an agreement with his brother to launch a punitive raid on their northern neighbors for insulting their father Oduduwa, the first Ooni of Ife. On the way to the battle, the brothers quarreled and the army split up. Oranmiyan's force was too small to make a successful attack, so he wandered the southern shore of the Niger River until reaching Bussa. There, the local chief entertained him and provided a large snake with a magic charm attached to its throat.

The chief instructed Oranmiyan to follow the snake until it stopped somewhere for seven days and disappeared into the ground. Oranmiyan followed the advice and founded Oyo where the serpent stopped. The site is remembered as Ajaka. Oranmiyan made Oyo his new kingdom and became the first "oba" (meaning 'king' or 'ruler' in the Yoruba language) with the title of "Alaafin of Oyo" (Alaafin means 'owner of the palace' in Yoruba). He left all his treasures in Ife and allowed another king to rule there.

At one time, Oyo-Ile was at war with the Bariba of Borgu, who wanted to subjugate the new city then still under construction. Orangun Ajagunla of Ila, Oranmiyan's elder brother, stormed in with his men to assist. Not long after the war was won, Oranmiyan had a son, Ajuwon Ajaka, by Princess Torosi of the Tapa (Nupe); much later Arabambi was also born by the same woman. It is believed that the name "Sango" was given by his maternal grandfather or that he adopted it from the local name for the god of Thunder. Either way, the royal family was devoted to the Spirits of Thunder (Jakuta) and War (Ogun).

Early period (13th century–1535)
The founding of Oyo is regarded as 1300, but this is only estimated through backtracking the chronology.

Oranmiyan, the first oba (king) of Oyo, was succeeded by Oba Ajaka, Alaafin of Oyo. Ajaka was deposed, because he lacked Yoruba military virtues and allowed his sub-chiefs too much independence. Leadership was then conferred upon Ajaka's brother, Shango, who was later deified as the deity of thunder and lightning. Ajaka was restored after Sango's death. Ajaka returned to the throne thoroughly more warlike. His successor, Kori, managed to conquer the rest of what later historians would refer to as metropolitan Oyo.

Oyo Ile
The heart of metropolitan Oyo was its capital at Oyo-Ile (also known as Oya Katunga, Old Oyo or Oyo-Oro). The two most important structures in Oyo-Ile were the 'Afin,' or palace of the Oba, and his market. The palace was at the center of the city close to the Oba's market called 'Oja-Oba'. Around the capital was an enormous earthen wall for defense with 17 gates. The importance of the two large structures (the palace and the Oja Oba) signified the importance of the king in Oyo.

The Nupe occupation
Oyo had grown into a formidable inland power by the end of the 14th century. For over a century, the Yoruba state had expanded at the expense of its neighbors. During the reign of Onigbogi, Oyo suffered military defeats at the hands of the Nupe led by Tsoede. Sometime around 1535, the Nupe occupied Oyo and forced its ruling dynasty to take refuge in the kingdom of Borgu. The Nupe sacked the capital, destroying Oyo as a regional power until the early 17th century.

Imperial period (1608–1800)
The Yoruba of Oyo went through an interregnum of 80 years as an exiled dynasty after its defeat by the Nupe. They re-established Oyo to be more centralized and expansive than ever. The people created a government that established its power over a vast territory. During the 17th century, Oyo began a long stretch of growth, becoming a major empire. Oyo never encompassed all Yoruba people, but it was the most populous kingdom in Yoruba history.

Reconquest and expansion
The key to the Yoruba rebuilding of Oyo was a stronger military and a more centralized government. Taking a cue from their Nupe enemies (whom they called "Tapa"), the Yoruba rearmed with armor and cavalry. Oba Ofinran, Alaafin of Oyo, succeeded in regaining Oyo's original territory from the Nupe. A new capital, Oyo-Igboho, was constructed, and the original became known as Old Oyo. The next oba, Eguguojo, conquered nearly all of Yorubaland. After this, Oba Orompoto led attacks to obliterate the Nupe to ensure Oyo was never threatened by them again. During the reign of Oba Ajiboyede, he held the first Bere festival, an event to celebrate peace in the kingdom. Celebrated regularly, it would retain much significance among the Yoruba long after the fall of Oyo.

Under his successor, Abipa, the Yoruba repopulated Oyo-Ile and rebuilt the original capital. Oyo attempted to take and conquer the Benin Empire sometime between 1578 and 1608, but failed as the mountains in Ekiti stopped the advance of cavalry units to attack Benin. A few towns of Ekiti fell under Oyo, and Otun Ekiti served as buffer independent town between Oyo and Benin yet, Oyo continued to expand. The Oyo allowed autonomy to the southeast of metropolitan Oyo, where the non-Yoruba areas could also act as a buffer between Oyo and Benin. By the end of the 16th century, the Ewe and Aja states of modern Benin Republic were paying tribute to Oyo.

Dahomey Wars
The reinvigorated Oyo Empire began raiding southward as early as 1682. By the end of its military expansion, Oyo's borders would extend to the coast, some 100 km southwest of its capital. It met little serious opposition until the early 18th century. In 1728, the Oyo Empire invaded the Kingdom of Dahomey in a major campaign dominated by its cavalry. Dahomey warriors, on the other hand, had no cavalry but many firearms. Their gunshots scared the Oyo cavalry horses and prevented their charging. The Dahomey army also built fortifications such as trenches, which effectively made the use of cavalry useless. The battle lasted four days, but the Oyo were eventually victorious after reinforcements arrived. Dahomey was forced to pay tribute to Oyo. The Oyo invaded Dahomey 11 times before finally subjugating the kingdom in 1748.

Later conquest
With its cavalry, Oyo campaigned over great distances. The Oyo army was able to attack defensive fortifications, but it was harder to supply an army, and they withdrew when supplies ran out. The Oyo did not use guns in its major conquests. The military waited until the 19th century to adopt them. In 1764, a joint Akyem-Dahomey-Oyo force defeated an invading Ashanti army. The victory among the alliance defined the borders between the neighboring states. Oyo led a successful campaign into Mahi territory north of Dahomey in the late 18th century. The Yoruba also made use of the forces of their tributaries, for instance, they accomplished a 1784 naval blockade of Badagri with an Oyo-Dahomey-Lagos force.

Organization
At the beginning, the people were concentrated in metropolitan Oyo. With imperial expansion, Oyo reorganized to better manage its vast holdings within and outside of Yorubaland. It was divided into four layers defined by relation to the core of the empire. These layers were Metropolitan Oyo, southern Yorubaland, the Egbado Corridor, and Ajaland.

Metropolitan Oyo
Metropolitan Oyo corresponded, more or less, to the Oyo state prior to the Nupe invasion. This was the hub of the empire, where the Yoruba spoke the Oyo dialect. Metropolitan Oyo was divided into six provinces, with three on the west side of the Ogun River and three to the river's east. Each province was supervised by a governor appointed directly by the Alaafin of Oyo.

Yorubaland
The second layer of the empire was composed of the towns closest to Oyo-Ile, which were recognized as brothers. This area was south of metropolitan Oyo, and its Yoruba inhabitants spoke different dialects from that of Oyo. These tributary states were led by their own rulers, titled Obas, who were confirmed by the Alaafin of Oyo.

Egbado Corridor
The empire's third layer was the Egbado Corridor southwest of Yorubaland. This area was inhabited by the Egba and Egbado, and guaranteed Oyo's trade with the coast. The Egba and Egbado tributaries were allowed, like their Yoruba counterparts, to rule themselves. They were, however, supervised by Ajele. These were agents appointed by the Alaafin of Oyo to oversee his interest and monitor commerce. The lead representative of Oyo in the corridor was the Olu, ruler of the town of Ilaro.

Ajaland
Ajaland was the last layer added to the empire. It was the most restive and distant, and kept in line with threats of expeditions against it. This territory extended from the non-Yoruba areas west of the Egbado Corridor far into Ewe controlled territory in modern Togo. This area, like all tributary states, was allowed a fair degree of autonomy as long as taxes were paid, the orders from Oyo were strictly followed, and access to local markets was provided to Oyo merchants. The Oyo often demanded tribute in slaves. The tributary chiefs of other kingdoms sometimes made war on others to capture slaves for this purpose. Oyo was known to punish disobedience by wholesale slaughter of the erring community, as it accomplished in Allada in 1698.

Political structure
The Oyo Empire developed a highly sophisticated political structure to govern its territorial domains. Scholars have not determined how much of this structure existed before the Nupe invasion. After reemerging from exile in the early 17th century, Oyo took on a noticeably more militant character. The influence of an aggressive Yoruba culture is exemplified in the standards placed on the oba (king) and the roles of his council.

The Alaafin of Oyo

The oba (meaning 'king' in the Yoruba language) at Oyo, who was referred to as the Alaafin of Oyo (Alaafin means 'owner of the palace' in Yoruba), was the head of the empire and supreme overlord of the people. He was responsible for keeping tributaries safe from attack, settling internal quarrels between sub-rulers, and mediating between those sub-rulers and their people. The Alaafin of Oyo was also expected to give his subordinates honours and presents. In return, all sub-rulers had to pay homage to the Oba and renew their allegiance at annual ceremonies. The most important of these was the Bere festival, marking the acclamation of successful rule by the Alaafin. After the Bere festival, peace in Yorubaland was supposed to last for three years. The king could not be disposed of but could be compelled to commit suicide if he was no longer wanted. This was done by sending Bashorun (The prime minister) to present either an empty calabash or a dish of parrot's eggs to him and pass a sentence of rejection, known as Awon Eniyan Koo (i.e. the people reject you, the world rejects you and the gods reject you also). According to tradition, the Alaafin was expected to commit ritual suicide thereafter.

The Bashorun
The Basorun was a key political office in the Oyo,(often likened to the role of the Prime Minister and Chancellor of the Kingdom) during the 16th to 18th centuries, controlled by Ibariba families. Serving as the head of the seven highest-ranking non-royal lords in the Oyo Mesi council, the Bashorun played a crucial role in advising the king and representing non-royal interests. Their power was substantial, especially in the selection of a new king. From 1570 to 1750, several Basoruns had Ibariba or non-Yorùbá origins such as Basorun Magaji, Woruda, Biri, Yamba, Jambu, and Gaa.

The Bashorun's duties were closely tied to warfare, leading military campaigns for the state. Their position was second only to the alaafin.

Selection of the Alaafin
The Oyo Empire was not a purely hereditary monarchy, nor was it an absolute one. The Oyo Mesi selected the Alaafin. He was not always closely related to his predecessor, although he did have to be descended from Oranmiyan, a son of Oduduwa, and to hail from the Ona Isokun ward (which is one of the three royal wards). At the beginning of the Oyo Empire, the Alaafin's eldest son usually succeeded his father upon the throne. This sometimes led the crown prince, known as the Aremo, to hasten the death of his father. To prevent this occurrence, it became traditional for the crown prince to be made to commit ritual suicide upon his father's death. Independent of the succession, the Aremo was quite powerful in his own right. For instance, by custom, the Alaafin abstained from leaving the palace, except during the important festivals, which in practice curtailed his power. By contrast, the Aremo often left the palace. This led the noted historian S. Johnson to observe: "The father is the king of the palace, and the son the king for the general public". The two councils which checked the Alaafin tended to select a weak Alaafin after the reign of a strong one to keep the office from becoming too powerful.

The Ilari
The Alaafin of Oyo appointed certain religious and government officials, who were usually eunuchs. These officials were known as the ilari or half-heads, because of the custom of shaving half of their heads and applying what was believed to be a magical substance into them. The hundreds of Ilari were divided evenly between the sexes. Junior members of the Ilari did menial tasks, while seniors acted as guards or sometimes messengers to the other world via sacrifice. Their titles related to the king, such as oba l'olu ("the king is supreme") or madarikan ("do not oppose him"). They carried red and green fans as credentials of their status.

All sub-courts of Oyo had Ilari who acted as both spies and taxmen. Oyo appointed these to visit and sometimes reside in Dahomey and the Egbado Corridor to collect taxes and spy on Dahomey's military successes so that the Alaafin of Oyo could get his cut.

The Councils
While the Alaafin of Oyo was the supreme overlord of the people, he was not without checks on his power. The Oyo Mesi and the Yoruba Earth cult known as Ogboni kept the Oba's power in check. The Oyo Mesi spoke for the politicians while the Ogboni spoke for the people and were backed by the power of religion. The power of the Alaafin of Oyo to the Oyo Mesi and Ogboni depended on his personal character and political shrewdness.

Oyo Mesi
The Oyo Mesi were the seven principal councilors of the state. They constituted the Electoral Council and possessed legislative powers. Led by the Bashorun, acting as prime minister, and consisting of the Agbaakin, the Samu, the Alapini, the Laguna, the Akiniku, and the Ashipa, they represented the voice of the nation and had the chief responsibility of protecting the interests of the empire. The Alaafin was required to take counsel from them whenever any important matter affecting the state occurred. Each chief had a state duty to perform at court every morning and afternoon. Each also had a deputy whom they would send to the Alaafin if their absence was unavoidable. The Oyo Mesi developed as a check on the Alaafin's power, preventing the Alaafin from being an autocrat; they compelled many Alaafins to commit suicide during the 17th and 18th centuries.

The head of the council of Oyo Mesi, the Bashorun, consulted the Ifa oracle before the royal succession for approval from the gods. New alaafins of Oyo were therefore seen as being appointed by the gods. They were regarded as Ekeji Orisa, meaning "deputy of the gods." The Bashorun had the final say on the nomination of the new Alaafin, his power rivaling that of the king himself. For example, the Bashorun orchestrated many religious festivals; he did this in addition to being commander-in-chief of the army, which gave him considerable independent religious authority.

Chief among the responsibilities of the Bashorun was the all-important festival of Orun. This religious divination, held every year, was to determine if the members of the Mesi still held favour with the Alaafin. If the council decided the disapproval of the Alaafin, the Bashorun presented the Alaafin with an empty calabash, or parrot's eggs, as a sign that he must commit suicide. This was the only way to remove the Alaafin because he could not legally be deposed. Once given the calabash or the parrot's eggs, the Alaafin, his eldest son the Aremo, and his personal counselor within the Oyo Mesi, the Asamu, all had to commit suicide to renew the government. The suicide ceremony took place during the Orun festival.

The Ogboni
The Oyo Mesi did not enjoy absolute power either. While the Oyo Mesi wielded political influence, the Ogboni represented the popular opinion backed by the authority of religion, and therefore the views of the Oyo Mesi could be moderated by the Ogboni. There were checks and balances on the power of the Alaafin and the Oyo Mesi and thus no one was arrogated absolute power. The Ogboni was a very powerful secret society composed of aristocratic freemen noted for their age, wisdom, and importance in religious and political affairs. Its members enjoyed immense power over the common people due to their religious station. A testament to how widespread the institution was is the fact that there were (and still are) Ogboni councils at nearly all sub-courts within Yorubaland. Aside from their duties with respect to the worship of the earth, they were responsible for judging any case dealing with the spilling of blood. The leader of the Ogboni, the Oluwo, had the unqualified right of direct access to the Alaafin of Oyo on any matter.

Military
There was a high degree of professionalism in the army of the Oyo Empire. Its military success was due in large part to its cavalry as well as the leadership and courage of Oyo officers and warriors. Because its main geographic focus was north of the forest, Oyo enjoyed easier farming and thus a steady growth in population. This contributed to Oyo's ability to consistently field a large force. There was also an entrenched military culture in Oyo where victory was obligatory and defeat carried the duty of committing suicide. This do-or-die policy no doubt contributed to the military aggressiveness of Oyo's generals.

Cavalry
The Oyo Empire was one of the only Yoruba states to adopt cavalry; it did so because most of its territory was in the northern savannah. The origin of the cavalry is unclear; however, the Nupe, Borgu and Hausa in neighbouring territories also used cavalry and may have had the same historical source. Oyo was able to purchase horses from the north and maintain them in metropolitan Oyo because of partial freedom from the tsetse fly. Cavalry was the long arm of the Oyo Empire. Late 16th and 17th century expeditions were composed entirely of cavalry. There were drawbacks to this. Oyo could not maintain its cavalry army in the south but could raid at will. Despite its drawbacks, Oyo managed to amass one hundred thousand cavalry horsemen, earning the fear of many kingdoms and empires across West Africa.

Cavalry in highly developed societies such as Oyo was divided into light and heavy. Heavy cavalry on larger imported horses was armed with bow & arrows. Light cavalry on smaller indigenous ponies was armed with clubs. Chain mail armor was imported into Yorubaland from the north, and may have been worn by Oyo cavalrymen.

Infantry
Infantry in the region around the Oyo Empire was uniform in both armour and armament. All infantry in the region carried shields, swords and lances of one type or another. Shields were four feet tall and two feet wide and made of elephant or ox hide. A 3 ft heavy sword was the main armament for close combat. The Yoruba and their neighbours used triple barbed javelins which could be thrown accurately from about 30 paces.

Structure
The Oyo Empire, like many empires before it, used both local and tributary forces to expand its domains. The structure of the Oyo military prior to its imperial period was simple and closer aligned to the central government in metropolitan Oyo. This may have been adequate in the 14th century when Oyo controlled only its heartland, but to make and maintain conquest farther away, the structure underwent several changes.

The Eso
Oyo maintained a semi-standing army of specialist cavalry soldiers called the Eso, the Esho or, formally, the Eso of Ikoyi. These were 70 junior war chiefs who were nominated by the Oyo Mesi and confirmed by the Alaafin of Oyo. The Eso were appointed for their military skill without regard to heritage, although de facto dynasties of Eso were also known to exist. The Eso were led by the Aare-Ona-Kakanfo, and were famous for living by a warrior code that was comparable to the Latin dictum infra dignitatem.

Aare Ona Kakanfo
After Oyo's return from exile, the post of Aare-Ona-Kakanfo was established as the supreme military commander. He was required to live in a frontier province of great importance to keep an eye on the enemy and to keep him from usurping the throne. During Oyo's imperial period, the Aare-Ona-Kakanfo personally commanded the army in the field on all campaigns.

Metropolitan Army

Since the Aare-Ona-Kakanfo could not reside near the capital, arrangements had to be made for the latter's protection in case of emergency. Forces inside metropolitan Oyo were commanded by the Bashorun, leading member of the Oyo Mesi. As stated earlier, Metropolitan Oyo was divided into six provinces divided evenly by a river. Provincial forces were thus grouped into two armies, under the Onikoyi and the Okere for the east and west side of the river respectively. Lesser war chiefs were known as Balogun, a title carried on by the soldiers of Oyo's successor state, Ibadan.

Tributary Army
Tributary leaders and provincial governors were responsible for collecting tribute and contributing troops under local generalship to the imperial army in times of emergency. Occasionally, tributary leaders would be ordered to attack neighbors even without the backing of the main imperial army. These forces were often utilized in Oyo's distant campaigns on the coast or against other states.

Commerce
Oyo became the southern emporium of the Trans-Saharan trade. Exchanges were made in salt, leather, horses, kola nuts, ivory, cloth and slaves. The Yoruba of metropolitan Oyo were also highly skilled in craft making and iron work. Aside from taxes on trade products coming in and out of the empire, Oyo also became wealthy off the taxes imposed on its tributaries. Taxes on the kingdom of Dahomey alone brought in an amount estimated at 14 million US dollars a year. In pre colonial times, Esusu was a type of rotating savings and credit association among the Yoruba. Esusu was recorded to have been practiced in Oyo during the reign of Alaafin Abiodun in the 18th century.

Architecture
The architecture within the Oyo Empire, exhibited an intricate built environment. Elite residences in Oyo-Ile showcased a distinctive architectural style, highlighted by intricate sculptures that symbolized the status of the inhabitants. Sculptors adorned houses and compounds with finely carved wooden posts and bas-relief doors, often depicting narratives of significant events, asserting power, and immortalizing the experiences of the residents. However, the most intricate and elaborate architectural artworks were reserved for the temples dedicated to the deities. An exceptional example is the temple of Sango. The structure, perfectly square and approximately twenty yards on each side, featured polished, deep-red stained floors and walls. Hugh Clapperton called it "The largest and most fancifully ornamented of any of a similar kind in the interior of Africa."

In the surrounding provinces of the Oyo Empire, smaller replicas of the architectural artistry dedicated to Sango were established. For example, a temple in Ilaro was described as a large square building supported by round pillars, against which were set sculptures of men, some armed with sword and shield and others holding pistols. Clapperton noted the remarkable skill of the artisans, stating that some of their sculptural creations rivaled those he had seen in Europe in terms of delicacy.

The support pillars of the Oyo palace were made of brass and were measured to be around 2 meters in height. The roof of the Old Oyo palace in its heyday was said to held up with around 100 brass pillars in a long corrider before The palace was invaded and ransacked by the Ilorin Emirate in the 19th century. It is claimed that they were first erected during the reign of Alaafin Aganju around the 15th century, although some sources attribute them to have been cast between 1750 and 1780.

Doors were also intricately cast and crafted in oyo. A large iron door looted from Oyo was kept and passed down from Emirs, and a Alaafin from the 18th century was said to have "made seven silver doors to the seven entrances of his sleeping apartment".

Potsherd Pavements at Old Oyo have been dated from the 13th to 14th centuries.

Ethnic diversity in Oyo
After the Nupe crisis, Oyo grew a more diverse population. The Yoruba elements remained the dominant population in the reconstructed empire. Next to them in influence were the Ibariba, and joining this multiethnic nation were elements of Nupe, Songhai, and Mossi. The presence of Ibariba, Songhai, and Mossi facial scarification among the Oyo population provides evidence for this multiethnic and multicultural integration in the formation of the Oyo identity after 1570.

Zenith
By 1680, the Oyo Empire spanned over 150,000 square kilometers. It reached the height of its power in the 18th century. Despite its violent creation, it was held together by mutual self-interest. The government was able to provide unity for a vast area through a combination of local autonomy and imperial authority.

Unlike the great savannah empires, of which Oyo may not be called a successor since it was a successor of Ife, there was little if any Islamic influence in the empire. It is known that at least some Muslim officials were kept in Metropolitan Oyo, and men capable of writing and calculating in Arabic were reported by French traders in 1787. Muslim communities existed in several towns throughout the empire by the 19th century.

Decline

Many believe the decline of the Oyo empire had started as early as 1754 with the dynastic intrigues and palace coups sponsored by the Oyo Prime Minister Gaha. In his quest for absolute power, Gaha conspired with the Oyo Mesi and probably to some extent the Ogboni to force four successive Alaafins to commit ritual suicide after they had been presented with the symbolic parrot's eggs. Between June and October 1754 alone, two Alaafins had been forced to commit suicide by Gaha. Because of this, Alaafin Awonbioju spent 130 days on the throne, while Alaafin Labisi only spent 17 days on the throne. Gaha's treachery was not ended until 1774 during the reign of Alaafin Abiodun, the fifth Alaafin he served. Gaha was subsequently executed by Abiodun but the instability that had been brought about by these intrigues had further weakened Oyo.

Alaafin Abiodun during his reign had also conducted failed campaigns against Borgu in 1783 and Nupe in 1789, losing the equivalent of 11 and 13 generals and their men respectively. Abiodun was subsequently murdered by his own son Awole, who subsequently ascended his father's throne.

The events that led to the secession of Ilorin began in 1793. Ilorin was a war camp headed by the Aare-Ona Kakanfo Afonja. Afonja took cause with Awole when the latter commanded him to attack Alaafin Abiodun's maternal home, Iwere-Ile. Afonja, being bound by an oath and also desirous not to fall under a curse from a previous Alaafin made to the effect that any Aare Ona Kakanfo who attacked Iwere-Ile (his paternal home) was to die miserably, refused to comply. A further cause was given in 1795, when Awole ordered Afonja to attack the market town of Apomu, a part of Ile-Ife. All Alaafins, due to the Yoruba belief that Ife was the spiritual home of the Yorubas, were previously made to swear an oath never to attack Ife. Afonja carried out Awole's order and sacked Apomu, but on the return of the army from the campaign he marched on the capital Oyo-Ile (which was itself a taboo), and demanded that Awole abdicate. Awole eventually committed ritual suicide.

After the death of Awole, there was a scramble for the throne by numerous contenders; some were reported to have spent less than six months on the throne; there was also a period of interregnum of almost twenty years where the various factions could not agree on a candidate. This power vacuum led to the ascendancy of powerful military and regional commanders like Adegun, the Onikoyi and Solagberu, the Otun Are-Ona Kakanfo. Shehu Alimi, a Fulani chief who was the leader of the growing Muslim population in Oyo, also rose to power at this time. These new elements had lost regard for the office of the Alaafin due to the various political wranglings and the lack of a central authority at the time; this situation eventually led to Afonja seceding Ilorin from Oyo in 1817 with the help of Oyo Muslims. In 1823, after Afonja had been killed by his erstwhile allies Shehu Alimi and Solagberu (who was himself later killed by Alimi's son), Ilorin became part of the Sokoto Caliphate. By the time Captain Hugh Clapperton visited Oyo-Ile in 1825 during the reign of Alaafin Majotu, the empire was already in a state of decline. Clapperton's party recorded passing numerous Oyo villages burned by the Fulani of Ilorin while Majotu had also sought the help of the English king and the Oba of Benin in putting down the Ilorin rebellion. Clapperton also noticed a shortage of horses, even though the Oyo were renowned as a great cavalry force; this might have something to do with the fact that most of the empire's soldiers and hence cavalry were stationed at Ilorin under the command of Afonja (and later Alimi's successors).

Ilorin then besieged Offa and started raiding, burning and pillaging villages in Oyo, eventually destroying the capital Oyo-Ile in 1835.

Loss of the Egbado Corridor
As Oyo tore itself apart via political intrigue, its vassals began taking advantage of the situation to press for independence. The Egba, under the leadership of a war chief called Lishabi, massacred the Ilari stationed in their area and drove off an Oyo punitive force.

The Dahomey Revolt
In 1823, Dahomey was reported to have raided villages that were under the protection of Oyo. Oyo immediately demanded a huge tribute from King Gezo for the unauthorized incursion, to which Gezo dispatched his Brazilian viceroy, Chacha Francisco Félix de Sousa, to the Alaafin at Oyo to make peace. The peace talks eventually broke down, and Oyo subsequently attacked Dahomey. The Oyo army was decisively defeated, ending Oyo's hegemony over Dahomey. After gaining its independence, Dahomey began raiding the corridor.

Ago d'Oyo
After the destruction of Oyo-Ile, the capital was moved further south, to Ago d'Oyo. Oba Atiba sought to preserve what remained of Oyo by placing on Ibadan the duty of protecting the capital from the Ilorin in the north and northeast. He also attempted to get the Ijaye to protect Oyo from the west against the Dahomeans. The center of Yoruba power moved further south to Ibadan, a Yoruba war camp settled by Oyo commanders in 1830.

Final demise
Atiba's gambit failed, and Oyo never regained its prominence in the region. The Oba, otherwise called Atiba Atobatele, died in 1859. His first son, Adelu Alao Agunloye, became the Alaafin after him and ruled from 1859 to 1876, followed by his fourth son Alowolodu Adeyemi I, the third Alaafin to rule in the present Oyo, who also died in 1905. Others who ruled after Adeyemi I were Lawani Agogo ija, Ladigbolu I, Adeyemi II, Gbadegesin, and Lamidi Adeyemi, who died in 2022.

During the colonial period, the Yorubas were one of the most urbanized groups in Africa. About 22% of the population lived in large areas with populations exceeding 100,000, and over 50% lived in cities made up of 25,000 or more people. The index of urbanization in 1950 was close to that of the United States, excluding Ilorin. The Yoruba continue to be the most urbanized African ethnic group today. Prominent contemporary cities include Oyo, Ibadan, Abeokuta, Osogbo, Ogbomoso, and Ilaro, which are some of the major cities that flourished after old Oyo's collapse.

A remnant of the monarchy continues to exist as one of the traditional states of contemporary Nigeria.

title: Oyo Empire


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Anti-theft systems protect valuables such as vehicles and personal property like wallets, phones, and jewelry. They are also used in retail settings to protect merchandise in the form of security tags and labels. Anti-theft systems include devices such as locks and keys, RFID tags, and GPS locators.

Anti-theft
Under normal circumstances, theft is prevented simply through the application, and social acceptance, of property law. The best anti-theft device ownership-marking, e.g. license plates, name tags, RFID. When clear owner identification is not possible, and when there is a lack of social observance, people may be inclined to take possession of items to their own benefit at the expense of the original owner. Motive and opportunity are two enabling factors for theft. Given that motives for theft are varied and complex, and are, generally speaking, not within the control of the victim, most methods of theft prevention rely on reducing opportunities for theft.

Motives for actively preventing theft
Items may require an anti-theft system for a variety of reasons, which may occur in combination depending on the type of item and its purpose:
 * The item is expensive and/or has sentimental value (prestigious car, family heirloom, birthday gift, war medals, coin collection)
 * The item is difficult/impossible to replace if lost (produced in low numbers, antiques, unique works of art)
 * The item is easy to steal (retail/supermarket products, office stationery)
 * The item may be left unattended in an unsafe environment for a certain amount of time (laptop in a library, car in a carpark)
 * Improper use of the item may cause considerable damage or encourage further unauthorized actions (theft of car keys, stolen building access keys, identity theft)
 * The item is desirable to others (jewelry, mobile phones, rare collectibles, auto parts, industrial designs)
 * The item is otherwise unobtainable: (Alcohol, Tobacco products, age related substances)

Use of theft prevention
Equally varied are the methods developed for theft prevention. Anti-theft systems have evolved to counter new theft techniques as they have appeared in society. The choice for a particular anti-theft system is dependent on the following factors:

Financial cost
In addition to the initial obtainable cost of an item, the cost of replacement or recovery from theft of the item is usually considered when considering the cost of installing an anti-theft system. This cost estimation usually determines the maximum cost of the anti-theft system and the need to secure it. Expensive items will generally be secured with a higher cost anti-theft system, while low-cost items will generally be secured at a lower cost. Insurance companies will often mandate a minimum type of anti-theft system as part of the conditions for insurance.

Threshold for theft
Anti-theft systems are designed to raise the difficulty of theft to an infeasible (but not necessarily impossible) level. The kind of system implemented often depends on the acceptable threshold for theft. For example, keeping money in an inside shirt pocket increases the difficulty of theft above that necessary if the pocket was on a backpack, since unauthorized access is made sufficiently more difficult. Methods of theft evolve to decrease the difficulty of theft, increased by newer anti-theft systems. Because of evolution on both sides and the social aspect of theft, the threshold for theft is very dynamic and heavily dependent on the environment. Doors in quiet suburban neighborhoods are often left unlocked, as the perceived thresholds for theft are very high.

Ease of use
Security is often compromised through the lax application of theft-prevention practices and human nature in general. The average anti-theft device does not require any additional effort while using the secured item, without reducing the level of security. In practice, users of security systems may intentionally reduce the effectiveness of an anti-theft system to increase its usability (see passwords). For example, a home security system will usually be enabled and disabled with an easy-to-remember code such as "1111" or "123", instead of a more secure combination.

Methods of theft prevention
There are a number of general categories of anti-theft systems:

Sequestering of valuable items
A very common method of preventing theft is the placement of valuables in a safe location. The definition of safe depends on the minimum threshold for theft as determined by the owner. Desk stationery is often considered to be secured if placed in an unlocked drawer away from view, while expensive jewelry might be placed in a safe behind a picture in a home.

Raising the awareness of theft
Another common method is the alerting of other individuals to the act of theft. This is commonly seen in department stores, where security systems at exits alert store employees of the removal of unpaid items. Older car alarms also fall into this category; newer systems also prevent the car from starting or raise an SOS alarm if ever the tracking device is detached from the car or valuable asset. The revolution of mobile applications and wireless communication make possible to get notified by your phone, when your properties are stolen. Probably the first solution of mobile application based theft detection is BluCop, which was published in December 2010.

Preventing removal of items
Valuable items may be attached to a larger immobile object, usually furniture or walls. Large vehicles may also be locked in such a way to prevent their being operated.

Disabling the stolen item
Items with specific functionality can often be disabled to prevent use of the item should it be stolen. The anti-theft system can require disabling on every use, or enabling when the item should be secured. Disabling the anti-theft system is usually done by requiring identification of the owner at some stage of use. Identification can occur physically or through other methods (physical keys, numerical codes, complex passwords, biometric identification). This can work even retrospectively: as a stolen credit card can easily be invalidated with a phone call to the issuing bank, the motivation to steal one is reduced.

In the case of vehicle theft, the best deterrent to theft is in the installation of an approved vehicle anti-theft passive immobilizer. Many vehicles have factory-installed anti-theft units, which provide protection through the ignition system. Under the hood there is a computer that controls the operation of the engine. It is programmed to verify that the RFID tag attached to the key is correct before the ECM will allow ignition to occur. An approved immobilizer uses a three circuit isolation system which thwarts even the most experienced thief.

Security tags
Security tags are devices that are attached to products to prevent shoplifting and are often used in conjunction with an electronic article surveillance system. SelectaDNA or Smartwater are such security tags - a forensic fluid which contains millions of tiny fragments which have a unique number called "SIN" ("SelectaDNA identification number"), and registered in a national police database together with the owner's details, is etched into each of those particles.

Tracking software
Electronic devices such as laptops, cell phones and even gadgets such as iPods now have software that enable them to "phone home" with information regarding their whereabouts and other information that can assist law enforcement in tracking down the devices.

Forensic marking
Assets can be marked with various forensic marking materials for law enforcement tracking of the item. Examples of this type of marking include SelectaDNA and Smartwater.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Anti-theft system


text:
Talk:Huang (surname)

Untitled
Presumably also related: the Filipino surname Cojuangco, maiden name of Corazon Aquino. Does anyone have a good citation on this? -- Jmabel | Talk 06:31, Apr 10, 2005 (UTC)

Vietnamese Hoang
There is a section for Vietnamese People surnamed Huynh but since there are two pronounciations with this character 黄， naturally shouldn't the name "Hoang" be represented? --69.109.222.156 (talk) 10:21, 15 September 2008 (UTC)ECHEN

Substantive changes, no citation
Substantive anonymous changes, no citation. Looks plausible, and what was here before was not well cited either, so I am leaving it, but sources would sure be nice. -- Jmabel | Talk 06:15, 16 December 2005 (UTC)

inconsistencies with "Wong"
Hi folks-

I've noticed a few inconsistencies between our descriptions on our family name Wong and Huang. for example, under Huang, it is stated as the seventh most common name, whereas in Wong it is identified as the fourth. I'd like to just suggest that we indicate our family name as among the top seven (or top 10 common surnames)?

I'm also thinking that we should roll it all into one. ie. Link Wong to Huang ... so that all research and information need only be prepared once, and this way, will be consistent and will clearly identify all Wongs as being the same as Huang.

Flytrap canada 15:20, 16 October 2006 (UTC)

"Wong" can be anyone of three Chinese surnames
There are no inconsistencies. There are three different (unrelated) Chinese surnames which are pronounced as 'WONG' in Cantonese- in Mandarin, they are WANG2 王, HUANG2 黄, and WANG1 汪

The first two are common Chinese surnames- WANG2 王 is the 2nd largest (Not the fourth) Chinese surname, HUANG2 黄 is the 7th (used to be the 8th), WANG1 汪 is a less common one.

People who do not read or write Chinese often confuse between these surnames (especially the first two).

WONG cannot be considered as one Chinese surname because my Wong may not be your Wong, and his Wong may not be the other's Wong.

For the latest ranking of 100 common Chinese surnames, please visit http://news.chinesewings.com/cgi-bin/site/c.cgi?id=20060110181365608

EHBX 15:48, 17 June 2007 (UTC)EHBX

About the Koean name
Should we merge the "Korean name" section into Hwang (Korean name)? That page has more information.
 * The Korean part can be introductory here that leads to the Korean page. --Hoang the Hoangest (talk) 05:53, 14 July 2015 (UTC)

External links modified
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title: Talk:Huang (surname)


text:
Talk:Wholism

Debate
For a May 2005 deletion debate over this page see Votes for deletion/Wholism

Basic principles
The basic principles of Wholism can be found on the web site http://wholism.org. I found this site to be very interesting as it presents a new way of understanding humanity's place in the scheme of things. --203.220.118.225

 * I can't understand the differences between Wholism and Holism. If I can't, I expect most readers can't. In fact, I'm not convinced they are significant. Can you add something about the differences?

Holism is the idea that the properties of a system cannot be determined or explained by the sum of its components alone.

Wholism is a religious philosophy/lifestyle based on the principle that God is the Whole. --203.220.117.212

Wholism is not the same thing as holism and I think it deserves a better fate on this web site than to be referred to the holism page. Check out wholism on google to see that it is in fact far from being the same thing. --203.220.116.139

Reverted prior to redirect
I reverted to the version just prior to the article being redirected. Googling "wholism" gives 8,710 hits. To avoid those pages where someone may have written "wholism, or holism" I googled "wholism" minus "holism" and got 7,680 hits. It may not be easy to discern a clear distinction from the current state of our articles on the two, but this article probably deserves a chance to expand independently. SWAdair | Talk 09:50, 23 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * I'd like to see some evidence that wholism is something other than a synonym for holism. My strong suspicion is that it is nothing other than our anonymous editor's website. --goethean 15:58, 23 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * In the absence of any evidence that wholism is indeed a "religion/lifestyle" distinction from holism, I have added a disputed tag to the article. I don't appreciate anonymous editors using the wikipedia for PR purposes for their pesonal website. --goethean 19:01, 29 Apr 2005 (UTC)

What sort of evidence would you like? I don't think the web site concerned needs any help from wikipedia for its promotion since when checked out it appears to rate higher on google and other search engines than this site does. Goethean certainly does not appear to be very dispassionate or neutral on this issue for some reason.......  Oh! Now I think I know why. Is Goethean actually Ken Wilber? --203.220.117.234

 * Funny. That fact is that you are using wikipedia for promotional purposes, which is wrong. --goethean 13:34, 30 Apr 2005 (UTC)

I've just made this a redirect to Holism. The article contained no real content except for the link to an external Website, and thus could be speedily deleted. If the topic has any genuine substance, then a genuine article can be written and placed here, but nothing that has been here so far warrants keeping. Mel Etitis ( Μελ Ετητης ) 17:04, 30 Apr 2005 (UTC)

I have just entered some of the principles underlying Wholism.

I have not placed the wholism.org web site url on the page as this seems to annoy one particular person, who it seems to me is almost certainly doing that which he accuses me of. Unlike him I am a very private person. I am not after self promotion. Not for myself nor for the Wholism.org web site, which already attracts plenty of traffic and has done for the past 5 years or so. I note that his holism article was first posted about 2 years ago. 203.220.116.101 05:39, 3 May 2005 (UTC)

 * I'm not interested in feuds, real or imaginary, only in the quality of the article. At the moment, though it's probably doing enough to stay, it's just a list — that's not suitable for an encyclopædia article.  It needs to be written as a connected explanation, and needs to include critical material as well as pure exposition.  Reputable sources are also needed; without those it's likely to be deleted. Mel Etitis  ( Μελ Ετητης ) 10:00, 1 May 2005 (UTC)

Perhaps you can help with this clean up. I am really not very interested in learning the ins and outs of the wiki systems. Isn't there a master page available that simply needs the relevant information input into it? If not why not? If so, why doesn't it simply appear when a new topic is started? 203.220.116.101 05:39, 3 May 2005 (UTC)

 * 1) Please 'sign' your messages with four tildes ( ~ ): that creates your User name or IP address and the date.
 * 2) I'm afraid that stating your lack of interest in Wikipedia isn't the best way to garner support for your article.
 * 3) The most important thing that you need to do is provide a couple of genuine, independent citations that demonstrate the reality of the the subject. Without those, the article will again be deleted and made into a redirect to Holism. Mel Etitis  ( Μελ Ετητης ) 09:52, 2 May 2005 (UTC)

Thanks for your interest Mel. I only tried to make this entry and show there is a distinction to be made between holism and wholism because when I googled wholism the other day to check if my site still held the number one position, wiki popped up as number two. I had never actually seen the wiki site before then. Wiki claimed that holism and wholism are the same thing. I really have no problem with this if it is what people want to believe. For me, however, it is similar to saying that over here is the same place as over there. Both words certainly describe places and even look similar; but are they really the same place?

Oh, incidently despite the accusations made by Goethean, if you care to check out my article's history you will note the fact I did not put my website's url into it. I put it on the discussion page, for discussion! Someone else put it into the article.

I really don't need the extra work of updating wiki. Working on computers is neither my hobby nor my profession.

I will check back in a week or so. If people want to delete my entry then fair enough. If it is still there when I come back I will expand on it over the coming weeks. Tony 203.220.116.101 05:39, 3 May 2005 (UTC)

Accept ?
I would prefer the use of "contend" or "believe" rather than accept. Wholists "accept" gives the impression that the subject of discussion is an undeniable truth. Using accept suggests to me that the author is not coming at the subject from a NPOV but is promoting his own beliefs. --User:Jeremy P Lewis

 * The article is on VfD now, and I suspect won't survive. If you can improve it significantly, and supply citations, then that might change the result. Mel Etitis  ( Μελ Ετητης ) 10:56, 5 May 2005 (UTC)

Summary added
I have added a summary to the wholism article but won't add any more at this time because people seem to have already made their minds up as regards the deletion of this page.--Ogb 04:30, 8 May 2005 (UTC)

Citations Added
I have added some citations.--Ogb 03:31, 13 May 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:Wholism


text:
User:CalJW

This account is closed. CalJW 20:59, 26 March 2007 (UTC)

title: User:CalJW


text: User talk:141.161.32.41

title: User talk:141.161.32.41


text:
Tanta

Tanta (طنطا , ⲧⲁⲛⲧⲁⲑⲟ) is a city in Egypt. Tanta had a population of 658,798 in 2018, making it the fifth most populous city in Egypt. Tanta is located between Cairo and Alexandria: 94 km north of Cairo and 130 km southeast of Alexandria. The capital of Gharbia Governorate, it is a center for the cotton-ginning industry.

One of the major railway lines goes through Tanta. Annual festivals are held in Tanta for one week beginning on 11 October celebrating the birthday of Ahmad al-Badawi, a revered Sufi figure of the 13th century, who founded the Badawiyya Tariqa in Egypt and is buried in Ahmad Al-Badawi Mosque, the main mosque of Tanta. Tanta is known for its sweet shops and roasted chickpeas.

Overview
The older name of the city is Tandata (طندتا) which comes from its Coptic name ⲧⲁⲛⲧⲁⲑⲟ.

With its large cotton plantations, in 1856, Tanta became a stop on the railway network, primarily for the benefit of exporting its cotton to European markets. The area around Tanta was mostly fields but Tanta had grown into a large crowded city.

This city is a center of celebration in late October at the end of the cotton harvest. Three million people, from around the Delta and other parts of the Arab world, come for the Moulid of Sayid Ahmed el-Badawi, which is a colorful, religious, eight-day celebration. The moulid is centered around the mosque and tomb of Sayid Ahmad al-Badawi, who founded one of Egypt's largest Sufi orders known as Ahmadiyyah or Badawiyya. He was born in Morocco, but emigrated to Arabia, and later was sent to Tanta in AD 1234 as a representative of the order from Iraq. He was granted permission to start a new order in Tanta and it soon flourished into one of Egypt's largest Sufi brotherhoods.

Tanta is famous for its sweet candy made of gelatin, coconut, sesame, peanuts, and chickpeas. Large quantities are sold during the mulid (المولد) festivals when many Egyptians visit the city. The sweets have been considered a delicacy since the 1800s.

Tanta has many cotton processing factories and textile industries, and is also a university town with Tanta University since 1972.

The people of Tanta are called by Egyptian slang.

Sites

 * Montazah garden
 * Tanta stadium
 * Tanta sporting club
 * Tanta teachers club
 * Tanta University
 * Virgin Mary Coptic Orthodox church, which is over 200 years old
 * Saint George Cathedral
 * Saint Peter Catholic basilica
 * The Museum of Tanta contains items from ancient nearby sites of Sais, Naucratis, and Buto, such as pottery and statues.
 * El Mahallah is a large industrial town near Tanta, famous for its textiles.

Climate
As all of Egypt, has a hot desert climate (BWh), according to Köppen-Geiger climate classification system.

Notable people

 * Magda al-Sabahi or Magda Sabbahi = Magda (1931–2020) actress
 * Huda Sultan (1925–2006) singer and actress
 * Kamal Amin (1923–1979),  artist
 * Mahmoud Zulfikar (1914–1970), Film director
 * Khairy Beshara, film director
 * Abdu al-Hamuli (عبده الحامولى) (1836–1901), singer
 * Mahmoud Khalil Al-Hussary, (1917–1980) reciter of the Qur'an
 * Mohamed Fawzi (1918–1966), composer, singer, and actor
 * Naima Akef (1929–1966), actress and circus player
 * Doria Shafik (1908–1975), leader of the Women's Liberation Movement in the early 1950s
 * Ahmed Hijazi (1936–2011), known as "Hegazy", a caricature artist
 * Nasr Abu Zayd (1943–2010), thinker and liberal theologian
 * Ahmed Khaled Tawfik (1962–2018), author
 * Amina Rizk (1910–2003), actress
 * El-Sayed Nosseir (1905–1977), Olympic Gold medal winner in weightlifting
 * Hilana Sedarous first female Egyptian doctor and first female Egyptian gynaecologist
 * Maximos V Hakim, Melkite Greek Catholic Patriarch
 * Nabil Farouk, novelist

title: Tanta


text:
Hollycombe Steam Collection

The Hollycombe Steam Collection is a collection of steam-powered vehicles, amusement rides, and attractions in South East England. It is based in West Sussex, but the closest town is Liphook in Hampshire. The collection includes fairground rides, a display farm, two railways, and the woodland gardens.

History
The collection dates to the late 1940s when Commander John Baldock decided to preserve some steam traction engines that were rapidly disappearing from British life. By the early 1960s, he had acquired a significant collection of road vehicles and began collecting fairground rides. In the late 1960s, he extended his interests again into preserving railway equipment.

Baldock's collection was opened to the public and became a major tourist attraction. Over time the collection grew so large it became impossible for one person to maintain, and by 1984 Baldock decided he would have to close the operation.

A society was formed by volunteers to operate the collection. This was successful and the collection continued to expand. At the beginning of 1999, a charitable trust took over most of the collection and its operation, funded by a Heritage Lottery Fund grant.

Edwardian Fairground
The Edwardian Fairground offers an example of a steam fair comprising rides originating from the 1870s and later. Rides are built and operated on a seasonal rotation to allow the volunteers of Hollycombe Steam Collection opportunity to maintain and restore the collection. The rides include a Tidman three-abreast Golden Gallopers roundabout, a single steam yacht, and a razzle dazzle (a grand aerial novelty ride with a rotating and tilting movement). S. Fields Steam Circus was built between 1868 and 1872 and is the oldest surviving mechanically propelled fairground device. The fairground also has a set of steam swings, a set of Walker Chair-o-Planes, a big wheel, and a Bioscope show (an early travelling cinema). The rides are constructed mainly of wood and where appropriate are powered by steam engines. There are rides for all ages and the atmosphere is completed with a number of fairground organs and a range of side stalls.

Farm
The farm includes a wide range of vintage steam-powered farm equipment including ploughing engines, a threshing machine, a baler, and a stationary steam engine driving small machinery through a line shaft.

The sawmill is used to cut much of the wood used on-site and is powered by a large semi-portable Robey steam engine. Close by is the engine from the paddle steamer Caledonia.

Railways
There are two railways: narrow gauge and miniature. A third standard gauge line formerly operated but is now abandoned; further detail below.

Woodland Gardens
John Clarke Hawkshaw planted over a million trees on the Hollycombe estate from the 1880s, so it is a Victorian garden in origin. Planting continued into the 20th century and then, after a long pause before and after the war years, Clarke's son Oliver planted the 1/4 mi Azalea Walk in the mid-1920s, with the new Mollis hybrids from Knaphill. Baldock continued to manage and develop the gardens from the 1950s.

Miniature railway
The miniature railway at Hollycombe is gauge.

It starts at the station by the saw mill and climbs past crossing gates and through a cutting. It reaches the top and bends to the left. The fairground is then on the left and the woodland gardens is on the right. It then heads into another cutting before a 360-degree loop onto an embankment. It runs parallel with a five-inch gauge line into the two-platform station.

Steam engines
The collection has over 30 different steam engines of various types.

title: Hollycombe Steam Collection


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Dake-bonoism

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was no concensus. - Mailer Diablo 03:06, 16 Apr 2005 (UTC) delete. (Heavy revision required votes not included) - Mailer Diablo 16:15, 16 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Dake-bonoism
Nonsense. "fundagelical"? There are 106 Google hits, but they all seem like some sort of hoax. RickK 06:39, Apr 10, 2005 (UTC)

Dake-Bonoism is real. Though the articles original author included some misleading information, or at the very least incomplete information. I intend to edit the original article within the next few days. If you give me the opportunity to clarify some items I think you will reconsider your position --Bezbaq 07:10, 10 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * I highly doubt it. RickK 07:16, Apr 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, not notable, possible hoax. Megan1967 07:43, 10 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Heavy revision required. Dake-Bonoism is an internet in-joke, made to spoof fundamentalism. This article is being used to propagate said joke/hoax. Article should be revised to indicate the "religion" as such a hoax, or alternatively, deleted if it turns out the whole thing isn't wide-spread enough to warrant wikification. --Asriel86 18:12, Apr 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Heavy Revision Required as I mentioned before there are some inaccuracies in the present article. The original author has left out some critical information regarding the origin and development of Dake-bonoism. There are a number of theories with regard to how the idea came about but it is not an "internet spoof religion" per-se. At least not in it's original form. It did in fact originate in the 1980's before the internet became the one ubiquitous presence it is today. I did not author the original document, though did offer some revision on the commentary page. Dake-Bonoism has developed into a "pseudo-religion" of sorts, especially as the term has spread over the internet. Nonetheless the concept of Dake-bonoism is grounded in real historic events.--Bezbaq 18:31, 10 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep, but expand. I've known about this group for some years, and its existence does indeed predate the popularity of the Internet.  --A.S. Damick 19:25, Apr 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Internet in-joke with 106 google hits? Strong delete as invalid meme. Radiant_* 07:29, Apr 11, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete as non-notable based on number of google hits. Thue | talk 12:29, 11 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Strong Keep. I do not think this article is in need of the heavy revision some apparently desire. This article isn’t so much inaccurate as it is incomplete. Keep the article, but revise and expand as necessary. As I have already noted in the Dake-Bonoism discussion page, the article places an overemphasis on organized Dake-Bonoist groups (some of which are now defunct). The historic-critical approach of the current article doesn’t really do the subject justice. Taking into consideration the way Dake-Bonoism has evolved in common usage over the past few decades, I think a more phenomenological treatment would be appropriate. The current information could be included for historical reference while elaboration is provided with regard to Dake-Bonoism in contemporary usage and understanding.--Stevejohnsenson 18:47, 11 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * User's only edits are to the VfD page and the article's Talk page. RickK 01:54, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, non-encyclopeid and unverifiable--nixie 04:31, 12 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Not notable. --Carnildo 23:17, 15 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Lord Hardinge

Lord Hardinge may refer to:
 * Henry Hardinge, 1st Viscount Hardinge (1755–1856), British field marshal
 * Charles Hardinge, 1st Baron Hardinge of Penshurst (1858–1944), British diplomat and the grandson of the first viscount.

title: Lord Hardinge


text:
Viscount Tara

Viscount Tara (or Taragh) was a title in the Peerage of Ireland.

The title was created by King Charles II in 1650 for the soldier Thomas Preston (1585–1655). He was the second son of Christopher Preston, 4th Viscount Gormanston. The 1st Viscount's son Anthony succeeded him as 2nd Viscount Tara. The title became extinct in 1674 on the death of Thomas, 3rd Viscount, at the hands of Sir Francis Blundell and his two brothers, who were subsequently acquitted of his murder.

Viscounts Tara (1650)

 * Thomas Preston, 1st Viscount Tara (1585–1655)
 * Anthony Preston, 2nd Viscount Tara (1618–1659)
 * Thomas Preston, 3rd Viscount Tara (1652–1674)

title: Viscount Tara


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Israeli Bias

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. - Mailer Diablo 03:11, 16 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Israeli Bias
Inherently POV, original research, self-referential. Jayjg (talk) 06:46, 10 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Jayjg (talk) 06:46, 10 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Speedy delete. RickK 07:03, Apr 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Do not Delete. Majestiq does not refrence itself.  Furthermore, maybe one would want to wait to read the content because deciding to delete it.  Perhaps the speed at which this article has been chosen for deletion show that indeed an Israeli bias exists and therefore this article is important.
 * Maybe one read the header and understands the purpose, which is to write a POV screed. RickK 09:10, Apr 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete per the above. Radiant_* 10:16, Apr 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete for self reference. Jeltz talk  12:36, 10 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete there is no way this could ever be NPOV --Bucephalus 17:29, 10 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, inherrently POV, self-referential. Dave the Red (talk) 17:57, Apr 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Whatever you were going to write, put it into an essay and post it at a blog. Better yet, make comments on the articles you feel have a bias and see if others agree. --Asriel86 18:06, Apr 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete Inherently POV, belongs on a blog GabrielF 23:42, 10 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, POV. Firebug 09:57, 11 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, an original research project. --MPerel( talk 01:34, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete as POV. To get up on my soapbox for a moment, I am saddend that instead of using Wikipedia as a forum for healing and understanding BOTH sides in the Israeli-Palestinian (or Palestinian-Israeli if you prefer) conflict continually use this resource to propagate the intolerance, misunderstanding, and even outright hate that continues to fuel the violence in Israel/Palestine/insert own name for region here. Indrian 06:44, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. POV, original research, self-referential. SlimVirgin (talk) 07:11, Apr 12, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. While the phenomenon described certainly exists, making an article on it clearly constitutes original research. - Mustafaa 07:11, 13 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Redirect I'm not sure where to though. There should be a page of the Bias' of Media towards the middle East.  The US media is generally percieved as being Biased towards Israel, whereas the UK and most EU nations (And, according to Jayjg  myself as well)  are seen to have an Anti-Israeli bias.  There should be an article detailing the varying percieved bias' and this should re-direct to it. --Irishpunktom\talk 13:46, Apr 13, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, pov biascruft. ComCat 06:39, 14 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Discussing article bias is what article talk pages are for.  Your failure to get consensus from other editors does not grant you this kind of remedy.  Postdlf 00:38, 15 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Talk:Installment plan

needs to move to Installment plan? - Stoph 06:47, 10 Apr 2005 (UTC)

should not merge articles
i would not suggest merging 'installment plan' with 'hire purchase' as the latter seems to be an exclusively british term...
 * Yeah, others said the same thing and that they are different enough, but I forgot to take the merge notice off. Now the articles should be written so they are aware of each other and cover the similarities and differences. Thanks for the reminder - Taxman Talk 19:36, September 12, 2005 (UTC)

I'd agree with a merger, there's no reason the concept can't be explained in universal terms. Anyone looking for specific legal advice could do better than Wikipedia. There's actually a number of pages that should probably be merged together, I'm looking for them now and will post merger tags when I'm done. Ewlyahoocom 18:44, 7 March 2006 (UTC)

 * Should be merged. The only difference is in American or British terminology, which difference is not enough to merit a separate article. Use a redirect.--Anthony.bradbury 22:46, 7 June 2006 (UTC)

 * I've merged Installment plan to Hire purchase. —Quarl (talk) 2007-02-26 00:44Z

Lawaway
I've redirected Layaway to this page, since its the most closely related concept, the only difference in the case of Layaway is the store retains the merchandise until its been paid off. Ewlyahoocom 18:44, 7 March 2006 (UTC)

Re: Layaway
You are absolutely right about that, I would say by definition "Installment Plan" is more closely related to mortgage or auto loans than anything. Lay away is nothing near a loan or credit, other than the fact that some buisnesses may require the customer to pay a fee or deposit. No credit is extended to the customer, only stock space.M jurrens 13:56, 4 July 2006 (UTC)

Version of software
Is instalment or installment also version of software like in
 * The Priory also makes an appearance in the third installment of the popular Gabriel Knight adventure game series by author Jane Jensen, Gabriel Knight III: "Blood of the Sacred, Blood of the Damned".

? This was from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Priory_of_Sion 80.235.69.204 20:39, 3 April 2007 (UTC)

title: Talk:Installment plan


text:
Terai

The Terai or Tarai is to a lowland region in parts of northern India and southern Nepal that lies to the south of the outer foothills of the Himalayas, the Sivalik Hills and north of the Indo-Gangetic Plain. This lowland belt is characterised by tall grasslands, scrub savannah, sal forests and clay rich swamps. In North India, the Terai spreads from the Yamuna River eastward across Haryana, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal. The Terai is part of the Terai-Duar savanna and grasslands ecoregion. Nepal's Terai stretches over 33998.8 km2, about 23.1% of Nepal's land area, and lies at an elevation of between 67 and 300 m. The region comprises more than 50 wetlands. North of the Terai rises the Bhabar, a narrow but continuous belt of forest about 8 – wide.

Etymology
The Urdu word tarāʼī means "lands lying at the foot of a watershed" or "on the banks of a river; low ground flooded with water, valley, basin, marshy ground, marsh, swamp; meadow". In Hindi, the region is called तराई 'tarāī' meaning "foot-hill". In Nepali, the region is called तराइ 'tarāi' meaning "the low-lying land, plain" and especially "the low-lying land at the foot of the Himālayas". It has been described as "low, marshy ground".

Geology
The Terai is crossed by the large perennial Himalayan rivers Yamuna, Ganges, Sarda, Karnali, Narayani and Kosi that have each built alluvial fans covering thousands of square kilometres below their exits from the hills. Medium rivers such as the Rapti rise in the Mahabharat Range. The geological structure of the region consists of old and new alluvium, both of which constitute alluvial deposits of mainly sand, clay, silt, gravels and coarse fragments. The new alluvium is renewed every year by fresh deposits brought down by active streams, which engage themselves in fluvial action. Old alluvium is found rather away from river courses, especially on uplands of the plain where silting is a rare phenomenon.

A large number of small and usually seasonal rivers flow through the Terai, most of which originate in the Sivalik Hills. The soil in the Terai is alluvial and fine to medium textured. Forest cover in the Terai and hill areas has decreased at an annual rate of 1.3% between 1978 and 1979, and 2.3% between 1990 and 1991. With deforestation and cultivation increasing, a permeable mixture of gravel, boulders and sand evolves, which leads to a sinking water table. But where layers consist of clay and fine sediments, the groundwater rises to the surface and heavy sediment is washed out, thus enabling frequent and massive floods during monsoon, such as the 2008 Bihar flood.

Geography
In India, the Terai extends over the states of Haryana, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal. These are mostly the districts of these states that are on the India–Nepal border:
 * Haryana: Panchkula district
 * Uttarakhand: Haridwar district, Udham Singh Nagar district, Champawat district, and Nainital district
 * Uttar Pradesh: Pilibhit district, Lakhimpur Kheri district, Bahraich district, Shravasti district, Balrampur district, Gorakhpur district, Siddharthnagar district and Maharajganj district
 * Bihar: West Champaran district, East Champaran district, Sitamarhi district, Madhubani district, Supaul district, Araria district, Kishanganj district
 * West Bengal: Siliguri subdivision of Darjeeling district, Jalpaiguri Sadar subdivision of Jalpaiguri district

Inner Terai
The Inner Terai Valleys of Nepal consists of five elongated valleys located between the lower Himalayan Range and Sivalik Hills. From north-west to south-east these valleys are:
 * Surkhet Valley in the Surkhet district, north of the Kailali and Bardiya Districts;
 * Dang Valley in the Dang Deokhuri district;
 * Deukhuri Valley located south of the Dang Valley;
 * Chitwan Valley stretching across the Chitwan and Makwanpur Districts;
 * Kamala Valley, also called Udayapur Valley, in the Udayapur District north of the Siraha and Saptari Districts.

Outer Terai
The Outer Terai begins south of the Sivalik Hills and extends to the Indo-Gangetic Plain. In the Far-Western Region, Nepal, it comprises the Kanchanpur and Kailali Districts; in the Mid-Western Region, Nepal, Bardiya and Banke Districts. Further east, the Outer Terai comprises the Kapilvastu, Rupandehi, Nawalparasi, Parsa, Bara, Rautahat, Sarlahi, Mahottari, Dhanusa, Siraha, Saptari, Sunsari, Morang and Jhapa Districts.

Protected areas
Several protected areas were established in the Terai since the late 1950s:
 * Sonaripur Wildlife Sanctuary, now Dudhwa National Park in 1958
 * Kishanpur Wildlife Sanctuary in 1972
 * Chitwan National Park in 1973
 * Katarniaghat Wildlife Sanctuary in 1975
 * Shuklaphanta Wildlife Reserve in 1976
 * Koshi Tappu Wildlife Reserve in 1976
 * Udaypur Wildlife Sanctuary in 1978
 * Rajaji National Park in 1983
 * Parsa National Park in 1984
 * Bardia National Park in 1988
 * Valmiki National Park in 1989
 * Jhilmil Jheel Conservation Reserve in 2005
 * Banke National Park in 2010
 * Sohagi Barwa Wildlife Sanctuary of Maharajganj district

Climate
Based on the Köppen–Geiger climate classification system, the Nepal Terai experiences a tropical savanna climate type with dry winters and hot summers, a mean annual temperature of 20-28 C, a mean annual rainfall of 1600-1800 mm in the west and 2500-3000 mm in the east.

Ethnic groups
Tharu and Dhimal people are the indigenous inhabitants of the Terai forests. Several Tharu subgroups are scattered over most of the Nepal and Indian Terai. They used to be semi-nomadic, practised shifting cultivation and collected wild fruits, vegetables and medicinal herbs. They have been living in the Terai for many centuries and reputedly had an innate resistance to malaria. Dhimal reside in the eastern Nepal Terai, viz Sunsari, Morang and Jhapa Districts. In the past, they lived in the fringes of the forest and conducted a semi-nomadic life to evade outbreaks of diseases. Today, they are subsistence farmers.

The Bhoksa people are indigenous to the western Terai in the Indian Kumaon division.

Maithils inhabit the Indian Terai in Bihar and the eastern Terai in Nepal. Bhojpuri people reside in the central and eastern Terai, and Awadhi people live in the central and western Terai. Bantawa people reside foremost in two districts of the eastern Terai in Nepal.

Following the malaria eradication program using DDT in the 1960s, a large and heterogeneous non-Tharu population settled in the Nepal Terai. Pahari people from the mid-hills including Bahun, Chhetri and Newar moved to the plains in search of arable land. In the rural parts of the Nepal Terai, distribution and value of land determine economic hierarchy to a large extent. High caste migrants from the hills and traditional Tharu landlords who own agriculturally productive land constitute the upper level of the economic hierarchy. The poor are the landless or near landless Terai Dalits, including the Musahar, Chamar and Mallaah. Several Chepang people also live in Nepal's central and eastern Terai districts. As of June 2011, the human population in the Nepal Terai totalled 13,318,705 people in 2,527,558 households comprising more than 120 different ethnic groups and castes such as Badi, Chamling, Ghale, Kumal, Limbu, Magar, Muslim, Rajbanshi, Teli, Thakuri, Yadav and Majhi speaking people.

History
The Muslim invasion of northern India during the 14th century forced Hindu and Buddhist people to seek refuge from religious persecution. Rajput nobles and their entourage migrated to the Himalayan foothills and gained control over the region from Kashmir to the eastern Terai during the following three centuries.

By the 16th century, the rulers of Palpa and Makwanpur controlled the mid-western Terai and extended this control to the eastern Terai by the 17th century. They controlled the area of today's districts of Saptari, Siraha, Dhanusa, Mahottari and Sarlahi. The rulers of Makwanpur controlled the central Terai region of present-day Nepal, and the rulers of Vijayapur controlled today's Sunsari, Morang and Jhapa Districts. The Shah dynasty conquered the eastern Nepal Terai in the 1770s. They also conquered land in the eastern Terai that belonged to the Kingdom of Sikkim. The Tulsipur State, in the Dang Valley of Nepal's western Terai, was also an independent kingdom until it was conquered in 1785 by Bahadur Shah of Nepal during the unification of Nepal. Until the mid 18th century, the Nepal Terai was divided into several smaller kingdoms, and the forests and wild places were, largely, left undisturbed. Since the late 18th century, however, the Shah rulers encouraged Indians to settle in the Terai, and supported famine-stricken Bihari farmers in efforts to convert to a more productive agricultural lifestyle in the eastern Nepal Terai. From at least 1786 onward, they appointed government officers in the eastern Terai districts of Parsa, Bara, Rautahat, Mahottari, Saptari and Morang to levy taxes, collect revenues and maintain civil order, as well as to hunt wild game, including Indian elephants and Indian rhinoceros, mostly for their ivory. At the end of the 18th century, between 200 and 300 elephants were caught annually, using snares or nooses.

The far-western and mid-western regions of the Nepal Terai (called 'Naya Muluk', or ‘new country’) lay on the northern periphery of the Awadh dynasty. After Nepal lost the Anglo–Nepalese War of 1816, the British annexed these regions of the Terai when the Sugauli Treaty was ratified; as a reward for Nepal's military aid in the Indian Rebellion of 1857, they returned some of this region in 1860, namely today's districts of Kanchanpur, Kailali, Banke and Bardiya. To promote economic development of the Nepal Terai, people from the hills were invited to settle in the region. Since only a few moved to the Terai, Indian people were further encouraged to settle. Immigration of Indian people increased between 1846 and 1950. They settled in the eastern Nepal Terai, living in close proximity with native Terai peoples.

The Indian Terai remained largely uninhabited until the end of the 19th century, as it was arduous and dangerous to penetrate the dense marsh- and malaria-filled jungle with its predators. Dacoit gangs retreated to the Terai jungles, and the area was considered lawless and wild by the British, who sought control of the region's valuable timber reserves. The region was densely forested with stands of foremost Sal.

Heavy logging began in the 1920s. Extracted timber was exported to India to collect revenues. Cleared areas were subsequently used for agriculture. But still, the Terai jungles were teaming with wildlife.

Inner Terai valleys historically were agriculturally productive but extremely malarial. Some parts were left forested by official decree during the Rana dynasty as a defensive perimeter called Char Kose Jhadi, meaning 'four kos forest'; one kos equals about 3 km. A British observer noted, "Plainsmen and paharis generally die if they sleep in the Terai before November 1 or after June 1." British travelers to Kathmandu went as fast as possible from the border at Raxaul to reach the hills before nightfall.

Malaria was eradicated using DDT in the mid-1950s, at the unfortunate expense of future generations of birds, especially vultures, which were especially sensitive to the chemical. Subsequently, people from the hills migrated to the Terai. About 16,000 Tibetan refugees settled in the Nepal Terai in 1959–1960, followed by refugees of Nepali origin from Burma in 1964, from Nagaland and Mizoram in the late 1960s, and about 10,000 Bihari Muslims from Bangladesh in the 1970s. Timber export continued until 1969. In 1970, King Mahendra granted land to loyal ex-army personnel in the districts of Jhapa, Sunsari, Rupandehi and Banke Districts, where seven colonies were developed for resettling about 7,000 people. They acquired property rights over uncultivated forest and 'waste' land, thus accelerating the deforestation process in the Terai. Between 1961 and 1991, the annual population growth in the Terai was higher than the national average, which indicates that migration from abroad occurred at a large scale. Deforestation continued, and forest products from state-owned forest were partly smuggled to India. Community forestry was introduced in 1995. Since the 1990s, migration from the Terai to urban centres is increasing and causing sociocultural changes in the region.

Politics
Since the early 1950s, several political parties advocated for autonomy and independence of the Nepal Terai, such as the Nepal Terai Congress and Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha. Several armed groups were formed, which pursued this aim using violent means. In 2013, more than 24 Madheshi political parties were registered for the Constituent Assembly of Nepal election.

Border disputes
The most significant border dispute of the Indo-Nepal boundary in the Terai region is the Susta area. In the Susta region, 14,500 hectares of land is under dispute but recent development has manage to discuss it bilaterally.

Indian influence in Nepal Terai
After the 2008 Nepalese Constituent Assembly election, Indian politicians kept on trying to secure strategic interests in the Nepal Terai, such as over hydropower energy, development projects, business and trade. The government of Nepal has accused India of imposing an undeclared blockade in 2015 but it is not clear yet, local peoples blame Nepal administration and government.

Humanitarian works
Dhurmus Suntali Foundation handed over an integrated community containing 50 houses to Musahar community of Bardibas at a cost of Rs. 63 million.

Economy in Nepal Terai
The Terai is the most productive region in Nepal with the majority of the country's industries. Agriculture is the basis of the economy. Major crops include rice, wheat, maize, potato, peas, lentil, mustard, sugar cane, ginger, turmeric, cardamom, garlic and chili. Fruits comprise mango, lychee, guava, papaya, banana and jackfruit. The Terai is also known for beekeeping and honey production, with about 120,000 colonies of Apis cerana.

In Jhapa District, tea has been cultivated since 1960; the annual production of 2005 was estimated at 10.1 million kg.

The Mahendra Highway crosses the Nepal Terai from Kankarbhitta on the eastern border in Jhapa District, Province No. 1 to Mahendranagar near the western border in Kanchanpur District, Mahakali Zone. It is the only motor road spanning the country from east to west.

Economy in Indian Terai
Tea cultivation was introduced in the Darjeeling Terai in 1862.

Tourism
Tourist attractions in the Terai include:
 * Har Ki Pauri on the banks of the Ganges where the river enters the Terai plains
 * Lumbini, birthplace of Buddha
 * Janakpur

title: Terai


text:
File:Sum41 halfhourofpower.png

Summary
Cover of Sum 41's Half Hour of Power

title: File:Sum41 halfhourofpower.png


text:
Associated Public Schools of Victoria

The Associated Public Schools of Victoria (APS) are a group of eleven independent schools in Victoria, Australia, similar to the Athletic Association of the Great Public Schools of New South Wales in New South Wales and the Public Schools Association in Western Australia. The descriptor 'Public School' references the historical usage of the term and the model of the British public school.

The first meet of Public Schools Sports was held at the Melbourne Cricket Ground on 30 November 1870 with Melbourne Grammar School, Scotch College and Wesley College competing and winning that order. The Association was established in 1908 so that students of the member schools may compete against each other on the sporting fields, the original competition sports were Australian Rules Football, Athletics, Rowing and Cricket. Students now compete in a variety of sports, which are split into three seasons, Summer, Winter and Spring. Students in Year 7 and above compete on Saturdays and students in primary year levels compete on Wednesday afternoons. Major annual competitions include the APS Head of the River Rowing Regattas, the APS Combined Swimming & Diving Championships and the APS Combined Athletics Championships.

In March 2005, the APS member schools formed a set of guidelines regarding the awarding of sporting scholarships to students, following criticism of recruiting practices employed by some schools. The headquarters of the APS is known as APS House and is located on Church Street in Hawthorn, Victoria.

Sports
Boys
 * Athletics
 * Australian Rules Football
 * Badminton
 * Basketball
 * Cricket
 * Cross Country
 * Diving (since 2015)
 * Futsal
 * European Handball
 * Gymnastics
 * Hockey
 * Rowing
 * Rugby (VSRU runs this competition)
 * Sailing
 * Soccer
 * Squash
 * Swimming & Diving (combined with Diving from 1998 to 2015)
 * Table Tennis
 * Tennis
 * Touch Football (since 2023)
 * Volleyball
 * Water Polo

Girls
 * Athletics
 * Australian Rules Football
 * Badminton
 * Basketball
 * Cross Country
 * Diving (since 2015)
 * Gymnastics
 * Hockey
 * Netball
 * Rowing
 * Soccer
 * Softball
 * Swimming & Diving (combined with Diving from 1998 to 2015)
 * Tennis
 * Touch Football
 * Volleyball
 * Water Polo

Combined Sports
Students from the Association's member schools participate in a number of Combined Sports (Championship Carnivals) during the year including Swimming, Diving, Rowing and Athletics.

The APS Regatta (Heads of the River)
The Victorian Head of the River race is contested between the 11 APS schools, the race is usually the last race of the official APS rowing season and has recently been rowed on Lake Nagambie which is a full buoyed international standard course allowing six boat finals. Girls from the APS also participate in the Head of the Schoolgirls regatta, where they compete with schools from the Girls Sport Victoria (GSV) group.

title: Associated Public Schools of Victoria


text:
Porcupine Mountains

The Porcupine Mountains, or Porkies, are a group of small mountains spanning the northwestern Upper Peninsula of Michigan in Ontonagon and Gogebic counties, near the shore of Lake Superior. The Porcupine Mountains were named by the native Ojibwa people, supposedly because their silhouette had the shape of a crouching porcupine. They are home to the most extensive stand of old growth northern hardwood forest in North America west of the Adirondack Mountains, spanning at least 31000 acre. The area is popular among tourists, especially Lake of the Clouds in the heart of the mountains, and is part of Porcupine Mountains Wilderness State Park.

The Porcupine Mountains were the site of copper mining in the 19th century. One of these mines is the Nonesuch Mine, which operated sporadically from 1867 to 1912. Because of its copper mining history, the state park is a cooperating unit of Keweenaw National Historical Park.

Geology
The most striking geological feature of the Porcupine Mountains is the long basalt and conglomerate escarpment parallel to the Lake Superior shore and overlooking Lake of the Clouds, a continuation of the same copper-bearing bedrock found farther northeast on the Keweenaw Peninsula. A second ridge farther inland, on the other side of Lake of the Clouds, includes Summit Peak, the highest point in the mountains at 1,958 feet (595 m). Rivers, waterfalls, swamps, and lakes lie between the rocky outcroppings. There are a number of waterfalls on the Presque Isle River in the extreme western side of the park.

Meteorology
The mountains are subject to heavy lake-effect snow from Lake Superior. The relatively high elevation of the mountains and their proximity to the lake provide perfect conditions for lake-effect snow, but no official records are maintained anywhere in the mountains. The closest National Weather Service station is in the coastal community of Ontonagon, where the annual average is about 200 in. Totals of well over 250 in annually are likely in the higher elevations. It is not uncommon to have 300 in seasons in this region.

Flora and fauna
The Porkies are the location of a large stand of old growth forest. In these virgin forests, sugar maple, American basswood, eastern hemlock, and yellow birch are the most abundant tree species.

Area fauna includes moose, gray wolves, white-tailed deer, coyotes, gray and red foxes, cougar, river otters, beaver, fisher, marten, mink, bobcats, lynx, black bears, and porcupines.

Endangered, threatened and special concern species found in the Porkies include small blue-eyed mary, ram's head ladyslipper, Hooker's fairy-bells, slender cliff brake, male fern, gray wolf, wood turtle, peregrine falcon, merlin, and bald eagle.

State park
Porcupine Mountains State Park was established in 1945 to protect the area's large stand of old-growth forest, much of it of the "maple-hemlock" type. In 1972, Michigan passed the Wilderness and Natural Areas Act. This act gave the park the new designation of the Porcupine Mountains Wilderness State Park. Facilities provided by the park include an extensive network of backcountry trails for hiking and wilderness backpacking, rustic trailside cabins, modern campgrounds, swimming and boating areas, and various interpretive programs led by park rangers. The North Country Trail passes through the park, making up a portion of the 87 mi of hiking trails. The Porcupine Mountains Ski Area, managed by the Gogebic Community College Ski Area Management Program, operates within the park in winter.

title: Porcupine Mountains


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Zeeky boogy dook

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. — Xezbeth 18:27, Apr 24, 2005 (UTC)

Zeeky boogy dook

 * Should have been speedy deleted. RickK 06:55, Apr 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Rmhermen marked this vfd on April 4, but never made a subpage or listed it on vfd. I'm just bringing it here for resolution; do not consider this a vote. —Korath (Talk) 16:22, Apr 17, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete nn. Used to good effect in the Flash movie it came from, but most people don't think it's funny.  Also, it's "doog," not "dook".  *rolleyes*  Marblespire 02:04, 18 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, not notable. Megan1967 07:15, 18 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. What the heck is this?!?!?! This is Wikipedia, not Whateverlanguagethisisphrasebookia. Master Thief Garrett 03:26, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. --Wtshymanski 03:28, 22 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Paul Kelly (actor)

Paul Michael Kelly (August 9, 1899 – November 6, 1956) was an American stage, film, and television actor. His career survived a manslaughter conviction, tied to an affair, that caused him to spend time in prison in the late 1920s.

Career
Kelly alternated between stage and screen as an actor. He was a handsome and popular male lead or costar in Broadway plays from the late 1910s and throughout the 1920s. Kelly made his talking film debut in 1933's Broadway Through a Keyhole. In the course of his career, and relatively short life, it has been estimated that Kelly worked on stage, screen, and television in over four hundred roles.

In 1948, Kelly won a Best Actor Tony Award for his role in Command Decision. Clark Gable later played the same role in the film version of the play. Kelly shared the award with Henry Fonda for Mister Roberts and Basil Rathbone for The Heiress.

Manslaughter conviction
On April 16, 1927, a drunk Kelly confronted fellow actor Ray Raymond over his affair with and love for Raymond's wife, actress Dorothy Mackaye. Raymond, who was also drunk, was no match for Kelly, who was considerably larger than him. During their confrontation, Kelly hit him several times and left him on the floor.

Mackaye denied claims in court that she had been romantically involved with Kelly before Raymond's death, but Kelly's love letters to her were introduced as evidence. She was charged with felony conspiracy for the attempted coverup, and sentenced to one to three years, but served less than 10 months. Kelly was sentenced to up to 10 years, but served only 25 months in San Quentin prison. Conditions of his release included that he must not marry for 18 months after his release, and that he would have to take a job as a clerk for $30 per week. Kelly found working as a clerk untenable, and convinced the supervisors of his parole to allow him to return to acting on Broadway, with the condition that he continued to be limited to an income of $30 per week.

Years later, Kelly played the part of San Quentin Warden Clinton Duffy in Duffy of San Quentin.

Personal life
Kelly and Mackaye married in 1931, shortly after the expiration on Kelly's parole condition prohibiting him from marrying. They performed on Broadway, and then returned to California, where Mackaye's daughter Valerie Raymond was apparently adopted by Kelly and became known as Mimi Kelly. Mimi would later have her own modest Broadway career.

Dorothy Mackaye's account of her experiences, Women in Prison, became a film, Ladies They Talk About (1933), with Barbara Stanwyck, and was remade as Lady Gangster in 1942.

Mackaye died from a 1940 auto crash, when her car swerved and rolled into a ditch. She walked home, and, seeking to assuage Kelly's concerns, insisted that she was not seriously hurt. Her doctor, however, insisted that she go to a hospital, where she died three days later due to a ruptured bladder she suffered in the accident.

Kelly married Claire Owen a year later. He died of a heart attack at 57 on November 6, 1956, in Beverly Hills, California.

title: Paul Kelly (actor)


text:
Tarare

Tarare is a commune in the Rhône department in eastern France. It lies on the Turdine river, 28 miles west-northwest of Lyon by rail.

History
The city was founded at the beginning of the 12th century, as the priory of Tarare by the Savigny Abbey. Only weavers, shoemakers and tanners lived there, in addition to a few merchants and innkeepers. In the 16th century, plagues decimated the population to the point that the consulate of Lyon initiated a special quest to aid the people in Tarare.

In the 1850s, silk mills at Tarare were taking on unmarried young women aged between thirteen and fifteen as apprentices. The girls had to provide birth certificates and proof of vaccination. As well as getting wages, they had their board and lodging, so that they worked away from home. There was a 12-hour working day, and the girls were taught reading, writing, and arithmetic. After a three-year apprenticeship, they could continue to work at the mill.

In 1874, C. B. Black's Guide to France, Belgium, Holland, &c said of Tarare: "“A manufacturing town (pop. 16,000), on the Tardine. Hotels: Europe; Commerce. Famous in France for the manufacture of muslins. Silks and merinoes are also made here.”"

A now archaic description of the early 20th-century economy is provided by the Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition:

"Tarare is the centre of a region engaged in the production of muslins, tarletans, embroidery and silk-plush, and in printing, bleaching and other subsidiary processes. Till 1756, when the manufacture of muslins was introduced from Switzerland, the town lay unknown among the Beaujolais mountains. The manufacture of Swiss cotton yarns and crochet embroideries was introduced at the end of the 18th century; at the beginning of the 19th figured stuffs, openworks and zephyrs were first produced. The manufacture of silk-plush for hats and machine-made velvets was set up towards the end of the 19th century. A busy trade is carried on in corn, cattle, linen, hemp, thread and leather."

Notable people

 * Jean-Baptiste Vietty, sculptor
 * Louis Sonnery-Martin, politician
 * Antoine Deflotrière, cyclist
 * Jean Jourlin, wrestler
 * Roger-Arnould Rivière, poet
 * David Christie, singer
 * Anne-Laure Casseleux, footballer
 * Corentin Tolisso, footballer

title: Tarare